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    Fantasia Cultures of Solidarity

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
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    688 views13 pages

    Fantasia Cultures of Solidarity

    Uploaded by

    Simon Diez Marcos
    Fantasia Cultures of Solidarity

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
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    CULTURES OF SOLIDARITY Consciousness, Action, and Contemporary American Workers RICK FANTASIA Univer or Catsrona Fess Bemeruey Lot ANoELes Lonoos anata Pros, Ld Unease Tenaga ft Useaty fala, Past Pperick tng 18 rary Cone Casopngin-Pubtin Dat ‘Tepper nie pbton nen mim, (Chapter One Culture and Consciousness in Action aly in the 1gf0s the news media began to devote an unas ovat ofattentin to theese of workings consciousness. Two ‘Smpeling. yee contrasting, developments fascinated the press. “The fst was the extraordinary labor upheaval in Poland, which {opened fo shake a socal onder many had thought immuable. Forged out ofthe soidacty displayed in generl strikes and but- tressed by the trent of sil more general sts, the “las com ‘Souapes of Polish workers riveted the attention of the Westera ros for months, The second development was the American bor TRovements seeming unresponsiveness toward Presieat Reagan's {fazen salt on the air afc contellers union, PATCO. Indeed, tie contrast between these fo events didnot go unnoticed. The Nao York Hes blonily sated in its Labor Day editorial in 1984 {ht soidrty and purpose are words to desrbe labor in Poland, Ferhapo, but notin this country.” And in an alusion to the actions Ether Polish colleagues, one commentator remarked that had ther union workers honored PATO picket ines, It would have Yecnover in fveminstes > ‘Who ake to explain the relative quiescence of American bor ‘n the fae ofthe uomistaable unin-busting tates employed fant PATCO, Lloyd Ulnan, then director ofthe laste of ‘stra Relations a the University of Calfori, Berkeley, ted the ack of weltons of soldat” in the American abar move ‘ent. Just as elas consciousness x considered an almost ‘natura 4 Celiar and Continent n Acton Dhenomenn among rk boul kf els conscious nesshas often been deemed inherent in the ci ‘can working elas. From the "Commons school” of industrial rls tions and Selig Perlman’s A Theory of the Labor Movement, to Daniel Bell, Seymour M. Lipset, and the “end of ideology” thesis, to two generations of Critial Theorists, the view that cass on: of the extraordinary degree of working lass solidarity ox pressed in the labor wars ofthe 1930s has served as a virtual ideal. typleal model of class consciousness, and the general strike has at times punctuated relations between capital and labor in American history? In 1981 few commentators seemed surprised that th sands of union and non-union workers crossed PATCO plcket lines whereas in 1994 the ethos of an injury to one is an injry to al ud soared toa general sceptance by local union the county over. ‘When one unin’ picket lies were atacked by ple ll unions in a given locality eheatened general strike. This happened again and ania ia 1994 and gag. Everywhere workers were saying fo palic and goons, "you smash that picket ine every union in the iby pong oot Inthe 1990s general strikes and factory occupations seemed tnamn= biguouslyto embody a powerful working-class consciousness inthe same ways tht the evident disunity over PATCO in 2961 seems to inderscore its absence. However, although anecdotal evidence is Abundant, actual research by sociologists lato w simon ivwiblyteted cay cnscaray sorts cane. 5 mages, attitudes, and ideational and verbal responses tothe ments in which they find themselves. The basi ap Dre has ean to dovelen sary miele deed omewe worker attitudes on a range of isues: class identification, work Satsicton and dst, cls animostien, and poled pre ferences. These attitudes are then correlated with any number of independent variables, such e sal level, racial or thn ientifce- Calreand Contino Acton ‘ tor, religion, age, sex, and 50 on, Armed with such dat, sooo fist then astess the degree of “class consciousness in given Petulation of workers. Some have found indctions of working- {hts conscoveness employing this methodlogy, although most “have turned up precious litle oft.” ‘But whether or not one "Bnds” css consciousness akin to the prcblem of whether the glass balmy oF haul it may re ‘el more sbout the relative optimism o pessimism ofthe soilo- ist than about the existence of class consciousness, Survey ree Search methodology entail some highly questionable assumptions ‘thon wsed in analyses of clare consciousness. The measuring of Iitzudes demands that an individual's response be recorded as his or her Bred views about an sue. although people’ responses and txgresins mat indeed be taken serouly by soc Slee, part of dong so means enngnsing thatthe word may bea paradoia) fn contradictory lace to those net Tn bistorical and ethaogrephie ccounts, sand pa iouress emerge requently fering the ast dii- potentially rewarding, problems for slo- slogial survey, in contrast, largely proses one (hough, ws ‘Salbing the methods by which indi i (eae Ths nue was Talied socinty by 8 actry worker ina ‘Taig t a toi research team, “Theres no use aang people ‘at they think they tell you something diferent “This problem was also recognized by a ptr of Bish scholars vo, employing the method, were struck by ts linitations. Robin Blekburn and Michael Mann found British workers “confused by the dlsh between conservation and proetaranim, but touched bybeth dey though concae ht oa te an staditory on i possible fn madiaions between “normal sllusnce, al relatons, “ntermitent redundancy” and “authoritarianism Marever, hy advancethe view that ifthe workers nur sample nfsed then they have every. it tobe, foe thle 29 lesion eft reali that snfroni her" The sorvey teres is own limitations im this eac general thowe not bur- end bythe limitations of survey eem beter ale to eeomize i wert IT For explo ‘ ltr md Conlon i Acton Frank Parkin argues the existence of a dual value system that pro- vides diferent moral frame of reference in different situations, and Howard Newty’s deferential farm worker fs “tora between the con- tractual elements of his relationship tothe farmer and the personal, partcularistic loyalties inherent in that same relationship... (and) blten ambivalent in his moral assessment of the socal and economic postion ofhis employer." Analyses pointing to paradoxes and oscil- lations in working-class consciousness that are largely precluded by the standard survey technigue have issued from scholars as diverse as John R. Commons, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Kai Erikson. ~ Survey research generally overlooks paradoxes in consciousness by recording responses a xed and static, Talo predludesacolec- five. dynamic in class consciousness by supposing that collective consi "be gleaned from the sum of separate Individual ‘tudes, A sui ofthe opinions of individual respondents recorded Ea given moment in time may appesr wholly diferent fromthe expressed by thove same. “respondents” in the eolve sction and Interaction. The issue isnot whether ‘the other represents the “true” consciousness, but ‘ather that individual attudes and colletive interaction somehow ust both b 0 lake the notion of lass consciousness, oF any group consciousness, seriously. ‘By relying 20 heavily on survey methodology, American stu- dents of clars consciousness have biased their analyses by overlook- iog potentially iluminating the collective acl he iat erupt periodically and’ sometim ts of surveys" For example, the Lubell Poll of 1959, among stelworkers, showed tht they were overwhelm {ingly opposed to the strike being threatened by their union leaders in contract negotiations and would not support the strike if was called, These findings, an encouragement to the steel industry management, put the union leader ina dificult situation. They, too, beloved the poll and were unnerved by it results, but were forced to declare a strike when negotiations broke dawn. Aceording toCharles Spencer: ‘The workers, contrary to the poll, gave the strike cll spontaneous id enthslstic rapport. The st lstid 116 days the longert Cultrs and Conttoneentn Acton 7 fn the histor ofthe industry. The militancy of thesrke confounded the Steelnasters, and the efi ofthe union were slow to unde ‘andthe feelings oftheir union members, |A similar phenomenen took place at the Vauahall automobile pnt in Luton, England, only months ater Vauxhall workers bad Been interviewed by John Goldthorpe and his associates inthe Afflu- tnt Worker research project.* The results showed that Vauxhall ‘workers were firmly integrated ito the system and held no deeply Felt grudges, Although they were satisfied with their wages, they Considered their jobs « boring, albeit inevitable, part oftheic lives. Goldthorpe concluded that cass consciousness was practically non testent at Vaunhll, His workers were ating according to middle ‘cass patter. ‘However, while the study was still atthe printer, some union niltants handed out summaries of ts conclusions. Awe: late, tho Daily Mail published a report showing Vauxhall’ profs (amounting te fg00 pet worker), nd tis, to, was circulated throughout the ant, An eruption ensued fr the nest two days, which The Times ported asfollows: ‘Wild oting as broken ow a the Vauxhall a factory fn Laon. ‘Thousands of workers strenmed oxofthe shopsand gathered on the factory yard. They besieged the management fo come ov SID “The Red Flag shouting “string them vp.” Groups attempted (© storm te ofc and battled pice which ha been called to pote, them, other examples could be offered to show similar “practical er tiques” of survey research.” . ‘One would ot want to conelude from this that such collective “exolosions of "represented the “uve” las ‘Sousnest af the tithe eer oe ee hy EEinsaroct Butt does suggert some things to be considered in ‘Bition to survey Fesearc on cis consiousnes: (1) the muney Yad natprodit~ indeed, could not have predcted—she results of the collective “chemistry”. among workers: (2) the impsct of the explosion at Vaunall war at lasts rportant for Ja ‘Sant yelions, the internal yams ofthe workplace ‘Tatu solider ainong the vo mciournes * ltrs end Concours in hatin specie moment, analyses ‘rained, Such appronches may cata frends, but crcial dynamics af colle thus wet | Being measured may not represent the collect lass _sonsefousness that studies purport ta show. T would argue, that the litations and problems are rt simply methodological but derive primarily from the ced. Tes not thatthe su easing pent “used. te study of cae contours, ‘Rese uated an ico) center n sh Bc e understood =O assist SEREEE as Gordon Morsall barge aan 2 he expense fc etn among te econ 7 ‘Sobre thoy can attempt fo ‘lange This pele bot conrned byt hit a cae on either‘ revolutionary or on amore. moda se Gosciounness i fenerated. ange by. sacl acon. Esporte av shown thst the relationships botworn aides tnd actions that ae important and tht thse an oly be studed contextually. Many have borrowed Marx's seemingly dichotomous notion of s las niuclfor abel a the kay problematic inthe sty ofl ‘consciousness, but the centrality of action and Intion has largely een ignored, In the oft-cited phrase from The Fests of Php. inven nn ofr cass into beg “as gaia apt but not et fo el. Tn thestugg thls mie besomes united, nd cote uel ‘oltre nd Contour in Acton . quality ofthe concept of class to an, “object the labor free, the concentration of wor industries, the occupations characteristics of « workforce, ship. Con “subjective” problem o Th istemology, “abjetivity” and “subjectivity are con- Jpined, not abstracted from each other. When Marx wrote about Tineteenth-century working-class movements, his focus was nek tor on the reuding habits of workers aor on how thoroughly they ad been iatbued with certain ideas, but rather on the extent £0 which thee procestes of internal orznization and their activities as revolutionary consciousness. That losav. ‘Mara sought to ground consciousness in Ie activity, in social be- [bg He eriicizad the Weal of Hegel, who matotsined the pi inasy of subjectivity und relegated social transformation exclusively to the kdeational realm: “In direct contrast to German philosophy ‘which descends from heaven to earth, Tere we asee rheresie cond om earth fo heaven," ee iboiigh many are fain enough with the Marx who “turned gel on hs heed,” there appears to have been a parallel confusion ‘over the actual result of this philosophical reworking. For the “earth” from whence Marx ascended was nota static, mechanical, “terial world” in which economle forms dictated thought pro- ‘coset, What seems forgoten is that, hile Marts epistemological project represented a ertique of the idealism of Hegel it just Significantly represented a critique of the, sac. materialism. of » ltr nd Colossi Action : world, He also went beyond both by intr. eating the mediaional role of conscious humen acti Thus he ‘etcendd edo dpe betwen cal elon sical materilsm by recogni the primacy of sensuous hr tpn acy = “Subject” and “abject were ot SREEROT Oa “chotomovr, but as dialectical interwoven trough human act~ ityeonsiousl undertaken; nother words In praxis ane orm of ‘onslousness that neither reflects noe reflected by the material sword, Praxis parpsive activity tht changes the world and is ‘hinged by tat the tame moment. From tha perspective, hua Iabarin apts soclet takes place win an expotave context that generates oppo. The actives of workers agit capita contain in themselves trensformative potent, for inthe couse of Strogeling to berate thee “socal being" iene thoraeain reed. the need for soley. -- and whit appeared to be & easisbecome end eae en. of-the revolutionary potent of the harcter of eevlutonary pre ci The extent and develop. ective subjectivity To Many, dat workers aovite means hat they crete new bond ish mestiomn dttncme oon lvlines ironed on them by expt rocey The ao ton of workers i their meetings and poups i by Well» wos revoluoary ct rit changes both realty ad the woes he fshen Ths soko crestor othr Grctedns std mutual Iie The ct and proces of aocstion, by bangig the worker ‘adie wok era gimp otofatre society {twas precisely this cmeaption of contousness-in-aseeation tht Inter informed Hosa Luxemburg s promotion of ndependentcollec- she strani of mre he gee Sen Ot prompted Antonio Gramsc to tress participation in workers coun- Eivarvehicie of evolutionary consciousness Bycusing exclusively onthe atitudinal nd verbal responses of individual workers, soclogy has been genenly Dpded to clas erprecied Inthe cllectvessvites of worker, wich sles sn may, ol the class stroctre is maintained, id i the process, of mutual association can repres Zoe attempt to restructre, or reorder, human relations. Hoss as Twill demonstrate empirialy, in the United States the formation of unions and the maintenance of strikes and rank-and> fle insurgent groups within wnions can be transformative activities that create and express sliderity simultaneously, embodying com ely imps i. ee ougent that such actives ae “revolutionary” inthe seu te etre designed to overthrow the soon order or ae seer Gale mi any simple or direct way. But although Sei tbe posed fo make roves, hey may in corn were ay ote Enaounes tty though sor of the wl or say ake reveuton, represats a uasfrmatve aoc cara a that oan shape cast relations in signiicant. Ways ‘ES STO ats couse sul be elon eae smal caps, slo] arangements, SSE Ste sain thes, rather Han on ads ab ‘ad inh cote of ola actin. Tad sapmrach sor comronant wit he mos pers ee tara ies of ace consioanes. For example HORA Annas has studied the growth of class sldrier in oni ctincntary Toulouse, France ousng onthe breakdown Sear ettatodl ors sucha he highly tus, exe Se Sy herrhical otbesoods of tacelr Journey Se eee ngronags and te esprgece of new forms of a ie roveing tne snsbiies of wider slr no SEA Gtpagtonac, the “sutal bene soley included wr dito organs son and vrved both as a“coe ree Neto of see funds and a mean of survellance of eS ere ses. or Aminzade, changing sual solaris steven nto chaning sarc of asians Fe es imiay compared tora odes in EO Je Unsted States inte inteeth century. On bth carr tec played an important cular. In Europe fie s Culare ond Consloutan in Acton ternal orders were largely clas-exclusive, promoting and nourish- fing las sympathies and traditions, whereas in the United States they were from the outset eros-class organizations, and as such Inhibited comparable associational bonds John Fosters study ofthe Industrial Revolution in three English tovms represents an attompt both to understand class conscious: ness by relating Its appearance or absence to the social structure tnd to characterize the variety of responses by the working clas to the rie of capitalism. For Foster, “class consciousness” represents ‘ working-class response (at one end ofa spectrum of responses) that is ideologically erystalized as a entique of capitalism asa sys Foster argues that if such class consciousness has mesning 3d the thetorc of workingcclas leader, it will ive & eric rion in the movement that advances it Such a ove- ‘ethnic and occupational divisions that divide the working class and prevent a sense of total class ‘dentieation, Forter views "status systoms" ot the other end of the spectrum) ‘asthe chief mechanism af labor fragmentation. But his focus ison the historical process of people constructing status systems (or subgroups) in order to protect themselves from inequality and lack of control over thelr lives, a5 well as to preserve and defend cortain lifestyles and privileges. Class consciousness and status are fot tivated as passive attributes, possessed or not by isl ple structuring their Foster approaches residence and marsage a two important fade ators of social distance among sectors ofthe working cass, For ‘example, he reasons that if marriages were more common between cxaftsmen and laborers, or Irish snd English, in one town or a other, we can assume a breakdown of traditional hierarchies of ‘ceupitional and ethnie status and an increasing iantifestion as pert of common class. Foster also studied the breakdown of the “ermployer household,” which yielded to emergent cultural institu- tions in the shape ofthe pub and the friendly society. Of particular value here.is that he stresses the potential of the latter either to become politically and culturally ted to “bourgeois authority (through licensing practices, and s0 on) orto become autonomous Institutions of working-class solidarity. ular nd Comeiouess i Action 2 Peruasively employed in thes historical aceounts, the notion of sie paupngcn tn ace process fenton, so salary a2 STeun by which the subordinate mur the power ofthe domi, ato eon sasedariustely in soctolgio theory, hough tis ofr boon soled idly in eel research * art ofthe ‘deal, T thnks is that. gradaona- conception of ats pre- velology rather than a notion of class a3 a he notion of social class” a itl typically employed in Amer can sociology differs in important respects fom "las" as itis under- Stood by most Marssts. Not surprisingly, this ha led toa good deal tf misunderstanding, with each side fequently talking past the fther, Within the fel of “socal straication,” tly conceived of as collections of individuals with shared social Characteristics, of fm possession of similar amounts of a scarce re~ Source (education, income, oceupatonal prestige). Distinctions are nade on the basis of the quantity of resources each individual receives, or the nature ofthe independent variables assoelated with, fone recipient group oF the other. This approach may be useful for “Enswering important questions about the degree of inequality em- bedded in society's distebution network, but is offen unwit- tingly confused with Marsist notions of class, which hnge-on the

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