On January 15, 1950 at 9:30 A.M., a closed meeting was held at the residence of. Pedro Albizu Campos, the President of the Nationalist Party in Puerto Rico, which also doubled as the Nationalist Party headquarters. Campos addressed the assembled group of prominent Nationalist members and the Nationalist Party board members for approximately four hours. One of the individuals in attendance was not who he claimed to be. Unknown to Campos and this group of forty to forty-five people was that one of them was an F.B.L informant known as T-6, According to the F.B.L files, T-6 was a “discontinued informant who, at the time of reporting these items was known to be furnishing reliable information."! T-6 reported from 1948-1950, a few months prior to Puerto Rico's major uprising in the 1950's. T-6 reported that Campos was excited and quoted Campos saying "the whole world is watching Puerto Rico and the United States and they know the situation of Puerto Rico through the efforts of the Nationalist Party.” Campos continued to state, “Puerto Rico is a decisive factor in the history of the world” and that “the Nationalist Party has a representative at each meeting of the United Nations,” Campos was elated when expressing. that “the Nationalist Party performed a miracle by forcing the United States representative at the [United Nations] Havana, Cuba conference to vacate his desk during part of the discussion on colonies.” Campos reminded his board members and the others that “[tJhe Nationalist Party should not forget that the ‘enemy’ is trying to remain in Puerto Rico through force.”? 1 Report made by Charles B, Peck (4-02-54), The F.B.. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_12.12_44.Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_12.12.44, 2 IbidPuerto Rico's mid twentieth century decolonization attempt influenced several different facets of life on the island as well as conflicts between the United States government and Puerto Rico. During, ‘this period and through 1990 the F.B.L. conducted intense surveillance of the Nationalist members. While history of this surveillance spans well over 60 years, the focus of this document will remain in the confines of the 1930s through the 1950s. The F.B.’'s surveillance was not only an attempt to impede Puerto Ricans increasing desire for revolution, but more importantly, the F.B.L equated Puerto Rican independence and its decolonization efforts with Communism. ‘The Declassification of Secret F.B.L Files ‘The history of Puerto Rico’s 1930-1950 attempts at decolonization and its independence movement are not typically subjects discussed when teaching American history, Members of the independence movement led a revolt throughout the island, but their acts reached beyond Puerto Rico and included an assassination attempt on President ‘Truman as well as an attack on Congress where several Congressmen were wounded. ‘These conflicts were mainly between the Nationalist Party, the Insular Police, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation; many innocent by-standers were injured or killed. The Insular Police, it should be noted, is a quasi-military police organization in Puerto Rico. For the United States, the treat of Communism was at the heart of the decision to closely monitor Puerto Rico. This was the reason that “for more than forty years the F.B.L, pursued a secret campaign of surveillance, disruption and repression against Puerto Rico's independence movement.” * While the number of supporters for the independence movement has no doubt diminished over the last fifty or so years, the Puerto Rican 3 New York Daily News, Gonzalez, Juan, Tuesday, May 23, 2000.movement for independence remains active still today. During a House Appropriations subcommittee hearing held in March of 2000, US. Congressman José E. Serrano questioned Louis J. Freeh who was the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation about the authenticity of this secret surveillance campaign and if secret files did in fact exist. According to the Serrano Report and other local New York news papers, Freeh stunned everyone when he admitted not only was this true, but that it “did tremendous destruction to many people, to the country, and certainly to the F.B.L” * Freeh then astonished everyone at the hearing by declassifying and releasing 1.8 million documents to Congressman Serrano. After reflecting on the amount of information and the substantial number of F.B.{ files, the stunned Congressman felt that, “for such a small population, Puerto Ricans must be the most investigative people in history."» The F.B. files detail a more accurate historical picture regarding the F.B.Ls involvement in Puerto Rico's decolonization attempt, movement for independence as well as the Nationalist Parties’ intentions and associations with Communism. AHistoriographical Perspective of Puerto Rico’s Decolonization and Independence Movement ‘The Soviet Union's successful post World War Il expansionism juxtaposed with the decolonization movement in the world defined the international perspective of the 1950s. Marxism-Leninism and its theory of Anti-imperialism were considerable influences in the national liberation movements of third world nations rebelling against colonial or puppet regimes, For many undeveloped nations, Communism became an ideology that united 4 Serrano, José, "Serrano Report” Representing the 16% Congressional District in the Bronx (March 31, 2006), 1 5 Serrano, José, "Serrano Report” Representing the 16% Congressional District in the Bronx (March 31, 2006), 1groups to combat imperialism or colonization. The Puerto Rican independence movement prompted the F.B.Lto regard Puerto Rico and the Nationalist Party as cultivating Communism within the borders of the United States. According to Athan Theoharis, a Professor of history specializing in the F.BL's history explains in his book The F.B.l. & American Democracy, that in 1936, the United States was concerned with domestic espionage sabotaging the war efforts during the end of World War II. Secretary of War, George Dern, was first to propose a civilian counterespionage service within the United States in the hopes of preparing federal officials with the means of detaining “any person intending to cripple our war effort with the use of espionage or sabotage."¢ Roosevelt did not approve Dren‘s proposal, however it motivated Roosevelt to solicit J. Edgar Hoover's opinion on “the question of subversive activities in the United States, particularly Fascism and Communism.” Once Hoover provided evidence and revealed his concerns, Roosevelt opted to set forth a directive for both Hoover and the Attorney General Cummings. The order was to open an “investigation with the Military Intelligence Division (MID) and the Office of Navel Intelligence (ONI)"S to probe into the activities of Fascism and Communism within the United States. On September 5, 1936, Hoover ambitiously ordered all F.B1L. field offices to “obtain from all possible sources information concerning subversive activities conducted in the United States by Communists, Fascisti, and representatives of advocates of other organizations or groups advocating the overthrow or replacement of the Government of 6 Athan Theoharis, The F.B.I. & American Democracy, (Kansas: 2004), 44-46. 7 Theoharis, The F.B.l. & American Democracy, 44-46. ® Theoharis, The F.B.L & American Democracy, 44-46. iniversity Press of Kansas,the United States.”? The decolonization efforts along with the radical speeches made by Campos attracted the F.B.l’s attention and they consequently began their surveillance on the Nationalist movement in Puerto Rico. Pedro Malavet, a native born Puerto Rican and Law Professor at the University of Florida, describes the 1930s temperament of Puerto Ricans in his book America’s Colony: ‘The political and cultural conflict between the United States and Puerto Rico. Malavet explains that “for more than two hundred years, Puerto Ricans have endured, and been marked by, the frustration that no matter how sophisticated their political thinking or organizing is, ultimately their lives continue to be dominated by the colonial power. This means that the politics of two large overseas nations-first Spain and now the United States-controls the political past, present, and future of the island and its residents.""® This long colonial history may explain the political views of some Puerto Ricans who yearn for freedom from the commonwealth status with the Untied States. Malavet continues with a 20" century view that appears to be consistent with the sampling of other author's perspectives used in this paper. That view is “From the start of the U.S. colony, Puerto Ricans were viewed as overwhelmingly poor, uneducated people who might nonetheless be ‘saved’ by Americanization, the project to educate Puerto Ricans with an essentialized vision of what it means to be ‘American,"!? Malavet does not explore in depth the possibility of nationalism descending into Fascism or Communism except to use a quote from Ronald Beiner. “Either fascism is a uniquely evil expression of an otherwise benign human need for belonging; or there is a ° Theoharis, The F.B.L & American Democracy, 44-46. 10 Pedro Malavet, America’s Colony: The political and cultural conflict between the United ‘States and Puerto Rico, (New York University Press, New York), 49, 11 Malavet, America’s Colony, 102.kind of latent fascism implicit in any impulse towards group belonging.” Malavet does continue giving his opinion, “the dominant U.S. legal and political culture has legally constructed Puerto Ricans as second-class citizens. But the Puerto Ricans have nonetheless developed their own political discourse and culture. That political activism, combined with their cultural self-identification and formation, clashes with the expectations of the United States. ‘The two previous’ mentioned authors define two distinct perceptions first from the US. government/F.B.I. perspective and then from a Puerto Rican’s or Nationalist Party perspective. Raymond Car, an English historian who specializes in Spanish and Latin American history portrays a completely different assessment of the decolonization efforts of Puerto Rico. In his book Puerto Rico: A colonial experiment, Carr argues that the current relationship between the United States and Puerto Rico is confusing them both. Carr explains that “Americans cannot bring themselves to recognize that the present relationship between the island and the United States is a colonial relationship; the various constitutional arrangements adopted since 1898-from ‘unincorporated territory’ to Commonwealth itself-hide from American eyes the fact that they own a colony, they cannot embrace a policy of decolonization."3 Carr clarifies that the turmoil was not just between the U.S. and Puerto Rico, but also between Puerto Ricans themselves. The Puerto Ricans divided in their political views between independence, statehood, and commonwealth. Carr makes it clear that "[s]ince 1953, the United States has maintained that the Puerto Rican people chose Commonwealth 1 Malavet, America’s Colony, 106. 33 Raymond Carr, Puerto Rico: A colonial experiment, A twentieth century fund study (New York University Press, 1984), 56.status by democratic processes.” Carr continues to explain that, “Divide and Rule was the classic device for the maintenance of colonial rule. The United States does not need to foster it. The Puerto Ricans divide themselves, Decolonization is a painless process when the political elite of a colony are united in demanding it and are agreed on the form it should take,” Carr's insight may provide one explanation as to why the independence movement failed, as the aristocratic population was not unified in its support for the independence of Puerto Rico. Carr displays a good argument concerning Campos and fascism. He indicates “Albizu [Campos] doctrine, which had led him to sympathize with Fascism, could become absorbed into modern, Marxist-Leninist anticolonialism. As he repeatedly stated, the only people who benefited from Puerto Rico’s economic integration with the United States were the mainland investors, This view was based on the assumption that Puerto Rico was a naturally rich country and that its misery resulted from the ‘confiscation’ of its wealth by the US. capitalists."'4 Though this may in fact have been the view of Campos, the truth was that the island was densely populated and was gradually depleting its natural resources. In fact Roosevelt's was attempting to shift Puerto Rico's economy from agricultural based to a manufactory based economy by giving tax breaks to manufactory companies that to open up business in Puerto Rico, but the turmoil and rumors of possible decolonization that were present throughout the island may have deterred investors. Pedro Albizu Campos: The Threat of the F.B.I. Puerto Rico's movement for independence may have seemed like an illogical action made by an unorganized group of people led by an incompetent leader. Why else would 14 Carr, Puerto Rico, 318.they have failed if this were not the case? Ironically, this mode of thought could not be farther from the truth. Campos, with his extensive education and abilities was the reason. the F.B. was particular apprehensive about the success of the independence movement. Campos was a highly educated man who was a very qualified leader. With an undergraduate degree in chemical engineering from the University of Vermont, Campos went on to become a successful officer in the United States Army during World War I. Since Campos was considered a mulatto, he was assigned to a black unit, in accordance to the U.S. military segregation policy. Honorably discharge from the military, Campos continued his education by attending Harvard Law School and upon graduation achieved the highest honor of valedictorian of his graduating class. Campos’ abilities stretched further than academic achievements. He was also fluent in six modern Carmpos in uniform languages, English, Spanish, French, German, Portuguese, and Italian as well as two classical languages, Latin and Greek.'S Campos continually suffered from discrimination throughout his time in mainland ‘America. While he successfully graduated from Harvard in 1921, he did not receive his degree or his license to practice law until 1922, Having already experienced racial discrimination in the military, Campos once again endured racial discrimination when 15 Report/letter from Edgar Thompson to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F.B.L. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5.attending Harvard. Reports indicate “that it would have been an “embarrassment” for a mulatto to give the Valedictory speech during graduation ceremonies so his exams were delayed.”!6 Passing the bar exam, Campos return to his hometown, Ponce, Puerto Rico, with his new wife and began a labor law practice. In 1924, Campos was elected Vice-President of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. In 1930, the Party's President Jose Coll y Chuchi, decided to leave the organization. Soon there after Campos was elected President of the Nationalist party. Campos began his radical ‘campaign for independence soon after he became President. Traveling throughout the island, Campos delivered fiery political speeches in many of the towns and cities of Puerto Rico, Puerto Ricans were in-turn either strongly in favor of independence or adamantly against it. This political division amongst Puerto Ricans was not limited to the island, but spread to mainland America, dividing Puerto Ricans who lived in cities such as New York, Chicago, and Washington. ‘The Rio Piedras Massacre and its consequences Rio Piedras, a suburb near Puerto Rico’s capital San Juan, marks beginning of the violence that followed the Independence movement until its failure in 1954. Special Agent Edgar Thompson and Special Agent L. G. Turrou wrote the most about the Rio Piedras 16 Report of Pedro Campos by Jack West F.B.l, 12/15/47-12/18/49, The F.B.|. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_7_07_39. 10Massacre in their reports to Hoover. Combining both of these accounts helps deliver a broader picture of happened that day at the University of Puerto Rico Rio Piedras campus. ‘Summarizing, Agent Thompson begins with the official police report. On October 24, 1935, students from the University held an assembly to peacefully protest insulting remarks made by Campos during a speech that he delivered via the radio. Campos had offended students by accusing the women as being prostitutes and the men as homosexuals for “not taking active steps to run the Americans off the island.”2” Campos's speech cost him considerable strength in his numbers. Several Nationalist members that were not students decided to attend this protest ‘as well to stand up for their views and show support for Campos. The administration of the University, fearing a violent riot, requested the Insular Police be present hoping this would restrain any tension. However, the tension rose and the protest did turn violent resulting with the Insular Police killing several members of the Nationalist party. The Police stopped two of the members, who were nota part of the protest or even close to the area of the protest, questioned them and then subsequently killed them. The Insular Police officials, in an attempt to send a strong message, promoted officers instead of convicting them. The message the Insular Police Officials hoped to get across was that even though Puerto Ricans were U. 1 Report/letter from Edgar Thompson to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F-B.I Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5. cvcitizens the Insular Police felt that the Constitution did not apply to them and apparently killing unarmed Puerto Ricans was an acceptable practice.!® The police chief in charge was former U.S. Army Colonel Elisha Francis Riggs. Rising to the rank of Colonel in World War I, Riggs’ background included holding the position as the attaché for the American Embassy in Russia as well as having an extensive background in military intelligence. The Nationalists and their leader, Campos, held Riggs responsible for this massacre, Special Agent L. G. Turrou of the F.B.L. took a signed statement from Pablo Jose Lavandero in New York City describing the events following the Rio Piedras Massacre. Lavandero, who was not comfortable with the duties asked of him by the Nationalist Party members and fearing for life for non-compliance, fled to New York after the Rio Piedras incident in hopes of relinquishing his membership from the Nationalist Party. Lavandero gave a detailed description to Agent Turrou about the events at the funeral of the four Nationalists killed in the massacre. According to Lavandero’s testimony, Campos demanded during the eulogy that all who attended the funeral should “take an oath and swear to avenge the deaths of those killed.” Campos continued, revealing to the attendees that Colonial Riggs was “the one who gave the order.” While Lavandero had indeed been a member of the National Party, he refused to be apart of the violence that followed. ‘On February 23, 1936, four months after the massacre, Nationalist members Hiram Rosado and Elias Beauchamp assassinated Riggs while on his way home from attending the Palm Sunday mass in San Juan’s Cathedral, The Insular Police quickly arrested Rosado and Beauchamp, but instead of taking them to jail the Insular Police executed them without a 18 Signed statement from Pablo Juan Santiago Lavandero to Special Agent L. G. Turro and reports from Turro, FB.l, March 28 1936, The FB. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5. © Ibid 12Fins Usauchamp before his execition prog courtney of ainamericanstudesar trial. The F-B1L. file remains eerily quiet on how the execution took place. In a letter addressed to the F.B1L. director dated March 14, 1936, Special Agent DiLillo wrote "What has not been forgotten is the killing of the two confessed Nationalists who committed the murder, by the Insular Police at Police Headquarters, after being arrested. The action of the Police has created a very tense situation in Puerto Rico.” Further in the same letter it states “The Governor's investigation, it seems, is being made on the possibility that Campos might be charged in the Insular Police Courts with instigating the murder of Riggs."2” On March 5, 1936, Campos along with six others were arrested by the F.B.1. with the charge of conspiring to overthrow the United States government. All the defendants furnished bonds after their arrest and a preliminary hearing was scheduled for March 19, +1936, Public speeches provided evidence against Campos. Charged with trying to overthrow the U.S. government, Campos also faced charges for the assassination of Riggs. Facing prison time did not deter Campos from his mission of trying to prepare for a revolution. The F.B files indicate that Campos unsuccessfully attempted to purchase large amounts of arms and ammunition from an Argentinian training ship on March 8, 1936, just 20 Signed statement from Pablo Juan Santiago Lavandero to Special Agent L. G. Turro and reports from Turro, F.B.L, March 28 1936, The F.B.l. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1_01.5. 13three days after his arrest. Campos allegedly told his contact that a revolution will occur in Puerto Rico as soon as sufficient arms are gathered,2! The Federal Government, with the help of Special Agent Turro’s report, did find Campos guilty of seditious conspiracy to overthrow the U.S. Government and sentenced him to ten years in a Federal penitentiary in Atlanta, Georgia. While gathering more intelligence to help lock down Campos’ conviction, Special Agent Thompson interviewed a Dr. William F. Lippitt, an American doctor working for the Insular Health Department (Federal Health Dept, Dr. Lippitt had lived on the istand for thirty-three years and because of his travels around the island, he had “the opportunity to see how the movement has spread.” According to Dr. Lippitt, “the Nationalist Party was not Communistic in its scope, as its main platform was the establishment of a Republic, but the Party advocates the use of force in order to secure this end and it was becoming a serious matter and something should be done to curb its activities.” Dr. Lippitt felt that Campos rect and violent means if could never become politically powerful since Campos used necessary”? to secure independence. Dr. Lippitt’s brother, who was also interviewed by Special Agent Thompson, was of the same opinion as his brother. According to Mr. Lippitt, the movement was very serious and he felt the Insular Police “did not appear to be able to cope with the situation.” Mr. Lippitt also informed Thompson that “[s]ometime ago, the Nationalist Army sent a man to Cuba to learn bomb making but he apparently was not successful along this line as it 21 Letter from the United States Attorney General to The Secretary of State, March 27 1936, ‘Tho F.B1l Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105- 11898 1.01.5. 22 Report/letter from Edgar Thompson to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F.B1. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5. 14became necessary later on to bring some professional bomb makers from Cuba to make the bombs here.” ‘The Rio Piedras Massacre represents a turning point in Puerto Rico's independence movement. Following the massacre and subsequent killings, the declassified F.B.1 records indicate that A. Cecil Snyder, the appointed U.S, Attorney for the District of Puerto Rico requested F.B.L. Agents be assigned to Puerto Rico in order to infiltrate the movement. ‘Whether Snyder knew about Hoover's directive from the President or if he really just felt that Hoover should know about this movement is unclear. What is clear is that Snyder urgently requested Hoover to send Special Agents that “speak Spanish, and have the appearance of a Latin’ in order to infiltrate the movements’ members and build a sure case against Campos. Hoover, in response to Snyder stated "I have directed Special Agents Edgar K. Thompson and D. DiLillo to report to San Juan...fand] instructed them to afford you every possible assistance so as to bring this case to a successful conclusion."** Snyder's letter also went into meticulous detail about Campos’ speech at the funeral of the Nationalists that were killed during the Rio Piedras Massacre, Campos, Snyder expressed, “delivered orations which come very close to inciting armed insurrection against the United States and its established government here” and that Campos continued with “Insulting the United States and its institutions”, as well as “endeavoring to incite 2 Report/letter from Edgar Thompson to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F.BA. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1_01.5. 24 Correspondence between A. Cecil Snyder, United States Attorney to the Director ofthe Federal Bureau of Investigation, January 15 1936, The F.B.l. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898.1_01.5. 15Puerto Ricans against the United States”, *5, Snyder continued to explain that the party began publishing a pamphlet “La Palabra” which according to Snyder incited in writing the same “invective and insurrections” common to Campos’ speeches. Snyder finished his letter maintaining the urgency of the need to extinguish this problem before the situation becomes out of hand. ‘The Special Agents’ findings ‘The Nationalists were essentially creating small renegade armies throughout the island, preparing for the revolution. Special Agents Thompson and D. DiLillo discovered that recruited Nationalists members were more than just uneducated young men and women, as once perceived, but prominent members of society as well. These members had various different professions such as Industrialists, Construction Engineers, Merchants, Pharmacists, Chemical engineers, a commissioner and other Attorneys. This wide spread membership added another dimension of difficulty and made observing and controlling the Nationalist Party even more challenging for the Insular Police. In an interview with police Chief's Secretary, C.W. Besosa, the Special Agents discovered that due to the lack of evidence the Insular Police were unable to do anything about the activities of the Nationalist Party or any individual terroristic actions of any of its members, Besosa stated, “that it has been very difficult to procure any evidence indicating 25 Letter from A. Cecil Snyder, United States Attorney to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, January 15 1936, The F.B.1. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5. 16that the party in general and its members in particular committed any violation against the Taw". 2 Itis repeatedly mentioned throughout the F.BAL. files, that Nationalist members practiced military drills in empty lots with wooden rifles, as if to imply they were lacking real weapons. However, the Nationalist may have had an ample supply of weapons. A 45 automatic pistol bearing the inscription "Property of the United States” *7 led authorities to believe that Nationalists were supplying themselves with weapons by stealing from the United States Army post in Puerto Rico. It was also suspected that the Nationalists were lated the F.B.I's fear of a having weapons flown in from Cuba. This would have v: connection between Campos, the Nationalist Party and Communistic Cuba. In Agent Thompson's report, whether or not the Nationalists were smuggling weapons, he indicates “the Nationalist Army had an aero-plane which was owned and piloted by the Basso Brothers who were staunch members of the movement and who were supposed to be engaged in the smuggling of arms from Cuba in their plane.’2* This led ‘Agent Thompson to interview Mr. H. Rodenbaugh, the local manager of Pan-American Airways, who also let the Basso Brothers store their plane in the airline's hanger. This interview revealed that the Department of Commerce had revoked the plane’s registration as well as both the Basso Brothers pilots’ licenses, 26 Report/letter from Edgar Thompson to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F.B.L Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1_01.5. 27 Report/letter from Edgar Thompson to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F.B.I. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5, 23 Ibid 7‘Though both the plane and its pilots were grounded, Mr. Rodenbaugh confirmed that the Basso Brothers were “still flying the plane although they have used white paint to mark the N.C. [registration number].” Mr. Rodenbaugh continued informing Agent ‘Thompson “that the plane was an old one and was not capable of making long flights as its fuel tanks were very small. When asked if it would be possible for the plane to fly to Cuba, Mr, Rodenbaugh stated "that it could not make a direct flight to that island but would have to stop in Santo Domingo for fuel.” Mr. Rodenbaugh was then asked if the plane could possibly be used to smuggle arms from nearby islands or Republics to Puerto Rico. He stated that “due to its small size and limited fuel supply, such a thing was almost impossible and in as much as it was a land plane he did not think that the Basso Brothers would undertake anything but short flights over water." Further investigation revealed that a lot of the funding for the Nationalists actually came from New York, According to Special Agent Di Lillo’s report “A mass meeting was held at the Park Palace [in New York City] by the Nationalist Party, to protest against the arrest of Pedro Albizu Campos. At which time Congressman Vito Marcantonio made an inflammatory speech, assailing the American Government for not granting independence to the people of Puerto Rico, declaring the Yankee Imperialism has been long abusing the Puerto Rican people by not granting them their deserved freedot Di Lillo’s report continued with “Other speakers at this meeting were James Ford and Robert Minor, outstanding leaders of the Communist Party. A collection of money was 29 Report/letter from Edgar Thompson to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F.B1L Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5. 50 Report/letter from D. Di Lillo to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F.B.L Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5. 18made at this meeting, and it was stated that this money was intended to be used for the revolutionary fund for liberating Puerto Rico from Yankee Imperialism." What first seemed to be an isolated instance contained on the island was now becoming a much broader, complicated issue. The question of possible decolonization inviting in Communism was answered. Communism was not only sitting at the door waiting for Puerto Ricans to revolution. gain their independence. It was helping to sustain th ‘The thread of information revealed by the Agents, Thompson and Di Lillo, produces some interesting questions and avenues for future research. First, why did Campos, a highly educated man with a very distinguished military career and a license to practice Law, have such a hatred for the United States? Second, was the U.S. Government as cruel to the people of Puerto Rico as Campos expressed they were? Lastly, was the Nationalist Party really a front for Communism? Agent Di Lillo's report brought to light some interesting facts about Campos after interviewing Charles Horton Terry, Commissioner of Elections and acting Secretary to Governor Blanton Winship. According to Di Lillo’s report, Mr. Horton “stated that he has known Pedro Albizu Campos since the latter was a boy. That he became acquainted with Campos twenty-five years ago, when he, Terry, was school Superintendent at Ponce, Puerto Rico...a youth of about 15 years of age...displayed a great deal of intelligence and appeared to be a lover of everything American.”? Mr, Horton continued to explain that Campos began to hate America after he experienced intense racial discrimination. 31 Report/letter from D. Di Lillo to the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, February 26, 1936, The F.B1. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5. BE Ibid 19After reviewing the reports made on Campos, discrimination seemed to be the main reason Campos detested America, but were his speeches and writings just releases of his deep-routed hatred or was he really trying to reveal cruel, illegal acts committed by the United States toward the people of Puerto Rico? Campos did shed light on how the United States used Puerto Ricans as lab rats in the name of cancer research. In 1932, Campos published a manuscript, accusing Dr. Cornelius Rhoads of using Puerto Rican patients at San Juan's Presbyterian Hospital in cancer testing experiments for the Rockefeller Institute. Pm ourtesy of wikipedia.org Sadly, Campos’ accusations were not without proof. According to the F.BuL files, Campos possessed a letter from Dr. Rhoads addressed to his friend Ferdie, Dr. Rhoads, a doctor and lead researcher with the Rockefeller Institute, made profound racists and dehumanizing statements about Puerto Ricans and also admitted to injecting Puerto Rican patients with live cancer cells. The following is a segment of his letter: can get a damn fine job here and am tempted to take it. It would be ideal except for the Porto Ricans - they are beyond doubt the dirtiest, laziest, most degenerate and thievish race of men ever inhabiting this sphere. It makes you sick to inhabit the same island with them. They are even lower than Italians. What this island needs is not public health work but a tidal wave or something to totally exterminate the population. It might then be livable. | have done my best to further the process of extermination by killing off 8 and transplanting cancer into several more. ‘The latter has not resulted in any fatalities so far. The matter of consideration for the patients’ welfare plays no role here ~ in fact, all 20physicians take delight in the abuse and torture of the unfortunate subjects.*? In 2003, the renowned bicethicist Dr. Jay Katz of Yale University conducted his own independent investigation and confirmed Campos’ accusations about Dr. Rhoads, that Rhoads was in-fact conducting experiments on patients for the Rockefeller Institute. With the Help of the Communist Party Earl Browder, the former General Secretary of the Communist Party in the United States, stated in his book Victory and After that "the United States is holding Puerto Rico in Imperialistic subjection. If our proclaimed ‘Good Neighbor’ policy is something deeper than the opportunism of the moment, then our nation's handling of Puerto Rico is a tragic blunder.”®* Browder's quote, that is recorded in Special Agent Peck’s report, relates Campos and the Nationalist Party with the Communist Party, both in Puerto Rico and the mainland United States. Special Agent Charles B. Peck wrote extensively about the relation between the Nationalist Party and the Communist Party. On the surface, they were viewed as two different parties, both having their own agenda, but beneath the surface, the F.B.I files revealed a much different story. Agent Peck’s report began on September 26, 1941 documenting the annual celebration of the Puerto Rican Communist Party, also known as the PCP, held at their headquarters in San Juan, According to Agent Peck's report, discussions of a future alliance with the Nationalist Party monopolized most of the conversations. Questions such as “[i]s this war an imperialist war? Should they fight for the 33 Letter from Dr. Cornelius P. Rhoads to Ferdie, (no date), The F.B.l. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_1.01.5. 34 Report made by Charles B. Peck (4-02-54), The F.B.. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_ 12.12.44. aaindependence of Puerto Rico? Should they fight for liberty of Pedro Albizu Campos?" were posed and discussed. T-19, an informant attending the party for the F.B.L, indicated that everyone attending the party answered, “Yes” to all three questions, and from that time on the Communist Party agreed with, supported, and fought along side with the Nationalist Party.35 Atthe next PCP meeting, according to T-20, another informant for the F.B.L, the PCP Central Committee planned and implemented the following resolutions. 1. Ask the President [Roosevelt] to release Pedro Albizu Campos and other Nationalist leaders. 2. Strengthen the campaign for the independence of Puerto Rico.”*> ‘The PCP did follow through with these resolutions in Puerto Rico, but the Communist Party of the United States, headquartered in New York City, stepped in to help when help was needed. Campos completed his ten-year sentence in an Atlanta, Georgia Federal Penitentiary in June of 1943, Once released, Campos elected to stay at the residence of Mrs. Consuelo, author of the Nationalist Party's publication “Pueblos Hispanos” in New York City. During Campos's stay at the residence, T-8, another F.B.l informant, reported seeing Earl Browder and Congressman Vito Marcantonio were seen entering this residence at 4:30 p.m, on June 4, 1943. Both men were leaders and advocates of the Communist Party in New York City. The time spent there was not recorded. T-8 reported that the same two men re-visited the residence the next day, but this time remained for several hours longer than the night before. According to T-8, on June 7, Congressman Marcantonio informed the U.S. probation office that Campos was gravely ill and needed to be hospitalized at Columbus Hospital in 35 Ibid 36 Ibid 22New York City, Both Browder and Congressman Marcantonio agreed to pay all of his expenses during his stay at the hospital. In the June issue of Pueblos Hispanos, published in 1943, an article was written by William Z. Foster and Earl Browder. In this article, Foster, the President of the National Committee of the Communist Party USA, and Browder, the General Secretary of the same Committee, both extended greetings and a speedy recovery to Campos. They announced the Communist Party's support in the independence movement of Puerto Rico. This support continued as reported by three different informants, T-8, T-10, and T-23, “that the subject [Campos] continued to be in frequent contact with Browder and Congressman Marcantonio."37 In 1945, new information was furnished by yet another informant, 7-25, indicating that Juan Emmanuelli, an alleged Puerto Rican Communist living in New York City, had maintained a friendship with Campos and was “keeping abreast of the subject's [Campos's] plans.”3* According to T-25, “Emmanuelli alleged in July, 1945, that Campos appeared to be 37 Report made by Charles B, Peck (4-02-54), The F-B.L. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898 12.12.44, en 23in favor of starting a revolution in Puerto Rico. The informant continued, Albizu Campos had stated, ‘Thave designated to each and every one of their places in our firing lines, and the least a patriot can do for his country is to have the privilege of the supreme sacrifice for the independence of his land." This threat of revolution did become apparent to the F.B.. when in December of 1947 Campos returned to the island greeted by a cheering crowd of approximately one thousand five hundred people. Joining Campos was Cesar Andreu Iglesias, the President of the Communist Party of Puerto Rico. Both Nationalists and its sympathizers made speeches, one being from [glesias in which he stated “that the Nationalist and the Communists are both part of the Puerto Rican family seeking independence and it was necessary to unite all patriotic forces of the country to achieve the realization of the ideal of independence.” This statement was confirmed when an Informant, T-22, reported that Ramon Mirabal, another member of the Puerto Rican Communist Party stated that, “We have held private conversations with Campos and promise to fight together with the nationalists."*! According to Agent Peck’s report, in 1948, Campos “was at that time, firmly anti- Communist and would not tolerate Communist sympathy among either the officers or rank and file members of the Nationalist Party.” “Confusing as it may be, Campos only mentioned his sentiment toward the Communist Party twice before the revolts. The first was in August 1950, Campos “had instructed his associates to make any public utterances 39 Report made by Charles B. Peck (4-02-54), The F.B.L Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898 12 12.44. Ibid “Ibid Ibid 24with care in order to avoid the Nationalist Party being considered in anyway in its views."** ‘The second mention was during a speech made on October 12, 1950 in Ponce, at the Columbus Day celebration. The following is a segment from Campos’ speech that was reported by Peck: What is more, here they now wish to implement the registering of Communist, lam an Apostolic Roman Catholic. 'm not a Communist. I don’t believe in historic determinism, because | believe that man, in his advance, controls, through his will, the development of history, with the aid of Providence. If I believed that man were predestined to be a pig, or to be any four-legged animal, | would not accept this. If man doesn't have free will to change his environment then why are the Communists fighting so hard to change conditions in Russia? This means that the struggle in which the Soviets are engaging all their dynamic power makes a falsehood of the fatalism of Communism in the field of sociology, in political science and in all action, which they undertake. Their fatalism is the fire, which transforms their steppes into great gardens and fields. But here, they wish to make us Catholics treat our Puerto Ricans who are Communists in the same manner. If the Puerto Ricans are Communist, this does not concern the Americans; they are Puerto Ricans. This is a question, which exclusively concerns Puerto Ricans, to threaten the erty ofa Communist because he is Puerto Rican, For this cause, we raise ourselves and strengthen ourselves to defend our liberty and our dignity. On the day when Puerto Rico is free, sovereign and independent, all the constitutional problems will be spread out for the true ‘comprehension of the nation. On that day, let the Communists present a constitutional plan adequate for our environment.!* Although Campos denied being associated with the Communist Party itis, clear that if the revolution had been successful than Campos would have been open to the idea of becoming Communist, but only if the Communist's intentions were aligned with his own agenda. 45 Report made by Charles B. Peck (4-02-54), The F.B1L. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898 12.12.44. “Ibid 25The Uprisings and Revolts of the Nationalist Party From the time when Campos returned to Puerto Rico in 1947 until October 30, 1950, the day of the uprisings and revolts, Campos traveled the island delivering provocative and rebellious speeches. A Gag Law also known as Law 53, was in place, which made it illegal for Puerto Ricans to display the Puerto Rican flag, sing a patriotic tune, or speak of independence and liberation. The Government felt this would help curtail the Nationalist Parties’ planning. The Gag Law had the opposite effect and actually increased tensions between the government and the majority of Puerto Ricans. In his many speeches given in various cities throughout Puerto Rico, Campos accused the United States Government of invading Puerto Rico and that “Peace between the United States and Puerto Rico will be made the day the United States recognizes the independence of Puerto Rico."#5 Campos, through his speeches, challenged the people of Puerto Rico to stand up for themselves and not to just become ‘Americans because the United States demanded it, While his speeches did make people stop and think, but did not sway the majority to follow him. The island was still divided between the three factions, pro-independence, pro-statehood, and pro-commonwealth. 45 Report made by Charles B. Peck (4-02-54) Campos speech at Mansti, Puerto Rico, The F.B.I. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105- 11898_12.12.44. 26In one of Campos’ speeches, he stated "Dr. Rafael, whose son, 18 years old, of high school age, is serving a sentence of two years in a penitentiary in the United States for refusing to register in the compulsory military service [selective service] of the United States.”#6 The argument, as Campos later explained, was not that young men who break the law by not registering for the selective service should not go to jail, but that the United ‘States imposed U.S. citizenship on the people of Puerto Rico and was forcing the people to follow its laws. Campos feared that the United States intended to extinguish the Nationalist ‘movement; “The plan which the Yankees have is this, there was a meeting in Fortaleza [the Governors mansion in Old San Juan}; the plan is: promote a riot to assassinate the Nationalists, to assassinate Pedro Albizu Campos."*” ‘This fear may have had some validity, considering the Ponce Massacre of 1937. The ‘massacre began as a peaceful march organized by the Nationalist Party to commemorate the ending of slavery and to peacefully protest the imprisonment of Campos, but ended in one of the bloodiest police slaughters in Puerto Rico's history. The police fired upon. innocent unarmed Nationalist members and citizens. When the smoke finally cleared, cighteen unarmed civilians were dead, two police officers were killed as well, and two hundred and thirty-five people were wounded. ‘On October 30, 1950, Campos ordered the members of the Nationalist Party to revolt against the United States Government's rule over Puerto Rico. A planned uprising sprung into action in various towns simultaneously. Pefiuelas, Mayagiiez, Naranji ‘Arecibo, and Ponce were all towns where uprising took place and minimum damage was 46 Report made by Charles B. Peck (4-02-54) Campos speech at Mansti, Puerto Rico, The F.B.l. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105- 11898.12.12.44. #7 Ibid 27stained, but the towns of Jayuya and Utuado suffered significantly more damage and loss of life, Both of these towns became war zones with mortar fire, grenades, and planes from the US. Air Force killing Nationalist members and destroying buildings.** On the same day, in San Juan, at 11:00 AM five Nationalists embarked in a green Plymouth to La Fortaleza where they were to carry out the planned attack to kill the governor and take over the residence. Police were aware of this attack and were prepared. ‘The Nationalists arrived in the courtyard area and began a gun battle that lasted fifteen ‘minutes. In the end, four Nationalists lay dead and one was taken to the hospital. Three police officers suffered injuries in the battle. While La Fortaleza was being attacked, Insular Police surrounded the Nationalists, headquarters, which doubled as Campos’ home. Campos did not surrender easily. After a four-day standoff, the Insular Police finally took Campos into custody with the help of tear gas. This confrontation with Campos marked the end of the attacks and clashes in Puerto Rico. The Nationalists involved in the conflicts who survived were rounded up and arrested. The inhabitants of the cities began the process of picking up and rebuilding after the conflicts, As far as the Insular Police and the F.B.L were concerned, the problems with 48 Report made by Charles B. Peck (4-02-54) The F.B.l. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_12_12_44. 48 Report made by (name marked out) (5-13-52) Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico, Internal Security, The F.B.I. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File S}-100-3_22.022.156. 28the Nationalists were over. With Campos in custody, the Nationalist Party was assumed to have dispersed. This however was not the case. On September 21, 1950, one month prior to the October 30 uprising, Griselio Torresola contacted Campos and plans began to formulate for the assassination of President Truman. The F.B1L records indicate “A memo was delivered to the board members of the New York Nationalist Party instructing them to send three men to Washington D.C. to attack the Blair House [current resident of President Truman]’s° ‘Two men, Griselio ‘Torresola and Oscar Collazo proceed with the attack on the Blair House, taking Griselio Torresola's life in the process. Oscar Collazo was arrested and sentenced to death. Truman ater commuted Collazo’s sentence to a lesser sentence of life in prison. In 1979, President Carter altered Collazo’s sentence as time severed and released Collazo. Collazo went back to Puerto Rico and lived peacefully until his death in 1994. ‘The F.B.L. records also show that another attack was in the planning. This attack turned out to be the last assault by the Nationalist party and it was the most notable confrontation next to the Truman assassination attempt. On March 1, 1954, four Puerto 50 Report made by Charles B. Peck (4-02-54) The F.B.l, Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898 12.1244. 29Rican Nationalists from New York traveled to Washington D.C. where from the Ladies’ Gallery, the balcony for visitors of the House of Representatives chamber, they watched the 83"4 Congress debate over the immigration bill. Two hundred and forty Representatives were in attendance for this debate. The four Nationalists, Lolita Lebrén, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Andres Figueroa Cordero, and Irving Flores Rodriguez began shooting toward the Representatives. Lebrén along with the others emptied the chamber of their handguns then Lebrén, unfurling a Puerto Rican flag, yelled out “Viva Puerto Rico!” Five Representatives were injured in the assault and were taken to a local hospital. Quickly apprehended, the four Nationalists were taken into custody. The minimum sentence was 70 years in prison for the four Nationalists. For ‘unknown reasons Figueroa Cordero, one of the assailants, was freed in 1978, a year prior to the release of the others.5t 5253 51 Office of the Clerk of the House of Representatives 5? New York Times March 1, 1954 Front Page 55 Los Angeles Times A Cuban conundrum, December 2011 30Campos’ attitude toward Communism and the Communist Party After the apprehension of Campos, the Insular Police and the F.B.1. heavily grilled Campos about his association with the Communist Party. In an F.B.L. interrogation held on November 4, 1950, Campos “categorically denied there was any ideological affinity between the Nationalist Party and the Communist Party or that the Nationalist Party or any of its members had ever received any assistance from the Communist Party or its, members." Campos continued his statements, making it clear that “cooperation between the Nationalist Party and the Communist Party, as parties or by their respective members, ‘would have been impossible without his knowledge and he had no such knowledge."5* No further mention of the relationship between the Nationalist Party and the Communist Party ‘was found in the F.B.L files, However, in 1979, President Carter negotiated a deal with Fidel Castro, the Communist President of Cuba, releasing the Nationalists associated in the Congress shooting in exchange for the release of several American CIA agents ‘that were being held in Cuba on espionage charges. 54 Report made by Charles B, Peck (4-02-54) The F.B1L. Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-11898_12_12_44, 55 Ibid 31Campos Released Campos remained in prison until November 15, 1964 when the Governor of Puerto Rico pardoned him because of failing health. While incarcerated, Campos had a stroke and was taken to San Juan's Presbyterian Hospital, the same hospital where cancer experiments were being proformed on unknowning Puerto Rican patients. Soon after being Campos nyipon 1953 hots caertesy ofp dia ors admitted, Campos complained that United States Army [Doctors] attacked him with nuclear rays. When officals began questioning the authenicity of Campos’ claims the doctors quickly suggested Campos was insane. In 1994, President Clinton's administration and the Department of Energy admitted to doing human radiaition experiments without patients’ consent in conjuction with the Rockefeller Institute.5* Campos died on April 21, 1965. More than "20,000 on lookers were in attendance at his furnaral, The 600 pound bronze coffin bearing Albizu [Campos] was carried throughout the street of Old San Jaun before coming to his resting place in the Old San Juan Cemetary.”s? Conclusion The successful prevention of the 1950 revolution attempt did not quench the desire for independece for all Puerto Ricans. Problems continued for the Insular Police and the F.BL. soon after Campos was put to rest. By 1960, with the Civil Rights movement in full swing throughout the United States, the thought of independence surfaced once again. It 56 U.S, House of Representatives, Committee on Energy and Commerce, Subcommittee on Energy Conservation and Power, American Nuclear Guinea Pigs: Three Decades of Radiation Experiments on U.S. citizens. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office 57 New York Times April 30, 1965 Front Page 32soon became apparent that even Hoover was becoming concered when he indicated in a letter that "Because of the increasing boldness apparent in the activities of such organizations, their utter disregard of the will of the majority, the inevitable communist and or Soviet effort to embarrass the United States, and the courage given to their cause by Castro’s Cuba, we must make a more positive effort, not only to curtail, but disrupt their activities.” To act on this meassure Hoover, in August 1960, wrote another letter to the Special Agent in charge of the San Juan office indicating not only the previously mentioned, but that “The Bureau is considering the feasibility of instituting a program of disruption to be directed against organizations which seek independence for Puerto Rico through other than lawful, peaceful means.”®? This course of action was soon implemented in Puerto Rico. Seeing positive results in Puerto Rico, Hoover directed the offices in New York, Chicago, and Washington D.C. to employ the same program of disruption. The F.B.l. continued gathering intelligence and counterintelligence on Puerto Ricans, both on the Island as well as in New York, Chicago, and many other cities throughout the United States, This practice continued well into the 1990's. It was not until the finanical crisis crippled Russia ending the Cold War that the program of disruption came to an end. The threat of Communism was no longer an issue in Puerto Rico. The F.B.L's surveillance of the Nationalist Party and the independence movement ‘could be interpreted as successful in linking Communism with the Nationalists’ movement for independence, while others may consider it circumstantial evidence. There is evidence 58 Letter from J. Edgar Hoover to Special Agent in Charge (SAC) of the San Juan Office, August 4, 1960, The F.B.I, Files on Puerto Ricans, Center at Hunter College (hereafter CUNY), File HQ-105-93124_1.01.7. obi 33to support the fact that the Communist party supported Campos, the Nationalist Party, and the fight for independence, but to equate Communism with the decolonization attempt cannot yet be verified with the evidence currently open to the public. Campos and his followers shared a vision of a free and sovereign Puerto Rican nation, not the demise of mainland America. Whether aquiring indepencedence would have helped or hindered Puerto Rico is an argument presently being debated amongst scholars, and the dispute for independence, statehood, and commonwealth continue to plague the island. 34