For fourteen years as mayor, in one hand William McNichols clasped a cigar, and in the other hand, he seized the city of Denver. William McNichols became the mayor of Denver in 1968, when abruptly former mayor, Tom Currigan resigned from the position in mid-term? The people of Denver then elected the mayor to three subsequent terms in 1971, 1975, and 1979, MeNichols ran for mayor again in 1983; however in the election, he did not even make the run-off. This action was a testament of the people of Denver becoming weary of McNichols age and his various allegiances to those around him. The people decided that the city of Denver needed a new mayor, some fresh blood; therefore they elected Frederico Pena, who was a very young candidate at the time. During his tenure as mayor, McNichols became a very controversial figure. He abused many privileges of the mayoral seat for his own personal gain; in exchange he provided those who supported him, with lucrative city contracts and raised their pay, all while the public failed to react. Before examining MeNichols it is important to understand the historiography of prominent figures of government who abuse their power. There are numerous incidents in history where prominent members of government misuse their power. A great example is in the article, “A Loss of Face to Face” by Jon Lawrence, examines the history of British politics. The event which prompts this examination of the history of British politics is an abuse of disbursements in their congress. The author explains to us citizens of the country, who can participate in politics and some of the special privileges members of government receive. He starts his article by elaborating on British politics in the 18% and 19% century. During this time only a few people could participate in British politics. In order to participate in politics, their was a social standard the person needed to be. In order to contribute, you need to have money, and this is one of the ways only a select few couldparticipate in the British politics.S He notes members of the British government, new salary and some of the tax exempts they can receive if they perform specific actions. § Lawrence mentions in his article, “A decade later, in 1924, MPs were granted free rail travel to and from their constituencies — a development which immediately encouraged some Labour MPs to introduce regular constituency ‘surgeries’ to hear their constituents’ problems first-hand.”’ Members of the MP were given exclusive benefits with the British rail. Since members of the MP were attempting to solve the problems people of the community might have they received special privileges. They were allowed to go, to and from various places of the community free of charge. ‘The primary focus of the article is to explain the history of British politics and it notes some examples where members take certain opportunities that are not available for everyone else. The focus of my paper is the misuse of power by Mayor McNichols. Examples of misuse of power regarding the McNichols’ era are, using supporters’ funds to pay for personal expenses, as well as helping out members of the secret fund with jobs of improving the city. I can use the information in the article and apply it to some of the examples in the MeNichols’ era. I can compare and contrast the different pieces of evidence provided in both articles. ‘The second article that I read, “Corruption and the Mexican Political System Continuity and Change,” discusses the role of corruption in the Mexican political system, One of the main questions the article attempts to answer is, if the function of corruption in politics has altered in the few years before 1999.° His argument is corruption in the Mexican government never wavers; there are always bureaucrats who are looking for their personal interests? The author provides numerous statistics and examples regardingcorruption during the 1990's. One of the examples he provides is Raul Salinas and his brother. The article notes, “As revealed primarily by the Raul Salinas case, evidence has emerged of back-room deals between the government and major businessmen, particularly in relation to the privatisation of state-owned enterprises in the early1990s and PRI campaign contributions.”® This is one of the numerous examples of corruption in Mexico. In Mexican politics there are numerous stories similar to this one, where there is evidence of secret deals occurring behind closed doors. It occurs so often that it seems natural that these deals go on. Before discussing and examining the political finances of Mayor MeNichols, there are terms which need to be defined, One of the terms, abuse of privileges means the mayor ‘was utilizing certain funds allotted to him by two groups who supported his seat in office, to pay for expenditures that he accrued. In exchange, the mayor negotiated with the various members of the two groups who are awarded with city business, which will be discussed later in the paper. The term dirty politics is synonymous with abuse of privileges. ‘Throughout the paper they are intermittently exchanged with one another. The two groups which is the focus of the paper are The Billy Boosters Club and Concern. The Billy Boosters Club was an organization of McNichols supporters, which paid for the numerous personal and official costs the mayor accumulated. The other organization comprised of McNichols supporters who provided the mayor with financial cushioning of campaign finances for his re-election bids, was Concern. It is important to note that many of the members of The Billy Booster Club also belonged to Concern. Official costs mean expenditures the mayor amassed while attending strictly, city business. Personal costs are expenditures paid by the group that are considered semi-quasi official meetings. These are conferences orcelebrations that do not entirely focus on the improvement of Denver.** The idea of media refers to the large newspapers in the Denver area. These include Rocky Mountain News, the Denver Post and the Straight Creek Journal. The next term run-off is where no candidate receives more than fifty percent of the first vote, then the two highest vote getters will go on toa run-off-2 The last term which should be defined is people. The term people refer to the citizens of Denver. These terms are very important to clarify, since they are central to the meaning of the paper. Next, is detailing how McNichols was able to get involved in city politics. After returning home in 1952, McNichols gained knowledge of city politics while he assisted his younger brother Steve and his triumphant campaign for governor of Denver in 1956.13 Seven years later in 1963, Steve approached then Mayor Tom Currigan, and asked him to appoint his brother, William McNichols as the Head of Public Works Department. Currigan was very reluctant to appoint McNichols as chief; however, representatives of MeNichols threatened Currigan that Steve would get personally involved and run for mayor in the next term.# Currigan had no alternative but to succumb, Steve was a very popular figure in Denver. McNichols became the Chief of the Public Works Department in 1963, only one step away from mayor, With MeNichols firmly entrenched in city politics, he did not have to wait long until he was involved in a very contentious battle for mayor. On December 31, 1968, at ten am, Tom Currigan, the mayor of Denver resigned from his post due to the lack of funds.15 His resignation ended his five years as mayor, and almost twenty years serving in some capacity as employee, officer or mayor of Denver. At the time, the salary for the mayor of Denver was $14,000." Currigan felt the salary was not sufficient enough to survive off of, however the citizens of Denver thought the contrary.‘There was numerous times where Denver rejected a bill that was proposed to increase the mayoral salary, Due to a lack of funds, Currigan was forced to take a more lucrative position as the Vice President of Continental Airlines, which increased his salary to approximately $20,000 to $40,000 annually.!” Currigan’s resignation created a void in the hierarchy of Denver politics.18 Since Currigan resigned mid-term, Denver city charter revealed that the position of mayor would be succeeded by the Chief of the Public Works Department, which was William MeNichols.19 While Currigan prepared to leave office, a struggle arose between Manager of Public Works William McNichols and Currigan’s choice for mayor, District Attorney Dave Tooley. Currigan devised a plan which would maneuver then District Attorney Dave Tooley, ahead of the Chief of Public Works, William McNichols, to become the mayor of Denver. The plan was contingent on William McNichols resigning as manager of the Public Works Department, enabling Dave Tooley to take the mayoral seat, and anoint his own man to manager” However, MeNichols was unable to let a great opportunity to pass him up. He refused to comply with the demands of Currigan and Tooley and maintained his position in the Public Works Department. Tooley became enraged, and Currigan had his hands tied, Currigan and Tooley were unable to persuade McNichols to abandon the post, and McNichols became the mayor of Denver. When MeNichols became mayor of Denver, supporters of Currigan kept the various traditions alive, while McNichols kept the staff from the Tom Currigan era intact. One request of Currigan’s he mentioned when he made his resignation speech was he asked his supporters to give their full-fledged backing to McNichols Currigan supporters did exactly that, as they decided to maintain some of the traditions for McNichols. Somewanted to him to enjoy many of the same privileges that former Mayor Tom Currigan had, while others were hoping to create a strong relationship with the mayor, in hopes of him maintaining tradition. Either way, the tradition was maintained for McNichols, and it proved to be instrumental. Without the traditions and support, McNichols would not have as easy ofa time serving as mayor. One of those traditions was instituting the Billy Boosters Club, which was derived from the Tom Tom club, and functioned in the same manner. This was a very important action; Currigan claimed one of the reasons why he resigned his position was because a Jack of funds offered for the mayor.22 Since the mayoral salary was so low, McNichols would need the fiscal assistance. Those who supported the Tom-Tom club decided to preserve the club and help MeNichols. In September 1969, an account was created at First National Bank. He received some financial support in the same manner Currigan did, and the amount at the time was sufficient for McNichols. He received a salary boost from $12,000 to $14,000.24 McNichols loyalists wanted to assure him that he had their full support. Followers of MeNichols wanted him to enjoy all the same privileges Tom Currigan had. The mayor's salary was low, and it was not sufficient to pay for specific items or events, as we saw in Currigan’s resignation, that was expected from the mayor. ‘The function of the Billy Booster Club was to assist the mayor with his financial expenditures. Since McNichols was the mayor, he had numerous obligations with various associations. The mayor salary was fairly low, only $14,000, which was the primary reason former mayor Tom Currigan, resigned from his post The mayor had memberships ina number of clubs, and the Billy Boosters Club was responsible for paying the various dues.25 ‘The variety of dues the club paid for were the Brown Palace Club, American Express, andthe United Airlines Club at Stapleton International Airport The Billy Boosters Club, which consisted of more than a 100 members who paid $100 per year, also paid for a variety of other costs of McNichols. Expenditures include Christmas cards, Christmas parties, floral bouguets and other various gifts.” McNichols also assisted members of the club with city business The Billy Booster Club was actually a mutually beneficial group for both parties. ‘The mayor was not the only person who benefited from his relationship with the Booster club. Various members of McNichols staff also gained financially from their relationship with the mayor and his association with the club. Ed Burke, who was a city councilman and not an official member of the Billy Boosters club, was the director of Sky Chefs a food service company Burke's company was responsible for providing the meal and building at a Booster party for the mayor? The Billy Boosters conducts business with a city councilman, who is affiliated with a catering enterprise for a party. Since the mayor had a correlation with the club, the members of the club decided to assista member of the mayor's cabinet, with their business During his first term as mayor, McNichols was very confident with the cit ability to grow. He also passed some very good ideas in order to improve the city’s deficit, McNichols raised the sales tax by three cents and abolished the head tax of which was $2. This enabled the city to generate approximately $10,000,000 in revenue, while not cutting anymore development plans.” The money was very much needed. The mayor emphasized his desire to purchase Denver's bus system. He believed the bus system would benefit the city with their revenues. At the time, many people were unaware of the financial support McNichols received; they were too busy being focused on the improvements of the city. Butwhen 1971 mayoral election came, opponents of McNichols uncovered some of his expenses and funds. ‘The re-election bid of 1971 for MeNichols was the first instance in which McNichols faced criticism for decisions he made regarding his campaign expenses and funds. At the time all McNichols revealed was the total cost of his election bid, and gave a very conservative estimate of the proportion of how much his campaign costs were given from his supporters.3? His main competitor at the time, District Attorney Dale Tooley, put pressure on McNichols by deciding to reveal an inclusive list of his campaign funds.>? The District Attorney made a bold move by forcing McNichols to disclose his campaign expenses and contributions, by releasing his own election expenditures He believed the voters wanted to see an honest man as mayor, and this action was the best way to gain the voters’ trust. McNichols, under enormous pressure, refused to succumb to Tooley’s demands. Instead he shifted the media's attention by stating his plan to improve Denver if, he gets re-elected. The citizens of Denver were weary of the claims by District Attorney ‘Tooley, but no other candidate could prove any serious wrongdoing committed by the mayor. Ultimately at the end, McNichols won the election as voters decided he was the best candidate for the job. In 1971 the mayor won his re-election bid by accomplishing two things, and one of those things was he campaigned effectively. In 1971 there were conflicting reports to exactly how much the mayor spent on his re-election campaign. On June 8", a Denver Post article revealed the mayor spent approximately $122,000 on his re-election bid.3 MeNichols chief rival, Dale Tooley, was somewhat close, with his campaign costs reported to be almost $115,000.” The numbers demonstrated a significant difference between the10 two candidates. In a campaign where every dollar makes a difference, the mayor supersedes his chief rival in spending by $7,000 more. However, in an article on June 14%, after the election, the Denver Post reports MeNichols spent $141,737.37. The article also mentioned McNichols spent a large proportion of his finances on campaigning via the media.%® This was one of the leading contributing factors that led to McNichols’ re-election for mayor. McNichols won the re-election by making specific promises which elevated his popularity and his chances for re-election. Another reason the mayor was re-elected is in 1971 he made promises to the citizens of Denver, in order to gain popularity and support. On June 13, 1971, in a Denver Post article, both leading candidates re-stated their goals to accomplish as mayor. Some of the goals mentioned by McNichols were his plans to restore the environment, housing, as. well as expanding the Platte River. By re-affirming these promises if he returns as mayor, McNichols' gained popularity, support and ultimately the vote of the people. Ina poll conducted by Research Services Inc., a Denver Post article shows McNichols was estimated to receive, 43% of the Democratic votes, 28% of the GOP votes and 35% of the independent votes.” He did have one obstacle to overcome. Throughout the campaign, McNichols failed to reveal the names of his donators; therefore the public was unable to identify the sources behind the money, Dale Tooley was one of the first to discover Mayor McNichols campaign discrepancies, He tried to shift the focus of the voter to the campaign funds of the two candidates. Tooley did this by revealing all his campaign expenditures as well as finances. This, in return was supposed to put pressure on McNichols so he would be forced to reveal all his finances. However, this did not work; the people of Denver were not reallyul concerned with campaign expenses. At the time the city of Denver was still being developed. Most of the voters were more focused on which candidate could do a better job ofimproving the city of Denver more. During the 1971 election, people were not aware with the Billy Boosters Club or Concern, Therefore the citizens of Denver could not react properly to the situation. They were aware of the District Attorney, and 1971 mayoral opponent, Dale Tooley’s claims, but there was not enough sufficient information to substantiate the claim. Many of McNichols donors approximately five to eight hundred wanted to remain unknown.*" The citizens of Denver were promised continued growth of the city, and this was very hard to pass up. After the election, the mayor refused to file a donor list of his election contributions. His aide, John Henry, maintained disclosing the list of contributors would seem humiliating for the donors. There were too many people who did not want the information, to be made public.*? Since the mayor refused to reveal his donor list, the people of Denver were forced to rely on their judgment. There was no hard evidence of any wrongdoing, so the people of Denver stuck with what they believed to be was the best candidate. Several focused on the development of the city, and assumed that no misconduct or corruption transpired. As time passed, the media began to dig into the mayor's financial records. In two years, the media uncovered many of the financial affiliations the mayor had. In MeNichols’ second term as mayor, allegations of the mayor's association with a secret campaign fund came to the publics’ attention. On November 1, 1973, the Denver Post published an article which concerned a builder who received special privileges since he had a personal relationship with the mayor.*3 The Gerv's Journal also reported preferential treatment of a supporter of the mayor ina city department. With allegations of cronyism,12 the mayor's image, somewhat hurt, took another blow when seventeen days later, the other local newspaper, The Rocky Mountain News, exposed the mayor's secret campaign funds.!5 McNichols tried to manage the situation as best he could. He told the city of Denver that he did not know the funds existed. However that did not stop the press from exploring the various business affiliations the mayor had. ‘The Rocky Mountain News was the first metro Denver newspaper to report about city officials who donated to a covert McNichols fund. In the newspaper article, the authors’ speculate who was involved and who were the prominent members of Concern.‘ The newspaper did know that there were several significant members who belonged to the club. Although the newspaper did not have concrete evidence, their motive was to show the people of Denver, the way their city politics functions, as well as to demonstrate the social networks of the mayor. When information was revealed to members of the media, the people of Denver, wanted answers from Mayor McNichols, and his associations with the funds. What was more problematic, was answering when the fund came into existence. Perhaps the most interesting aspect regarding the establishment of Concern is the date of the creation of the fund in respect to the election. Cecil Jones and Jeff Rosen in thelr article for the Rocky Mountain News in November of 1973 entitled, “City Appointees Donate to Secret McNichols Fund,” explain the fund is functioning for quite some time. The writers argue “For the past eight months political appointees at City Hall have been contributing $25 a month toa secret campaign fund for Mayor Bill McNichols’ expected re-election bid in 1975."*7 The relationship between the two dates is very important for us to mention. The article was written in late 1973 and the election is in late 1975, The two year difference between the date’s means when McNichols does run for his re-election bid, he has a very13 nice cushion to start campaigning with, The timeline of Concern’s existence is very interesting to view since the fund was created a full two years before his election. At the time more attention is on MeNichols and the secret fund of Concern. As journalists began digging deeper they also discovered a strong relationship between Concern and the Billy Boosters Club. The Rocky Mountain News explains, “Many of the city officials who quietly write checks to Concern every month also belong to a part political, part social group known as the Billy Boosters Club, which throws extravagant parties from time to time and helps the mayor with a number of more or less personal political expenses."*® The connection between the two groups has been revealed; several of the members of Billy Boosters also belong to the covert fund Concern. At the same time an article published in the same newspaper on November 20, 1973 mentions the treasurer of the club, “According to Reiff, the Billy Boosters Club is an entirely separate entity from Concern...” While several members of the Booster club belong to Concern, we must remember they are two separate funds, but there is a correlation between the two groups. However, while dealing with the backlash, McNichols made a couple of errors while dealing with the media and the city of Denver. One of the errors McNichols committed occurred as he tried to defend himself ‘against accusations in which he did know the fund existed. Concern, the fund in dispute, became a hotly discussed issue, as the media rushed to interview McNichols on information regarding the club. In an article in the Rocky Mountain News, Mayor McNichols maintained he had no prior knowledge of the plan to start fundraising for his campaign. The first time he had heard about it was when the Rocky Mountain News questioned him last week.®° The mayor proclaimed his innocence, he stated he did not have previous knowledge the fund14 even existed. Since the mayor had no prior knowledge of the fund until the media discovered the fund, he was unable to answer several of the questions people might have. Questions arose regarding the members of the club, but the mayor remained mum on the issue. He refused to cooperate by listing the members of the club. MeNichols claimed that he had no control in releasing the members of the club. He noted the campaign for his re-clection, called Concern, was created without his consent, and that he had no idea that it existed.St However there were conflicting reports to whether the mayor was informed regarding the club. Some of the members who were closely associated with the club, state MeNichols did have knowledge regarding the intentions of the club, Others insist that the mayor had no idea that the club even existed.52 The perception regarding the issue among many in the public was McNichols had something to hide. He did not want people to find the connection between him and the club, his various affiliations with business members, or the events that occurred behind closed doors. ‘The story of McNichols’ private fund garnered a lot of attention. There was a secret organization who was affiliated with McNichols, but the exact relationship between the two remained a mystery. Determined to uncover the truth, the press and the public dug even further into the relationship between the two parties. While they researched, the newspapers and journals found some very interesting information on the Billy Boosters, ‘The members and the various funds of the club were hidden, 53 The newspapers of Denver became very interested in this story. They first went to the mayor to see if he would answer any questions. But as soon as the media came hammering on the mayor's door he was not very helpful. McNichols declined to reveal any information of the donors without their knowledge, but suggested all the information they needed was right in front of them¢ The15 mayor was very meticulous with his words insinuating that no wrongdoing was done. He maintained that all the information the press wanted to know they could find out via public records, he was not concealing any information from them. In 1973 the Billy Booster Club paid for the mayor's Christmas cards. The Rocky Mountain News reported A.B. Hirschfield Press was the company which was responsible who created the mayor's annual Christmas cards‘ Edward Hirschfield, the president of the company, was a strong supporter of McNichols. He was apart of the mayor's re-election commission, as well as being member of the booster club. Describing Hirschfield’s business with mayor, the article conveyed, that the Hirschfield Press was largely involved in the business of the Denver:5? This was a good example of some of the functions of the. club, MeNichols provided members of the club with business; consequently the members business becomes somewhat stronger. This enabled the businesses to give money back to the mayor. This was just one example of how the mayor conducted business with his supporters. Another example of abuse of power by the mayor is his situation with a credit card and the Boosters Club. The club has given the mayor a credit card, which is used for very specific occasions such as airplane tickets, hotel room and dinners.5® The Straight Creek ‘Journal notes in their August 27, 1974 article, "The credit card was also used by the mayor to pay for a $128 dinner at a Washington D.C. dinner last spring,”*? The dinner with prominent members of Washington seems like a very casual meeting. When the Journal asks a councilman, “Was city business discussed?" the response given by the councilman is as follows, “Oh, no, nothing of that sort.”® Since the topic of the city of Denver never comes up in their dinner, is ita personal meeting or business meeting? It isa personal meeting,16 since the mayor's is attending dinner with his friends. They are not talking about the ways in which they can improve the city, all he is doing is taking a break from his job, which is fine, but it should not be charged to the Booster Club. This is a great example of McNichols abusing his power as a mayor and using it towards his advantage. At the time more attention was on McNichols and the secret fund of Concern. When journalists began digging deeper they discovered a strong relationship between Concern and another organization which supported McNichols, The Billy Boosters Club. The Rocky ‘Mountain News explains, “Many of the city officials who quietly write checks to Concern every month also belong to a part political, part social group known as the Billy Boosters Club, which throws extravagant parties from time to time and helps the mayor with a number of more or less personal political expenses.”®? The connection between the two ‘groups was revealed; the public knew that several of the members of Billy Boosters also belong to the covert fund Concern. The public would no longer accept the various excuses the mayor had to conceal his club, If McNichols wanted to remain the mayor of Denver, he had to disclose all information regarding the two clubs. Members of the city government wanted MeNichols and his supporters to reveal all of their financial information. In the middle of 1974 a young representative led the initiative for full financial disclosure of McNichols campaign funds. With the 1975 election nearing, the Billy Boosters Club revealed its membership and Concern released a list of financial contributions in 1974 and 1975 respectively. While tension mounted, a state bill in June of 1974, which was led by David Gaon, a very young Democratic representative, forced the club to reveal all their information. In 1974 of the News described, “The Billy Boosters Club...is coming out of the closet and will disclose its7 membership and financial dealings."6* Officials in the state legislature passed a bill which forced politicians to disclose all their financial information regarding the elections. Eleven months later, able to accomplish their goal, the campaign fund Concern decided to reveal a list of their donors and contributions.* Since the public was aware of the different relationships of the mayor they were able to make the various connections the mayor had. When both lists were revealed, the mayor's associations with significant members of Denver were established. ‘The names on the membership list were primarily composed of constituents of the city government and significant businessmen who had interest in Denver. One of the members of the Billy Boosters Club was Police Chief Harold Dill.65 Harold Dill was forced to resign as police chief under former mayor Tom Currigan, who was heavily criticized for this move.S When William McNichols became mayor he reinstituted Harold Dill as the police chief, which was viewed positively around Denver. As long as McNichols was the mayor of Denver, Harold Dill would be his police chief, no matter what the circumstances were. It was no surprise then when a list of the members of the Billy Booster Club was revealed, that Harold Dill was on it. He gained a lot if McNichols remained the mayor of Denver. Harold Dill was not the only person who had a vested interest in McNichols seat as mayor. As the 1975 mayoral election came closer, McNichols still had many supporters who trusted him, this in addition to the Billy Booster Club and Concern. During the 1975 mayoral election, District Attorney Dale Tooley, charged the McNichols administration of having a “conflict of interest”6? Dale Tooley alleged that their were members of the McNichols administration of having other side jobs, which created a potential, conflict of interest. Harold Cook, one of the men Tooley charged as having a18 conflict of interest, was working as a consulter for his family’s company. Another accusation of Tooley was regarding Max Zall. Tooley believed that since Max Zall lived in Arizona, even though he commuted to Denver daily, he had a “conflict of time”, which posed a problem for Denver.‘ Although the accusations of conflict were correct, the citizens of Denver did not care too much about this information. If they did, then they would not have re-elected McNichols for his third term in 1975, In the 1975 election, with his financial information revealed, McNichols won his bid for re-election. Many of the voters seemed very confident with McNichols in office, as he won convincingly, winning 56% of the vote.” The voters were very convinced McNichols was the right leader.” Out of all the participants in the election, McNichols had the most experience. He already proved he can be mayor; and was mayor for the previous seven years, What also proved beneficial to McNichols was his disregard for the party structure. In both the 1971 and 1975 campaigns, McNichols reached out across party lines, and created a mixture of Democrats and Republicans support. This idea was one of the reasons MeNichols was able to win both the elections.’ McNichols also made dramatic improvements to the city in his first full term. He made certain renovations that helped expand the city. ‘The primary reason McNichols won the election in 1975 was he was still developing the city of Denver. In September 1972, McNichols helped Denver develop even further. In this month, he facilitated an $88 million bond issue that constructed the Denver Center for the Performing Arts, and the McNichols Sports Arena. The bond also helped pay for the brand new city jail, as well as the new command centers for the police and fire units.”3 These new improvements helped Denver tremendously. The sports arena was utilized by19 the Denver Nuggets and the Colorado Avalanche for many years and the Denver Center for the Performing Arts is still standing today. In the 1979 election, the Billy Boosters Club described the amount of money they rose to help the mayor, McNichols waited to release the information regarding the club, until after the election. The newspaper report revealed some of the expenditures the mayor accrued. One of the largest purchases was the mayor's Christmas cards, which included closing and mailing of the cards.7* With regards to his campaign, the mayor insisted that the funds that were generated by the club had no affiliation to his re-election bid, whatsoever.’ He maintained that they were independent from the funds associated with his re-election bid. The citizens of Denver believed McNichols. They felt McNichols was good enough for the position so they elected him to another term as mayor. ‘The citizens of Denver were not overly concerned with the Billy Boosters Club, Instead they focused on the development of the city of Denver. One man believed the mayor was deeply dedicated to developing the parks as well as the capital improvements.” In 1977, the mayor revealed a plan to help resurrect the housing situation. He proposed that the old neighborhoods would be given an enhanced city services, with easier admittance to mortgages and various housing loans.” This became a significant issue in the Denver. Not many people were happy with the mayor's handling of housing. At the same time, Denver had no substantial dilemmas, which was a very good thing”® The citizens of Denver also viewed the new concert hall and police administration building; both were in the process of being constructed in 1977.” However when MeNichols embarked on his fourth term in office, certain events transpired, which never allowed him to recover from.20 MeNichols fourth term in office proved to be very difficult for him to overcome. ‘Towards the end of McNichols fourth term as mayor, many obstacles were in the way for McNichols and his re-clection bid in 1983. The first obstacle McNichols dealt with was the fallout from his Manager of Safety, Elvin Caldwell. The Rocky Mountain News reported Caldwell exercised his authority as a city official to assist some alleged gamblers to secure city permits and to create nightclubs.” McNichols had even more members of his city government that caused trouble for his campaign. A couple of problems that McNichols coped with were one of McNichols chief tax auditor stole in excess of $650,000, while a MeNichols appointee was charged of bribery.*! Both instances only reminded the voters of the politicians who were similar to Max Zall or those who abused their privileges, since they were prominent figures in society, ‘This news did not bode well for the mayor, especially since McNichols was affiliated with The Billy Boosters Club and Concern, The people became increasingly apprehensive with members of McNichols cabinet. In order to help McNichols chances for re-election, his aides supposedly urged him to release five officials. He had to take some sort of action which would have denounced any wrongdoing, However, McNichols refuted any such notion; he maintained that his aides did not suggest this sort of action.® But, McNichols had to take some sort of action in order to retain his seat as mayor. Unfortunately for McNichols he had several other problems to deal with regards to his bid for his fourth re-election in 1983. McNichols and the city of Denver were ill prepared for the Christmas Eve blizzard which proved to be very costly to the mayor’s prospects for being re-elected. After a week had past, the city had still felt the effects of the blizzard. Many placed the blame on21 McNichols. They were upset that the city did not have an emergency plan in place, especially a city as big as Denver? McNichols could no longer resurrect support for his, attempt for re-election. The people of Denver were too angry at the city government. MeNichols also lost numerous supporters; they felt as if McNichols was no longer able to lead the city of Denver as mayor. In the 1983 election several of the conservative voters decided to abandon the mayor. While some felt McNichols was too old to lead as mayor, some felt that over the years he had lost his original view Later in the weeks that led to the election McNichols experienced an overwhelming strike to his probability re-election. In the final weeks before election, McNichols suffered a severe blow which shattered his probability of being re-elected, Two members of McNichols’ cabinet attended a meeting where their was a discussion that focused on stealing profits. Manager of Public Safety Elvin Caldwell and Police Chief Art Dill were suspended for their presence in which a congregation transpired that detailed the unlawful shaving of bingo profits.®° Both were important figures in the community, as well as in the McNichols administration. McNichols had to suspend the two men.®” If he failed to react to the situation, it would insinuate the mayor condoned the idea of stealing. A failure to react would have also diminished the chances for McNichols re-election. However he was unable to recover from a series of setbacks in his final term as mayor. William McNichols lost his bid for re-election, and he stepped down from the position of mayor in 1983.% McNichols served as the mayor of Denver for fourteen years. The mayor was a very controversial figure, but he was also revered by many. During his tenure the certain practices and traditions the mayor maintained which became highly contested. He utilized ‘two groups, the Billy Booster Club as well as Concern which provided him with financial2 support. The Billy Booster Club dealt more with McNichols and his personal expenditures. Concern was more for official expenditures such as the numerous re-election bids of the mayor. Several charged McNichols with corruption; however, McNichols claimed his innocence. The publics’ opinion of McNichols was a down sloped curve. In the initial stages of McNichols’ campaign he was seen as a very good leader for the city of Denver. However by his third term as mayor, various newspapers reported several acts by the McNichols cabinet which was very hard to forgive. In his fourth bid for re-election in 1983 McNichols lost the mayoral seat to Federico Pena, which ended his tenure as mayor. | Rocky Mountain News, December 19, 1982, Pg 6. 2 Rocky Mountain News, December 8, 1968, Pg 1. * Jon Lawrence, “A Loss of Face fo Face,” History Today 59, no. 8 (2009), bbtp://0- web ebscahost. com, skin uedenver edshost Stall?vid-74hid~Tésid- 85240 ef5-1ee-a631 2h] 935234 sessionmsr] 3d InN pAGUOZ Whe SOHSGL270%34P4RdUN-apheeAN= 43675307, Date accessed April 4, 2010. Pe. 1 “Jon Lawrence, “A Loss of Face to Face,” Pg. 1. * Jon Lawrence, “A Loss of Face to Face,” Pg. | ® Jon Lawrence, “A Loss of Face to Face,” Pg. 1, 7 Jon Lawrence, “A Loss of Face to Face,” Pg. 1. * Stephen Morris, “Corruption and the Mexican Political System: Continuity and Change," Third World Quarterly 20, no. 3 (1999), hitp://0- seth chicchost.com skyline nedemver.ch shostipde merpfseser Vid-B&hid-78sid-8524UR 15. 47e0-043L ZodebasS2eMadisessionmgrl. Pp 624 * Stephen Morris, “Corruption and the Mexican Political System: Continuity and Change ,” Pg. 627 ° Stephen Morris, “Corruption and the Mexican Political System: Continuity and ‘Change ,” Pg, 630 11 Doug Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slows Stiptase In Revealing Data" Straight CreckJouraal V3 #38 (August 27, 1974) Pe. 12). " Rocky Mountain Nows, March 13, 1983, Pg. 1 '’ Denver Post, February 6, 1983, Pg. 1A. ' Denver Post, February 6, 1983, Pg. 11A. “S Denver Post, December 8, 1968, Pg. 2. 16 Rocky Mountain News, December 8, 1968, Pg. 2. © Denver Post, December 8, 1968, Pg. L. 18 Recky Mountain News, December 8, 1968, Pa, 1 ° Denver Post, December 8, 1968, Pg. 1 * Denver Post, December 6, 1978, Pg. 33. * Denver Post, December 8, 1968, Pg. 2. ® Denver Port, December 8, 1968, Pp. * Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slow Striptease In Revealing Data,” Straight Creck Journal V.3 #35 (August 27, 1974 Pe, * Denver Post, December 8, 1968, Pg. 1.23 5 Rocky Mountain News, September 11, 1978, Pe. 6, 2 Rocky Mountain News, September 11, 1978, Pg. 6. ” Rocky Mountain News, November 18, 1973, Pg. 5. 2 Rocky Mountain News, September 11, 1978, p.6 » Rocky Mountain News, September 11, 1978, p.6, and Straight Creek Journal, August 27, 1974, pg. 12 >” Rocky Mountain News, September 9, 1969, Pg. 5, 11. *! Rocky Mountain News, September 9, 1969, Pg. 5. ® Denver Post, June &, 1971, Pg. 3. * Yarsen, “Mayoral Rivals Sum It Up-Each Tells Goals,” Pg. 16, > Larsen, “Mayoral Rivals Sum It Up-Each Tells Goals,” Pg. 16. Larsen, “Mayoral Rivals Sum It Up-Each Tells Goals,” Pg. 16. » Denver Post, June 8, 1971, Pg. 3. 37 Denver Post, June 8, 1971, Pg. 3. ° Denver Post, June 14, 1971, Pg. 3. ® Denver Post, June 13, 1971, Pg. 16. © Denver Post, April 25, 1971, Pg. 17. "' Denver Post, Jane 8, 1971, Pg. 3. ® Denver Post, Sune 16, 1971, Pg. 2: ® Denver Post, November 1, 1973, Pgs. 31, 34. ™ Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slow Striptease In Revealing Data,” Straight Creek Jounal V.3 #35 (August 27, 1974) Pe 3. * Rocky Mountain News, November 18, 1973, Pg. 5. * Rocky Mountain News, November 20, 1973, Pg. 1. ”” Rocky Mountain News, November 18, 1973, pg 5 “© Rocky Mountain News, November 18, 1973, pg 5 * Rocky Mountain News, November 20, 1973, pg & © Rocky Mountain News, November 20, 1973, Pg. 1 °! Rocky Mountain News, November 20, 1973, Pg. 1. * Rocky Mountain News, November 18, 1973, Pg. 5. ® Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slow Striptease In Revealing Data,” pg 3 Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slow Striptease In Revealing Data,” pg 3 Rocky Mountain News, August 5, 1979, p. 8 © Rocky Mountain News, August 5, 1979, p. 8 *' Rocky Mountain News, August 5, 1979, p. 8 * Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slow Striptease In Revealing Data,” pg 12 * Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slow Striptease In Revealing Data,” pg 12 ® Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slow Striptease In Revealing Data,” pg 12 ® Vaughan, “The Mayor Does A Slow Striptease In Revealing Data,” pg 12 ® Rocky Mountain News, November 18, 1973, Pg. 5. ® Rocky Mountain News, June 25, 1974, Pg. 5. Rocky Mountain News, March 26, 1975, Pg. 5. ® Rocky Mountain News, July 3, 1974, Pg. 23. ® Rocky Mountain News, November 23, 1967, Pg. 5. *” Denver Post, June 5, 1975, Pg. 3. ® Denver Post, June 5, 1975, Pg. 3. ® Denver Post, June 5, 1975, Pg. 20. ” Rocky Mountain News, May 18, 1983, Pg. 7. 7 Rocky Mountain News, Sune 14, 1979, Pg. 10. Denver Post, April 17, 1977, Pg. 31. 2: Rocky Mountain News, May 18, 1983, Pg 7. ™ Rocky Mountain News, August 5, 1979, Pg. 8. "5 Rocky Mountain News, August 5, 1979, Pg. 8. Denver Post, April 17, 1977, Pg, 36. 7 Denver Post, April 17, 1977, Pg. 31, ™ Denver Post, April 17, 1977, Pg. 31.24 ® Denver Post, April 17, 1977, Pe. 27. © Rocky Mountain News, March 13, 1983, Pg 7. ® Rocky Mountain News, May 18, 1983, Pa. 18. "Rocky Mountain News, March 5, 1983, Ps. 6. Rocky Mountain News, Fenuary 2, 1983, Pg. & Rocky Mountain News, Fanuary 2, 1983, Pg. 8 ** Rocky Mountain News, May 18, 1983. Pg 27 © Rocky Mountain News, May 18, 1983, Pg, 7 © Rocky Mountain News, May 18, 1983, Pg, 7 Rocky Mountain News, June 27, 1983, Pg, 26.