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ThePardoQuestion

NuevoMundoMundos
Nuevos
NouveauxmondesmondesnouveauxNovoMundoMundosNovosNewworldNew
worlds
Matriauxdesminaires|2008

ALEJANDROE.GMEZ

ThePardoQuestion
PoliticalstrugglesonFreeColoredsrighttocitizenshipduringthe
RevolutionofCaracas,17971813
[08/06/2008]

Entresdindex
Keywords: Citizenship,FranciscodeMiranda,FreeBlacks,FreeColoreds,Independences,
Mulattoes,Pardos,Race,RevolutionofCaracas,Slavery
Gographique: AtlanticWorld,Caracas,Caribbean,Guadeloupe,LaGuaira,Venezuela
Chronologique: 18thcentury,19thcentury
Notesdelardaction
ThispaperwasoriginallypresentedattheAtlanticHistoryWorkshop:TheAgeofRevolutioninthe
AtlanticWorld,heldbytheMichiganStateUniversityinMay2004.IwouldliketothankLaurent
Duboisforthecriticallecturehegavetothetextafterwards.Adefinitiveversionofthisworkwas
publishedinSpanishaspartoftheDossierIndependencias,availablefromtheejournalNuevo
MundoMundosNuevos,No.8(2008).

Texteintgral
Themulattoes,thePardos,thedarkpeoplewerewithhim.Themulattoesfoughtlike
demonsinValencia.Evenwhenthewhitepeoplesurrenderedtheyfoughton.Ihadfive
thousandmen.Themulattoesfoughtonevenwhentherewereonlyfivehundredofthem.
Forthem,asyousay,thequestionoftherevolutionwas:Whoisgoingtoruleoverus?
Andtheysimplydidntwanttoberuledbythepeopleonmyside.
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V.S.Naipaul,AWayintheWorld,1994
1

Intheearly19 thcentury,theFreeColoredpopulationoftheProvinceofCaracasmost
commonly known as Pardos reached nearly 45% of the total: some 190 thousand
individuals between Mulattoes and Free Blacks. This unusual high percentage of Free
Coloreds drove French voyager, Franois Depons, to write the following to describe the
human landscape he observed when visiting Caracas in 1794: In proportion to other
socialclasses,probablythereisnotintheWestIndiesacitywithasmuchemancipated
ordescendentsofemancipated.1
AsinotherslavesocietiesoftheGreaterCaribbean,VenezuelanPardoswereregardedby
localWhitesastheworstofallsocioethnicgroups,becauseoftheirAfricanascendance,
theirbastardizedorigin,theirbrowncolor,andtheestateofbondagetheirancestorshad
been subjected to. This stereotyped perception affected Pardos in everyday life through
manyformsofsocial,spatialandlegalsegregation.Inlate18thcentury,thissituationhad
turnedintolerableformembersofthepardoelite(thesocalledPardosBenemritos),who
bythattimehadconformedaverysmalllighterskinnedandwealthyurbanminority.
In order to better understand what would happen later during the Revolution of
Caracas(18101812),itisimportanttopointouthowclosemembersofthatelitewerein
termsofskinvaluestowhitearistocrats(Mantuanos):Theybothdespisedthosewhowere
belowtheminthesocioethnicqualityscale. 2Therefore,thesocioethnictensionsinthe
Venezuelan colonial society in the early stages of the Age of Revolutions cannot be
understoodmerelyintermsofwhite/brownopposition,butalsothroughthetensionsthat
existedbetweenwhiterandlesserwhitersectorsamongsttheFreeColoredpeople.
OncetherevolutionarywindsbegantoaffecttheCoastofCaracasinmid1790,another
tension would develop this time amongst White Creoles, in regard to their position
towardsindependencefromSpainandongrantingcitizenshiptoFreeColoreds.Inorder
to understand the ideological profile of those who favored the cause of the latter, it is
importanttotakeintoconsiderationthesourcesoftheirideologicalprofile:theinfluence
theygotfromtheJacobininspiredMadrilenianconspiracyofSanBlas(1795),fromtheir
connectionswithVictorHuguesregimeinGuadeloupe,andfromtheideasoftheWhite
CreoleFranciscodeMiranda.
ProvinceofCaracaspopulation,18001810
Ethnosocialgroups

Undercategories

Totals

Percentage

99.642

25.62%

CreolesAristocracy

1.945

0.5%

Spaniards

5.056

1.3%

WhiteCreoles

71.946

18.5%

LesserWhites

20.690

5.3%

TributaryIndians

47.605

12.24%

Pardos

147.136

37.83

FreeBlacks

33.632

6.64%

Slaves

60.880

15.65%

Whites

Thedataforthistablewastakenfrom:ManuelLUCENASALMORAL,LaSociedaddelaProvinciadeCaracas
aComienzosdelSigloXIX,inAnuariodeEstudiosAmericanos,XXXVII,pp.811

I.TheGuadalupeanConnection
5

In December 1794, French republican troops reinforced with local colored people and

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leadedbythecommissionerVictorHugues,succeededonexpellingBritishforcesfromthe
island of Guadeloupe. Then he decided to set up a private navy of corsairs, in order to
harass British interests in thee Caribbean and also to spread the bonne parole of the
revolutionthroughouttheregion. 3HealsocommittedhimselfonapplyingtheNational
Conventions abolition decree of February the 4 th, but in accordance to certain gradual
principlesbywhichformerslavesthathadntjoinedtherepublicanforcesweretoremain
workingintheplantations. 4
In the case of the CaptaincyGeneral of Venezuela, we know that those corsairs
encouragedamassiveslaveinsurrectionagainstthecolonialgovernmentinmid1795,at
the surroundings of the northwestern city of Coro. On that occasion, a group of Free
BlacksturnedslavesagainstWhitesclaimingtheapplicationofthelawoftheFrench.5
Although this insurrection failed and its leaders executed, the ideological influence of
thosecorsairsondiscontentedsectoroftheVenezuelansocietywouldnotstop.Butitwas
not the only source of revolutionary influence: In June 1797, another insurrection broke
out in the coastal city of La Guaira, a few miles north from Caracas. This time it was
leaded by some White Creoles, Manuel Gual and Jos Mara Espaa, who had been
encouragedtoconspireagainsttheSpanishcolonialgovernmentbysomeprisoners(Reos
deEstado) recently dispatched from Spain, because of their participation in a Jacobin
inspiredplotthattookplaceinMadridinearly1795:theConspiracyofSanBlas.
ThoseprisonersbegantoarrivetoLaGuairafromDecember1796.Almostimmediately
theysympathizedwiththeirPardoguardians,whoallowedthemtocontactlocalWhite
CreoleswillingtocarryoutanewconspiracyinVenezuelansoil.Shortlyafter,theywere
smuggling out texts of seditious nature, most of then written by the chieftain of the
movement,theMallorquianJuanBautistaPicornell.Theprincipalaimofthosetextswas
togainthesupportofthosetheyregardedasthelocalsansculottesorastheyrathercall
themshirtless(descamisados):PardosandFreeBlacks.Thisintentionbecomesclearin
thetextaddressedtotheFreeInhabitantsofSpanishAmerica,inwhichhequalifiesas
dreadful[the]distinctionsappliedtobrownblood. 6
Picornellalsowrotesometalesprobablyhopingthattheywouldbereadoutloudtothe
people of color, most of whom were illiterate. Among these texts was the Dialogue
between a Black LieutenantColonel of the French Republic and a Black Spaniard, his
cousin. In this work, he tells a story of what happened when both cousins came across
eachother:onthatoccasion,thelatterwasastonishedwhenhesawhiscousindressedup
asFrenchofficer,whatheexplainedtellinghimthatinhiscountry(aFrenchisland)all
men were equal and free, and as such they could attain both military and political
positions. 7
Another one of the San Blas conspirators imprisoned at La Guaira, was the young
Madrilenian Manuel Corts. He was responsible for composing or adapting lyrics from
FrenchrevolutionarysongstotheVenezuelanethnosocialreality.Inoneofthosepieces
entitledTheAmericanSong,heunderlinesthebrotherhoodthatshouldprevailbetween
thepeople(pueblo)ofthenewrepublictheywereabouttobuildup,whichfromthenon
wouldbecomposedofWhites,Blacks,IndiansandPardos. 8
ThemostradicalmeasureproposedbytheSpaniardVenezuelanrevolutionaries,canbe
foundinoneofthepoliticalworkswrittenbyPicornell:theOrdenanzas.Accordingtothis
text, once they had ousted the colonial government they intended to declare the
abolitionofslaveryasoppositetohumanity. 9Thenatureofthisfirstabolitionattempt
somehow recalls the measures introduced in Guadeloupe by Victor Hugues, because it
alsoconditionedslavestheiraccesstocitizenship.Inthiscase,thepriceoffreedomwas
settledinarticle36ofthattext:
AllCitizenswillswearfidelitytoourMotherlandandcapablemaleswilloathtoserve
intheMilitiauntilpeoplesfreedomisassuredaslongascircumstancesrequirefrom
theminthemeantime,SlavesorBreederswillremainwiththeir[former]masters
sotheagriculturewontsufferanydamage10

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12

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HowcomethoseSpanishprisonersbecameawaresoquicklyoftheFrenchRevolution
proposals on slavery abolition? Perhaps the answer to this question lies in some letters
addressedtoVictorHuguesbyManuelGualasearlyasApril1797,inwhichheexpressed
his sympathies towards the French Revolution and its ideals. 11 Later on this relation
would intensify, when in June 1797 the prisoners managed to escape to the island of
Curacao.InthisDutchcolonytheywerehelpedbytheFrenchagentJeanBaptisteTierce,
whoprovidedthemmeanstomoveontoGuadeloupe.Whentheygotthere,theyreceived
allkindsofaidfromVictorHugues,despitethemilitaryalliancethatwasstillonbetween
FranceandSpain(TreatyofSanIldefonso,1796). 12HuguesallowedPiccorneltomakeuse
ofthepressmachinehehadbroughtfromFrancesohecouldreproduceaSpanishversion
oftheRightsofManandCitizen. 13Inthemeantime,ManuelCortswasallowedtojoin
theFrenchRepublicanArmyunitsstationedintheisland.
TheSpaniardVenezuelanrevolutionarieseffortstogainFreeColoredssupportfortheir
causepaidoffastheyexpected.Accordingtoalistsmadebyroyalistsofficialsafterwards,
among the prisoners we found several members of the following garrisons: the Pardo
Militia of Caracas, the Pardo Artillery Company of La Guaira, the Blacks Company of
Carayaca and the Blacks Legion of the Coast. 14 This situation frightened the White
Creoles,whominconsequenceofferedtotheCaptainGeneraleverymeantheypossessed
inordertohelpcontrollingtherevolutionaryattempt.
In early July 1797, the movement was discovered and its main leaders (Manuel Gual
andJosMaraEspaa)hadtofleetotheAntilles.Fromtheexile,theyallstayedintouch
toplananotherrevolutionaryattempt.Bearingthisinmind,theygotintouchwithwhom
by that time was becoming the Venezuelan colonial authorities newest nightmare:
FranciscodeMiranda.

II.MirandaandtheGironde
14

15

Miranda was a White Creole from Caracas descendant from Canary islanders, who
migrated in 1771 to Spain when he couldnt become White Militia officer because of the
localaristocracysintolerance.TenyearslaterheenrolledtheSpanishArmytakingpartin
severalcampaignsagainstBritishforces,includingthatonPensacolain1881.In1783he
begantotravel:firsthespent18monthsintheUnitedStateswherehecameupwiththe
idea of independence for Spanish America. Afterwards he settled down in London when
the British government offered him to support that enterprise. From 1786 to 1788 he
traveledtoRussia,whereheprobablymettheAbbRaynal.AccordingtowhatMiranda
wrote in his diary, it was on his way back from that country that he started developing
somesensibilityagainstslavery.ThismighthavebeenencouragedbyhisfriendRaynal,
withwhomhestayedinMarseilleforafewmonthsinearly1789. 15
Once the British government denied Miranda to keep on supporting his plans, he
turnedtorevolutionaryFrance.In1792,wefoundhiminParisamongtheacquaintances
of some French proabolition politicians, many of whom belonged or were close to the
Gironde party, such as JacquesPierre Brissot, Jerme Ption, and Armand Gensonn,
Thomas Paine and MarieHlne Williams. When in august that year monarchy was
abolished, he embraced the republican cause accepting an appointment to become
General.InNovember,whilefightingintheNetherlandslearnedhehadbeenproposedby
BrissotasgovernorforthecolonyofSaintDomingue.ThisGirondinleaderbelievedthat
suchameasurewouldbeconvenientforbothcontrollingthechaoticstateinwhichthat
colonywasimmersedinandforexportingtherevolutiontoSpanishAmerica.InDecember
1792,BrissotwrotethefollowingtogeneralDumouriez(Mirandassuperior),askinghim
toreleasetheVenezuelanfromhisdutiesintherepublicanarmy:
Mirandawillputanendtomiserablefightsinthecolonies:throughhimthe
turbulentWhiteswillcalmdownhewillbecomethecoloredpeoplesidol.And,right

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away,howeasyitwillbeforhimtoupraisetheSpanishislandsorthecontinent
Spainowns!CommandingtwelvethousandregulararmymenwhoarenowinSaint
Domingue[and]fromtentofifteenthousandbravemulattoes,itwillbepossibleto
invadetheSpanishcolonies.16
16

17

18

EventuallyMirandarejectedthisappointmentallegingthathehadneverbeentoSaint
Domingue and that his presence there would endanger the potential success of the
enterprise.
AfterthedownfalloftheGirondein1793,membersandfollowersofthispoliticalparty
werehunteddownandprosecuted.Mirandawasamongstthem,butafterafewmonths
imprisoned he was released. Nevertheless, the atrocities committed by the Mountain
duringtheTerror,inwhichhelostmanyfriends,raisedhisskepticismontheRevolution
asameantoachieveradicalpoliticalchanges.InapamphlethepublishedinFrancein
1795 under the title General Mirandas opinion about the current situation in France
andconvenientremediestoeaseherdiseases,heexpressedhisfrustrationashepraised
theThermidorianReactionof1794forhavingstoppedtotheReignofTerror. 17
Hislackonconfidenceintherevolutionkeptongrowingafterwards.In1798,whenhe
learnt about French presence in the Northeastern coasts of Venezuela he told a friend:
May god protects us from Jacobin principles as from the plague!18 Furthermore, the
detailsoftheconflictsinSaintDominguealsonourishedhisdoubtsaboutcarryingouta
revolution in a multiracial society such as his homeland, as we can tell from a letter he
wrotetoanotheracquaintanceofhisthatveryyear:
ImustconfesstoyouthatasmuchasIdesirelibertyandindependenceforthe
NewWorld,asmuchIfearanarchyandrevolutionarysystem.MayGodwontpermit
thosebeautifulterritoriestohaveSaintDominguesfate,atheatreofbloodshedand
crimes,undertheexcusetobringinlibertybeforeitwouldbebetterforthemto
remainforyetanothercenturyunderthebarbaricandimbecileSpanish
oppression.19

19

20

21

22

Mirandas fears on triggering another Haitian Revolution in Spanish America

influencedthepoliticalproposalshemadefrom1801onwards.Henowbelievedthatthe
keytosuccessdidntrelyoncuttingdownthetree,butoncarefullypruningitinstead20,
forwhichslaveryabolitionwasconsciouslyexcludedfromhispoliticalagenda.According
tohim,theonlywaytosucceedincarryingoutarevolutionaryprojectandtoavoidthe
terribleconsequencesithadinFranceandHaiti,wastobaseituponadoctrineofrational
liberties in which government would be conducted by virtuous and enlightened men
alone. 21
Inspiteofthis,hecontinuedexpressinghimselfinfavorofgrantingfullcitizenshipto
FreeColoreds,onlylimitingthismeasurebycensitaryormaterialprinciples.Thisposture
can be noticed in the papers he intended to smuggle into the Coast of Caracas in 1806,
whenafirstBritishsupportedattemptofinvasionwascarriedout.Inoneofthosetexts
he claimed for the end of the hateful distinctions between Spaniards, Creoles and
Mulattoes.22InotherhetriedtoconvinceinnocentIndians,aswellasbizarrePardos
andFreeBlacksthatweareallcitizens23
Afterthefailureofthismilitaryoperation,MirandawentbacktoEnglandwhereslave
tradehadjustbeenabolished.TherehegotintouchwithmanyprominentEnglishmen
including abolitionist William Wilberforce, with whom he established a shortlived
intellectual relation: In 1810, Miranda undertook regular correspondence with this
influential parliamentarian, lending him books of mutual interest and addressing him
withfriendshipandaection.AccordingtoWilberforcesdiary,betweenJanuaryandJuly
thatyearbothmenmetatleastfivetimes,alwaysinhisplace. 24
In 1808, Miranda was joined in London by Manuel Corts, who was no longer in
GuadeloupeservingintheFrenchArmy,towhichheprobablyrenouncedin1802when
Napoleonic forces reintroduced the Ancien Rgime Colonial into that island. When in
mid1810 they heard the news that Colonial Government in Caracas had been ousted,

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theybothtookthedecisiontoreturntoVenezuela.

III.Autonomywithoutequality
23

24

25

26

The final stage of the process that ended up with the overthrown of the Venezuelan
Colonial Government has to be regarded considering the events that followed Napoleon
Bonapartes invasion of the Iberian Peninsula. In May 1808, the legitimate sovereign of
Spain (Fernando VII) was forced to abdicate at Bayonne, what allowed the French
Emperor to name his own brother (Joseph Bonaparte) as the new Monarch of the
KingdomsofSpain.InMadridpeopleriotedagainstthisdecision,whichledtothebreak
out of the Spanish War of Independence. Shortly after, a courts call was issued and a
provisionalassemblywasestablishedinthesoutherncityofCadiz.Despitethefactthat
mostmembersgatheredtherewerepoliticallyliberal,theproposalsandreformsthatcame
out of this assembly didnt fulfill the economic and social expectations of the American
deputies.
As has been asserted by John Lynch, this situation raised the total orphanhood
dilemma to the Hispanic Americans: They could not have the Bourbons they did not
want Napoleon [and] they distrusted the [Spanish] liberals...25 For Venezuelan White
Creoles,thebestsolutiontothatproblempassedthroughsettinguptheirownautonomic
assembly, as happened on April 19 th 1810. That day, the CaptainGeneral of Venezuela
was forced to resign by the population of Caracas, giving thus room to the birth of the
ConservativeAssemblyoftheKingsRights(AsambleaConservadoradelosDerechosde
FernandoVII).Amongthemanyproblemsthenewgovernmenthadtoface,washowto
dealwiththeequalityaspirationsofthelargestethnosocialsectorofthelocalpopulation:
thePardos.TheyhadbeenshowingconcernthatColonialGovernmentwouldbehanded
over to a whitecontrolled assembly, ever since news of the Bayonne abdication reached
Caracasinmid1808.
TherewerereasonsforPardostodistrustWhiteCreoles,becausetheytraditionallyhad
openlyshowndespisetowardsthem.Inrecentyearstensionshadincreasedspeciallyafter
White Creoles ferociously opposed the introduction of a Royal Edict (Real Cdula de
Gracias al Sacar) which allowed wealthiest Pardos to acquire a very onerous quality
dispensation(DispensadeCalidad)thatwouldgrantthemwhitesstatus.InNovember
1808, Pardo fears will prove justified when the most prominent White inhabitants of
Caracas(PrincipalesVecinos)cametogetherinordertoconvincetheCaptainGeneralto
handoverthegovernmenttothelocalCityHall(Cabildo).AssoonasthePardoMilitia
officers became aware of this project26 they got alarmed, and without delay sent a very
emotivelettertotheCaptainGeneralofferingtheirservicestofightbackifnecessary.In
thisdocumenttheydescribedthemselvesasabrownbeast(pardafiera),whichwould
bringintoherclawsasmanypreysasiftheyweretheheadsofthosewhobytheirown
disgrace dared attempting against the colonys highest authority and his wise
dispositions. 27
ThedistressedPardosinitiativewassoonsupportedbythemanyCanariansthatlived
inthecolonyandalsobyindividualsfromallclasses(detodaslasclases).Thepopular
turmoilthatbrokeoutthenwouldonlybecontrolledwhenmostoftheimplicatedinthe
assembly proposal now seen as a conspiracy were arrested. According to a statement
givenbyoneofthemafterwards(theWhiteCreole,JosFelixRibas),thereasonforsuch
waveofagitationcouldbeexplainedbytherumorsthatsomehadmaliciouslyspread,
whichassertedthatthetrueintentionsofWhiteCreolesweretostealfromtheCanarians
and to enslave the Pardos. 28 White Creoles who were against the autonomous attempt
accusedtheimplicatedofnotknowingtheywerefosteringanHaitianlikerevolution.This
was clearly stated by a member of the local Royal Consulate, the Valencian lawyer Jos
VicenteEscorihuela:

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inGuarico[SaintDomingue]thefirstriotsbrokeoutatinstanceofthewealthier
andprincipals,andrecentlythatcountryhasbeentakenoverbyBlacksandthe
[White]promotershaventjustlosttheircommoditiesbutalsotheirlives.29
27

One of the implicated (Miguel Jos Sanz) was even accused of having said that his
movement had the support of nearly ten thousand Black slaves. This accusation was
denied by one of his comrades (Mariano Montilla), who assured in the interrogatory he
wassubmittedtothattheywereallfullyawareofwhathadhappenedinSaintDomingue,
thatswhytheydidntdareaskingthecoloredpeoplefortheirsupport:
Slaveowners[saidM.Montilla]wouldbecomethemainvictimsofsuchan
enterprise,asweknowbyexperienceforwhathappenedintheislandofSanto
Domingo.Fromthisweoughttoassumethatneithertheconfessor[M.J.Sanz]nor
anyofthosewhopretendedanAssemblyhaveconsideredwhattheyareaccusedof,
andevenlessthosewhoownslavesastheconfessordoes.30

28

ThesetestimoniesputintoevidencethefamiliaritysomeVenezuelanWhiteCreoleshad
aboutsomedetailsofwhathadhappenedtoWhitesduringtheHaitianRevolution.This
awareness echoed on the fear they showed towards the huge quantity of Colored people
that lived around them. This variable ought to be considered seriously when trying to
understand what will happen during the revolutionary process that followed. It is also
importanttonoticethatthosePardoswhocomplainedbeforetheCaptainGeneralwere
allmilitiacaptains,apositionreservedtothosewhobelongedtothepardoelite.

IV.TheConservativeAssemblyandthe
Pardoelite
29

ThemovementthatfinallyoverthrewthecolonialgovernmentonApril1810wasleaded
mostlybythesameWhiteCreolesinvolvedin1808sconspiracy.However,afterthefallof
Andaluca before the French and the establishment of a Regency Council (Consejo de
Regencia)inSpain,theywerejoinedbyotherWhiteCreoleswhomsofarwerereluctantto
supportanyautonomousattempt,becauseofthearistocraticprofileofitspromoters. 31As
aresult,thenewassemblyproposedin1810turnedouttobemorepluralinbothsocial
andethnicterms,soitcouldcountwiththesupportofothernonaristocratWhitesand
the Pardo elite. According to what was seen on April the 19 th, it seems like differences
amongstcreolesandwiththePardoelitehadbeenleftbehind.ThatdayWhitesCreolesin
general joined the proautonomist rebellion, while Pardo militians mostly from the
Aragua Valleys garrison military supported the White rebels. The participation of the
latter in that day events was described later in a report elaborated by the City Hall of
CaracasinOctober1812,afterthecapitaloftheprovincecameagainunderroyalistrule:
ThePardobattalionofAraguavalleyswasthefirsttoofferitsservices,becauseoneof
itsofficers,PedroArvalo,wasamidthemostintimateconfidentsoftherevolution,
[But]also(sic)becausethebenevolentpromisesofachimericalequalitysoharmful
forthiscountry,[This]wasthestallionusedbythosenewJacobinssotheycouldgain
thisclass[Pardos],onwhomthesepromiseshavealwaysproventobemorepowerful
thananyother.32

30

Thoughbiasedinfavoroftheroyalistcause,thistestimonysuggeststhatpreviousto
Aprilthe19 ththerewerenegotiationsbetweenWhiteCreolesandmembersofthePardo
elitewhich,accordingtohistorianClmentThibaud,mighthavetakenplacewithinthe
militia corps where military comradeship may have facilitated contacts between both
sectors. 33 If there ever was an agreement its conditions unknown, but from the policies
broughtinfromthenonbythenewgovernment,wecouldfigureoutwhatmayhavebeen
therequestofthePardos.

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Once the Conservative Assembly (Junta Suprema Conservadora de los Derechos de

FernandoSptimo) was settled up its members brought in several measures in order to
keepthePardomilitiansfaithfultotheautonomistscause:Theywereallowedtohavea
representative amongst them (the White Creole, Jos Flix Ribas) their salaries were
increased some of them were promoted beyond the grade of captain contravening thus
coloniallaws34andthosewhotookpartintheeventsofAprilthe19 thweredecoratedfor
thecourageandpatrioticenthusiasm(bizarrayentusiasmopatritico)theyshowed
onthatdate.InthecaseofPedroArvalo,hewasgivenashieldengravedwiththewords:
virtueandpatriotism. 35
The Conservative Assembly also took measures in the area of traditions which
segregatedPardosintheeverydaylife:OnNovember1810,itgavepermissiontothewife
of a Pardo (Flix Salinas) who lived in the southern town of Calabozo, to make use of a
carpetatthechurch,undertheveryenlightenedargumentofpreservingthehygiene
andcleannessofherclothes.36TraditionallythiswasaprivilegereservedtoWhiteladies
for what is understandable the scandal that followed, even though this measure was
appliedinregionfarawayfromCaracas.ThereactionstoitweredescribedbyanEnglish
traveler(RobertSemple),whowasvisitingCaracasduringthoseagitateddays:
Suchaninnovation,asinsignificantasitmayseem,troubledthemostdistinguished
classesofCaracas,andinequalproportion,[it]wasreasonforhopeandlongingfor
thecoloredfamilies.37

33

Altogether,thepoliciesinfavorofthePardoelitecommunitycontinuedtopayoff,asit
can be noticed by the numerous donations made by them in favor of the autonomist
government from late 1810, which were regularly published in the local newspaper: the
GacetadeCaracas. 38 Someofthosedonationswereverygenerous,suchastheonemade
byaPardonamedJosLusLandaeta,whoinJanuary1811gaveawayahousewhich
rentproducedsixpesospermonth.39Otherspreferredtoexpresstheirsympathiesforthe
newpoliticalordermoreopenly,publishingarticlesofpoliticalnatureinthatnewspaper.
ThatisthecaseofoneofthePardoofficerspromotedbytheConservativeAssembly,ina
textpublishedonJune1810,whichaimed,ontheonehand,toconvinceWhiteCreolesof
the fidelity of the garrison he commanded and, on the other hand, to refute some
calumnies (Falsas imposturas) that were spreading, which intended to indicate
otherwise:
YourExcellency[theConservativeAssembly]maydisposeofmyobedienceaswellas
thatofyour[Pardo]subjectsanddespisethefalseimposturesexpressedduringthis
timebysomeenemiesofjusticeandloversofoppressionandforpublic
satisfactionssake,aswellasforthatofmanyirresponsibleandsimplecharacters,
theymustallbesatisfiedoftheloyaltyofthisCapitalsPardoMilitiagarrison,
somethingthatshouldsetanexamplefortheirequalsintherestoftheprovinceto
learnfrom.40

34

35

AnevenmoresignificantsignaloftheConservativeAssemblysdeterminationtogrant
equalitytothePardoelite,canbefoundintheelectoralcodepublishedinpartsfrommid
June1810on.Itwasaddressedtoallclassesoffreemen(clasesdehombreslibres) for
the election of the members who would conform the very first General Congress of
Venezuela. 41Intheforewordhisauthor(theWhiteCreole,JuanGermnRoscio42)insisted
ontheimportancethateveryfreeneighbor[vecino]ofVenezuelashouldtakepartin
thefirststageoftheelection,inwhichoneparochialelectorwouldbechosenbyeach500
votersandanotheronebyeachsurplusof250.Then,inasecondstage,theelectedwould
gatherinordertoappointthedeputies:1deputyforeach20thousandinhabitantsand
anotheroneforeachsurplusof10thousand. 43
Inordertoestablishwhocouldandwhocouldnotbecomeparochialelector,previously
apopulationcensushadtobemade,inwhichwouldbenoted,amongotheraspects,the
quality of those allowed to vote (White, Pardo, Free Black, etc.) and whether or not he
was property owner (Propietario). Once done this, the civil authorities in charge of

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makingthecensus(theFirstElectionMayorsandtheMajorJusticeLieutenants)would
make a list of those allowed to vote, following article number 4 of the electoral code,
accordingtowhichwereexcludedfromtherighttovote
women,youngstersundertwentyfiveunlessmarriedandcandled[velados?],the
mentallyinsane,thedeftmute,thosewhohadcriminalcausependent,transient
travelers,publicknownvagabonds,thosewhohadbeenappliedafflictiveor
inflammatoryphysicalpunishment,andthosewhohadntgotahomeopenedand
occupiedwhichmeans,thatthoselivinginotherneighborshomeunderthewage
andresponsibilityofthelatter,orcurrentlyunderthelattersservice[wontbe
allowedtovote]unlesstheywereknownasproprietorsowningatleasttwothousand
pesosinfreeassets...44
36

AlthoughwearecertainthatmembersofthePardoelitevotedinthiselection,noneof
themranfortheParochialElectorsoffice.Thisisratherstrangeifweconsiderthatmany
ofthem(likePedroArvalo,LinoGallardo,CarlosSnchez,andJuanJosLandaeta)were
wealthy enough and had publicly manifested their support for the autonomist project.
Had they reach an agreement with White Creoles on this matter as well? Perhaps they
werejustpleasedwiththeirsuccessonattaininganewstatusnearertowhites,whilethe
restofthecoloredpopulationoflesserqualityremainedexcludedfromtherighttovote
fornotcomplyingwiththetwothousandpesosrequirement. 45Thedeliberateusageof
materialbased censitary principles to exclude the vast majority of lesser quality Free
Coloreds from voting, turned out to be the spark that would grant a class struggle
dimensiontothedebatearoundthemarginsofpardocitizenship.

V.TheFriendsofthePardos
37

38

39

Fromthebeginning,lesserqualityFreeColoredshadalsoshownenthusiasmaboutthe
reformsthenewautonomousregimemaybringintotheirfavor.OnNovember1810during
the public acts honoring the victims of the Massacre of Quito, they gathered in the
surroundings of the Temple of Altagracia (Church of the Pardos) to cry out their
discontentagainstSpainanditsmonarchy.Thisbehaviorwasapparentlyencouragedby
theirrepresentativebeforetheConservativeAssembly,theWhiteCreoleJosFlixRibas.
For this reason he was expelled from the Province, along with many of his White and
Pardo collaborators. 46 The agitation that reigned among lesser quality Free Coloreds
would be profited later by the most radical sectors of the autonomist movement,
particularlyafterthearrivalofFranciscodeMiranda.
StillinLondoninmid1808,whenMirandawasinformedaboutthefailureoftheWhite
Creoleconspiracy,hegotdisturbedbecausehebelievedthatthePardoMilitiareactionwas
promoted by the colonial authorities in Caracas. For him using colored armed men in
favor of any cause would be a risky play, because it could trigger another dreadful
revolutionsuchastheFrenchortheHaitian. 47Thatswhyassoonasheheardthenews
about that conspiracy he immediately warned its leaders about the dangers they would
expose themselves, if the [common] people (and not the capable and virtuous men)
wouldtakeovergovernment.Thushewasretakingtheideahehaddevelopedfrom1795,
about the need to conform republican governments conducted by virtuous and
enlightenedmenalone.
In December 1810, Miranda was arriving in Caracas. A few months later so did the
surviving leaders of the 1797s conspiracy: Juan Bautista Picornell and Manuel Corts.
OnceinCaracas,theformerFrenchgeneralmadeuseofhisprestigeinordertogainthe
supportofthosewhorepresentedthemostradicalwingoftherevolution.Manyofthem
wereyoungstersrelatedtolocalWhiteAristocracyfamilies,suchastheBolvar,Montilla,
Ribas,etc.TheycametogethertoformaJacobininspiredclubtheynamedThePatriotic
Society(LaSociedadPatriotica),whichalmostimmediatelybecameapublictribunefor

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those whose interests had not been considered by the local autonomist leadership.
Accordingtooneofitsmembers,therethewordsofequalityandlibertyamongmen
wereregularlyspoken,andtheentrancewasallowedtomenfromalltheclasses,status
andconditions(detodaslasclases,estadosycondiciones)andeventowomen. 48 From
the balcony of the house where the society was established hanged a banner with the
TaurusConstellationpaintedon,representingthesymbolicdateofAprilthe19 th.Ateach
sidetwoshrineshadbeenplacedbothdevotedtothecauseofJustice(representedbya
balanceandasword)demonstratingthustheequalitybeforethelawforeveryone.49
In order to divulge their ideas and to have an effect on policy makers, The Patriotic
Society began to publish a journal, The Venezuelan Patriot (El Patriota de Venezuela),
named probably after its girondinian equivalent, The French Patriot (Le Patriote
Franais).TheVenezuelanPatriotwasimprintedinthepressmachineofaLesserWhite
(PetitBlanc) from Haiti named Juan Baillo (the young), who had just settled down in
Caracas. 50Inthefewissuesthathavesurviveduntiltodayofthatnewspaper,thereisnot
a single article in defense of Free Coloreds aspiration to equality. Perhaps this could be
explained by the philanthropic ideals that The Patriotic Society members shared.
Therefore, they may have preferred to assume for granted their citizenship rather than
makingethnosocialdistinctionsintheirpoliticalwritings.Tothem,theuniversalrights
of men was among their most cherished principles as it can be noticed in the following
articlepublishedinJuly1811,undertheveryphilanthropictitleofSpeechthroughwhich
thetrueoriginofthepoliticalvirtuesismanifested:
allcitizensareequalbetweeneachother,sharingequalrights,prerogativesand
civilrepresentation,theymustconsiderthemselvesastruebrotherssoitcancome
outamongthemthatsortofvirtuewhichconsolidateRepublicsunfortunately,thatis
almostunknownbytherestofgovernments.51

41

42

43

44

The Venezuelan Patriot was distributed throughout the CaptaincyGeneral of

Venezuela, something which permitted The Patriotic Society to gain supporters beyond
theboundariesofCaracas.Thiscanbemeasurablebytheappearanceofsimilarpolitical
assemblies in other cities such as Barcelona, Barinas, Puerto Cabello, Trujillo and even
Valencia. An inquiry made by the royalists in late 1812, shows that this support was
particularlystronginthesmalltownsoftheAraguavalleysuptothesurroundingsofthe
city of Valencia. According to its author, the Marquis of Casa Len, those regions had
becomeaseedplotfortherevolution(semillerodelarevolucin). 52
Eversincehisarrival,Mirandaarousedthefreecoloredsenthusiasm.Theycheeredhim
whenenteringforthefirsttimethroughthemaingateofCaracas(PuertadeCaracas). 53
From then on as JacquesPierre Brissot had foreseen Miranda succeeded on
maintainingtheirsupportfortherepublicancause.Itwashimwhoopenedthedoorsof
ThePatrioticSocietytoeverybody(lesserqualityPardosandWhitesalike),forwhichits
numbersquicklybegantoriseuntilreachingmorethan100members. 54Ifwearetobelieve
thetestimonyofoneofthem(theWhiteCreole,FranciscoJavierYnez),thisincrement
wasduetotheheatedandenthusiasticwaytheyspokethereaboutlibertyandequality
amongmen55
Nevertheless, according to Semples testimony only four mulattoes had the formal
status of member of The Patriotic Society, and had been only accepted after Miranda
becameitspresidentinMay1811. 56ThiscoincideswiththeinformationprovidedinCasa
de Lens inquiry, in which he provides further information about the quality of those
members:twoofthemwerenotmulattoesbutPardos(onenamedRomanaandtheother
LinoGallardo,amusicianmemberofthePardoelite),andtheothertwowereFreeBlacks
(oneofthemwasFranciscodePaulaCamacho,anofficerfromaFreeBlacksbattalion). 57
The presence of Free Blacks amongst members of The Patriotic Society, might be
understood as a sign which indicates that Mirandas followers were in favor of broader
equality policies, which could consider Colored people as a whole (Blacks and Pardos
alike),andnotonlylimitedtothePardoelite.Thispoliticalposturemayhavemadethem

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clash with more conservative White and Pardo sectors, whom from early 1811 began to
accuseMirandaofpromotingsansculotismamongstlesserqualitypeople.Accordingto
Ynez, by that time they started to appreciate The Patriotic Society as an extremist
Jacobin club, for this reason they proposed transferring their site of their meetings off
Caracasandevenitstotalsuppression. 58
Theclashhypothesisseemstomakesensewhenfocusingintothedebatethattookplace
asaresultofanarticlepublishedlaterin1811atTheVenezuelanPatriot,itwaswrittenby
someonewhonicknamedhimselfasJohnLandful(JuanContierra),whoserealidentity
isattributedtoaThePatrioticSocietymemberifnotMirandahimself. 59Thisanonymous
authorassumesinhistextthecauseofthepoorestpeopleoftheVenezuelansociety,who,
accordingtohim,aredespicablycalledbyothersusingepithetssuchasshirtless,sans
culottes, and Jacobins. He also denounces the hypocrite attitude of those he critically
nameasaristocraticpatriots:
theybelievethattheyalonewereborntopossessdecorations[galones],toenjoy
honors,toexploitthesubstanceofthemotherlandandtoshowoffintheRepublic
whilstmostpartofthepeoplemust,intheirconcept,toleratetheirwhims60

46

InoneofthethreerepliestothisarticlewhichappearedintheGacetadeCaracas,its
authorwarnsthereadersagainstthosewhopretendtobefriendsofthePeople,[and]
defenders of their rights. To prove his point, he made use of examples taken out from
contemporaryandancienthistory,andendsuphistextwarningabouttheJacobinlike
revolutions61:
Howwasthatpeopledeceivedbythem?Theymadeuseofwritingswhichpresented
misbehavior[licencia]aslibertyandturmoilaspatriotism,withspeeches
pronouncedatJacobinSocietiesfilledupwithcalumniesmadeuptodestroythe
foundersoftheRepublic,andproclaimingalibertythattheyalonedesiredorcould
preserve62

47

48

ThenextroundofthisdebatetookplaceonMarchthe2nd1811,thesamedaythefirst
GeneralCongressofVenezuelawasinstalled.OnthatoccasionsixPardoswerearrestedat
oneofMirandafollowersplace(theWhiteCreole,FernandoGalindo),forthesolereason
of being discussing topics regarding government and equality. According to a private
letter written by the White Creole conservative, Juan Germn Roscio, their leader was
caught in possession of a subversive text (escrito incendiario) to which Miranda had
addedaflatteringapostrophe(apstrofelisonjero). 63
ThiseventmosthaveaffectedthetrustWhiteCreolepopulationofCaracashadtowards
the colored community, because two days later the General Congress issued a
pronouncementstatingthattheystillbelievedinthegenerousrelianceontherestofthe
Pardos(generosaconfianzaenelrestodelosPardos). 64Pardoelitemembersalsotriedto
emendthedamagemadetotheirimage:Thedayafterofthatpronouncement,thepardo
colonel,PedroArvalopublishedaletterintheGacetadeCaracascriticizingtheattitude
of those Pardos who had been arrested, and publicly assuring that the position of the
peopleofhisqualitywasstillinfavoroftheautonomousgovernment:
afewindividualsofmyclass,wronglyadvisedbytwofactionariesspiritually
anxious,haveaffectedtheconfidencethateveryonegenerallyhadtowardsthe
straightfeelingsofhonorandfairunion,whereuponwe[Pardos]havetriedto
supportandimprovethegreatenterprisewehavebeguninagreementwithallour
[White]compatriots.65

49

Intheirtexts,bothRoscioandArvaloblameMirandaforbeingtheoneresponsiblefor
theagitationamonglesserqualityFreeColoreds.Thiscouldbeinterpretedasasignof
the political divisions that were starting to take shape from mid1811, on the matter of
grantingfullcitizenshiptoFreeColoredswithoutanymateriallimitations.Wecanhavea
good idea of what was happening then, thanks to the testimony of a Scottish officer
(GregorMcGregor)whocametoCaracasin1811tosupporttherevolution.Hesaysina

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letterhewrotetoarelativebackinScotland,thatbytheendofthatyearamulattoparty
wasstartingtotakeshape,whichwasbeingregardedwithgrowingfearbyWhiteCreoles,
republicansandroyalistsalike,whosepoliticaldifferenceswerestartingtonarrowbecause
ofthisdevelopment:
themulattoes[saidMacGregor]()outnumberWhitesfourteentoone,theyare
notawareoftheirrealstrengthyet,butthelightisquicklyreachingthemeachday,
andwhenitgetscompletetheirforcewillincrease.Thediscussionsthataretaking
placeinThePatrioticSocietyhaveverymuchcontributedtogivethemself
confidenceandtodevelopanideaofrightsandprivilegesequivalenttoWhites.()
MirandassupporthasimmediatelymadethemformidableandtheMantuanos
[WhiteAristocrats]andtheSpaniards(namedGodos),facingthegrowingpower[of
thatfaction],arestartingtogettogether()andperhapstheywillsoonformasingle
party66
50

TheyoungScotsmanwasalsogettingconcernedforwhathewasobservinginCaracas,
giventhatincasethemulattopartybecameanystrongerarevolutionthatsofarhave
beenreceivedinasoftmannerandwithoutbloodshed,probablymayendupturninginto
civilwar.67

VI.ThedebateofJuly31st
51

52

53

54

Bymid1811,themembersofThePatrioticSocietywhohadbeenelectedasdeputiesto
make part of the General Congress of Venezuela were pushing to accomplish another of
theirpoliticalobjectives:adeclarationoftotalindependence.Thatmomentcameonthe
session of July the 5th, after which the members of that society were joined by colored
peopletocelebratethisachievementinthestreetsofCaracas. 68 Inthebeginningofthat
session,theyproposedthatprevioustoanydebateonindependencethedeputiesshould
discussthefateandconditionofthePardos.Theyeventuallyagreedonputtingoffthis
matter under the condition that it should be the first thing to be considered after
Independence. 69
Whilewaitingforthatdebatetocome,theGeneralCongressproclaimedalocalversion
oftheRightsofMenandCitizen,whichwaspublishedonJulythe23rdintheGacetade
Caracas.Thisfactcreatedafavorablepoliticalambienceforthosedeputieswhowerein
favorofadeclarationthatatlastwouldallowallPardostobecomecitizens. 70Thedebate
took place eight days latter (July the 31st) in a private session specially held to discuss
this matter. When the debate began, it became clear that it was not going to be a
discussionmerelyonPardorights,butratherabouttheaspirationofsomeprovincesother
thanCaracastomaintainsomeautonomywithinthenewlybornVenezuelanFederation.
ThefirsttointervenewastheWhiteCreoledeputyfromCaracas,MartnTovarPonte,
who belonged to the local aristocracy. In his intervention he expressed his will that the
newrepublicfollowstheexampleoftheUnitedStates,where,accordingtohim,each
provinceestablishesthegovernmentsystemandqualifyhercitizensasshepleasesIn
this sense, he also proposed that there shouldnt be any especial declaration
(declaration expresa) on the matter of Pardo equality. He proposed instead a gradual
policy which could begin to build down certain odious treatments that other classes
detest.71ThisproposalwasimmediatelyrefutedbyamemberofThePatrioticSociety,the
delegatefromthecityofBarquisimeto,Josngellamo.Hequalifieditassuperfluous
andinopportune,because,tohim,thatproposalcontradictedoneofthearticlesofthe
RightsofMenthathadjustbeenpublished.72
The position assumed by many deputies from the interior provinces was to keep on
defending their regions, for which they supported the proposal made by Tovar Ponte,
adding that the Pardo Question should be solved by each Provincial Assembly
(Legislativas Provinciales). The representative from the city of Cuman (Juan
Bermudez),allegedthatinhisprovincethereissecurityandcivilsubordination,and

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that the class [of Pardos] is not preponderant there, therefore is no need to declare
anythingforthetimebeing.HealsosupportedTovarPontesproposal,sayingthatitwas
convenienttointroduceitstepbystep,withoutmakingageneralruleofitthatcould
subverttheorder.73
The interior provinces representatives also feared that if Caracas unliterary declared
Pardoequalityitcouldcauserevoltsamongpeopleofthisqualitylivingintheirregions,
and that it may even foster massive migratory waves of towards the capital city, what
wouldruinthelocaleconomies.Inconsequence,theydrovethedebatetothepossibilityof
using Federal Forces to intervene in such cases otherwise as it was asserted by the
delegate from the city of Barcelona there was a serious risk of loosing the federative
system. 74
Inthemeantime,mirandinianradicalsaswellotherindependentrepresentativeswho
also supported the cause of the Pardos, focused their allegations on pointing out the
advantagesofgrantingthemlegalequality,andonshowingthattheywereasqualifiedas
Whites to exercise citizenship. Perhaps the most eloquent of them all was Francisco
XavierYnez,whoallegedthefollowinginhisfirstintervention:
thePardosareinstructed,theyareawareoftheirrights,theyknowthatbybirth,by
property,bymarriageandbyotherreasonstheyarechildrenofthisland[and]that
theyhaveaMothercountrywhotheyarecommittedtodefend75

57

Inasecondintervention,Ynezrefutedhiscounterpartsallegationsonebyone.Hewas
particularlykeenonattackingtheproposalofdelegatingthedecisionofPardostatusto
provincialassemblies.Heinsistedonthatthiswasamatterthatshouldbesolvedbythe
GeneralCongressinstead,becauseaccordingtohimthisinstitutionwastheonlyone
withtheauthoritytoshapetherepublicsmostfundamentallaws. 76 Other deputies not
related to The Patriotic Society also came up to defend the cause of the Pardos. Among
them was Antonio Nicols Briceo, who rejected the proposal on following the United
Statesfederalexample,ashecriticizedthearistocraticposturesomeofhiscolleagueswere
assuming:
TheprovincesofVenezuelafindthemselvesincircumstancesverydifferent[from
thoseintheUnitedStates],asthequantitiesofPardosandBlackshereexcessively
outnumbertheWhites()[Furthermore,consideringthat]itisnecessarytoremove
theEuropeanswhoopposethecurrentsystem,andWhiteCreoleswhodonotknow
theirinterestsandwhoseconcernsarebaseduponaristocraticandnobiliaryideas.77

58

59

Inhisinterventions,YnezalsotriedtodissipatefearsofaneventualPardorebellionin
case a reform was unilaterally introduced by the provincial government of Caracas.
Instead he tried to turn this argument over to his favor, alleging that it was precisely
because of the egalitarian spirit that had spread in Caracas that the royalists have not
beenabletogainfurthersupporterswhereasinothercitiessuchasValencia,thelackof
thatspirithadencouragedPardostoembracethecontrarevolutionarycause.Thiswasa
verysensibleissue,sincerebellionhadbrokenoutinthiscityforcingtheGeneralCongress
todispatcharepublicanarmytobringitbacktotheVenezuelanFederation.
Inordertoprovehispoint,Ynezmadementionofthecaseofapardoofficernamed
FranciscoColn78 ,whohadbeenpromotedbyvalenciasroyaliststocommandthepardo
garrisonofthatcity.Accordingtothatdeputy,theyhaddonethisemulatingtheinitiative
takeninearly1810bytheConservativeAssembly,inanattempttogainvalencianPardos
totheroyalistcause.Therefore,concludedYnez,

denyingequalityofrightstoPardosisamanifestinjustice,anusurpationandan
harmfulpolicythatwillleadustoourruin.Ibelievethatthe()misfortunesof
Valenciadonotknowotheroriginthanthisone,andIbasemyallegationonhaving
seen[FranciscoColn]gainedbytheappointmentthosetraitorshavegrantedhim,
[following]somethingthatwehaddonelongbeforeaccordingtojusticewith[Carlos]
Sanchezand[Pedro]Arvalo.So,itmustbebecausetheliberalismofCaracasthat
ourenemieshavenotbeenabletoattractasinglePardofromtherevolutionweare
livingin.79
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livingin.79
60

Allinall,attheendofthesessionthedeputiescouldntgettoanagreementforwhich
the voting on any resolution concerning the pardo question was postponed. For what
happenedlatterweknowthatthepropardodeputiesendedupimposingtheirposition,
aswecannoticebytheninthchapteroftheFederalConstitutionsanctionedonDecember
1811bytheGeneralCongressofVenezuela:
[The]lawsthatimposedcivildegradationtoafractionofthefreepopulationof
VenezuelaknownuntilnowbythedenominationofPardosarefromnowonrevoked
andannulatedinallitsparts.Theywillremaininpossessionoftheirnaturalandcivil
estimation,butbroughtbackintotheimprescriptiblerightswhichbelongtothemas
wellastotherestofcitizens.80

VII.Thedownfalloftheegalitarian
Republic
61

62

63

Pardos from Caracas didnt just join the republican army, they also spontaneously
defended the cause of the republic. On July 11th 1811, six days after the declaration of
independence many Canarians secretly planned a conspiracy against the republican
government.TheygatheredinthehighgroundsattheNorthofthecity,inthesuburbs
of Los Teques which overlook the San Carlos fort which they intended to take over by
surprise.FromthisspottheyopenedfireoversomePardoswhowereworkinginaplain
belowlocatedbetweenthemandtheirobjective. 81Therepublicanreactionwasheadedbya
49years old lieutenant from the pardo militia: Antonio Caballero (alias Bonoso). 82
According to the file the royalists put together about him afterwards, when he became
awareoftheCanariansplothecriedoutforreinforcementsshouting:gentlementakeyour
weaponsthatIslandersaretryingtotakeoverthecitytodeliverittoFernandoVII!
Shortly after, Antonio Caballero joined the republican forces that campaigned against
Valencia,alongwithotherpardoocerssuchasPedroArvaloandCarlosSanchez.Once
the bale was over, he came back to Caracas where he beheaded a white at the Holy
Trinity Square assuming that this man had sympathies for the royalists.83 It seems like
this kind of actions were by that time common in Caracas. According to a testimony
published in a British newspaper (The Morning Chronicle), there were even taking place
summaryexecutionsofWhiteroyalists84,whileinValenciaroyalistPardosweredoingthe
sametoWhiterepublicansonbehalfoftheSpanishCrown.
Therefore,widespreadviolenceamongstPardosagainstwhitesdidntseemtorespond
to ideological principles as Francisco Xavier Ynes had alleged, but to a rather older
hatred against all Whites for so long constrained under the colonial rule. This became
clearer in Valencia where when pardo royalist ghters heard the news that White
valencians had reached an agreement with Miranda to surrender the city, they turned
againstthemandtheirpropertieswithoutaskingwhowasfororagainstthemonarchy.
Thentheyturnedtheirangeragainstchurchestotearuptheevidenceoftheirstigma:the
actsofbaptism.
[Valencia]hasfallenintoanarchy[wroteinhisMemoirsthearchbishopof
Caracas,NarcisoCollyPrat],theCastas[FreeColoreds]havegiventhemselvesto
drinkandpillage.[They]cametogether()claimingforthedefenseofequalityand
liberty,theyhavesetfiretoparochialbooksinwhicheveryonewasclassifiedbyclass.
TheymadeWhitesrunawayandcarriedonwiththeirpointlessdefense[ofthecity]
()untiltheysurrenderedatwill,leavingbehindamongstthemanydeadtwenty
fivehundredmen.85

64

AlthoughtheinsurrectioninValenciawasdefeated,fromthenonitwasclearthatFree
ColoredsfrombeyondtheoutskirtsofCaracasanditsimmediatesurroundingswerenot

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willingtofightfortherepublic.Thisattitudewasduetomanyreasons:Thehatredthey
felt for the White aristocracy (Mantuanos), the preaching of some bishops against the
many French that were around Miranda, and that the royalists were also taking liberal
measuresasitwasseeninValencia.Buttheroyalistwentevenfarther,beingthefirstto
offertoemancipateblackslavesiftheyjoinedtheirforces.Theeffectsofthismeasurewere
apparentlyverysuccessfulintheregionofBarlovento,locatedattheNortheasterncoastof
Venezuelawheremostofthecacaoplantationswerelocated. 86
Although, we dont know for certain the real extension of the proroyalist slave and
maroonthatbrokeoutinBarlovento,bytheconfusingreportssenttoMiranda(whohad
become GeneralinChief of the Republican Army in May 1812) by his subordinates we
realizethatitmagnifiedbythefactoftheterroritproducedamongrepublicans.Oneof
thosereportswritteninearlyJuly1811bytheWhiteofficerincommandoftherepublican
troopsstationedattheeasternlimitsoftheCaracasvalley(MiguelJosSanz),convinced
of the imminence of a Blacks invasion, so he urged his CommanderinChief to do
somethingaboutit:
Ifthey[blacks]daredtomakeanirruptionorinvasiononCaracas,thesevalleysof
Guatire,GuarenasandPetarewouldsurelygetdesolatedandeventhatcitycouldbe
atstake.Evilsmustbewipedoutintime,becauseifthisgetsanystronger,wemay
sufferagreatdeal.Theclergymenwillbreathefartherandthepublicspiritwillend
upgettingcorrupted.87

66

Other reports, though less alarming on the royalist nature of the revolt, tended to
confirm that something was very wrong in that region. That is the case one written by
NicolsAscaniofromthetownSantaLuca(tothesoutheastofCaracas).OnJulythe2nd,
thisWhiteofficeraffirmedthattherewasnotasingleblackinthesevalleyswhodoesnt
saysomethingabouttheirwishtobefreedForthisreason,andbecauseblacksfrom
CuriepehadtakencontroloverthevalleysofCapayaandCaucagua,thepatriotfarmers
(hacendados)havemanifestedtheirwillto
enfranchisetheirslavesaslongastheytakearmsonbehalfofoursystem[the
Republic]()sotheycanbeusefultotheStateandlaterontothemselvesandyetto
extinguishthefireofthosefromCuriepewho,besidesproclaimingforFernandoVII,
arealsoclaimingfortheirfreedom.88

67

AlthoughtherewasnosolidevidencethatBlackslavesandmaroonsfromBarlovento
had joined the royalist army, Miranda as Sonthonax did in SaintDomingue 20 years
earlierdecidedtotakenochancesandinmidJuly1811madepublicaConscriptionAct
(ActosobrelaConscripcindelosEsclavos)throughwhichheexpectednotonlytoavoid
theriskofaBlackroyalistarmymarchingoverCaracas,butalsotoreinforcehisownby
conscripting a thousand slaves, who the State would buy [later], paying for them when
possible.Onthisoccasion,thepriceoflibertyforthoseslaveswhowishedtobefreed,
wassettledatfouryearsofserviceintherepublicanarmyorlessiftheyshowedcouragein
thebattlefields. 89ThismeasurewasnotwelcomedbymembersoftheWhiteandPardos
elites,asnoticedtheWhiteofficerJuanPazdelCastillo:
Thegeneralemancipationofslavesdeclaredthroughthatdecree[theConscription
Act]haselectrifiedthePardos,infuriatedtheGodos[WhiteCreoleroyalists]and
enragedtheMantuanos[Whitearistocrats],butithasbecomeacounterfireforthe
revolutioninthevalleysofCapaya[atBarlovento]90

68

However,itseemslikefromaneconomicperspectivethismeasuredidntworkedoutas
expected. As it had happened in Guadeloupe nearly 17 years earlier when similar
measures were introduced, slaves preferred to run away from plantations (haciendas)
instead of proudly joining a republican army. This worsened the condition of the
republics economy, which by that time was already critical because many plantation
ownersanditsmanagers(mayordomos)werefightingintheconflictandduetothesiege
royalisttroopswerestartingtosetuparoundCaracas.Wecanthereforefigureoutwhyin

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midJuly 1811 a patriot (Francisco Paul) described the situation of the Republic as a
painful picture (cuadro doloroso), in which it couldnt even establish the slightest
commercebecauseofthelackoflandproducts91
In the last days of the republic, while the royalist army marched inexorably towards
Caracas,adesperatemessagewaspublishedintheGacetadeCaracas,inwhichPardos
wereremindedofthedespicablewaytheyweretreatedundertheformersystem,andthe
countlessachievements(innumerablesbeneficios)theyhadaccomplishedduringthetwo
yearsofrepublicanregime:
She[Venezuela]hasrecognizedandputintoeffectequalityrights[foritscitizens]
formerlyusurpedbythesatellitesoftyranny.Sheispleasedtoregardmanwithout
colordistinctions,freeandwillingtotakepartintheelectionofthosehewishesto
choose,andexercisegovernment,andexposehimselftothedifficultiesandrisksofa
motherland,surethatbecauseofhismerithecanobtaintheprize,theesteem,and
theappreciationofhisfellowcitizens,fromwhathewasexcludedofbyatyrannical
system,inventedandsustainedfortheprofitoftheambitiouswhoexploitedmanas
abug,andregardedhimwiththesamedespiseanddisgustoneregardaworm.
Finallysheisinthedomainofthenationsoftheworld,andthatsublimeideaor
hardtoaccomplishenterpriseputsVenezuelansinthehonoredpositiontodefend
herfreedom,herequality,and[her]independence.92

70

Butitwasuseless,badnewskeptoncomingin,especiallyfromtheEasternfront.Years
later, the White Creole officer (Jos de Austria) wrote the following in a chronicle, to
describethesituationastheblackinsurgentsapproachedtheValleyofCaracas:
Thatinhumaneandatrociouspeople[theBlacks],nourishingwithpatriotsblood
andproperties()astheymarchedagainstCaracastheycommittedthemost
dreadfulmurders,robberies,violencesanddevastations,particularlyinthetownof
Guatire.Thosewhosurrendered,thepacificlandworkers,themosthonestmen,the
innocents,theyallwerekilledbygunfireorstabbedtodeath,orwerebrutally
whipped(...)Therewasbloodeverywhere...93

71

72

OnceMirandarealizedhewouldnotcountwiththesupportofthecoloredpeople(Free
or enslaved) beyond the limits of Caracas, and when he got convinced that there was
takingplaceamassiveslaveinsurrectioninBarlovento,andprobablybearinginmindthe
images of SaintDomingue, he took the decision to give up. Consequently, on July 25th
1810hesurrenderedbeforetheSpanishgeneral,DomingodeMonteverde,atthetownof
LaVictoria.HisdecisionwasperceivedbymanyPardomilitiansasabetrayal,forwhich
theytriedtomurderhimtwicewhilehewascomingbacktoCaracasafterthesigningof
thecapitulationact.InthefirstattemptagainstMirandaslivetookpartthecolonelPedro
Arvalo,theverysamewhohadbeenpromotedanddecoratedin1810bytheConservative
Assembly. 94
Mirandamanagedtoescapebothattemptsonhislife,butshortlyafterhewasdetained
attheportcityofLaGuairawhentryingtosailawaytotheCaribbean.Thearrestwasnt
executedbyroyalistforces,butbysomeofhisclosestfollowersincludingtheWhiteCreole
Simon Bolivar and the Spaniard Manuel Corts95, the same who 15 years before, along
with Juan Bautista Picornell, had contributed to bring into Venezuela the egalitarian
principlesconcerningcoloredpeopledevelopedduringtheFrenchRevolution.

Notes
1 Franois Depons, Viaje a la Parte Oriental de Tierra Firme en la Amrica Meridional, II.
Caracas:BancoCentraldeVenezuela,1960(1806),p.233
2OneofthedocumentsthatbetterpicturesthisbehaviorisacomplaintrosebeforetheCaptain
General in 1792 by many members of a Pardo Militia of Caracas, a garrison composed almost
entirelybymembersoftheelite.Inthisdocumenttheyrejectedtheadmissionamongstthemofan
applicantarguingthathedidnthaveenoughqualityastojointhem,becausehewaseitherzambo
(Black + Indian) or, even worst, a saltoatrs (Mulatto + Black). Los diputados del Batalln de
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PardospidiendoseexcluyadelaJuanBautistaArias.1774,inSantosR.Corts,Elrgimendelas
'Gracias al Sacar' en Venezuela durante el Perodo Hispnico. Caracas: Academia Nacional de la
Historia,1983,p.20
3 Anne ProtinDumon, La ville aux Iles, la ville dans l'le(BasseTerre et PointePitre,
Guadeloupe,16501820).Paris:Karthala,2000,p.229
4LaurentDubois,AColonyofCitizens(Revolution&SlaveEmancipationintheFrenchCaribbean,
17871804).ChapellHill:UniversityofSouthCarolinaPress,2004,pp.180182
5 Sobre insurreccin de los negros bandidos de la jurisdiccin de Coro [Valle de Curimagua,
02/06/1795],ArchivoGeneraldelaNacindeVenezuela,seccinDiversos,vol.LXIX,f.130
6Cf.P.Grases,200Aos:ConspiracindeGualyEspaayelideariodelaIndependencia,in200
Aos,ConspiracinGualyEspaa.Caracas:ArchivoGeneraldelaNacin,1997,CDROM
7 Cf. Casto Fulgencio Lpez, Picornell y la Conspiracin de Gual y Espaa. Caracas: Academia
NacionaldelaHistoria,1997,pp.7879
8SonetoAmericano,1797.Cf.Ibidem,pp.375,381
9Ordenanzas[LaGuaira,1797]Cf.PedroGrases,LaConspiracindeGualyEspaayelIdeario
de la Independencia, in P. Grases, Obras, tomo III (Preindependencia y Emancipacin).
Barcelona:EditorialSeixBarral,1981,pp.173176
10Cf.Idem
11GualtoHugues[30germinal,aoV]Cf.A.ProtinDumon,LesjacobinsdesAntilles,oulesprit
delibertdanslesIlesduVent,inRevuedHistoireModerneetContemporaine,XXXV,p.298
12GualaHugues[30germinal,aoV]Cf.Idem
13Cf.PedroGrases,200Aos:ConspiracindeGualyEspaayelideariodelaIndependencia,
en200Aos,ConspiracinGualyEspaa.Caracas:ArchivoGeneraldelaNacin(CDROM),1997
(1948)
14C.F.Lpez,op.cit.,pp.9192,110ListasdelaspersonaspresasenLaGuairayCaracas[s/f],
Lista de personas acogidas al indulto [Caracas, 8/8/1797] Cf. Documentos relativos a la
Revolucin de Gual y Espaa. Caracas: Instituto Panamericano de Geografa e Historia, 1949,
pp.99100,105
15 Viajes por Suiza, Norte de Italia y Francia, in Archivo del General Miranda, IV. Caracas:
TipografaAmericana,1938,pp.129130
16 Brissot to Dumouriez[Paris, 28/11/1792], en Francisco de Miranda, Archivo del General
Miranda[AGM],Vol.XV.Caracas:TipografaAmericana,1938,p.151
17CarmenLpezBohrquez,FranciscodeMiranda(PrecursordelasindependenciasdelaAmrica
Latina). Caracas: Universidad Catlica Andrs Bello, 2001, pp.297, 311312 Opinion du gnral
Miranda sur la situation actuelle de la France et les remdes convenables ses maux [1795], in
ArchivodelGeneralMiranda,XIV.Caracas:TipografaAmericana,1938,pp.389
18 Miranda to Oquendo y Atuey [Londres, 8/12/1798], in Archivo del General Miranda, XIV.
Caracas:TipografaAmericana,1938,p.408
19MirandatoTurnbull[Dover,12/6/1798],inIbidem,p.207
20 According to his experience, in historical terms this meant: discretely emulate the American
Revolution, carefully avoiding the fatal effects of the French Revolution. Miranda to Caro
[Londres,31/12/1799],inIbidem,p.404
21 C. Lpez Bohrquez, op.cit., p.312 Cartas dirigidas al ilustre Cabildo de la Ciudad de Caracas
[Londres,6/10/1808]inArchivodelGeneralMiranda,XXI.Caracas:TipografaAmericana,1938,
pp.368,370
22 A los pueblos del Continente Colombiano, alias Hispanoamrica (artculo tres), in Amrica
Espera.Caracas:BibliotecaAyacucho,1982,pp.262,271
23 Proclama a los Pueblos del Continente AmricoColombiano [Coro, 2/8/1806], enAmrica
Espera,p.356Elfragmentocitadocorrespondealborradordelaproclamaanterior,fechadaenNew
Yorkel10deenerode1806,inArchivodelGeneralMiranda,XVII.LaHabana:EditorialLex,1950,
p.339
24MirandaaWilberforce,Londres,10/1/1810,inArchivodelGeneralMiranda,XXIII,p.269The
WilberforcePapers,SeriesI,TheBodleianLibrary(Oxford),Microfilmreel1,d.54,.47,48,55,63,
66.ThepositionMirandahadtowardsslaveryaswellasthecontactsheestablishedwithabolitionists
in Britain and France will be more largely exposed in an article I am working on, derived from a
paper I presented at the conference Abolitions, 18072007, held in the University of York
(England)inApril2007,underthetitle:MyfriendsRaynal,BrissotandWilberforce.
25JohnLynch,LasRevolucionesHispanoamericanas.Barcelona:EditorialAriel,1986(1979),p.39
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26See:C.LealCuriel,Juntistes,tertulianosetcongressistes,inHistoireetsocitsdel'Amrique
latine,VI
27 Cf. Ins Quintero, La Conjura de los Mantuanos. Caracas: Universidad Catlica Andrs Bello,
2002,p.149
28 C. Leal Curiel, Del Antiguo Rgimen a la Modernidad Poltica, in Anuario de Estudios
Bolivarianos,X,p.81n
29DeclaracindeDonJosVicenteEscorihuela[Caracas,01/12/1808],inConjuracinde1808en
CaracasparalaFormacindeunaJuntaSupremaGubernativa.Caracas:InstitutoPanamericano
deGeografaeHistoria,1949,p.27
30ConfesindeDonMarianoMontilla[Caracas,01/03/1809],inibidem,pp.205206
31 C. Leal Curiel, Del Antiguo Rgimen a la 'Modernidad Poltica', in Anuario de Estudios
Bolivarianos,X,p.87
32 Cf. Clment Thibaud, Repblicas en Armas (Los ejrcitos bolivarianos en la guerra de
IndependenciaenColombiayVenezuela).Bogot:Planeta/IFEA,2003,p.49
33Ibidem,pp.4853
34 According to a law which dated from 1643, Pardos couldnt surpass the grade of captain. Cf.
FrdriqueLangue,Lapardocratieoul'itineraired'une"classedangereuse"dansleVenezuelades
XVIIIeetXIXesicles,inCaravelle,LXII,p.65
35OrganizacinMilitar[18/5/1810],inGacetadeCaracas,II,98(18/5/1810),p.3
36Decreto[Caracas,26/11/1810],inGacetadeCaracas,II,16(22/1/1811),p.3
37RobertSemple,BosquejodelEstadoActualdeCaracasincluyendounviajeporLaVictoriay
ValenciahastaPuertoCabello.Caracas:EdicionesdelGrupoMontana,1969(1812),p.56
38SigueeldonativodedineroenlosPardosandDonativoshechosalapatriaporlosvecinosdel
puebloSanFranciscodeTiznadosinGacetadeCaracas,I,48(3/9/1811),p.4
39Donativoshechosltimamentealacausapblica,inGacetadeCaracas,II,129(26/11/1810),
p.4
40Representacindeunbuenpatriota,inGacetadeCaracas,II,102(8/6/1810),p.3
41HabitantesdeVenezuela,inGacetadeCaracas,II,103(15/6/1810),p.4
42InGacetadeCaracas,II,(2/6/1810),p.2
43InGacetadeCaracas,II,103(15/6/1810),pp.34
44 Continuacin del Reglamento de Diputados, Captulo I, Nombramiento de los electores
parroquiales,inGacetadeCaracas,II,107(18/7/1810),p.3
45Continuacindelreglamentodediputados,inGacetadeCaracas,II,106(6/7/1810),p.2
46 . Ribas left for the island of Curazao along with some of his collaborators, among who was a
Pardo: the surgeon Jos Mara Gallegos. M. A. Rodrguez, Los Pardos Libres en la Colonia. In
Boletn de la Academia Nacional de la Historia, 299, p.51 Carraciolo Parra Prez, Historia de la
primerarepblicadeVenezuela,I.Caracas:AcademiaNacionaldelaHistoria,1959,p.470471
47NotadeMiranda[23/5/1809],inArchivodelGeneralMiranda,XXII,pp.349350
48 Cf. C. Parra Prez, Historia de la Primera Repblica de Venezuela, II. Caracas: Academia
NacionaldelaHistoria,1959,p.27n
49CaroleLealCuriel,"Tertuliadedosciudades",inFranoisXavierGuerra,AnnickLamperire,et
al. (Eds.), Los Espacios Pblicos en Iberoamrica. Mxico: Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 1998,
p.190
50See:PaulVerna,"TraslashuellasdeJuanBaillo,inBoletnHistrico,X
51 Discurso en el que se manifiesta el verdadero origen de las virtudes polticas [Caracas,
4/7/1811],inTestimoniosdelapocaEmancipadora.Caracas:AcademiaNacionaldelaHistoria,
n/a,p.350
52 Requisa levantada por el Marqus de Casa Len [Caracas, 4/12/1812], in Archivo General de
Indias[Seville],PacificacindeCaracas,437Exp.9,doc.3
53Cf.JuanUslarPietri,HistoriadelaRebelinPopularde1814.Madrid:Edime,1972,p.33
54PedroUrquinaona,MemoriasdeUrquinaona.Madrid:EditorialAmrica,1917(1820),pp.185
190
55FranciscoXavierYnez,Compendio de la Historia de Venezuela. Caracas: Academia Nacional
delaHistoria,1944(1840),pp.191192
56RosciotoBello[Caracas,9/6/1811]JuanGermnRoscio,Obras,III,n/a,pp.2627
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57 Requisa levantada por el Marqus de Casa Len [Caracas, 4/12/1812], in Archivo General de
Indias,PacificacindeCaracas,437Exp.9,Doc.3GabrielA.Muoz,Monteverde:cuatroaos
dehistoriaPatria, I. Caracas: Biblioteca de la Academia Nacional de la Historia. Fuentes para la
HistoriaRepublicanadeVenezuela,1987,p.148
58F.X.Ynez,op.cit.,pp.191192
59 Karen Racine, Francisco de Miranda (A Transatlantic Life in the Age of Revolution).
Wilmington:SRBooks,2002,p.234n
60Cf.C.LealCuriel,"Elrboldeladiscordia",inAnuariodeEstudiosBolivarianos,VI,6,p.160
61 C. Leal Curiel,"Tertulia de dos ciudades", in Franois XavierGuerra, Annick Lamperire, et al.
(Eds.),LosEspaciosPblicosenIberoamrica.Mxico:FondodeCulturaEconmica,1998,pp.192
193ArtculoComunicado,inGacetadeCaracas,III,(17/1/1812),p.4
62ConcluyeelArtculoComunicado,inGacetadeCaracas,III,(24/1/1812),p.4RoscioaBello
[Caracas,9/6/1811]J.G.Roscio,op.cit.,pp.2627
63Idem
64 Representacin de Pedro Arvalo [Caracas, 11/3/1811], in Gaceta de Caracas, II, 146
(15/3/1811),p.4
65Idem
66 Cf. Tulio Arends, Sir Gregor McGregor (Un escocs tras la Aventura de Amrica). Caracas:
MontevilaEditores,1988,pp.4243
67Cf.Ibidem,p.43
68JosDomingoDaz,RecuerdossobrelaRebelindeCaracas.Caracas:AcademiaNacionaldela
Historia,1961(1829),pp.9091
69Sesindel5dejuliode1811,inCongresoConstituyentede18111812,I.N/a,pp.125126
70DerechosdelHombreenSociedad",inGacetadeCaracas,III,42(23/7/1811),p.3
71Sesindel31dejuliode1811,inCongresoConstituyentede18111812,I.N/a,p.200
72Idem
73Ibidem,p.207
74Ibidem,p.205
75Ibidem,p.206
76Ibidem,p.204
77Idem
78Representacin,inGacetadeCaracas,I,45,13/8/1811),p.4
79Sesindel31dejuliode1811,inCongresoConstituyentede18111812,I.N/a,p.206
80 Cf. Jos Gil Fortoul, Historia Constitucional de Venezuela, I. Caracas: Ediciones Sales, 1964,
p.411
81Insurreccindelda11,inGacetadeCaracas,I,41(16/7/1811),p.3
82Presoscomoautoresycmplicesenlafugadelosreosdeestado,inDocumentosRelativosala
RevolucindeGualyEspaa.Caracas:InstitutoPanamericanodeGeografaeHistoria,1930,p.102
83Idem
84Cf.J.UslarPietri,op.cit.,p.34
85 Narciso Coll Y Prat, Memoriales sobre la Independencia de Venezuela. Caracas: Academia
NacionaldelaHistoria,1960,p.181
86J.UslarPietri,op.cit.,pp.5153C.Thibaud,op.cit.,pp.109113
87 M. J. Sanz to Miranda [Guatire, 10/7/1812], in Archivo del General Miranda, XXIV. La
Habana:EditorialLex,1930,p.66
88AzcaniotoMiranda[SantaLuca,2/7/1812],inibidem,pp.324325
89Ibidem,413
90PazdelCastillotoMiranda[Caracas,5/7/1812]inibidem,p.288
91 Francisco Pal to General Miranda[Caracas, 7 de julio de 1812], inEpistolario de la Primera
Repblica,II.Caracas:AcademiaNacionaldelaHistoria,1960,p.65
92ObservacionesdeunciudadanodeCaracassobreestemanifiesto,inGacetadeCaracas, III,
(5/6/1812),p.3
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93 Jos de Austria, Bosquejo de la Historia Militar de Venezuela, I. Caracas: Biblioteca de la

AcademiaNacionaldelaHistoria,1960,p.103
94G.A.Muoz,op.cit.,pp.87,194,279n
95C.ParraPrez,HistoriadelaprimerarepblicadeVenezuela,II.Caracas:AcademiaNacional
delaHistoria,1959,p.436

Pourcitercetarticle
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AlejandroE.Gmez,ThePardoQuestion,NuevoMundoMundosNuevos[Enligne],
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SaintDominguecheznous[Texteintgral]
ExtraitdethsededoctoratenHistoireetcivilisationsprsentelEHESS(Paris)sousla
directiondeMmeFrdriqueLangue(CNRS)lcoledeshautestudesensciencessociales
le13dcembre2010.Thse:LeSyndromedeSaintDomingue.Perceptionset
reprsentationsdelaRvolutionhatiennedansleMondeatlantique,17901886.
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LasaventurasdeFranciscodeMunchausen[Texteintgral]
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