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At The Origins of Christian Worship PDF
At The Origins of Christian Worship PDF
Christian Worship
The Context and Character
of Earliest Christian Devotion
Larry W. Hurtado
1 9 9 9 Larry W. Hurtado
All rights reserved
First published 1 9 9 9 in the U.K. by Paternoster Press
Paternoster Press is an imprint of Paternoster Publishing
P.O. Box 3 0 0 , Carlisle, Cumbria, CA3 OQS, UK
This edition published 2 0 0 0 in the United States of America by
Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company
2 5 5 Jefferson Ave. S.E., Grand Rapids, Michigan 4 9 5 0 3 /
P.O. Box 163, Cambridge CB3 9PU U.K.
www.eerdmans.com
Printed in the United States of America
0 5 04 03 02 01 0 0
7 6 5 4 3 2
cm.
I. Title.
2000
to
Shannon
Contents
Preface
Introduction
1. T h e Religious E n v i r o n m e n t
ix
1
7
39
3 . T h e Binitarian S h a p e o f E a r l y Christian W o r s h i p
63
98
Bibliography
119
Preface
At
the
Origins
of Christian
Worship
Abbreviations
A b b r e v i a t i o n s o f b o o k s o f the B i b l e , A p o c r y p h a , P h i l o ,
J o s e p h u s a n d e x t r a - c a n o n i c a l early Christian writings are
those of the Journal of Biblical Literature.
ANF
Introduction
Christian w o r s h i p has a long and c o m p l e x history, and this little volume is a b o u t its earliest o b s e r v a b l e stages. O v e r the last
t w o decades my o w n research has focused on the first t w o c e n turies of the Christian m o v e m e n t , with special attention to the
origins and early development of devotion to Christ. I have
been particularly interested in the expression of this devotion
in the w o r s h i p setting. I a m , h o w e v e r , a specialist in the N e w
T e s t a m e n t and Christian origins, n o t a historian of liturgy; but
I have given c o n s i d e r a b l e attention to a n c i e n t Christian
w o r s h i p because of its significance for understanding early
Christianity. A t the risk o f severe understatement, o n e o f the
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c things early Christians did was to w o r s h i p .
Early Christianity w a s , after all, a religious m o v e m e n t , striving to o r i e n t adherents to the divine purposes p r o c l a i m e d in its
gospel message. If, therefore, we w a n t to analyse m a j o r phen o m e n a o f early Christianity, C h r i s t i a n s ' devotional practices
are clearly key matters for a t t e n t i o n . B u t the w o r s h i p of the
earliest Christians casts light on other features of the Christian
m o v e m e n t as well. In the following chapters I a p p r o a c h early
Christian w o r s h i p by setting it within the c o n t e x t of the
R o m a n world (including particularly the J e w i s h tradition) in
which it emerged.
S c h o l a r s o f the N e w T e s t a m e n t and Christian origins have
tended to focus on the religious beliefs of early C h r i s t i a n s ,
and the data for their studies have tended to be the verbal
expressions of beliefs in early Christian t e x t s and the v o c a b u lary o f these e x p r e s s i o n s . T h e verbal e x p r e s s i o n s o f early
Christian beliefs, for e x a m p l e , their ' c h r i s t o l o g y ' , are of
At
the
Origins
of Christian
Worship
Introduction
Pliny, Epistles
Letters of Pliny,
translation in
Fathers: Creek
2.12-15.
At
the
Origins
of Christian
Worship
7
3
Introduction
pagan religious practices. A l s o , we shall see h o w early Christian w o r s h i p w a s e n d o w e d with rich m e a n i n g , even with
transcendent significance, though it would have been seen outwardly as rather unimpressive in c o m p a r i s o n with the often
e l a b o r a t e and striking c e r e m o n i e s o f the R o m a n e n v i r o n m e n t .
T h e n , in chapter three, I turn to a rather detailed discussion
o f the place o f Christ i n the m o n o t h e i s t i c w o r s h i p o f early
Christians. H e r e I return t o , and e x p a n d upon, an earlier
itemised analysis of the cultic a c t i o n s directed t o w a r d Christ
and the w a y that Christ figures in the C h r i s t i a n s ' public and
c o r p o r a t e devotional life. B o t h in an earlier b o o k and in this
chapter, I aim to d e m o n s t r a t e that Christ w a s given the sorts
of devotion that we can properly understand as full cultic
w o r s h i p , and that we c a n rightly describe Christian w o r s h i p
of the earliest o b s e r v a b l e decades as genuinely 'binitarian'.
That is, I contend that at this surprisingly early stage C h r i s tian w o r s h i p has t w o recipients, G o d and Christ, yet the early
Christians understand themselves as m o n o t h e i s t s and see
their inclusion of Christ in their devotional life as in no way
iompromising the uniqueness o f the o n e G o d t o w h o m they
lad been converted through the gospel. T h i s topic has been
:he subject of a g o o d deal of investigation and debate in
tcent years, and so I engage a n u m b e r of o t h e r scholars
n this c h a p t e r , especially in the m a n y n o t e s .
4
At
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of Christian
Worship
Chapter 1
The Religious Environment
E a r l y Christian worship did n o t t a k e place in a religious vacuum. T h e R o m a n w o r l d was chock-full of religiosity, with a
dizzying array of religious g r o u p s , m o v e m e n t s , c u s t o m s , activities a n d related p a r a p h e r n a l i a . Earliest Christian faith did not
represent religiousness over against irreligious culture, but
had to enter the 'traffic' as a new m o v e m e n t on a very c r o w d e d
and well-travelled h i g h w a y o f religious activity. T h i s vibrant
and diverse religious e n v i r o n m e n t of the R o m a n w o r l d is very
significant for understanding that w o r l d and for any a c c u r a t e
appreciation o f earliest Christian w o r s h i p .
If s o u n d historical m e t h o d involves attempting, insofar as
possible, to view a subject of investigation in its historical
c o n t e x t , then earliest Christian w o r s h i p a n d devotional life
must be seen within the c o n t e x t of religious features of the
R o m a n w o r l d , especially the p h e n o m e n a that have to do with
the devotional life of the R o m a n period. W i t h i n the limits of
this c h a p t e r it is n o t possible to discuss, or even to m e n t i o n ,
the full range of matters that m a d e up the religious environment of the time. Instead, I shall select a n u m b e r of features of
R o m a n - e r a religiousness that I hope will be of particular help
in b e c o m i n g acquainted with the setting in w h i c h Christian
worship first appeared. In later chapters we shall l o o k m o r e
closely at the p h e n o m e n a of earliest Christian w o r s h i p
and w h a t the earliest Christians seem to have m e a n t by and
1
For brief descriptions of the Greek and Latin terms for religiousness, piety, etc., sec 'Religion, Terms Relating to,' in Hammond and
Scullarcl, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 9 1 7 .
At
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Worship
Ubiquity
Perhaps the first thing to emphasise is the pervasiveness of
religion in the R o m a n w o r l d . It is in fact difficult to p o i n t to
a n y aspect of life in that period that was not explicitly
2
The
Religious
Environment
10
At
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Origins
of Christian
Worship
Salience
A n o t h e r w a y t o appreciate the p r o m i n e n c e and pervasiveness
of religion in the R o m a n period is to note its sheer visibility.
M a j o r p o r t i o n s o f city space w e r e taken u p with n u m e r o u s
temples, and these buildings w e r e often the largest, m o s t e l a b o r a t e a n d expensive to be found in urban areas. O n e c o u l d n o t
visit any R o m a n - e r a city w i t h o u t being struck forcibly by the
place o f the gods. T h e surviving architecture o f the ancient
w o r l d still reflects this, as any visitor to the A c r o p o l i s of
Athens or the F o r u m in R o m e c a n attest. T h e s e structures were
m a d e of expensive stone, w e r e usually colourfully painted and
decorated, a n d w e r e situated p r o m i n e n t l y on central sites in
the cities. M o r e o v e r , the building o f n e w temple structures and
the refurbishing a n d e x t e n s i o n of existing ones were frequent
t h r o u g h o u t the R o m a n period. V i s i t o r s t o practically any busy
R o m a n - e r a city would likely have noted n u m e r o u s
The
Religious
Environment
11
12
At
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Worship
Diversity
A l o n g with the ubiquity and salience of religion in the R o m a n
period, we m u s t r e c k o n with its diversity. F o r all people of that
period, with the e x c e p t i o n of devout J e w s and then C h r i s t i a n s ,
the gods were m a n y and w h a t we m a y call 'the divine' w a s
manifested in m a n y forms, with m a n y divine beings, all of
them in principle valid. Proper piety involved a willingness to
h o n o u r all these manifestations of divinity a c c o r d i n g to the
religious traditions associated with t h e m . Save for the J e w s ,
each ethnic g r o u p in the R o m a n world had its o w n a s s o r t m e n t
of deities to be reverenced. S o m e deities were particularly
linked with this or that city (e.g., A t h e n a with A t h e n s , or Artemis with Ephesus) and were revered as p r o t e c t o r s of their
The
Religious
Environment
13
14
At
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Worship
In addition to the variety of deities reflecting the various cities, peoples and regions of the R o m a n oikoumene, there w a s
always the diversity of divine beings a n d associated devotional
practices that pertained to various spheres of life, as mentioned earlier. At meals there might be small libations to the
h o u s e h o l d gods, reverenced also with household shrines
before w h i c h frequent devotion w o u l d be offered by the family. R e g i o n a l or city deities were reverenced by the p o p u l a c e ,
especially in periodic festivals manifesting loyalty to the deities
The
Religious
15
Environment
10
16
At
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Origins
of Christian
Worship
13
11
13
14
The
Religious
Environment
17
18
At
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Worship
17
The
Religious
Environment
19
Sacred P l a c e s
As in nearly all times a n d cultures, in the R o m a n w o r l d , t o o ,
the practice of religion w a s particularly associated with sacred
places. T h o u g h appeals to the gods might be m a d e wherever
the need a r o s e , it w a s usually thought t h a t there was special
itfficacy in a p p r o a c h i n g them in the temples, shrines and o t h e r
Mcred places with which they w e r e m o r e directly associated.
S a c r i f i c e in particular w a s m o r e often than n o t deemed m o r e
appropriate in the sacred places, and in s o m e cases sacrifice
was forbidden elsewhere. So far as we k n o w , for m o s t devout
Jews, for e x a m p l e , the J e r u s a l e m temple w a s the o n l y spot
where b l o o d sacrifice c o u l d legitimately be offered to the G o d
o f Israel. T h e other deities o f the R o m a n era likewise c h a r a c teristically had temples a n d shrines in their h o n o u r , and it
20
At
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Worship
T h i s means that the sacred places of the gods were not only
p r o m i n e n t but heavily frequented, both for w h a t we w o u l d
think of as o b v i o u s l y religious purposes and for wider social
and cultural purposes as well. In particular, cult centres were
places where groups of people could eat and drink together
19
MacMullen, Paganism, 1.
Ibid., 3 5 . The whole of MacMullen's discussion in Paganism,
3 4 - 4 2 , offers valuable insight into Roman-era sacred places and
their importance in the religious and cultural life of the time.
20
The
Religious
Environment
21
easily. I will say m o r e a b o u t religious meals later in this discussion. At this point, however, I w a n t to n o t e that the temples of
the pagan gods were also frequently used as c o n v e n i e n t places
for social dining and often had r o o m s a t t a c h e d to the central
shrine that c o u l d be used (likely rented out) for such purp o s e s . T h u s , part of the reason that R o m a n - e r a temples are
to be seen as so i m p o r t a n t a feature of city life is that people
frequented them for a range of purposes and c o m b i n e d social
and religious life and activities easily within their precincts. A
great deal of financial outlay was involved in shrines and
temples, and a great deal of life was related to them.
21
Images
J u s t as characteristic as temples and shrines were cult images of
(lie gods, the temples n o r m a l l y serving as houses of the gods as
represented by their cult images. H e r e again we see the strongly
visual nature o f the religious e n v i r o n m e n t o f the R o m a n e r a . I t
was thought the m o s t natural thing to have and use images representing the gods as foci of w o r s h i p . As m e n t i o n e d earlier, the
emerging divine-emperor devotion of the early imperial period
is particularly valuable to us in illustrating the i m p o r t a n c e of
cult images. T h e requests from this or that city or region for the
r m p e r o r ' s permission to h o n o u r him cultically included
requests for permission to set up the e m p e r o r ' s image and give it
Ciiltic h o n o u r s . It was simply unimaginable to reverence any
22
21
22
At
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23
Be
van,
Holy
Images:
An
Inquiry
into
Idolatry
and
Image-Worship in Ancient Paganism and in Christianity. For
Roman-era Jewish attitudes toward the cult images of the Gentiles,
see, e.g., Philo, Decal. 66-76; Wis.Sol. 1 3 - 1 4 .
Hopkins, The Discovery of Dura Europos; Bickerman, 'Symbolism in the Dura Synagogue' in Bickerman, Studies in Jewish and
Christian History; Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in
the Land of Israel, and id., 'Early Jewish Art and Architecture' in
Freedman, D.N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary; Ovadiah 'The Art
of the Ancient Synagogues in Israel' in Urman and Flesher, (eds.),
Ancient
Synagogues:
Historical
Analysis
and
Archaeological
Discovery.
24
The
Religious
Environment
23
Rituals
It is hard to imagine the practice of religion w i t h o u t some form
of rituals, actions invested with specially sacred significance
and particularly expressive of piety that b e c o m e regularised
for this or that religious group or tradition. In the R o m a n era,
as in nearly all ancient religion, there w a s a rich variety of
ritual actions for various o c c a s i o n s and for various deities.
Sacrifice was a c o m m o n ritual c o m p o n e n t of the w o r s h i p of
most divinities, including, of c o u r s e , the G o d of Israel. Given
the s e m a n t i c development of our w o r d 'sacrifice', which has
c o m e to c o n n o t e loss suffered for the sake of s o m e o n e or
2S
24
At
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27
The
Religious
Environment
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29
30
31
JN
26
At
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Meals
At various points I have referred to meals as an i m p o r t a n t
c o m p o n e n t o f R o m a n - e r a r e l i g i o n . A s indicated already,
sacrifice regularly included a m e a l shared by the devotees,
and it w o u l d appear that all k n o w n religious groups had
sacred meals that provided a very meaningful, favoured
expression of their shared piety. But we must understand that
this meal-piety w a s not at all a solemn o n e . T h e o c c a s i o n s
themselves were very festive and eating and drinking were
engaged in with enthusiasm and in copious measure. Indeed,
a m o n g the rules to be observed at the entrances to s o m e
pagan shrines is a warning not to vomit up one's wine within
the sacred precincts - which suggests the sort of o c c a s i o n
involved!
A m o n g these sacred feasts, there were those held in h o n o u r
of city or local gods and open to large n u m b e r s of the population, those for initiates only, and those private dinners that
might be open to guests but for which an invitation w a s
necessary. I have m e n t i o n e d earlier that, especially in cities,
33
34
32
33
34
The
Religious
Environment
27
36
37
38
35
37
3 8
28
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Given the ubiquitous role of meals in the religious environment of the t i m e , it is understandable that in early Christian
circles a sacred meal w a s a characteristic feature of their c o l lective devotional life. T h e s e meals of Christian fellowship
were held in the h o m e s of believers with space to a c c o m m o date them (though, again, we should bear in mind that m o s t
h o m e s would not have been adequate for group dinners of
m o r e than eight to ten people).
J e w i s h Religious Life
T h o u g h I have m a d e a few short references to J e w i s h religion
in the preceding discussion, I wish n o w to m a k e some m o r e
extensive c o m m e n t s . Given the i m p o r t a n c e of J e w i s h religion
for the origins of Christianity, it is worth singling out this facet
of the R o m a n religious environment for special attention.
Again, I must be selective and will focus on certain features of
See the recent review of various types of Jewish meals that have
been considered as context for the accounts of the Last Supper in the
gospels by Kodell, The Eucharist in the New Testament, 3 8 - 5 2 .
K.
G.
Kuhn,
Enderwartung
und
gegenwartiges
Heil:
Uiitersiichinigen zu den Gemeindelicdern von Qumran.
41
The
Religious
Environment
29
12
30
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45
45
The
Religious
Environment
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47
46
47
48
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51
52
53
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The
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5 6
57
56
57
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The
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**<n ulicial meals shared by worshippers in the J e r u s a l e m temwould certainly have been seen as particularly significant,
mill I'liilo's reference t o G o d a s 'the H o s t . . . t o W h o m the
niiilciiiil provided for the [sacrificial] feast has c o m e to
'tiling . . . ' suggests that the sacrificial feast involves s o m e
if i ul relation between G o d and the devotees w h o eat the s a c ll'u iiil food. It is quite possible that in various w a y s D i a s p o r a
f\v saw their special religious feasts as being m o r e than simply m a n o r i a l celebrations. B u t we should be careful a b o u t
Udlti}; too many Christian eucharistic ideas b a c k into J e w i s h
t h y m u s meals. Perhaps, however, the eucharistic ideas
BfltrtK'd in the early Christian writing k n o w n as the Didache,
fit it I) seems to bear strong traces of J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n
lili'iices, may not be t o o far from the w a y s J e w s saw their
jiiyimis feasts: as ritual realisations of their religious
jil.ii'iiy and of G o d ' s merciful provisions a n d p r o m i s e s .
In .uldilion to the synagogue, the h o m e w a s an i m p o r t a n t
,16 ul' religious life. S a b b a t h , the chief weekly religious fesI, was celebrated in the h o m e as well as in the synagogue,
I lie Friday evening meal being a regular o c c a s i o n for
family piety. D a i l y prayers (morning and evening),
IpK including recitation of the Shema, were offered by
it J e w s in their o w n h o m e s , and m a y well have been
llinull opportunities for families to express their religious
A m o n g s o m e pious J e w s of the time, tefillin
H\' devices for strapping key portions of the Bible to the
I U K I
forehead for prayer) were used, as were mezuzoth
}ll containers to hold biblical passages, characteristically
\h#nnt, attached to the d o o r w a y s of h o m e s ) . T h e s e impleH* of Jewish piety are m e n t i o n e d in D i a s p o r a s o u r c e s
Knman-cra e x a m p l e s have been found at the Q u m r a n
60
61
63
36
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Summing Up
M u c h m o r e could b e said a b o u t the religious e n v i r o n m e n t o f
earliest Christianity, but I hope that I have succeeded in making
some basic points, the m o s t fundamental being the value of
giving attention to the R o m a n religious e n v i r o n m e n t for a historical understanding of early Christian devotional life and
practice. As I have pointed out earlier, in s o m e ways (e.g., house
fellowship involving a sacred m e a l ) their w o r s h i p setting and
practices can be seen as reflective of that e n v i r o n m e n t . In other
w a y s , especially in pagan converts forsaking all other deities
and cults, they were very different. It is to be e x p e c t e d that
Christians in the R o m a n era reflected in various ways their historical setting in their beliefs and religious practice, and also
that in s o m e features they m a y have been distinguishable; but
only patient analysis of early Christian religiousness in its
64
65
The
Religious
Environment
37
67
66
38
At
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Chapter 2
Features of Early Christian Worship
T h e r e are basically t w o main identifying m a r k s of early Chrislinn w o r s h i p , when considered in its religious c o n t e x t :
( I ) Christ i s reverenced a s divine along with G o d , and (2) w o r ship of all other gods is rejected. We shall consider the first of
these in the n e x t chapter. O u r discussion in this chapter takes
us its premise the latter identifying m a r k , the exclusivity of
earliest Christian w o r s h i p , which W a y n e M e e k s has judged
'perhaps the strangest characteristic of Christianity, as of
Judaism, in the eyes of the ordinary pagan.
F r o m the J e w i s h tradition of the time, earliest Christianity
inherited a m o n o t h e i s t i c exclusivity of w o r s h i p , demanding of
adherents a renunciation of the worship of o t h e r gods. Chrislian J e w s , at least for the first few decades of the Christian
movement, appear to have c o n t i n u e d their participation in
synagogues and in temple-based religious activities and events
in J e r u s a l e m (e.g., annual feasts such as Passover, prayer in the
temple, sacrifices). Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles, continued
determinedly his J e w i s h religious a s s o c i a t i o n s , m o s t markedly
demonstrated in his repeated willingness to undergo synagogue floggings, which were dispensed as punishments for
unspecified violations of J e w i s h religiousness as judged by
synagogue authorities (2 C o r . 1 1 : 2 4 ) . T h a t is, in the earliest
1
Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paid, 1 6 0 . The whole of Meeks's chapter on early Christian
'ritual' (pp. 1 4 0 - 6 3 ) is very much worth consultation.
For examples of Jerusalem temple participation, see, e.g., Acts
2:46; 3:1; 5:12, 2 1 , 42; 2 1 : 1 7 - 2 6 .
1
40
At
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Worship
Features
of Early
Christian
Worship
41
Intimacy
The physical setting of earliest Christian worship was the
home, in m o s t cases p r o b a b l y the h o m e s of c o m p a r a t i v e l y
better-off Christians with sufficient e c o n o m i c resources to
have space to a c c o m m o d a t e worship g a t h e r i n g s . M o r e specifically, since the c o m m o n meal w a s a central c o m p o n e n t of
first-century Christian w o r s h i p , the setting w a s likely the
dining area of the h o m e . E x c a v a t i o n of the h o m e s of the prosperous in R o m a n cities shows that dining r o o m s could rarely
c o m m o d a t e groups o f m o r e than nine o r s o , when one
Billows for the c o u c h e s on which diners reclined in the H e l l e lldfic fashion that w a s so widely followed in the R o m a n
pvriod. Even if the atrium area of the h o m e were used for
ficklitional dining space, m o s t R o m a n villas could have
iiccommodated a g r o u p no larger than forty to fifty. So the
domestic setting, the size of the house-church group, and
I lie characteristic central place of a shared meal in the
4
40
At
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of Christian
Worship
Borgen, ' " Y e s , " " N o , " "How Far?": The Participation of Jews
and Christians in Pagan Cults' in Engberg-Pedersen (ed.), Paul in His
Hellenistic Context, also Winter, 'Acts and Roman Religion' in Gill
and Gempf (cds.), The Book of Acts in its Graeco-Ronum Selling.
Features
of Early
Christian
Worship
41
Intimacy
The physical setting of earliest Christian w o r s h i p was the
home, in m o s t cases p r o b a b l y the h o m e s of c o m p a r a t i v e l y
hrttcr-off Christians with sufficient e c o n o m i c resources to
hivc space to a c c o m m o d a t e w o r s h i p g a t h e r i n g s . M o r e specifically, since the c o m m o n meal was a central c o m p o n e n t of
first -century Christian w o r s h i p , the setting w a s likely the
Illing area o f the h o m e . E x c a v a t i o n o f the h o m e s o f the prospti'ous in R o m a n cities shows that dining r o o m s could rarely
E o m m o d a t e groups o f m o r e than nine o r s o , when o n e
H o w s f o r t h e c o u c h e s o n which diners reclined i n the Helle|,'*tic fashion t h a t was so widely followed in the R o m a n
ppn'od. Even if t h e atrium a r e a of t h e h o m e w e r e used for
A d d i t i o n a l dining space, m o s t R o m a n villas could have
iiccommodated a group no larger than forty to fifty. So t h e
domestic setting, t h e size o f t h e house-church group, a n d
the characteristic central place of a shared meal in t h e
4
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43
10
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T h e language of earliest Christian discourse used in c o l l e c tive w o r s h i p is expressive of i n t i m a c y . " Christians referred to
one a n o t h e r as brothers and sisters, children of the same
heavenly F a t h e r , or m e m b e r s of o n e body (1 C o r . 1 2 : 2 7 ) . It is
likely that, as m e m b e r s of w h a t social scientists might
describe as a 'fictive family' of brothers and sisters in Christ,
earliest Christians deemed the familiarity of the fellowship
kiss, acceptable a m o n g m e m b e r s of the same biological family, appropriate also in the Christian worship setting where
their family relationship under G o d was particularly
expressed.
Participation
T h e intimacy of fellowship was in principle to be extended to
all m e m b e r s of the c h u r c h , regardless of their individual
social status, e c o n o m i c standing and gender. ' T h e r e is no longer J e w or G r e e k , there is no longer slave or free, there is no
longer m a l e or female; for all of you are o n e in C h r i s t J e s u s ' ,
says the Apostle Paul ( G a l . 3 : 3 8 ; cf. C o l . 3 : 1 1 ) . Although in
its i m m e d i a t e c o n t e x t this statement functions as part of
Paul's discussion of the full enfranchisement of Gentile
converts along with J e w i s h Christians as m e m b e r s of G o d ' s
redeemed people, children o f A b r a h a m , all o f w h o m belong
to Christ, it is clear that Paul here also represents the ideals to
be reflected in the w o r s h i p gatherings of the early Christian
movement.
T h u s , for e x a m p l e , although elsewhere Paul urges the
retention of a gender distinction in the hairstyles of men and
w o m e n , he also specifically mentions both genders participating in c o r p o r a t e worship through such actions as public prayer
and p r o p h e c y (1 C o r . 1 1 : 2 - 1 6 , esp. v. 6 ) . M o r e o v e r , in Paul's
discussion of the diversity of spiritual gifts that can be
manifested publicly in w o r s h i p (1 C o r . 1 2 : 1 - 3 1 ) there is no
House
Churches in
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Christian groups were not the only ones in which males and
females and people of different social strata and nationalities
could j o i n in c o m m o n cultic activities, but one of the
p r o m i n e n t features of Christian worship was this breadth of
participation.
Perhaps especially for w o m e n and those
w h o s e social status or ethnic b a c k g r o u n d could prove a
disadvantage, it was particularly meaningful to e x p e r i e n c e
a c o r p o r a t e solidarity in worship t h a t relativised or
transcended the lines of differentiation and marginalisation
operative in their life outside of the worship setting. Often, the
leaders of the house c h u r c h e s m a y well have been those m e m bers of the little groups with c o m p a r a t i v e l y m o r e social skills,
suitable experience and m o r e education, w h o were m o r e
a c c u s t o m e d to exercising such roles. T h a t is, they were likely
often those o f s o m e w h a t better social and e c o n o m i c b a c k grounds. B u t there w a s , o f c o u r s e , n o hereditary priesthood,
indeed in the first century no Christian priestly order at all.
W o r s h i p in earliest Christian groups was c o m p a r a t i v e l y informal and in principle open to c o n t r i b u t i o n s from m e m b e r s as
they believed themselves inspired and were perceived by
others to be gifted by G o d .
13
Fervour
T h e sense of divine gifting, charisms of the Spirit of various
sorts, together with the other religious ideas and claims put
forth in early Christian p r o c l a m a t i o n and instruction gave
fervency to earliest Christian w o r s h i p . F r o m reports of s o m e
other R o m a n - e r a religious groups, it is clear t h a t e x u b e r a n c e ,
j o y , a sense of e n c o u n t e r with the divine, and even strong
religious ecstasy were often sought by devotees and were cultivated by various m e a n s in w o r s h i p events. Christian groups
13
47
ilitl not have at their disposal the sorts of resources put to use
by some other groups (and in later centuries appropriated
iilso by Christianity) to provide devotees with powerful religions experiences or at least a sense of a w e (e.g., e l a b o r a t e
v'rremonies or impressive temples), but it is clear that a religious fervour often c h a r a c t e r i s e d earliest Christian worship
mil would have been an impressive, attractive and meaning lul feature. Indeed, strong religious fervour in w o r s h i p might
well have helped to c o m p e n s a t e for the other religious activities to be foregone and might have helped to maintain the
i nnimitment to Christian exclusivity in w o r s h i p .
From Paul's discussion of the p r o b l e m s in the C o r i n t h i a n
worship practices, we gain a vivid sense of the fervency that
K mild sometimes manifest itself in ways he deemed unhelpful.
I he variety of worship-centred activities mentioned in
I Corinthians 1 4 : 2 6 all indicate worshippers w h o experience
direct divine inspiration and e x a l t a t i o n . N o t only 'revelation'
and 'a tongue or an interpretation', but also the ' h y m n ' and
'lesson' are p r o b a b l y to be taken as s o m e w h a t s p o n t a n e o u s
t ontributions believed to be inspired by the Spirit. T h e r e is a
mill larger list of p h e n o m e n a in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 2 : 4 - 1 1 ,
Including divinely inspired utterances of w i s d o m , k n o w l e d g e ,
prophecy and tongues-speaking, gifts of healing and the
f o r k i n g o f miracles, and 'discernment o f spirits' (which m a y
w o c i a t e d with e x o r c i s m ) . A l s o , when Paul challenges the
(i.ilatian Christians a b o u t w h a t they imagine the basis to be
lor the manifestations of the Spirit and the miracles wrought
among them in G a l a t i a n s 3 : 5 , it is likely that he has in mind
I lie worship gathering as the setting for such divine blessings.
In Colossians 3 : 1 6 and Ephesians 5 : 1 8 - 2 0 , the inspired
leaching and admonishing and the grateful singing of
'psalms, h y m n s , and spiritual s o n g s ' to G o d are all p r o b a b l y
lo be understood as p h e n o m e n a of gathered w o r s h i p that
illustrate the religious e x a l t a t i o n and fervency sought in the
earliest Christian groups. In 1 T h e s s a l o n i a n s 5 : 1 9 - 2 1 , Paul
urges the T h e s s a l o n i a n Christians not to ' q u e n c h the Spirit'
iiiul to m a k e r o o m for prophecy (albeit with appropriate discrimination between g o o d and bad spiritual m a n i f e s t a t i o n s ) ,
iiiul again it is probably ihe worship gathering that he has in
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1 6
17
14
16
17
49
Significance
Although the house-church setting of earliest Christian w o r ship was domestic and simple, believers were encouraged to
m u c h a profound significance to their gatherings. In large
p*u l, this significance is c o n n e c t e d to their collective signifiPpik'c as the redeemed. Paul teaches the C o r i n t h i a n converts
think of themselves collectively as G o d ' s p l a n t a t i o n (1 C o r .
G o d ' s building, with J e s u s as their foundation
(10-15); and as G o d ' s temple indwelt by the divine Spirit;
Kl he warns them that divisive threats to the unity of the
Allegation are thus sacrilege ( 3 : 1 6 - 1 7 ) . In this notion of
fhi' gathered church as G o d ' s temple, the N e w T e s t a m e n t
*liuws an analogy to similar views of the Q u m r a n c o m m u nity. "' In other texts we are told that Christian believers have
been chosen by G o d and destined from before c r e a t i o n for an
eschatological inheritance (Eph. 1 : 3 - 1 4 ) . Indeed, they have
already been exalted and given heavenly status with Christ
18
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(Eph. 2 : 4 - 7 ) and m a d e 'citizens with the saints and also m e m bers of the h o u s e h o l d of G o d ' , thus forming a 'holy temple in
the L o r d ' where G o d himself shall dwell (Eph. 2 : 1 9 - 2 2 ) . A s
G o d ' s t e m p l e , made up of 'living s t o n e s ' , and as a 'holy priesth o o d ' , they offer 'spiritual sacrifices a c c e p t a b l e to G o d
through J e s u s C h r i s t ' in their collective worship (1 Pet.
2 : 4 - 5 ) . Christ has m a d e Christians 'a k i n g d o m , priests to his
G o d and F a t h e r ' ( R e v . 1 : 6 ) , and they are promised such
things as 'the c r o w n of life' ( R e v . 2 : 1 0 ) , 'authority over the
n a t i o n s ' ( 2 : 2 6 ) , and a place with Christ on his t h r o n e ( 3 : 2 1 ) .
T h e a u t h o r o f H e b r e w s speaks o f participation i n the
c o m m u n i t y of Christian believers in a w e s o m e terms:
You have come to Mount Zion and to the city of the living God,
the heavenly Jerusalem, and to innumerable angels in festal gathering, and to the assembly of the firstborn who are enrolled in
heaven, and to God the judge of all, and to the spirits of the righteous made perfect, and to Jesus, the mediator of a new covenant,
and to the sprinkled blood that speaks a better word than the
blood of Abe). (Heb. 1 2 : 2 3 - 2 4 ) .
Given that Christians were taught to think of themselves c o l lectively in such t e r m s , it is understandable that their cultic
gatherings w e r e seen as filled with meaning and significance as
well. T h e y did n o t have temple structures or the e l a b o r a t e rituals familiar in the larger religious e n v i r o n m e n t , but (perhaps,
indeed, therefore) the gathered group w a s itself a living shrine
and their praise and w o r s h i p spiritual sacrifices pleasing to
G o d . T h e y did not have a priestly order; instead, they s a w
themselves collectively as a priesthood, all of them thus
specially sacred and their gathering a holy o c c a s i o n .
T h e y experienced their assemblies as not merely human
events but as having a transcendent dimension. T h e y sensed
G o d as directly and really present in their meetings through his
Spirit. Indeed, even a gathering of t w o or three believers is
graced with the presence of C h r i s t ( M a t t . 1 8 : 2 0 ) , giving it effic a c y in prayer and o t h e r a c t i o n s . In 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 1 : 1 0 , the
curious passing reference to the angels as present in the worship
assembly s h o w s h o w familiar the idea was. Paul's (Corinthian
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23
24
H.-W.
Kuhn,
Enderwartung
und
gegenw'drtiges
Heil:
Untersuchungen zu den Gemeindeliedern von Qumran.
Aune, The Cultic Setting of Realized Eschatology in Early
Christianity.
See, e.g., Cullmann, 'The Meaning of the Lord's Supper in Primitive Christianity', 5 - 2 3 ; McCormick, The Lord's Supper: A Biblical
Interpretation, 8 8 - 1 0 7 ; Marshall, Last Supper and Lord's Supper,
146-55.
23
24
53
'
R. I\ Martin, An Early Christian Confession: Philippians 2.5-11
in Recent Interpretation. See Michel, '[?o]uoXoyeco', in Kittel and
l i icdrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, esp.
-515-17, for the place of faith-confession as liturgical act.
'" On baptism, sec, e.g., Mccks, First Urban Christians, 1 5 0 - 5 7 ,
iiiul Ihe discussion of the practice in my next chapter.
;
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n u m b e r of features of Christian w o r s h i p , it m a y have been necessary to thematise heavily their rather simple rituals and invest
them with quite exalted significance precisely because in themselves the rituals did not have the outwardly impressive features
of the cultic practices of the pagan religious e n v i r o n m e n t .
T h e terms used to refer to the Christian gathering and its
activities also suggest an effort to invest them with large signific a n c e . T h e term used to refer especially to the gathering of
Christian believers, ekklesia, is an interesting c h o i c e for a selfdesignation by early Christian groups. T h e r e were a n u m b e r of
frequently used terms available such as thiasos (the characteristic term for a group of persons w h o associated for the worship
of a particular d e i t y ) , eranos (a fellowship to hold religious
feasts to which participants c o n t r i b u t e d ) , koinon (a fellowship), or synodos (a g r o u p following a particular t e a c h i n g ) , but
so far as we c a n tell the term ekklesia is not a m o n g t h e m .
27
28
In its historic G r e e k usage, ekklesia designated the gathering of citizens of a city to c o n d u c t civic business. Such events
always had a religious c h a r a c t e r and w o u l d be c o m m e n c e d
with offerings to the gods, but the ekklesia was not a gathering
precisely to c o n d u c t w o r s h i p . An Ephesian inscription from
1 0 3 - 4 CE calls for images of gods to be set up on pedestals in
the theatre for every ekklesia, which illustrates h o w such official gatherings of the c o m p e t e n t citizens of a city to c o n d u c t
i m p o r t a n t business was also nominally done under the authority of, and with respect for, the g o d s . As A d o l f D e i s s m a n n
noted, ekklesia was actually taken over into Latin as a loan
w o r d prior to Christian influence, though there were certainly
Latin terms for ' a s s e m b l y ' , which indicates t h a t the term
ekklesia had a special c o n n o t a t i o n of i m p o r t a n c e recognised
by Latin speakers that c o u l d not easily be c o m m u n i c a t e d by
translating the w o r d .
29
30
28
29
55
T h e other important use of ekklesia outside the N e w T e s t a ment is in the G r e e k O l d T e s t a m e n t (the B i b l e of m o s t early
l ihristians, whether J e w s or Gentiles) where it is regularly used
lo refer to Israel as the ' c o n g r e g a t i o n ' of the L o r d (ekklesia
Kyriou, e.g., D e u t . 2 3 : 2 1 C h r o n . 2 8 : 8 , m o s t often translating
I he Hebrew term qahal). In the O l d T e s t a m e n t usage, ekklesia
designates Israel s u m m o n e d by G o d to assemble for s o m e act
il obedience. But, though the term had this biblical usage, it
was not used by J e w s in the R o m a n period for their religious
gatherings, for which the term synagoge (also used in the
I X X ) was the preferred G r e e k t e r m .
S o , it appears that early Christians deliberately adopted and
preferred a distinctive self-designation, a term not used by
pa^an or J e w i s h religious groups to refer to their cultic gatherinns, yet a term whose pre-Christian usage c o n n o t e d official
ilnnificance and, in the O l d T e s t a m e n t , a special religious
ijaociiition. M o r e specifically, the term reflects the selfHiidci'stnnding of early Christian groups as being a legitimate
iillinuntion and heirs of O l d T e s t a m e n t Israel, and also as
rmhlies o f G o d ' s people, s u m m o n e d b y G o d t o o b e d i e n c e
service, proclaiming G o d ' s kingdom in this world. In the
[I (he term ekklesia for the w o r s h i p gatherings (used both
jhe 'whole c h u r c h ' of Christians in a given city, e.g., Acts
R o m . 1 6 : 2 3 ; 1 C o r 1 4 : 2 3 , and for the house-church
i, e.g., R o m 1 6 : 5 ; 1 C o r . 1 6 : 1 9 ; C o l . 4 : 1 5 ) , we have an
(ion of the effort to invest these otherwise modest gath/ith a high m e a n i n g , w h i c h , a m o n g other things, would
Itlped m e m b e r s to find in them a rationale for m a k i n g
m worship their sole religious association,
ither term that p r o b a b l y carried an official-sounding
ffk'iince is the adjective kyriakos, used in the N e w T e s t a by Paul to refer to the sacred meal as the ' L o r d ' s S u p p e r '
C o r . 1 1 : 2 0 ) , and in R e v e l a t i o n to refer to Sunday as 'the
l-tifd's Day' (Rev. 1 : 1 0 ) . Kyriakos is used in other early Christian writings as well, showing its wide appropriation (Magnes.
31
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33
Potency
W h e n discussing the religious fervour of earliest Christian
worship, I mentioned such p h e n o m e n a as prophecy and miracles of healing. T h e point I wish to m a k e here is that such
p h e n o m e n a also e x h i b i t the p o t e n c y believed by earliest Christians to be available and operative in their gathered worship.
T h a t is, for earliest Christians the worship event was not
merely a religious exercise by the participants, an opportunity
to re-affirm their beliefs and to engage in ritualised behaviour;
it w a s an o c c a s i o n for the manifestation and experience of
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36
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Features
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Christian
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4(1
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relevant matter is the way that Paul refers lo the nature of the
Christian assembly and the action that he c o m m a n d s . Having
m a d e a j u d g e m e n t a b o u t this c a s e , Paul orders the church to
gather in the n a m e of the L o r d J e s u s (v. 4) and 'hand this man
over to Satan for the destruction of the | o r his| flesh in order
that the [or his] spirit m a y be saved in the day of the L o r d '
(v. 5 ) . G a t h e r e d in J e s u s ' n a m e , they meet 'with the power of
our L o r d J e s u s ' present also (v. 4 ) , and thus e m p o w e r e d are
able to c a r r y out the judgement, which involves not merely a
severing of the offender from the fellowship of the ekklesia
(vv. 9 - 1 3 ) but also an e x e r c i s e of spiritual power that may be
p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l l y likened in s o m e ways to a ritual curse. By
the power of J e s u s , a p o w e r invoked through the ritual use of
J e s u s ' n a m e , the offender is given up to S a t a n i c affliction,
though, it appears, with a longer-term redemptive aim that
may have included the offender's r e p e n t a n c e .
41
41
61
Summary
We began this discussion by noting that for pagan converts
Christian w o r s h i p was to be the only approved form of cultic
devotion from a m o n g the rich variety on offer in the R o m a n era e n v i r o n m e n t . Given this, it is all the m o r e i m p o r t a n t to
consider w h a t m a y have characterised earliest Christian w o r ship, w h a t w a s 'on offer' there so to speak, and h o w Christian
worship w a s meaningful to adherents. It is clear that, in spite
of the rather severe and unusual demand for an exclusive
devotional c o m m i t m e n t , the early Christian m o v e m e n t succeeded in winning converts. We c a n n o t say that the w o r s h i p of
Christian groups was in itself a factor in Christian evangelism,
but to hold their converts, Christian fellowship and the c o r p o rate religious life within that fellowship had to be sufficiently
meaningful and satisfying to suffice for the range of religious
activities they were expected to forego.
To emphasise, as I have in this chapter, the qualities and features of early Christian worship is by no means to imply that
these features were all unique to Christian groups. ' P a g a n '
worship of the time also offered powerful inducements and
satisfying features for participants. In its various forms and
settings, these features c o u l d include such things as a sense of
belonging and i n t i m a c y , and rituals endowed with great significance. My aim in this c h a p t e r has been to s h o w that,
though early Christian w o r s h i p w a s fairly simple and unimpressive in c o m p a r i s o n with the m o r e e l a b o r a t e religious p r a c tices of the R o m a n period, it t o o offered features that likely
addressed the religious, personal and social needs of believers.
I c o n t e n d that the features we have considered here help us
to sec what earliest Christians got out of their worship
and what leal tires may have offset for them the plainness and
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Chapter 3
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Indeed, it appears that Christian worship has remained functionally 'binitarian', with the great majority of hymns, prayers, and other
components of worship and devotion directed to God and Christ.
Granted, in the developed theology of the Christian tradition the
Holy Spirit is also formally declared a recipient of worship, as
reflected in the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed (381 CE): 'And [I
believe] in the Holy Spirit . . . who with the Father and the Son
together is worshipped and glorified.' For text and discussion, see,
e.g., Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, 1: 2 4 - 2 9 ; Leith, Creeds of
the Churches, 3 1 - 3 3 . But this takes us considerably beyond the very
early years with which we are concerned here.
3
Three works in particular can be cited as stimulating this discussion: Segal, Ti^o Powers in Heaven: Early Rabbinic Reports about
Christianity and Gnosticism; Bauckham, 'The Worship of Jesus in
Apocalyptic Christianity', New Testament Studies 27 ( 1 9 8 1 ) ,
32241; Hurtado, One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion
and Ancient Jewish Monotheism. In June 1 9 9 8 , St. Andrews University hosted the International Conference on the Historical Origins of
the Worship of Jesus, reflecting the salience of the topic in recent
scholarship.
4
In the preface to the second edition of One God, One Lord I briefly
discuss a number of studies that appeared in the ten years between
the first and second editions.
Christian
Worship
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10
Christian w o r s h i p .
The
Binitarian
Shape of Early
Christian
Worship
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Worship
13
11
13
Christian
Worship
69
In the title of this chapter I use the term ' w o r s h i p ' to m e a n the
actions of reverence intended to express specifically religious
devotion of the sort given to a deity in the cultures or traditions
most directly relevant to earliest Christianity. T h a t is, I use the
term to designate ' c u l t i c ' w o r s h i p , especially devotion offered
in a specifically w o r s h i p (liturgical) setting and expressive of
the thanksgiving, praise, c o m m u n i o n and petition that directly
represent, manifest and reinforce the relationship of the w o r shippers with the divine. I n a s m u c h as the earliest Christians
met as groups, I am particularly interested here in the religious
devotion characteristic of these settings as a shared expression
of their religious orientation and c o n v i c t i o n s . In addition, we
shall consider features of devotional practice in o t h e r settings
(e.g., personal prayer) to the e x t e n t that such features are
openly referred to by early Christians and included by them as
part of their shared devotional ' p a t t e r n ' . My c o n c e r n is to
analyse those devotional a c t i o n s that represented for early
Christians their m o s t cherished religious c o n v i c t i o n s a b o u t the
divine.
14
15
Binitarian
Given that the religious attitudes of earliest Christians were
much shaped by biblical/Jewish scruples a b o u t avoiding the
14
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17
See esp. Hurtado, One God, One Lord; id., 'First-Century Jewish
Monotheism', Journal for the Study of the New Testament 71
( 1 9 9 8 ) , pp. 3 - 2 6 .
Some scholars use the term 'christological monotheism' to refer to
the inclusion of Christ with God in early Christianity. See, e.g.,
Bauckham, God Crucified: Monotheism and Christology in the New
Testament, esp. 2 5 - 4 2 .
17
The
Binitarian Shape
of Early
Christian
Worship
71
18
18
20
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of Christian
Worship
17
See esp. Hurtado, One God, One Lord; id., 'First-Century Jewish
Monotheism', Journal for the Study of the New Testament 71
( 1 9 9 8 ) , pp. 3 - 2 6 .
Some scholars use the term 'christological monotheism' to refer to
the inclusion of Christ with God in early Christianity. See, e.g.,
Bauckham, God Crucified: Monotheism and Christology in the New
Testament, esp. 2 5 - 4 2 .
17
The
Christian
Worship
71
18
20
18
20
At
72
the
Origins
of Christian
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S e c o n d l y , and perhaps even m o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , these phen o m e n a are the actual devotional practices of adherents of a
k n o w n religious m o v e m e n t , and they functioned as the identifying m a r k s of their devotional life. Scattered references to this
or that figure receiving reverence in literary scenes placed in
the c o s m i c past (e.g., the c o m m a n d to the angels to reverence
Adam as G o d ' s ' i m a g e ' in Vitae Adae et Evae 1 3 - 1 4 ) , the
eschatological future (e.g, the reverence given by foreign kings
to the Elect O n e / S o n of M a n figure in 1 Enoch 4 8 : 5 ; 6 2 : 9 ) or in
a figurative vision set in a celestial plane (the o b e i s a n c e of the
stars to M o s e s in Ezekiel the Tragedian) are interesting as
illustrating the speculative directions and forms that ancient
J e w i s h thought could t a k e t o w a r d exalted s y m b o l i c figures.
B u t n o n e of the proffered e x a m p l e s offers us evidence of religious m o v e m e n t s or groups w h o s e devotional pattern actually
included the offering of cultic reverence to any of these figures.
Instead, these scenes showing reverence given to these various
figures all appear to be only literary p h e n o m e n a , and this
means that the o b e i s a n c e described is not properly ' w o r s h i p '
of the figures as deities by any actual group of devout J e w s . In
the case o f the N T evidence a b o u t Christ-devotion, w e have
characteristics of the devotional praxis of the early Christian
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The Binitarian
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30
Lebreton (Dogme de la trinite, 2 2 6 - 3 8 ) draws attention to a pattern of direct prayer to Christ in accounts of Christian martyrdom,
of which the Stephen account is earliest and for which it may have
been paradigmatic. The connection of prayer to Jesus and accounts
of Christian martyrs is noted also by Bauckham ('Jesus, Worship of,'
817).
On prayer to Jesus in Christian apocryphal literature, see
Jungmann, Liturgical Prayer, 1 6 5 - 6 8 .
The expression appears frequently in the Greek Bible where it
clearly carries a cultic sense: e.g., 1 Sam. 3 : 1 ; 2 Chron. 1 1 : 1 4 ; 3 5 : 3 ;
Joel 1:13; 2:17; Judith 4:14; Sir. 7:30; 4 5 : 1 5 .
See my discussion in One God, One Lord ( 1 0 6 - 7 ) ; Conzelmann,
1 Corinthians, 3 0 0 - 1 ; Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians,
8 3 7 - 3 9 ; and now also Davis, The Name and Way of the Lord: Old
Testament Themes, New Testament Christology, 1 3 6 - 3 9 , whose
concluding judgements, however, seem to me too weak.
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3 3
Of course, as is well known, the formula also appears untranslated in Didache 1 0 : 6 , as part of the eucharistic prayer prescribed
there.
On the eschatological background of the phrase, which shows the
transference to Jesus of expectation originally directed to God, see
Black, 'The Maranatha Invocation and Jude 1 4 , 1 5 (1 Enoch 1:9)' in
Lindars and Smalley (eds.), Christ and Spirit in the New Testament,
189-96.
Ncufcld, The Earliest Christian Confessions, 4 2 - 6 8 .
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42
40
I take 'in the name of the Lord Jesus' here as modifying the participial phrase, synachthenton hymrion agreeing with the translations
in the NIV, J B , and N E B , against the R S V , N R S V , CEV, NAB. Cf.
Fee, Corinthians, 2 0 6 - 8 . Even if the phrase is taken as modifying
Paul's own verdict, the congregation is still to act 'with the power of
our Lord Jesus', which makes this clearly a cultic scene and action in
which Jesus is central. On the textual variants in v. 4 (the/our Lord
Jesus), see Fee, Corinthians, 1 9 8 . The close association of Jesus'
eschatological and present/cultic lordship in this passage also illustrates the fallacy of the notion that these two themes have a separate
history and can be fitted into some evolutionary theory. In 'Atonement Texture in 1 Corinthians 5.5', Journal for the Study of the New
Testament 7 1 , ( 1 9 9 8 ) , 2 9 - 5 0 , Schillington argues (with some others) that Paul envisions the death of the incestuous man, and that the
purpose clause (hina to pneuma sothe en te hemera tou kyriou) refers
to the preservation of the Holy Spirit in the church, not the spirit of
the man. But Schillington's repeated claims of 'allusion' to the scapegoat ritual (in Lev. 16) in the passage have no basis, and he ignores
1 Tim. 1:20, where the author also refers to handing people over to
Satan with a disciplinary intention for the offenders. On 1 Cor.
5 : 1 - 5 , I deem Fee's discussion to be most helpful (Corinthians,
199-214).
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3.
Baptism
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4 7
44
46
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4.
The'Lord's
Supper*
48
See, e.g., Wedderburn, Baptism and Resurrection: Studies in Pauline Theology against its Graeco-Roman Background, esp. 3 3 1 ,
357-58.
Most recently, Klauck, 'Lord's Supper', in Freedman, D. N. (ed.),
Anchor Bible Dictionary; id., Herrenmahl und hellenistischer Kult.
Accessible discussions of issues are given in Marshall, Last Supper
and Lord's Supper, and also in Kodell, The Eucharist in the New
Testament.
E.g., the classic theory of Lietzmann, Mass and Lord's Supper: A
Study in the History of the Liturgy. Kodell (Eucharist, 2 2 - 3 7 ) gives a
helpful overview of recent scholarship. Marxsen's detailed theses
about the evolution of earliest Lord's Supper practice depend too
much on simplistic notions of'Palestinian' and 'Hellenistic' spheres
of early Christianity and on the unexamined assumption of a
unilinear process (The Beginnings of Christology Together with The
Lord's Supper as a Christological Problem). On the use of the words
of institution from the Last Supper narratives in early eucharistic
practice, see McGowan, ' "Is There a Liturgical Text in this
Gospel?" The Institution Narratives and their Early Interpretive
Communities', JoMrna/ of Biblical Literature 118 ( 1 9 9 9 ) , 7 3 - 8 7 .
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50
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Outside of Christian usage for the 'Lord's Supper' and the 'Lord's
Day', the term kyriakos is used in the Roman period with reference
to Roman imperial m a t t e r s and items, as noted in Chapter 2 and as
of Early
Christian
Worship
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52
Si
At
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5.
55
Hymns
The
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Worship
87
h y m n i c material from the w o r s h i p life of first-century Christian circles (e.g., Phil. 2 : 6 - 1 1 ; C o l . 1 : 1 5 - 2 0 ; J o h n 1 : 1 - 1 8 ; Eph.
5 : 1 4 ; 1 T i m . 3 : 1 6 ) . T h e v o l u m i n o u s scholarship o n this m a t e rial has mainly been c o n c e r n e d with the c o n t e n t s , the
christological ideas and beliefs reflected in these passages. A
few studies have focused on the formal characteristics of these
h y m n s , and a g o o d deal of effort has been e x p e n d e d on trying to
determine whether they were all originally c o m p o s e d in G r e e k
or might, in s o m e cases, have originated in A r a m a i c . T h e putative hymn in Philippians 2 : 6 - 1 1 has perhaps attracted m o r e
attention than any of the o t h e r passages, and the w o r k on this
passage illustrates the foci I have mentioned h e r e . My e m p h a sis here, h o w e v e r , is on christological hymns/songs as a feature
of devotional practice. I e x a m i n e the p h e n o m e n o n of singing
such christological hymns as a c o m p o n e n t of the cultic practices of earliest Christian groups, and thereby an i m p o r t a n t
feature of the binitarian w o r s h i p pattern in w h i c h J e s u s figures
so very p r o m i n e n t l y .
5 6
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58
60
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58
59
60
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63
61
Pliny, Epistles 1 0 . 9 6 . 7 . Commentary by Sherwin-White, The Letters of Pliny, 6 9 1 - 7 1 0 . Tertullian (Apology 2.6) and Eusebius (HE
3 . 3 3 . 1 ) cite Pliny's statement and show that they understood it to
refer to hymns sung about and to Christ as to a god. Cf. Hengel, 'The
Song about Christ', 2 6 3 . Note 2 Clem. 1:1, 'Brothers, we ought to
think of Jesus Christ, as we do of God . . .' [phronein peri lesou
Christou hos peri Theou].
Thus, e.g., Hengel, 'The Song about Christ', 2 5 8 - 6 0 ; Old, 'The
Psalms of Praise in the Worship of the New Testament Church'
Interpretation 39 ( 1 9 8 5 ) , 2 0 - 3 3 .
Hay, Glory at the Right Hand: Psalm 110 in Early Christianity;
Juel, Messianic Exegesis: Christological Interpretation of the Old
Testament in Early Christianity. Of the many studies of the NT
interpretation of the O T , I know of none that places much emphasis
on the worship setting as the place where and how OT texts first
became meaningful christologically.
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nothing like the c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the figure of J e s u s that c h a r acterised early Christian liturgical song. T h u s , at the very
least, we have to grant a m a j o r degree of difference from the
liturgical practices and pattern m o r e characteristic of J e w i s h
groups.
M o r e o v e r , although early Christians were strongly resistant
to charges that they worshipped t w o gods and that their devotion to J e s u s constituted any threat to their m o n o t h e i s t i c
c o m m i t m e n t (as I shall emphasise in the final section of this
c h a p t e r ) , their powerful sense of J e s u s ' exalted p o w e r and his
relationship to them as L o r d profoundly shaped w h a t they did
and h o w they understood it. T h u s , for e x a m p l e , we have references to their worship and praise as offered to God and in the
name of Jesus and through Jesus (e.g., C o l . 3 : 1 6 - 1 7 ) . T h a t is,
J e s u s is very often the c o n t e n t and o c c a s i o n for w o r s h i p and
liturgical song or c h a n t , a n d is also characteristically the o n e
through w h o m the w o r s h i p and praise is efficacious.
In s o m e N e w T e s t a m e n t passages we even have indications
of hymns sung to J e s u s . Ephesians 5 : 1 9 prescribes singing 'to
the L o r d ' , w h o is likely the exalted J e s u s (cf. 'to G o d ' in the
C o l . 3 : 1 6 parallel), and in Revelation we have praise and w o r ship, including h y m n i c praise, directed jointly to G o d and 'the
L a m b ' ( 5 : 8 - 1 0 , 1 3 - 1 4 ; 7 : 9 - 1 2 ) . T h e s e scenes o f heavenly
w o r s h i p are certainly idealised and we c a n n o t take them to be
direct reflections of liturgical practices of the churches in Asia
M i n o r to which the prophet J o h n writes; but it is likely that the
themes and general understanding of w o r s h i p in these heavenly scenes are influenced by the w o r s h i p of the a u t h o r ' s
earthly e x p e r i e n c e . T h u s it is r e a s o n a b l e to infer that in the
a u t h o r ' s e x p e r i e n c e cultic praise c o n c e r n e d J e s u s and G o d and
w a s seen as directed to b o t h .
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69
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of Early
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Prophecy
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72
Hill, New Testament Prophecy; Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World; Boring, 'Prophecy
(Early Christian)*, in Freedman, D. N. (ed.), Anchor Bible
Dictionary.
Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel; Aune, Prophecy, 8 1 - 1 5 2 ;
Schmitt, 'Prophecy (Pre-exilic Hebrew)', in Freedman, D. N. (ed.),
Anchor Bible Dictionary; Barton, 'Prophecy (Postexilic Hebrew)', in
Freedman, D. N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary.
Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity, 3 2 8 - 2 9 . The New Testament texts he cites include the seven oracles to the churches in Rev.
2 - 3 ; Rev. 16:15; 2 2 : 1 2 - 1 5 , 16, 2 0 ; 2 Cor. 12:9; Acts 18:19; 2 3 : 1 1 ;
1 Thess. 4 : 1 5 - 1 7 ; 1 Cor. 1 4 : 3 7 - 3 8 ; 1 Thess. 4:2; 2 Thess. 3:6, 12.
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T h e Binitarian N a t u r e o f E a r l y Christian W o r s h i p
In describing early Christian w o r s h i p as characteristically
'binitarian', I emphasise that despite the duality ( G o d and J e s u s
as recipients of devotion), there is also a clearly evident c o m m i t ment t o a n exclusivistic m o n o t h e i s m . T h e early Christian
devotional pattern does not express itself as involving t w o
deities, although there are certainly t w o figures n a m e d as recipients of the devotion. As we noted earlier, in the NT prayer,
praise and thanksgiving are characteristically described as
given t o G o d through J e s u s o r i n J e s u s ' n a m e . F o r e x a m p l e ,
R i c h a r d s o n notes, ' G o d is always the o b j e c t of Pauline
thanksgivings, but the c o n t e n t is always explicitly or implicitly
c h r i s t o l o g i c a l ' . We also surely have evidence of direct prayer
and appeal to J e s u s . J e s u s is invoked and appealed to especially
as the L o r d of the c o n g r e g a t i o n , gathered in his n a m e and thus
in his powerful presence; but gathered thus in their larger view
t o offer true worship t o G o d 'the F a t h e r ' (e.g., M a t t . 1 8 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) .
75
76
Important
studies
include
Rohde,
'Gottesglaube
und
Kyriosglaube bei Paulus', Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamentliche
Wissenschaft 22 ( 1 9 2 3 ) , 4 3 - 5 7 ; Thiising, Per Christum in Deum:
Studien zum Verhaltnis von Christozentrik und Theozentrik in den
paulinischen Hauptbriefen; Kreitzer, Jesus and God; Richardson,
Paul's Language about God.
Richardson, Paul's Language, 259. E.g., 1 Thess. 2 : 1 3 ; 3:9; Phil.
1:3; 2 Cor. 8:16.
7t)
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of Early
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81
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Chapter 4
Reflections
for
Christian
Worship
Today
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Worship Today
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10
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15
14
See, e.g., Losch's study (Deitas Jesu und Antike Apotheose: Ein
Beitrag zur Exegese und Religionsgeschichte), which gives attention
to the deification of human rulers in the Roman world.
Michael Williams has challenged the notion that there was a cohesive 'gnosticism', but it is clear that there were Christian groups whose
beliefs reflect the lack of concern with monotheism to which I refer
here. In fact, it is interesting to note how in a number of the relevant
texts often identified as 'gnostic' the exclusivist claims of Yahweh
such as Isaiah 4 5 : 2 1 - 2 2 , which are central texts for Jewish and Christian monotheistic beliefs, are treated as the misinformed or lying
statements of an inferior god (e.g., The Apocryphon of John 1 1 . 2 0
{Robinson (ed.), The Nag Hammadi Library in English, 111]).
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d o m i n a n t (or at least ultimately the m o r e viable) Christian c o n cern w a s to develop an understanding of J e s u s ' divine
significance within the framework of faith in one God. Christian thinkers r a n s a c k e d the v o c a b u l a r y and c o n c e p t u a l c a t e g o ries of the ancient w o r l d , and when those did not suffice they
even invented new categories and new meanings for w o r d s in
an effort to develop and articulate a faith and rationale for
Christian devotional practice that both a c c o r d e d Christ full
reverence as divine yet also retained a m o n o t h e i s t i c s t a n c e .
If I m a y speak directly to fellow C h r i s t i a n s , let us see that
o u r practical w o r s h i p as well as our profession is genuinely
trinitarian, and that Christian truth and Christian w o r s h i p
a c c o r d with each other. It would be a healthy exercise for
Christians to reflect on the meaning of the o n e G o d in our
devotional life, and to develop prayer practice that does not
willy-nilly confuse G o d and J e s u s , but celebrates the unique
divine Son as from the o n e G o d . Study of the prayer expressions in the N e w T e s t a m e n t and in the liturgies and prayers of
Christian tradition (such as the Book of Common Prayer,
w h i c h w a s shaped by centuries of Christian w o r s h i p practice)
w o u l d provide helpful stimulus and resources.
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implications for Christian self-understanding and for C h r i s tian views a b o u t salvation. Christians traditionally w o r s h i p
J e s u s as the unique Son of G o d the Father. T h i s uniqueness of
J e s u s ' sonship is i m p o r t a n t .
T h i s unique sonship means that the relationship o f C h r i s tians to G o d is to be understood as derivative, and is n o t
properly seen as possessed by Christians by nature or as an
inherent property, but as b e s t o w e d by G o d ' s g r a c e through
Christ. F o r e x a m p l e , Paul portrays the filial relationship of
believers to G o d as b e s t o w e d through J e s u s , the p a r a d i g m a t i c
Son of G o d . J e s u s is the 'first-born a m o n g m a n y b r e t h r e n '
( R o m . 8 : 2 9 ) , and the Spirit o f G o d ' s S o n , J e s u s , b e s t o w s o n
believers a sense of their filial relationship to G o d ( G a l . 4 : 6 ) .
We Christians traditionally worship J e s u s as the divinelyappointed-for-us access to G o d . T h a t is, we w o r s h i p J e s u s
because of w h o he is and because of the divinely assigned role
he plays in redemption as m e d i a t o r and redeemer. Unless we
understand the N e w T e s t a m e n t appraisal o f the h u m a n pred i c a m e n t , which a m o u n t s to a m o r a l and spiritual alienation
from the one true G o d , we will n o t appreciate the significance
of J e s u s as G o d ' s unique Son sent to offer reconciliation a n d
a d o p t i o n into a filial relationship with G o d . N o r will we
understand that this filial relationship derives from J e s u s '
unique sonship.
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we are b o l d to say . . .' (and in the ' w h e r e f o r e ' hangs the tale
behind the boldness!).
W o r s h i p and Patriarchy
S o m e modern feminist criticism is both unfounded and yet
also instructive for Christian worship. It is unfounded to
c l a i m that to reverence and address G o d as ' F a t h e r ' and
to reverence and refer to J e s u s as 'the S o n ' necessarily m e a n s
to privilege maleness and to give it transcendent validation
while denying this to femaleness and m o t h e r h o o d . T h i s sort
of feminist critique presumes that all w o r s h i p is the straight
projection and divinisation of creaturely attributes such as
maleness, and that the o b j e c t of worship is s o m e idealised version of the attributes of the worshipper. On this assumption,
the d e m a n d is logically that b o t h maleness and femaleness
should be divinised. O t h e r w i s e , w o m e n have no such idealised o b j e c t with which to identify themselves. W e r e these
assumptions totally c o r r e c t , the d e m a n d would appear to be
compelling.
Properly informed, h o w e v e r , Christian w o r s h i p o f the
T r i u n e G o d is not (or at least is not supposed to involve)
the deification of creaturely characteristics. Christian
w o r s h i p is n o t supposed to be the p r o j e c t i o n of our o w n
attributes into ideal, divine status. T h i s w o u l d be a deification
of the creature, a self-worship, which is admittedly all t o o
a c c u r a t e as characterising h u m a n 'religiousness'. B u t from
the standpoint of biblical tradition, any such de facto
divinisation of the creature manifests a distance from the
effectual revelation of the true and living G o d . W o r s h i p that
is offered in response to the revealed, true a n d living G o d
should seek to avoid any deification of the c r e a t u r e .
B o t h O l d T e s t a m e n t and N e w T e s t a m e n t texts warn against
worshipping any projection of ourselves. In biblical tradition,
all deification of the c r e a t u r e , including the w o r s h i p of a n y
h u m a n attribute o r faculty, constitutes idolatry. F o r e x a m p l e ,
D e u t e r o n o m y 4 : 1 5 - 2 0 forbids making any ' i m a g e ' o f G o d
drawn from creaturely categories or p h e n o m e n a and used as
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I allude here, of course, to John 4 : 2 0 - 2 4 , which is particularly fertile for the topic of what true worship should be in light of gender
questions. Space prevents anything more than some brief pointers
for further reflection on the possible significance of this passage.
(1) The dialogue in John 4 : 7 - 2 6 is clearly quite deliberately one
of Jesus and a woman, and readers frequently note the undertone of
sexual tension in the dialogue (e.g., v. 9, 'Do you ask me, being a
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In our time, it will be a challenge for Christians to reappropriate meaningfully the idea of being in the presence of
angels in w o r s h i p , and the m e a n i n g of the notion that earthly
w o r s h i p c a n be a participation in the liturgy of heaven itself.
T r a d i t i o n a l hymns such as ' Y e w a t c h e r s and ye holy o n e s ' , or
' C r o w n him with m a n y c r o w n s ' , and h y m n i c appeals such as
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W o r s h i p and Eschatology
A n o t h e r feature of earliest Christian w o r s h i p that bears
reflection for possible meaning today is its strong eschatologic a l flavour. In terms of N e w T e s t a m e n t precedent, Christian
w o r s h i p should be understood as an anticipation and declaration of the final triumph of G o d and G o d ' s purposes in Christ.
In theological terms, Christian a c c l a m a t i o n of J e s u s as Kyrios
( L o r d ) is, thus, an e s c h a t o l o g i c a l a c t i o n , orienting participants
t o w a r d the ultimate o u t c o m e o f G o d ' s redemptive purposes.
T h e m o t i f of the presence of angels in the w o r s h i p gathering
m e n t i o n e d earlier in this discussion alerts Christians to a higher
loyalty and citizenship and the deeper dimensions of reality.
J u s t so, a recognition that a c c l a m a t i o n by the earthly historical
c o n g r e g a t i o n derives from G o d ' s e x a l t a t i o n of J e s u s and also
anticipates the future universal a c c l a m a t i o n of J e s u s as L o r d
c a n lift the eyes of the worshipping c o n g r e g a t i o n beyond the
routines and m u n d a n e acts of liturgy, beyond mere religious
honorifics. An awareness that Christian w o r s h i p has this
e s c h a t o l o g i c a l dimension c a n set faces of participants t o w a r d
the c o m i n g dawn of C h r i s t ' s redemptive victory and the
s u m m i n g up of all things in Christ that is asserted in Christian
proclamation.
F r o m C o n s t a n t i n e o n w a r d , imperial Christianity lost the
earlier understanding of itself as the provisional witness to
the K i n g d o m of G o d , and quickly imagined itself to be that
K i n g d o m in its o w n structures and earthly p r o m i n e n c e
(which had in fact been established under C o n s t a n t i n e by
very familiar use of imperial f o r c e ) . L i k e w i s e , imperial Christianity lost the earlier keenness of eschatological hope, and
settled d o w n into w h a t b e c a m e a m o r e humdrum routine of
religious acts for their o w n s a k e . B u t essential to the proclam a t i o n e m b o d i e d in the N e w T e s t a m e n t is the understanding
that all our actions stand against the horizon of G o d ' s ultimate triumph in grace through J e s u s Christ. O n l y with a view
t o w a r d , and a hope for, G o d ' s eschatological victory over all
that diminishes and destroys creation c a n Christian a c t i o n
have any meaning greater than merely o n e c u r i o u s version of
humaiteudeavour.
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Origins
of Christian
Worship
Conclusion
In this final c h a p t e r , I have proposed that the w o r s h i p of
Christians today should be informed and enriched by biblical
teachings and that w o r s h i p should be conducted thoughtfully
in the light of the need to distinguish between mere human
religion (which is always idolatrous in tendency, whether
Christian o r n o n - C h r i s t i a n ) and the revelation o f G o d . Precisely if worship seems a familiar activity to c o n t e m p o r a r y
C h r i s t i a n s , there is all the m o r e reason to do some serious
reflection, taking nothing for granted and considering afresh
the meanings and implications of Christian devotion.
Christian w o r s h i p of the o n e G o d is offered through J e s u s ,
a n d also jointly to him with G o d . As we have seen, w o r s h i p of
J e s u s is n o t merely w o r s h i p of an additional g o d , or s o m e reverence of a divine hero after the pattern of the R o m a n religious
e n v i r o n m e n t of earliest Christianity. N o r does it represent the
supplanting of an old, o b s o l e t e deity by a younger o n e . W o r ship of J e s u s properly is w o r s h i p of the one G o d , through, and
revealed in a unique way in, J e s u s Christ. T h u s , intelligent
w o r s h i p of J e s u s involves bringing to that w o r s h i p a grasp of
w h a t the gospel of J e s u s C h r i s t tells us of G o d ' s purposes.
Reflecting today on the w o r s h i p of J e s u s c a n lead Christians to
a deeper discovery of G o d and of w h o Christians are called
to be in G o d ' s redemptive g r a c e .
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