THE PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDHI OF MOLINOS MIXTEC GEORGIA G, HUNTER AND EUNICE Y. PIKE 0, INTRODUCTION ‘The Molinos dialect! of Mixtec, like other Mixtec dialects has a two- syllable couplet as the nucleus of the phonological word (K. Pike, 1948; 79-80; Mak, 1953:87; Longacre, 1957:11). The couplet in the Molinos dialect is pertinent in the description of (I) the placement of word stress (Gee L.1, Rules 2 and 4), 2) allophones of /k, i, and of nasalized vowels (Gee 7 and 9), (3) allotones (see 5), (4) the distribution of phonemes (Gee 10), and (5) in the description of tone sandhi (sce 11). Because of the importance of the couplet in description, the phonologi- cal word is treated first. 1, PHONOLOGICAL WORD 1.0. The phonological word is a rhythm unit in which timing is one of the contrastive features. That is, a phonological word of several syl- lables tends to be said with the same length of time as one with two syl- lables, and a word with numerous syllables is said very fast, as in nda?va? ‘to jump’, kalnda*va?-ti> ‘the animals are jumping’, k¥i%s0? “to boil’, i250! “to cause to boil’, si*k*I?s0"-sq" ‘I'll bol {it)’, s?"?so'- sq'de? ‘TI boil the water’, hf?sik"i?s04-sq'de? ‘we (exclusive) will boil the water’, nda*si2k™is0!.sq!de%nsa? ‘Tl reboil the water then! 1,1, ‘The nucleus of each phonological word is a couplet of two syllables. ‘This couplet may or may not be preceded andjor followed by one, t¥0, + The Sen Pedro Molinos dinlect of Mixtec has approximately 700 speakers. The town is locate in the District of Tlaxiaco, Oaxaca, Mexico, The principal informant ‘used was Felipe Ortiz Judrez, The data wore first gathered in 1964 and 1965 by Georgia Hiuntee on fel trips under the auspices of tho Summer Tnstitute of Linguistics. ‘The final analysis and preparation for publication was done by both authorsAND TONE SANDHI OF NOS MIXTEC {TER AND EUNICE V. PIKE TRODUCTION c, like other Mixtec dialects has a two- ofthe phonological word (K. Pike, 1948: , 1957:11). The couplet in the Molinos ption of (1) the placement of word stress phones of /k/ i, and of nasalized vowels ee 5), (4) the distribution of phonemes jon of tone sandhi (see 11). the couplet in description, the phonologi- OLOGICAL WORD a rhythm unit in which timing is one of is, a phonological word of several syl- same length of time as one with two syl- erous syllables is said very fast, as in: 479 “the animals are jumping’, iso? oil’, si2k"7s0!-sq! ‘I'll boil it)’, stR"7450'~ 17K"i2s0%-sq'de® ‘we (exclusive) will boil sna TL reboil the water then!’ logical word is a couplet of two syllables, e preceded and/or followed by one, two, of Mixtec has approximately 700 speakers. The xiaco, Osxaca, Mexico. The principal informant ia were fist entered in 1964 and 1965 by Georgia ices of the Summer Inatitute of Linguistics. The ication was dane by both authors PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDITL OF MOLINOS MIXTEC 25 or three syllables. In this paper when the couplet is not preceding word space, we have written a hyphen separating it from the postcouplet, syllable(s). Examples* of contrasting placement of the couplet are: ‘ka*ta?-£? ‘the child will sing’, si*kata* ‘to feed’, ka‘hi*ta?-2i? ‘the chil- dren are singing’, kj*?i*.sq'nsa* ‘I’m going then", hi®nda*ke?te?-Aa’ “the women will launder’ 1.2, ‘The placement of word stress is dependent upon the tone sequence and upon the position of the couplet within the word. Five rules may be used in determining the placement of stress in the phonological word. (Within this section, word stress has been matked by an acute accent.) Rule 1: The syllable with the last tone 1 which is followed by a lower tone within the word receives stress: kandi*ha*-dea° ‘he will obey God’, kaPnditha?.sq'ta* ‘I will obey God’, sitkiitei?-de2tl? ‘he will bathe the animal’, sku*0i*-s4* “I will bathe the animal’. If no tone 1 occurs, stress occurs on the syllable with the last tone 2 which is followed by a low tone: k"/#ni*-dé*1i “he will see the animal. Rule 2: Stress does not occur on a precouplet syllable, even when it is followed by a tone 3: ku'vj*h[2.s9! “I am cold’. Rule 3: If a word is composed entirely of syllables with tone 1, or entirely of syllables with tone 2, all syllables are equally stressed as in ké'nt*-nt ‘your turkey hen’, 2613f'nt* ‘to cover one’s head’, and ndékeé® 16 will wash’, ke18*-dé* “he will dig’ Rule 4: Stress occurs on the first syllable of the couplet (1) if a word is composed entirely of syllables with tone 3, as in ti*ndé*ko? ‘avacado seed’, £1ku?-fi ‘my herbs’, (2) if it is composed of a sequence in which each succeeding tone is higher than the preceding one, as in kf*yi?-sq ‘Lwill enter’, (3) if it is composed of a sequence of level tones followed by a higher tone, as in si%kd?sy! ‘to toast’, ki*1!2-ni* ‘your animal’, Aa°1°yi* “the world’. Rule 5: If a word contains a sequence of two level tones following a lower tone, such as 211, 322, 311, there is a unifying rhythm of the level sequence and a slight lengthening of the vowel preceding the level sequence, as in k"é*/e!.ni* ‘your comrade’, 14°2i*vi? ‘people’, 19ka?-de* grasshopper’, sére"-ni* ‘you will shave’. * The numbers represent tone: tone (high, tone ? (mid), and tone * Vow),26 (GEORGIA G. HUNTER AND BUNICE ¥, PIKE 2, PHONOLOGICAL PHRASE [A phonological phrase is made up of one or more phonological words, It is characterized (1) by a following pause, (2) by a downdritt of pitch, and (8) by phrase stress. In precise speech, downdbift of pitch is slight or absent, but in relaxed speech in a sequence of several phrases, the downérift is apparent, In the following example, although all syllables are tone 3, those at the end of the phrase are Tower than those at the beginning: Aitni® 204442 iPvd ‘three bitter herbs. Phrase stress is independent of word stress and rarely coincides with it, since word stress does not occur on the phrasesfnal syllable, whereas phrase stress usually occurs there Phrase stress occurs on the phrase-fnal syllable, except when the phrase-final word has a CVV or CVhY pattern, in which case phrase stress occurs on the next to the last syllable. (In this section word stress hhas been marked with an acute accent, and phrase stress with a circum. flex accent.) kof? ndl*t* ‘she will sell eges’, Sko%a* FalPat “she will sell chiles’, $Pkot.fa? Adthat ‘she will sell masa’, katte “1 wil sing’ In addition to the phrase stress which occurs on the phrase-inal syllable, a word may be emphasized by means of extra loudness. In the following examples we have marked this extra loudness with a double apostrophe, Examples: nd?va? kiilu? haYkd!?q? titi? ‘what does the papert!) say? mihi! KI2d? "vila? véént* pet “if (it is) a good) animal (itis worth) twenty pesos’ 3, SYLLABLE Each syllable has a nucleus which consists of one vowel and one tone, ‘The mucleus may or may not be preceded by one, two, or three cons nants, and may be followed, in restricted environments, by /2/. A syllable ending in [?] occurs only couplet-medial, or at the fusion of a couplet and postcouplet, or at the fusion of two couplets (see 10.1). Each of the following words consists of three syllables: fe%e?-a! ‘this man’, ka??vi-sa! L will read’, nst'i2-sqt “I glued (it) Examples of various syllable patterns are: fe%e® (CV-+V) ‘man’, latku! (CV+-CV) ‘worm’, stata? (CCV+Y) ‘tortilla, nste??e? (COCV+CV ‘taught’, Za??vi2 (CVP-+CV) ‘expensive’ER AND EUNICE V, PIKE GICAL PHRASE p of one or more phonological words, ing pause, (2) by a downdrift of pitch, pitch is slight or absent, but in relaxed Jhrases, the downdrift is apparent. In all syllables are tone 3, those at the those at the beginning: Pini? Zk? “word stress and rarely coincides with ur on the phrasesfinal syllable, whereas shrase-final syllable, except when the CVV pattern, in which ease phrase st syllable. (In this section word stress scent, and phrase stress with a eircum- he will sell eggs’, siko%Aa 24.20% Ad'ha ‘she will sell masa’, katate ess which occurs on the phrase-final ized by means of extra loudness. In arked this extra loudness with a double iu? ha*ké'?g? tit ‘what does the Pa? venti pési' ‘if (itis) a good(!) YLLABLE h consists of one vowel and one tone. preceded by one, two, or three conso- cted environments, by /?/. A syllable -medial, or at the fusion of a couplet of two couplets (see 10.1), onsists of three syllables: fe%e?-a! ‘this 1 C-sq* “I glued (it) tterns are: fe*e? (CV-+Y) ‘man’, lath +V) ‘tortilla’, nste*?e? (CCCV+CY) ensive’. PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDHI OF MOLINES MIXTEC 7 4, TONE CONTRASTS ‘There are three tones: tone 1 (high), tone 2 (mid), and tone 3 (low). In two-syllable words the nine possible sequences (I1, 12, 13; 21, 22, 23; 31, 32, 33) may occur in isolation but tone sequences 13 and 31 are rare, All possible sequences also occur in three-syllable words. Examples of the tones in contrast are: ta?ra'asa* ‘my father’ t2y2-sq ‘my firewood’, t@tu-sq! ‘my paper’, ilu! riki2 ‘two woodpeckers’, Puu® KPH? “two animals’, PiMu® hiki? ‘two fists’, kaPntatasa “will move’, katnta*-ia? ‘she will move’, katnta?-ti® “the animal will move’ Examples of tone sequences in three-syllable words: Aa*#i*vi* ‘the world’, ti%ka*si? ‘charcoal, sndi*ki® ‘oxen’; nu*éi*%o' ‘shoulder’, fa®Zi2vi2 ‘people’, tikatsy? ‘dry tortillas’; r@ndotkot “zapote tree, ha*¥a! Pa? “this; k*Pni*-sq “will know’, dPndiehl? "to bury’, k"Ps0* de® “the water will boil; ndi*ki#vit ‘daily’, 20°? “hat’, ko*te*ku ‘to live’; eP*atkut Tizard’, ka?nditha? to obey’, kisi? the animal is sleeping"; 2o13ini? “to cover one's head’, su'ky!-de? ‘he is tal’, PZ0!-de? ‘there is water’; ti!la?oni* ‘your hen’, ti*la?-fa? ‘het hen’, tia? ‘my hen’ (amilian); ka'2q*sa' “I am talking’, kq'2q?-it? ‘she is talking’, ka'?a?- 1°" am talking’ (familiar), 5. TONE VARIANTS: ‘Tone variants may be described in relations to their environment as defined (1) by contiguous tones, (2) by placement in relation to the couplet of the word, and (3) by their occurrence phrase final or nonphrase final. ‘There is a gradual downdrift of pitch which is perceptible in a phrase consisting of several words (see 2) Tone I has a raised allotone which cccurs when preceding a tone 2 or tone 3 within a word, In kotni-a* ‘this turkey hen’, the /ni!/ has a higher pitch than the fko'/. In vitlu!-y? ‘that cat’, the /lu!/ has a higher piteh than /vit Tone 2 has a raised allotone when preceding a tone 3 within a word. In kaPta?-ti? “L will sing’ (familiar), the /ta?/ has a higher pitch than Jka®/. In ndo&¥i*ai> “to stand up’, the /k"P/ has a higher pitch than Indo* When following tone 3 within a word, tone 2 has a lowered allotone. In hit0? hi*te! ‘wide bridge’, the syllable /to*/ has a lower allotone than, (hi).28 GEORGIA G. HUNTER AND EUNICE V, PIKE ‘A tone 3 glides downward when phrase final, as in hika?¥ ‘to agtind’, and 4.2ku2.1 ‘my herbs’ (familiar). A tone 3 has a raised allo- tone when following a tone 2 within a word, as in 1**ti ‘my pan per” (familiar). 6, CONSONANT CONTRASTS. ‘There are eighteen consonant phonemes: stops and affricates /p (rare, loan words only), t, & k, k", 2/;fricatives and spirants |v, d,s, 8 % hy: nasals /m, n, H, 0/5 lateral jj; and trill fr (rare). Bilabials Jp, v/: pata? ‘bread’, va%a® ‘noisy’ Dentals and alveopalatals ft, d, 8, & % tf: taka? ‘nest’, nda*ta?-det ‘he is spitting (it, sata ‘to mix’, S@Pat ‘grease’, Zo%ka? “lol, Za%ka® “fish. (The sequence [Sa] also contrasts with (sia) and with [Sia] as in Vio wet’, Kia “this jug’, P7808 ‘this hair’) Velars /k, k*, hl: kit ‘animal’, "ti" ‘short’, hi?1* ‘intestines. The sequence /k"V/ contrasts with the sequence /kuV/:.su*k"a* ‘eyebrow, 2ku?-a! “this herb’ ‘The glottal stop versus the absence of glottal stop: ko¥?o* ‘dish’, koto? ‘snake’. ‘The nasals, lateral, and vibrant /m, n, A, 9, 1, r/: mP2?%? ‘exactly’, PPP fast’, AUPE ‘mute’, i277 ‘grasped’, Hpki* ‘puppy’, ri?gki? ‘mouse’, ri'ki? ‘woodpecker’. (These are the only two words with jr] which are not loan words.) 7. CONSONANT VARIANTS: ‘The stop phonemes jp, k, k"/ (but not t/ or @/) have voiced allophones when following a nasal consonant. pa'a? ‘bread’, mpata® [mba‘a?] ‘compare’; ku'u? “to be able’, gkitu? [pgu°u?] ‘was able’; kvet?e? “to injure’, yk"e*2e* [pg"e*2e?] ‘was injured’. ‘There is @ lack of symmetry in that the stop phoneme /t) and the africte /&/ do not have voiced allophones following a nasal consonant: tete? “to write’, nte®e®[nto%e?] wrote; ta*ka? ‘nest’, mta*kat ‘every, all’ 4??? to become wel, ni? [nsi2?] “became wet * In addition to the phonemes which occur in naive words, there ea voiced fecative Jef whieh occurs in Spanish Toan words. Iti more fortis than the ellophone of kl: Bends “hook. BS Sa ee a aI AND EUNICE V, PIKE hen phrase final, as in hi*ka°s! “to familiar). A tone 3 has a raised allo- thin a word, as in tutA?-1i* ‘my pac NT CONTRASTS nemes:* stops and affricates catives and spirants /v, d, s, trill fr (rare) a? ‘noisy’ 2, 8: taka? ‘nest’, nda*tade2 Sa8?q! “prease’, Zatha? ol, Eatkat ntrasts with [sia] and with (Sia] as in La “this hair’) a’, KYA" ‘short’, iti ‘intestines’ he sequence /kuV/: su°k"a* ‘eyebrow’, sence of glottal stop: ko*7o* ‘dish’, |i, a, fi, 0, br: mi*Pi? ‘exactly’, > ‘grasped’, yk" ‘puppy’, ri2yki? ese are the only two words with jr NT VARIANTS not /t/ or /8/) have voiced allophones nt. paa® ‘bread’, mpata® [mbata?] yku®u® (ngu*u'] ‘was able’; K"e*Pe? as injured’ that the stop phoneme /t/ and the »phones following a nasal consonant: te"; (aka? ‘nest’, ntaPka* ‘every, all’, “became wet ur in native words, there i a voice frcative 1 is more fortis than the allophone of | ( ( | { { { { | | ( | { ‘ l { ( { ( PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDHI OF MOLINOS MIXTEC 2» ‘The fricatives/s, 2/ (but not /d/ oF /8/) have alfricate allophones when following a nasal consonant: Zo4s0! ‘to be mounted’, nfoso? [nd#0*s0*] ‘was mounted’; sa'?a® ‘to do, make’, nsa*?a? [ntsa°?a?] ‘did, made’ ‘There is a lack of symmetry in that the fricative /d/ has a stop allophone (instead of an affricate), and fricative /8/ has a fricative allophone (in- stead of an affricate) when following a nasal consonant: nda*?a?-de! {nda*?a?-de!] ‘his hand’, 2u°nde* [Pu*nde'] ‘until, S7é'tu! ‘to fill’, nsPéitut (nbitSittu!] “to have filled’, 324i" ‘to dampen’, nsiP2i'i? [n8i*8i'i7] ‘to have dampened’ ‘Because other Mixtec dialects do not have a contrast of voicing versus voicelessness following a nasal consonant we have given examples of the contrasts here: nda?va? ndaba*] ‘did fly’, ntava? (nta%ba?] ‘did pull up’; nd??? (nd4i2i7] ‘became old’, néi3i? [ntSi4] "became wet. ‘The phoneme /kj vaties from a voiceless velar stop to a voiced velar Jenis fricative when in a postcouplet syllable which is not phrase final, as in kaa?-ni* ho®o*{kigla* ndu2ti? ‘eat a few more beans’ Voiceless stop /t/ has a voiceless nasal release when preceding a nasalized vowel: 1214? (tu?t%y?] ‘firewood! The siblants /&, 2 are retroflexed when preceding /a, 0, wf: 5a°4? [Gata'] ‘very’, £0270? [fo%P0"] ‘rope’. They are not retroflexed, however, when preceding front vowels: 5°? Ii] ‘side’, e*7e* [2e*Pe"] ‘outside’. ‘The dental nasal /n/ varies to voicelessness when phrase initial preved- ing a cluster of voiceless consonants, as in [n/N]ote'e? ‘did teach’. ‘The velar nasal /n/ is voiceless when preceding /h/: pha*a? (Qhha?e"] ‘did eat’. With some speakers this alternates with the absence of the nasal consonant, as in yha?a? or haa? “did eat. ‘When preceding a consonant word medially, the glottal stop may have voiced release with the vocoid quality of the preceding vowel, as in 24°[?|?*)i2 ‘expensive’. ‘This vocoid release contrasts with a sequence in which a vowel follows a glottal stop, in that the allophonic vocoid release of the /2/ is shorter than a vowel in that environment, as in 28 24 [222i%u4] ‘hollow’ versus 1i2vi? [ti#?!vi7] ‘to suck’, ‘The voiced bilabial fricative /v/ fluctuates in the degree of rounding and friction. When it is word initial, and also when contiguous to a front vowel itis usually flat and fricative: va*?a? (ba*2a"] ‘good’, ndivi* {ndi*bi°] ‘egg’. When preceding /u/ and also when following /2), the rounded allophone is the more frequent: va'?vu? [bat?wu'] ‘coyote’, PuPPva? [Pu*Pwa) ‘salty’, Se*Pra® [e*Pwa"] ‘gully’ ‘The trill /r/ has a flap allophone which occurs word medially: va?rat (bata!) ‘sta, karat (ko®tu'] ‘truck30 GEORGIA G. HUNTER AND EUNICE Y, PIKE 8, VOWEL CONTRASTS ‘There are five oral vowels fi ¢, a, 0, u/ and five nasalized vowels fi, ¢ (rare), a 0, W/ Front vowels /i, i, ee: vi95i* ‘sweet’, iA? ‘warm’, 12/7 ‘tense’, 1392 “to seize’, te%e? ‘man’, 1e%¢* ‘forehead’, ki#t? ‘to arrive’, kee? ‘to leave’, Central vowels fa, af: kata? “bell, metal’, kq*g? ‘to adjust, kata? “to eat’, Back vowels fo, 9, u, w/: 4i?ku? “lous, ekg? ‘our fy. &uPky? Ny’, Cv*ko? ‘our louse’, 9. VOWEL VARIANTS Allophonie nasalization of vowels is best described in relation to the couplet When the couplet-medial consonant is @ nasal, the contiguous vowels are nasalized. (There is no contrast between oral and nasalized vowels in this environment.) For example: ku! (ku!ny] ‘deep’, kalni! {kan} ‘Tong’ When the coupletinitial consonant is a nasal, both vowels of the couplet are nasalized unless a consonant other than /?) or {bj oceurs between them. muu® [ny2y°] ‘face’, fa2?a* [fiq*2q%] ‘woman’, nithi! {ni2hj’] ‘you" (polite), but mu?i? [Au°ti] ‘sand’ Preceding a postcouplet nasal, however, and also preceding a couplet {initial nasal, there is contrast between an oral and a nasalized vowel even though the oral vowel may be slightly nasalized in that environment 1?tu2-Aa® “her paper’ versus 1u°1y?-Na? “her firewood’, kaPa*-Ra* ‘she will say’ versus kq2q*-a? ‘she will punch’, ku?nu’se-de? (ku?ny?y2-de?] he will be important’ versus kutmu‘-de? (kyny!-de] ‘the water is deep’ There is also a contrast of an oral versus a nasalized vowel when preceding a postcouplet nasalized vowel. éuku!-y? ‘that louse’ versus Php 2 ‘that fly’. Within the couplet, however, oral vowels and nasalized vowels do not occur contiguously (see 10.2). Of all nasalized vowels /y/ is the most heavily nasalized and /a/ is the least nasalized: kyy2 ‘Tour’, ko%o* ‘we will punch’, J ‘side’, ‘kag? ‘to punch’. “The vowel /u/ vaties from a vocoid to a syllabic [ml] when contiguous to [kj or /2), as in kuru? (kw?) (km?) Tour’, and 2424! (eww)! [em*?m] ‘ve’ : ‘The vowels are more heavily nasalized after /p/ than after other nasal site. AND TUNICE V, PIKE CONTRASTS ©, uj and five nasalized vowels ji, ¢ weet’, viPSP ‘warm’, 1177? ‘tense’, 72 ad’, Ki? ‘to arrive’, kete® ‘to leave’, cll, metal’, ka*a? ‘to adjust’, kaa? jouse’, u?ky? “y’, u*ko? ‘our louse’, VARIANTS is best described in relation to the ant is a nasal, the contiguous vowels t between oral and nasalized vowels, ste: kuetaut (kutny?] ‘deep’, katnit ant is @ nasal, both vowels of the sonant other than [2] or [hj occurs e's a?Pa (Ag2PQ"] ‘woman’, nit Pui] ‘sand’, wever, and also preceding a couplet- ween an oral and a nasalized vowel lightly nasalized in that environment: ‘-fla* ‘her firewood’, ka?a*-Aia? ‘she punch’, ku?nu@u?-de? [ku?ny?y?-de*] -de? [ky!ny!-de*] ‘the water is deep’. oral versus a nasalized vowel when vowel. ¢u*ku!-y? ‘that louse’ versus couplet, however, oral vowels and guously (se 10.2) e most heavily nasalized and Jaf is koe? ‘we will punch’, 5/2 ‘side’, id to a syllabic [m] when contiguous km?m*] four’, and Py*?y* [Py*?y']) alized after Jp/ than after other nasal zz ee PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDHI OF MOLINES MIXTEC 31 ‘consonants: yo*o? ‘we did punch’ (inclusive) versus flo'o? ‘our town’ (inclusive). Nasalized vowels ate more heavily nasalized when following Jk/ than when following other oral consonants, as in kq®a? ‘to punch’ versus Sa? ‘very’ ‘The vowel /i/ hes various allophones. (1) It may optionally be voice- Jess when following voiceless consonant phrase finally: ka'é{il ‘cotton’ {Q) It varies to i] when following /u/, as in ha*vu#i23i" “conceited”. (3) It, or its counterpart ji, is especially short when occurring in the pre- couplet contiguous to a couplet-initial vowel: vi%0*o? ‘our house’ Gaclusive), é¢22o? ‘our skunk’ (inclusive). (4) When between /§/ and 8 couplet-initial vowel, it is actualized as nonretrofiexion of the /S) sPq?ee [Sa?2y)]“ifteen’ ‘The vowel /e/ has allophones ranging from [e] to {e]. The e] is the ‘more frequent when a member of a geminate cluster, as in ke? [ke*e*] “to sink’, The [e] is the more frequent when contiguous to /?/, as in 4e2?c2 [2s47e3] ‘outside’, and when following /h or kj, as in ke*nta? {ke2nta?] ‘to leave’, hette? {he!te4] ‘digging’. (But if a geminate cluster follows (kj, the allophone [e] occurs.) There is variation, but in other environments [e] is more frequent, The vowel /o/ varies to the open allophone [6] following a nasal con- sonant or /k"/, and when it is a member of the geminate cluster /oo/, as in no*Zo* [nq*29"] ‘our teeth’, su*k*o* (su*k*o"] ‘our eyebrows’, 200? (200%) ‘our song’ 10, DISTRIBUTION OF PHONEMES 10.1, The distribution of consonant clusters within a phonological word is best described in relation to the couplet and the morpheme. Couplet- medial consonant clusters begin with either (2), (nj couplet-initial clusters, except for the cluster jst, begin with jn) or /p) ‘There are no bimorphemic clusters in a couplet-medial environment, but in a couplet-initial environment the majority are bimorphemic. Only /ns/ occurs post-couplet. . Medial in a couplet the following monomorphemic clusters occur frequently: /2m, 2n, 28, Pv, 2, 2, as in Aa®?Pmi? ‘sweet potato’, ku2?ni? “to tie up’, 5 Pla ‘sparrowhawk’, 2a2Pv/? ‘expensive’, ndi2414?u! ‘goat’, ‘+ ‘There are various clusters in Spanish loan words whic do not oevur in native words as in vePrhoPki “apricot, gatvr'e'e? ‘Gabel, wi?pka® [BEPpgn"] ‘ring’, kahute® “cafe.Pe a 32 GBORGIA G. HUNTER AND EUNICE Y, PIKE ; ‘ko'Plo' ‘turkey’. Infeequently monomorphemic clusters /nd, nt, né, yk, ?nd] also occur, as in Putnde? ‘unt’, ka°nta® ‘to move oneselt”, laéngi2 ‘sheep’, mi2yki? “brains’, ko*Pndo* “knee’. (No bimorphemic clusters ‘oveut couplet-medially.) ‘The trill /r/ never occurs couplet medially and fd/ and /g/ do not occur + there unless in a cluster with another consonant, Initial in a couplet the monomorphemic clusters /ad, nt, ns, st/ may ‘occur, as in nda? Pa? ‘hand’, nta*ka" “all, every’, nsoto® ‘to be carrying’ (only example), sta ‘tortilla’ Initial in a couplet the bimorphemie clusters /nt, ns, nk, ok", gh, stf : ‘may occur. These are composed of the morpheme {n~9} meaning é COMPLETED ACTION, plus the initial consonant of the couplet, as in me?e?-sq! ‘I wrote’, nsa® Pasa" ‘I did’, ykete?asq! ‘I sank’, yh"atarasgi | ‘Twas blind’, yhg?g®-sq* “I bought’. The cluster [st is composed of the | f ‘morpheme {s} meaning CAUSATIVE ACTION, plus the initial consonant of t the couplet, as in st/1/2 ‘to glue (something), (to cause to grasp, seize’) ) When precouplet the only monomorphemic clusters which occur are Jad, st/, as in nda*ki?ku?-sa' ‘I will mend’, and sti?kaa?-sa* ‘my blanket’. r ‘When precouplet the bimorphemic clusters /ns, n&, n8, nf, nk, st/ may occur, as in nsi*kata'-fa'ti ‘she fed the animals’, néuty!-sq! *T rolled (it) up’, nS?et-u-q! “1 filled (i), nfo8ni2ni?-sq! “Llistened’, yka%hata?- sq! T ate’ (plural, polite), sta!nda??a?-de*#1? ‘he is marrying them’ The trimorphemic luster /nst/ occurs infrequently initially in a couplet | ‘or precouplet environment, and is composed of {n} COMPLETED ACTION, {8} causarve acTION, and the initial consonant of the couplet or the precouplet, as in nst72-sa* "T did glue (it), (caused it to seize or grab), and nstq!nda*Pa*-de'zi? *he married them’, (‘he caused them to be married’). + Postcouplet the only cluster which may occur is /ns), as in nsa? ‘then! | i20-sq!nsa* ‘V'm going then!’ When & couplet is followed by a post-couplet, bimorphemic clusters of /2/ plus any consonant may sometimes* optionally occur as the result | of loss of @ vowel which contiguously follows (2), as in #4utPut-sqitit| | sPu'P-sq'ti? “Twill frighten the animals’, ndu?ya Pa-a®nduva??-a? ‘she will be better’ | ‘The choice of the allomorph with VPV versus the ane with VP depends upon the tone sequence. Ifthe vowel that follows the [2 8 the same tone as either of the con figuous syllables, it may be lost: sj! "to los’, ski"? °F wil lse” (familia). But in s4/*2Pg" Iwill lose’ (polite) the (1) must remainR AND EUNICE V. PIKE nomorphemic clusters /nd, nt, n&, nk, il, kanta? "to move oneself, la?ngi> ° “knee’. (No bimorphemic clusters medially and /d/ and /p/ do not oceur ier consonant. yrphemic clusters /nd, nt, ns, st/ may a* ‘all, every’, nsoto? ‘to be carrying’ emie clusters /nt, ns, nk, ok", gh, st/ fof the morpheme {n~n} meaning jal consonant of the couplet, as in did’, yke?et-sq! “1 sank’, pk"a24?-sq! The cluster /st/ is composed of the [ACTION, plus the intial consonant of meting)’, ("to cause to grasp, seize’. snomorphemic clusters which occur ‘L will mend’, and sti?ka%a?-sa! ‘my 3c clusters /ns, nt nf, nZ, ok, st! may d the animals’, n2i®rututosq! ‘E rolled nto°ni?ni?-sq! “I listened’, yka*hata?- ?a?-de'i* “he is marrying them’, curs infrequently initially in a couplet composed of {n} COMPLETED ACTION, tial consonant of the couplet or the lue (i), ("I eaused it to seize or grab’), ied them’, (‘he caused them to be hi may occur is /ns/, as in nsa* ‘then, a post-couplet, bimorphemie clusters times® optionally occur as the result sly follows (2), as in 8784u*Putasqtti3) snimals’, nduva®Pa-fa®|nduva Pa? V versus the one with VP depends upon the ihe / isthe same tone as either of the con 40 lose, si*kj21 "1 will lose (mila). pe PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDH OF MOLINOS MIXTEC 3 Similarly, a cluster of /?/ plus any consonant may (depending upon the tone sequence) optionally occur across word boundaries, ‘The result js a fusion of the two words into one phonological word, as in &i224?Pu2 fa?ni?-sa'|*4u?AaPni*-sq! ‘my brother will deny Gt)’, ndi?va%Pa ‘ia?nl?-sq!nduva? PAaeni*-sq! ‘my brother will be better’. 10.2. The distribution of vowel clusters is also best deseribed in relation to the couplet and the morpheme,* in that vowel clusters which occur within a monomorphemic couplet are always geminate and diverse vowel clusters are always bimorphemic. In a monomorphemic couplet, any geminate vowel cluster (with the exception of /og/) may occur: 2/27? ‘difficult’, #272 ‘to seize’, or ‘grasp’, fete? ‘man’, 21°1¢%¢* ‘tomorrow’, ka%a? ‘to eat’, kaa? “to punch’ ko%o? ‘snake’, tu!u? ‘no’, tu “black” Diverse clusters of two vowels may occur when the postcouplet has no initial consonant. Such clusters are composed of (1) the final vowel of the couplet, plus a demonstrative pronoun {a} ‘this/here’ or {y} ‘that/there’, as in 2/ta*-y2 “that flower’, de*te®-a! ‘this corns’, nde? a? ‘this bean’, Go*ko!-a? ‘this ant’, éu?kut-a® ‘this louse’, éuPhy!-y2 ‘that fly’, 2) the first person plural inclusive morpheme {0} and the demon- strative pronoun {a} or {u} (the second vowel of the stem is lost), as in PPta® ‘lower’ + 0 ‘our’ + x ‘that’ becomes 7#?t0?-y! ‘that flower of ours’; &u2ku? ‘louse’ + 0 ‘our’ + a ‘this’ becomes éuko®-a! ‘this louse of ours’; nduéi? ‘bean’ + 0 ‘our’ + a ‘this’ becomes ndu*éo?-a" “these beans of ours’ Clusters of three vowels may occur when a couplet with a geminate vowel cluster is followed by the first person plural inclusive morpheme {0} or a demonstrative pronoun {a} or {y}, as in te%e4at ‘this man’, KrPP-a* “this grass, RPI?! ‘that grass’. When a cluster of diverse vowels occurs in the couplet, it is always part of a sequence of three vowels, and the first vowel is always /i/, asin k¥20?-a! ‘this grass of ours’; te2e? ‘to write’ + 0 ‘we’ + a ‘here’ becomes t?20%-a! ‘we will write here’ 10? “to seize, grasp’ + 0 ‘we’ + x ‘that? becomes ri2g2-u* ‘we will seize, rasp that’. Vowel clusters occasionally occur when the precouplet followed by ‘The distribution of vowels has been described in relation to bisyllabic sequences and morphemes in the San Miguel el Grande dialect (K. Pike, 1947: 166-69}, in Jation to the “microsepments” inthe Jealteper dialeet (Bradley, 1968), in relation to the couplet and morpheme in the Huajuapan dialect (B. Pike and Cowan, 1965), and Jn the Ayutia dialect (Pankratz and E, Pike, 1965) The detail difer but in cach dialect ‘the couplet isan important matix for the distibution of phonemes. 2 34 (GEORGIA G, HUNTER AND EUNICE Y, PIKE y a couplet beginning with a vowel, as in vit0*?o ‘our house’, ron | ‘good afternoon’, J(%a*?4* ‘fifteen’. 10.3. Concerning the distribution of vowels in relation to preceding consonants (1) nasalized vowels do not follow voiced consonants. (2) { ‘The high back rounded vowels Ju, y/ do not follow /k*/; Ju follows mj only in oan words, as in mutli® ‘mole’; Ju/ does, however, follow I}, as in vat Pru? ‘coyote’. 11, TONE SANDEE H 11.0, There is a system of tone sandhi in which some morphemes cause | . the tones of other morphemes to change. Certain changes take place t ‘when couplets occur in sequence. Other changes take place when a t couplet is followed by a postcouplet.” Except for the change as described in Rules 6 and 13 the changes are progressive, i.e. from ‘left to ‘right ‘The chart gives the tone sequences Which occur when one couplet follows another (see p. 38). , 11.1, In order to predict the changes which involve a sequence of coup: | lets* the following must be taken into consideration (1) The basic tones of the couplets involved, The basic tones are those which occur when the couplet isin isolation, or when itis following Class A couplet withthe tones 33. { @) The class of the couplets involved. Couplets are divided into ‘wo major classes, Class A versus Class B, and one minor class, Class B Some couplets with the basic tones 11, 22, 32, 33 are Class A and some are Class B, Couplets with the basic tones 21, 31, 12, 13, 23 are all | Class A. Only those with the basic tone sequence 32 may be B'. In this NF section we have indicated the various classes by adding (A), (B), or (B') | | after the cited basic forms. { @) The grammatical class of the couplets with the tone sequence 22. ‘These couplets are divided into classes, of verb versus nonverb. | (4) Couplets with the tone sequence 23 and 33 must be divided into | + More study needs to be made of the tone sandhi between precouplets and alo between a precouplet and a couplet © Couplets composed of the fsion of a stem and {0} ‘our, we’ require a different fet of res since the resulting couplet may be a combination ofa Clas A couplet and ‘Class B enclitc, as in nana! (A) ‘mother’ + 0 (B) ‘ous, we" > nano! “our mother ‘Such couplets have not been included in our description of the tone ssadhi(TER AND EUNICE V, PIKE vel, as in vi?0?0? ‘our house’, 102#?n/2 on of vowels in relation to preceding s do not follow voiced consonants. (2) Ju, y/ do not follow /k*/; /u/ follows wutIt? ‘mole’; {ul does, however, follow ONE SANDHI sandhi in which some morphemes cause to change, Certain changes take place ce. Other changes take place when a plet.” Except for the change as described are progressive, i.e. from ‘left’ to ‘right’, es which occur when one couplet follows iges which involve a sequence of coup- n into consideration ouplets involved. The basic tones are let is in isolation, or when itis following 33, s involved. Couplets are divided into s Class B, and one minor class, Class B’, nes 11, 22, 32, 33 are Class A and some e basic tones 21, 31, 12, 13, 23 are all sic tone sequence 32 may be B’, In this rious classes by adding (A), (B), or (B’) the couplets with the tone sequence 22. classes, of verb versus nonverb, quence 23 and 33 must be divided into the tone sandhi between presouples and also of a stem and {0} ‘our, we" requite a diferent may be a combination of a Class A couplet and ther +0 (8) ‘our, we" > nano! “our mother. in our description of the tone sandhi PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDE OF MOLINES MDXTEC 35 those with a medial consonant which is other than /2/ versus couplets having a medial /2/, or with no medial consonant. (5) Couplets which are verb stems are divided between those of the completive aspect versus those which are not completive aspect. ‘The following rules describe (and predict) the tone sandhi between couplets. Rule 1: Basic 11, 12, 13, and 21 retain’ their basic forms in all environ- ments Rule 2: Basic 31 becomes 11 when following any couplet of Class B (xcept that after 32(B') it optionally remains 31): Za%2a* (B) ‘chiles? ++ NG" (A) Sdry’ > Za*Pa? 2°" “dry chiles’, so!ko! (B) ‘well, spring’ + HG (A) > sotko! 21° “dry spring’, ky2y? (B) ‘four’ + ¢i*kat (A) “askets’ > ky*y? éitkat ‘four baskets’, Au'ti? (B’) ‘sand? + H°2i* (A) uti? $187 or Autti? 286i “dry sand’ But it retains its basic form after any Class A couplet: Zu*ku* (A) ‘herbs? ++ 2°" (A) > Zutku® 42°80 ‘dry herbs’ Rule 3: When a nonverb,!® basic 22(B) becomes 11, and basic 22(A) becomes 12 when following a Class B couplet: sitvit (B) ‘name’ + ki?t?? (B) ‘animal’ > sity! kit ‘name of the animal, ki?¢? (B) ‘animal? + 2utku? (B) ‘mountain’ > ki?1? ku! ‘animal of the mountain’, na?ma® (B) ‘soap’ + nda?va? (B) ‘hard? > na?ma® ndatvat ‘hard soap’, 54° Py? (B) ‘money’ + Za*?a* (B) ‘chiles’ > sy*P4? Za'Pa! ‘chile money" (from or for chiles) sitvit (B) ‘name’ + ri@gki? (A) ‘mouse’ > sitvit rilyki® “the mouse's name’, £a?k¥a? (B) ‘twisted? + ute? (A) ‘river’ > Za*k¥a Juste? “the river (is) twisted”, When a verb, basic 22(B) becomes 11, and basic 22(A) becomes 12 when following any Class B but 33(B) or 32(B'): ko!ni! (B) ‘turkey hen’ ‘koko? (B) ‘to swallow’ > ko'ni kotko! ‘the turkey will swallow (it), Ket? (B) ‘animal’ + kaa? (B) ‘to eat” > ki?ti? kata! ‘the animal will eat’, Ki2ti? (B) ‘animal’ + kunu? (A) ‘to run’ > Kiri? kutmé ‘the animal will run’, suéi? (B) ‘child? + kvq2q? (A) ‘to buy’ > sue? vata? “the child will buy’ * One word in our data, however, »#4a! (A) ‘soft becomes vat when following a ‘Class B morpheme, asin nda'Za!(B) “hand + val (A) ‘sot > data? wa ott band 5" Certain close-knit noun phrates do not follow this rule in thatthe tone sequence 33(B) “+ 22(B) > 33 32 Gnstead of 38 11); and 3903) ++ 22(A) > 33 32 stead of 33.12): sn? (B) ‘head? ++ Zan? (B) tre’ > sPn? 21H? “retop’, but hye? CB) “four + sun (B) ee! > ky? uty four tees; Pn (B) “head + ve2Pe? (A) weDE! fous Hower” Mak (58339598) Seprt spa tno Send in cose kt velPe? Tour houses". Mak (1953:93-95) reports special tone sandhi in close-knit phrases in the San Fsieban dialect,36 (GEORGIA G. HUNTER AND FUNICE Y. PIKE A basic 22(B) verb becomes 32, and a 22(A) may optionally become cither 12 or 32, when following 33(B): fu*Au? (B) ‘bees’ -+ nduPku? (B) “to seek, look for’ + =sa' (A) “P > fiu°Au® ndu®ku?-sq “Vl look for bees’, ko08 (B) ‘snake’ ++ ku?mu? (A) ‘to run’ > koto® ku nu? or ko#0* kuna “the snake will run’ ‘A basic 22(B) verb and a basic 22(A) verb optionally retain their basic forms, or 22(B) may become 11, and 22(A) may become 12, when following 32(B'): éi* (B’) ‘skunk’ -+ kaa? (B) ‘to eat? > E70? karat cor 6927? kata! ‘the skunk will eat (jt), fut? (B') ‘sand? -+ sa2ka? (B) to mix’ + -sg' (A) T > meet? sa*ka?-sq! or fut? sa*ka'-sa PM mix the sand’, (92/2 (BY) ‘skunk? ++ ku? (A) ‘to run’ > e920? kum? ot 4°27? ku! ‘the skunk will run’ But a basic 22(A) or 22(B), verb or nonverb, retains its basic form after a Class A couplet: 21°89 (A) ‘ten? + ri?gki? (A) ‘mouse? > ‘Pues ri2yki® “ten mice’, ti*ka? (A) ‘grasshopper’ + ka?a? (B) ‘to eat? > 1i®ka? ka?a? ‘the grasshopper will eat (it)” Rule 4; Basic 32(B) becomes 11, and a basic 32(B') and basic 32(A) become 12 after any Class B couplet: sitvi? (B) ‘name’ + sui? (B) ‘child? + 2? (B) ‘little’ > sitvit su'ai* fa! ‘name of the litle chile’, sityi#(B)‘name’ +- &(°772(B') ‘skunk’ > si*vi! é{42P ‘name of the skunk’, sityit (B) ‘name’ -} tee? (A) ‘man’ > sitvit fete? “name of the man’, Basic 32 (B), 32(B'), and 32(A) optionally retain their basic tone after a 32(B'): hi*k? (B') ‘fst? + sui? (B) “child” + Wi? (B) ‘ithe’ > APR sutdit AIP or WK? sut0i* lutli* “the litle child’s fis’, hi9Ki? (B) ‘ist (paw)? + ¢/2A(? (B) ‘skunk? > hi°ki? E27? or hi?ki? e197? ‘the skunk’s paw’, hi2ki? (B) ‘ist? + tee? (A) ‘man’ > hi%ki? tele? o PK te*e? “the man’s fist’ But any basic 32 retains its basic form after any Class A couplet: PEP (A) ‘one’ + sui? (B) ‘child’ + AH? (B) ‘little’ > APP suka? Lui ‘one little child’ Rule 5: Basie 23 and 33 CVCV (a couplet with a medial consonant other than /2)) become 21, and basic 23 and 33 CVV or CVPV (couplets with no medial consonant, or with a /?/) become 13 after any Class B couplet: sitvi* (B) ‘name’ + §¥%-sq! (A) ‘my aunt? > si*vi* sPE9¢! ‘my aunt's name’, ndu*te? (B) ‘water’ + Putya® (A) “bitter” > ndutte? PuPva! “bitter water’, ky*y? (B) ‘four? ++ 20%? (B) ‘month’ > kyy? Zo!o® ‘four months’, ndutte? (B) ‘water’ + Pu*Pva® (A) ‘salty’ > dite? Put Pa? ‘salty water’, ki2ti? (B) ‘animal’ + kuu? (A) ‘to die? > Kil? Jun? ‘the animal will dic’, Sy*?y* (B) ‘money’ + sto*o*-sq* (A) ‘my uncle? > 424? stoto?-sq! ‘my uncle's money’rER AND FUNICE V, PU 2, and @ 22(A) may optionally become 33(B): fu*fu? (B) ‘bees’ + nduku? (B) > Phi? ndi*ku2-sq' VL look for bees’, o run’ > ko*o® kun? or ko*0? ku! mut 22(A) verb optionally retain their basic 1, and 22(A) may become 12, when K+ kata? (B) ‘to eat? > EP 70? kaa? at i’, Mie? (B') “sand?” ++ saPka® (B) aPka?-sq! or AuPti? sa*ka'-sq “Pl mix kutmu (A) ‘to run’ > 870? kat? ot erb ot nonverb, retains its basic form (A) ‘ten’ + ri®yki? (A) ‘mouse’ > A) ‘grasshopper’ + kaa? (B) ‘to eat” > I eat (ity. 11, and « basic 32(B') and basie 32(A) uplet: sitvi* (B) ‘name? + sui? (B) suldi* fat ‘name of the litte child’, nk? > sitvi! e427 ‘name of the skunk’, jan’ > sitvit fete? ‘name of the man’, nally retain their basic tone after (B) ‘child? + 1u2li? (B) ‘ittle? > f? [u'll “the little child's fist’, hi9Ki> unk? > hi*ki? ep2(? or hkl? ee t+ fete? (A) ‘man’ > hi?ki? tele? or sic form after any Class A couplet: Id? + Al (B) “little? > Pej sa? (@ couplet with a medial consonant sic 23 and 33 CVV or CVPY (couplets th a [2)) become 13 after any Class B P-sq! (A) ‘my aunt? > sly SPST sq ater” + Puaya® (A) “bitter” > ndiPte? ut" ++ Yo%0? (B) ‘month’ > ky?! Zotot er" + Pu Pa? (A) ‘sally? > ndutte® animal’ + kuPu® (A) ‘to die’ > kiPa? 1 (B) ‘money’ + sto%o*sq* (A) ‘my nele's money’. PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDHI OF MOLINOS MIXTEC 7 But any basic 23 retains its basic form after a Class A couplet: Pu*u* (A) two" ++ 2i#na® (A) “dog? > Pu! Pua? ‘two dogs’ ‘The 23 CVCV morpheme optionally retains its basic tone, and 33 CVCV may optionally become 23, after 32(B’): fu*r!? (B') ‘sand’ + PPso® (A) ‘rabbit > fui? 77%s0" or Auéti? PPso* ‘the rabbit's sand’, ‘nut? (B’) ‘sand’ ++ §1°ku (A) ‘niece’ + -sa! (A) ‘my’ > Atl? kus or fu*ti? 72hu-sq! ‘my niece's sane’. All basic 33 couplets become 23 after a Class A couplet which ends in tone 2: fe%e? (A) ‘man’ + ka??3 (A) ‘to talk? > fee? kq??q? “the man will talk’, ?a® (A) ‘hen’ + sq°h-sq™ (A) ‘my nephew? > 1Ha* sq2hPsq? ‘my nephew's hen’, ndatva® (A) ‘to fly’ + fu’fi® (B) ‘bees’ > ndatva® ‘uv? “the bees will ly’, But a basic 33 couplet retains its basic form after other Class A couplets: Pun? (A) ‘three’ -+ Zo (B) ‘month’ > Pirni® 2o%o! ‘three months Rule 6: There is one type of regressive tone sandhi between couplets. Specifically, the Iast tone of a Class B couplet with tones 22, 32, or 33 ‘becomes tone 1 when preceding a completive aspect verb (but not when preceding a verb of another aspect): ?a%s/® (B) ‘tasty’ + yku?u? (A) ‘was? > Pasi pha? “it was tasty’, PIZq? (B) ‘sour’ + pku?u? (A) ‘was! > Pita! ghia? “it was sour’, a°@? (B) ‘very’ + phaYtu? (A) “did hurt? > faa! pha®tu? “it really did hure. The same type of regressive tone sandhi occurs when a Class B enclitic with tones 3 or 2 precedes a completive aspect verb: se*?e? (A) ‘offspring’ + -lo° (B) ‘your’ (familiar) + pku?u? (A) (it) was’ > sete Io! pkuPu? “it was your child’, 11.2, There are tone sandhi changes which sometimes occur when a couplet is followed by a postcouplet — an enclitic. Also enclities some- times cause tone changes in the following morphemes. Rules for the changes are as follows: Rule 7: Enclitics with basic tone 1 (sq! (A) ‘1, me, my’ (polite), -nit (A) ‘you, your’ (polite)) retain their basic form: kotni* (B) ‘turkey hen’ + -sq (A) ‘my’ > kotni*asa! ‘my turkey hen’, ndu2éi? (B) ‘eye’ + ni! (A) ‘your’ > ndu2éi2-nit “your eye’. In the San Miguel el Grande dialect the completive aspect i indicate by a proclitc {i}. In the Molinos dalet the completive aspects indiated by (a=). It seems that although the vowel Is been Tost in the Molinos islet, the effect of the tone 3 sil remains, Its this tone 3 whichis changed to tone I by the preceding Class morpeme ‘That tone 1 is actualized when the Class B morpheme itself is changed from tones 3 or 2t0 tone | "Some of the lest common enelies have not been included inthis description,tetdno5 ast sa Jo sono, ase, 8 ace sajdnog puosag ays fo souo,, 2180PHONOLOGY AND TONE SANDHI OF MOLINES MIXTEC 39 Rule 8: All enclties become tone 1 when following a Class B couplet with either basic or nonbasic tones 11: ko'nit (B) ‘turkey hen’ -} fa? (B) ‘her’ > ko'ni!-fa! “her turkey hen’, sitvi* (B) ‘name’ + -4? (A) ‘chill? > sitvit- “child's name’, k@2a? (A) ‘to buy’ + -Aa? (B) ‘she! + kit? (B) ‘animal’ + -lo* (B) ‘your’ > kvq?q?-fia? kitti-lo¥ ‘she will buy your animal’. Rule 9: The enclties ~de* (A) *he, him, his’, ~4/* (A) ‘child, children, they’, and -1i? (A) ‘I, me, my” (familiar), ti (B) ‘animal’, fa* (B) ‘deity’, ‘become tone I when following any Class B couplet: éa*ka? (B) ‘fish? -+ de? (A) ‘his’ > éa*ka?-de! “his fish’, ndu'ku (B) ‘seeking’ -+ -t* (B) ‘animal’ + -2? (A) ‘child? > mduku'-ti447 “the animal is seeking the child’, but P¥na® (A) ‘dog’ ++ -l (A) ‘my’ > Pitnati? ‘my dos’, mit kit (A) ‘brains’ + -1 (B) ‘animal’ > mityki-t® ‘the animal's brains. Rule 10: The enclitic ~ia* (B) ‘she, her, hers’, however, becomes tone 1 only when added to a Class B couplet with tones 11, after other Class B couplets it remains tone 2: H#tu! (B) ‘baby goat’ -} -ia® (B) ‘her? > itu'-Aa ther baby goat’, ha'a' (B) ‘to be eating + -fa* (B) ‘she? + sta%a? (B) ‘tortillas’ > ha'a'-fa! sia'a® ‘she is eating’, but ki2t?? (B) ‘animal’ + -fa® (B) ‘her’ > ki%ti?-Aa? “her animal’ Rule 11: The enclitic -lo? (B) ‘you, your’ (familiar), remains tone 3 after a couplet ending with tone 3 and after a Class A couplet ending with tone 1, It becomes tone 2 after a couplet ending with tone 2, and becomes tone I after a Class B couplet with the tones 11. The sandhi is the same when following both basic and nonbasic tones: su*ky? (B) ‘neck’ -F -1o} (B) ‘your’ > suky?-lo° ‘your neck’, si#"i4s0! (A) ‘to boil? + -lo* (B) ‘you’ + mdu?te® (B) ‘water’ > si2K*i?s0'-lo® ndutte* ‘you will boil water’, nda?ke2re2 (A) ‘to wash” ++ -[03 (B) ‘you’ + sa?Pma? (B) ‘clothes? > nda*ke*te*lo* sat?ma* ‘you will wash clothes’, si*vi* (B) ‘name’ +} -10? (B) ‘your’ > si*vi¥-lo¥ ‘your name’ Rule 12: A Class B enclitic causes a following couplet or enclitic to change in the same manner that a22 (B) couplet would cause it to change: ni@?ke*te* (A) ‘to wash? ++ -1o* (B) ‘you’ + sa*?ma* (B) ‘clothes’ > da*ke?te?-lo® sa! Pa’ ‘you will wash clothes’, si?k"2s0* (A) ‘to boil! ++ fla (B) ‘she? + nite? (B) ‘water’ > si?R™i°so!-Aa? nduttet ‘she will boil water’, ndu2ku? (B) ‘to seek’ + -H7° (B) ‘animal? + ri2yki? (A) ‘mouse’ > ndi?ku?-t? right? ‘the animal will sek the mouse’, nik? (B) ‘to seek’ + -fo® (B) ‘you’ + -ti9 (B) ‘animal? > nduku?-lo*i* ‘you will seek the animal’, ¢i?ra*a? (A) ‘to hide, store’ + ~Za° (B) ‘deity? + EAC (B) ‘money’ > GP ra°?a?-£a? Sy! Py “the deity will store, hide the money’, eee eee ee 2 nz 2 ® ® | verb 2 2 2 ® % [ve n n iH 5 5 n 1 up b b 3 2 Glass A. 12, 22,32 Other Cl 22,32 Cass 8 Class B Gass B The numbers in the chart give the tone ofthe second couplet which actually occur in that environment. A.°D* means thatthe basic tones occur there.i Rule 13: In our data (but further checking is needed), a nonbasic 32(A) (the basic form has tones 22) becomes 31 when preceding an enelitic with tone 2: ma® (B) ‘won't’ + ko®#o* (A) ‘to: drink’ > ma*ko3?o2 “won't drink’; then, ma°ko*?0? (A) ‘won't drink’ + -Zi? (A) ‘child matko*Po'-S? ‘the child won't drink (it). Another example, sri (B) ‘head’ + ve2?e (A) ‘house’ > Jini? vet?e* ‘roo!”s then, smi vetPe? ‘roof + fa? (B) ‘her’ > sini? ve8Pe'-fa? ther roo!, but S?ni? ve8Pet ‘roof? + -sq! (A) ‘my" remains ni? ve? Ze?.sq! ‘my roof’, ) 40 (GEORGIA G. HUNTER AND FONICE V. PIKE Summer Institute of Linguisties t BIBLIOGRAPHY f Bradley, C. Henry 1965 “A linguistic sketch of Mixteco of Jicsltepec". Unpublished Ph.D. diser- | tation, Comell University. i Longacre, Robert E, 957 Proto-Mixtecan (= Publication No, 5 of Indiana University Research Center in Anthropology, FelKfore, and Linguists). \ Mak, Cornelia. 1953 "A compariton of two Mixtec tonemic systems”, International Journal of American Linguistics, 19:85100. Merrifld, Wiliam R. and Betly J, Stoudt 1965 Molin Mixtec clause structure Gn press). Overholt, Edward l 1961 “The tonemic system of Guerrero Mixteco", in A Willan Cameron ‘Townsend (Mexico, Instituto Linguistica de Verano), 597-526. | Pankratz, Leo and Eunice V. Pike \ 1965 Phonology and morphotonemics of Ayutla Mixtec (in pres) il: Pike, Eunice V. and John H. Cowan 1965 Hugivapan Mixtec phonology and morphophoneinies (in pres) Pike, Kenneth I, 1947 “Grammatical prerequisites to phonemic analysis", Word, 3:135-172, 1948 “Tonemic porcurbations in Mixteco", Tone Languages (Ann Arbor, Uni , versity of Michigan Pres), 77-94