OF WHAT IS SOCIOLOGY? The Sociological Imagination Sociology and the Social Sciences Sociology and Common Sense WHAT IS SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY? ORIGINS OF SOCIOLOGY Early Thinkers: Comte, Martineau, ‘and Spencer Emile Durkheim Max Weber Karl Marx Twentieth-Century Sociology MAJOR THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES Functionalist Perspective THE NATURE Mr SOCIOLOGY Manifest and Latent Functions Dysfunctions Conflict Perspective Interactionist Perspective ‘The Sociological Approach APPLIED AND CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL POLICY APPENDIX: CAREERS IN SOCIOLOGY BOXES 1-1 Everyday Behavior: Funetionalist, Contlict, and Interactionist Views of Sports 1-2 Everyday Behavior: A Feminist View of Public PlacesLOOKING AHEAD + How does the sociological imagination, as a unique feature of sociology, distinguish sociology from the other social sciences? * Why is sociology more than a collection of commonsense observations? * Why do sociologists regard suicide as a social as well as an individual act? + How did Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Karl Marx contribute to the development of sociological thought? + How can the sociological perspectives of functionalism, conflict theory, and interaetionism be used to better understand the world of sports? * What career options are available to sociologists? I, 1992, sociologist David Miller spent a cold and ‘wet Saturday afternoon transporting donated food items from the parking lot of a Jocal supermarket in Macomb, Illinois, to the basement food pantry of his local church, Miller was impressed by the sub- stantial amount of food that had been donated, and soon learned that the church’s pantry was an im- portant source of food for some of his neighbors. ‘This church regularly distributes canned and boxed food products to any needy person in the commu- nity. Miller was curious as to what the source of these food products was and how widespread such panties were, Pare ont: 4 THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE Since that day, Miller and Richard Schaefer (this textbook’s senior author) have joined forces to. study the food bank system of the United States, which distributes food to hungry individuals and families. As part of their research, they have exam- ed government documents and other reference materials in libraries; they have conducted phone. interviews with food bank directors in Illinois, Towa, Oregon, and California; and they have observed the distribution of food at various churches and Salva- tion Army facilities. Miller and Schaefer learned that more than one! out of four children in the United States are hun- gry. Oneshird of the nation’s homeless people report eating one meal per day or less, With these disturbing realities in mind, charities are redistrib- uting food to pantries and shelters that just a decade ago was destined for landfills. In fact, the fourth-largest charity in the United States, Second Harvest, is a food distribution organization with annual revenue of more than half a billion dollars, In 1991, Second Harvest distributed 500 million pounds of food from hundreds of individual corporate donors to more than 43,000 food panties, soup kitchens, and social service agencic In writing about hunger in the United States, newspaper reporter might look for exposés or usual human interest stories. However, as 50 gists, Miller and Schaefer (1993) focus on bro social meanings evident in the nation’s food bution system. For example, they note the judgments made in determining which food iten are “proper” to distribute to hungry people. Ahol and tobacco products are banned from the “food pipeline,” but it is literally crammed full of ‘junk food” such as candy and ice erean Many observers would uncritically applaud the distribution of tons of food to the needy. While sup: nd personally involved in such efforts, Schaefer nevertheless draw on the in- sights of sociology to offer a more probing view of these activities. They note that powerful forces in ‘our society—such as the federal government, ma- jor food retailers, and other large corporations— have joined in charitable food distribution arrange- ments. Perhaps as a result, the focus of such relief programs is specific and limited. The homeless are to be fed, not housed; the unemployed are to be given meals, not jobs. Relief efforts assist hungry in- dividuals and families without challenging the ex- isting social order (for example, by demanding a redistribution of wealth). Miller and Schaefer add that without these limited successes in distributing food, hoards of starving people might assault pa- irons of restaurants, loot grocery stores, or literally die of starvation on the steps of city halls and across from the White House. Such critical thinking is yp ical of the theoretical and research efforts of soci- ologists in studying a social issue such as hunger Gee also Cohn et al., 199 $ The Unite States has an extensive food ‘bank system which distributes food to ‘hungry individuals and families. WHAT IS SOCIOLOGY? As we have seen, the sociologist has a distinctive way of examining human interactions. Seciology is the systematic study of social behavior and human ‘groups. It focuses primarily on the influence of so- Gial relationships upon people’s attitudes havior and on how societies are established and As a field of study, sociology has an ex- broad scope. Therefore, this textbook deals lies, gangs, business firms, political partie schools, religions, and labor unions. Itis concerned with love, poverty, conformity, discrimination, ill ness, alienation, overpopulation, and community In the United States, newspapers, television, and radio are the usual sources of information about such groups and problems. However, while the basic function of journalists is to report the news, sociologists bring a different type of understanding to such issues. ,The vision of sociology involv seeing through the outside appearances of people’s actions and organizations (Berger, 1963:31-37). One major goal of sociology is to identify w derlying, recurring patterns of and influences on social behavior. For example, sociologists study the passionate desire of movie or rock music fans to see in person, (0 talk with, even to grab the clothing of HAPTER 1 « THe NATURE OF SOOLOGYa star. Why do people feel this need so powerfully? To what extent does participation in a crowd of fans ow individuals to act more boldly than they oth- cenwise might? Will people gain greater respect from ly members or friends if they have shaken hands with Madonna and exchanged three sen- tio Sociology goes beyond identifying patterns of so- jor; it also attempts to provide explana- for such patterns. Here the impact of broad tal forces becomes a central consideration of logy. Sociologists are not content to look at the individual fan’s personality or “unique” reasons for wanting o meet Tom Cruise, Julia Roberts, or Denzel Washington. Rather, they recognize that millions of people want to meet celebrities, and they examine the shared feelings and behavior of fans the larger social context of the culture of the United States. The Sociological Imagination if to understand social behavior, soci- ologists rely on an unusual type of creative think- ing. C. Wright Mills (1959) described such think- ing as the sociological imagination—an awareness of the relationship between an individual and the wider society. This awareness allows people (not simply sociologists) to comprehend the links be- tween their immediate, personal social settings and the remote, impersonal social world that surrounds them and helps to shape them, A key element in the sociological imagination is, the ability to view one’s own society as an outsid would, rather than from the limited perspective of personal experiences and cultural biases. Thus, in- stead of simply accepting the fact that movie stars and rock stars are the “royalty” of our society, we could ask, in a more critical sense, why this is the case. Conceivably, an outsider unfamiliar with the United States might wonder why we are not as in- terested in meeting outstanding scientists, elemen- tary school teachers, or architects. As was true of the study of hunger and food dis- tribution by Miller and Schaefer, the sociological imagination allows us to go beyond personal expe- riences and observations to understand broader public issues. Unemployment, for example, is un- PART ONE © THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE questionably a personal hardship for a man or woman without a job, However, C. Wright Mills pointed out that when unemployment is a social problem shared by millions of people, it is appro- priate to question the way that a society is struc- tured, Similarly, Mills advocated use of the socio- logical imagination to view divorce not simply as the personal problem of a particular man and) woman, but rather asa structural problem, since it was the outcome of so many marriages. And he was writing this in the 1950s, when the divorce rate was but a fraction of what it is today (I. Horowitz, 1988:87-108). Sociological imagination can bring new under standing to daily life around us. Sociologist Murray Melbin (1978, 1987) has likened the social life in cities of the United States during late nighttime hours (0 social life on frontiers of the old west. In his view, there are many similarities in the social and behavioral patterns of people in cities at night and on the frontier, among them the following: (1) the population tends to be sparse and homoge- neous, (2) there is a welcome solitude with fewer social constraints, (3) there is more lawlessness and violence, and (4) interest groups emerge which have concerns specific to the night or the frontier, One of Melbin's most surprising assertions is that both in the city at night and on the frontier, there is more helpfulness and friendliness than in other times and places. He attempted to substantiate this view by conducting four tests of Boston residents! helpfulness and friendliness at various times dur ing the 24-hour eycle. Melbin found that between’ midnight and 7 a..—as compared with other times during the day—people were more likely to give di- rections, {© consent to an interview, and 10 be so ciable with a stranger, Apparently, when aware that they are out ina dangerous environment (the night or the frontier), people identify with the vulnerae bility of others and become more outgoing. By drawing on the sociological imagination, Melbin's intriguing study helps us to view nighttime social activity as different from—and not necessarily more threatening than—aetivity during “normal hours.” Sociologists put their imagination to work in. variety of areas, Table I-I presents a partial list the specializations within contemporary sociology. ‘Throughout this textbook, the sociological ima 6nation will be used to examine the United States {and other societies) from the viewpoint of re- spectful but questioning outsiders. In this chapter, the nature of sociology as a science and its relationship to other social sciences will be explored. ‘The contributions of three pioncering - thinkers—Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Karl " Marx—to the development of sociology will be eval- © tated. A number of important theoretical perspec- tives used by sociologists will be discussed, Finally, "practical applications of the discipline of sociology for human behavior and organizations will be de- : scribed. Sociology and the Social Sciene , Ina general sense, sociology can be considered a science. The term science refers to the body of Inowledge obtained by methods based upon sys "tematic observation, Like other scientific disci- plines, sociology engages in organized, systematic _ aid of phenomena (in this case, human behav jor) in order to enhance understanding. All scien iss, whether studying mushrooms or murderers, “ atlempt to collect precise information through methods of study which are as objective as possible. ~ They rely on careful recording of observations and "accumulation of dat OF course, there is a great difference between sociology and physies, between psychology and ‘agronomy. For this reason, the sciences are com- monly divided into. natural and social sciences, Natural science isthe study of the physical features ‘ofnature and the ways in which they interact and ‘change. Astronomy, biology, chet geology, “and physics are all natural sciences. Social science isthe study of various aspects of human society. The : social sciences include sociology, anthropology, eco- i ‘nomics, history, psychology, and political science. ‘These academic disciplines have a common fo- ‘aus on the social behavior of people, yet each has particular orientation in studying such behavior. “Anthropologists usially study cultures of the past and preindustrial societies that remain in existence today, as well as the origins of men and women; this Inowledge is used to examine contemporary soci- ties, including even industrial societies. Econo- ‘A PARTIAL USTING. ‘Methodology and research technology Sociology: history and theory ‘Sociol psychology Group iniroctons Culture ond social stucture ‘Complex organization ‘Social change and economic development | sociology and interactions ‘Social stratification ond mobility Sociology of occupations and professions Rural sociology and agriculture Urban sociology Sociology of language and the arts Sociology of education Sociology of religion ‘Social control Sociology of law Police, panology, and correctional problems Sociology of science Demography end human behavior The family and socialization Sociology of sexual behavior Sociclogy of heath and medicine Sociology of knowledge ‘Community and regional development Palicy planning and forecasting Radical sociology Sti in poverty Studies in violence Feminist and gender studies ‘Marxist sociology Sociological practice (clinical and applied) Sociology of business and entrepreneurs san erences soumct: Adapted rom Soot Abstracts, 18M, ‘As rflected in this excerpt from the table af contents of Sociological Abstracts— an online and hareover database of daticles, papers, and books om topes of sociology—the discipline of sociology can be divided into a diverse variety of subfields. (CHAPTER 1 + Ti NATURE OF SocrOLOGYmists explore the ways in which people produce and exchange goods and services, along with money and other resources, Historians are concerned with the peoples and events of the past and their sig: nificance for us today. Political scientists stucty in ternational relations, the workings of government, and the exercise of power and authority. Psyeholo- gists investigate personality and individual behav ior, In contrast to other social sciences, sociology emphasizes the influence that society has on peo- ple’s attitudes and behavior and the ways in which people shape society. Humans are social animals; therefore, sociologists scientifically examine our so- cial relationships with people To better illustrate the distinctive perspectives of the social sciences, let us examine sociological and psychological approaches to the issue of gambling The growing legalization of gambling in the United States has, in elfect, increased the number of par ticipants and contributed to a rise in the number of “problem gamblers’—that is, people who con: sistently lose more money than they can afford co lose. Gamblers’ professed goal is economic gain; yet, because the vast majority end up losing money, their perspective is commonly viewed as “irrational” or even “pathological.” Viewed from the perspec- tive of psychology, gambling represents an escape into a fantasy world where great fortune can be at- tained easily, Eventually, people become so depen- In their examination of gambling sociologists focus on the social networks that develop among many participants dent on gambling that the activity fills an emotional need. AS a result, they cannot give up gambl without feeling nervous and upset. By contrast, in their examination of gambling, sociologists focus on the social networks that de- velop among many participants. Whether they be offtrack bettors, sports bettors, or poker players, gamblers establish friendship groups and. work hard to create feelings of conviviality even among casual acquaintances whom they meet through gambling, Consequently, for such people, gambling is a form of recreation and may even be their pri- mary social activity. This sociological perspective on spambling casts a shadow on recurring efforts to dis courage particular individuals from gambling and to discourage the practice in general. Giving up gambling may, in fact, mean forgoing all social in- teraction that a person has previously found to be meaningful. Alternatively, participation in Gam- blers Anonymous—a self-help group for “problem gamblers” modeled on Alcoholics Anonymous— provides a new forum to which ex-gamblers can tun for interaction, understanding, and encour- agement. The individual can find social support to replace the friendship groups developed in his or her betting days (Rosecrance, 1986, 1987). sociologist Ronald Pavalko has initiated many studies of gambling and has founded the Genter ng Studies at the University of Wisconsin- PART ONE + THE SOCIOLOGICAL, PERSPECTIVEIn teaching undergraduate classes on cology of Gambling,” Pavalko approaches a booming industry (which accounted in legal wages in the United States, 4 public policy issue, and as an inter family problem. Pavalko and his col- examined such issues as the role of n the workplace, gambling as a leisure for older people, and compulsive gam- Native American tribes that operate seen, sociology and the other social sci- on the study of certain aspeets of hu or. Yet human behavior is something ‘we all have experience and about which sta bit of knowledge. Many of us, even ial sciences, might 1s about how socicty could ease the by dual-carcer couples with young IV of us might well have theories about and rock music stars are the sub- smuch attention and adulation, Our the come from our experiences lives, we rely on common sense to many unfamiliar situations. How Emile Durkheim ax weber Kort Marx "888-1917 1864-1920, 1818-1889 Baadeie Philosophy Lume, economies, istry, pbioxophy Phivosophy, law taiing Key orks 1904-1906 ~ rhe Protestant Ethic and the 1848 ~The Communist Manifesto 1803 - The Division of Labor in Soci 3 M807 *Suicge: A Stuy in Sociology 1912 - Elementary Forms Of Reigous Lite & model that serves as a measuring rod against which actual cases can be evaluated. In his own works, “Weber identified various characteristics of bureau- | efay as an ideal type (these will be discussed in ‘detail in Chapter 6). In presenting this model of bureaucracy, Weber was not describing any pari ‘lar business, nor was he using the term ideat in a ‘way that suggested a positive evaluation. Instead, his ‘purpose was to provide a useful standard for mea- ~ suring how bureaucratic an actual organization is, Gerth and Mills, 1958:219), Later in this textbook, ‘the concept of ideal type will be used to study the family, religion, authority, and economic systems and to analyze bureaucracy Although their professional careers came at the ‘same time, Emile Durkheim and Max Weber never ‘met and probably were unaware of each other's ex: _ itence, let alone ideas. This was certainly not true _ of the work of Karl Marx. Durkheim's thinking about anomie was related to Marx’s writings, while ‘Weber's concern for a value-free, objective sociol “ogy (which will be explored in Chapter 2) was a di ‘ect response to Marx's deeply held convictions. Sort of Capitan 1922 —- Winshat und Gosotchat 1867 ~ Bes Kavitat Most of today's sorilogicat studies ddrawe on the work of these three nineteonth-certury thinkers ‘Thus, itis no surprise that Karl Marx is viewed asa major figure in the development of several social sciences, among them sociology. (See Figure I-1.) Karl Marx Karl Marx (1818-1883) shared with Durkheim and Weber a dual interest in abstract philosophical is- sues and in the concrete reality of everyday life, Un- like the others, Marx was so critical of existing in- stitutions that a conventional academic career was impossible, and although he was born and educated in Germany, most of his life was spent in exile. Marx's personal life was difficult struggle, When a paper that he had written was suppressed, he fled his native land and went to France, In Paris, he met Friedrich Engels (1820-1895), with whom he formed a lifelong friendship. They lived during a time in which European and North American eco- nomic life was increasingly being dominated by the factory rather than the farm. 7 canner Tn ene oF czOL OGY Uf. Br Seal, Pos meee Canc takerIn 1847, Marx and Engels attended secret meet- ings in London of an illegal coalition of labor unions, the Communist League. ‘The following year, they finished preparing a platform called The ‘Communist Manifesto, in which they argued that the masses of people who have no resources other than their labor (whom they referred to as the proletariat) should unite to fight for the overthrow of capital ist societies. In the words of Marx and Engel “The history ofall hitherto existing society isthe history of lass struggles. ... The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains, They have a world to win, woRk- ING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES ENMTE! (Feuer, 1959:7, 41). After completing The Communist Manifesto, Marx returned to Germany, only to be expelled. He then moved (o England, where he continued to write books and essays. Marx’s life there was one of ex- treme poverty. He pawned most of his possessions, and several of his children died of malnutrition and disease. Marx clearly was an outsider in British so- ciety, a fact which may well have affected his view of western cultures (R, Collins and Makowsky, 1978:40). Marx's thinking was strongly influenced by the work of a German philosopher, Georg Hegel. Hegel saw history as a clashes between conflicting ideas and forces. end of each clash, a new and improved set of ideas was expected to emerge. In Hegel's view, conflict ial element in progress. Conflict led to progress; progress came only through conflict. In applying Hegel's theories, Marx focused on conflict between social classes, as represented by in- dustrial workers and the owners of factories and businesses. Under Marx’s analysis, society was fun- damentally divided between classes who clash in pursuit of their own class interests. He argued that history could be understood in dialectical terms as a record of the inevitable conflicts between eco- nomic groups. This view forms the basis for the con- temporary sociological perspective of conflict the- ory, which will be examined later in the chapter. When Marx examined the industrial societies of his time, such as Germany, England, and the United States, he saw the factory as the center of conflict between the exploiters (the owners of the means of 4 production) and the exploited (the workers). Marx viewed these relationships in systematic terms; that is, he believed that an entire system of economic, social, and political relationships had been estab- lished to maintain the power and dominance of the ‘owners over the workers. Consequently, Marx and Engels argued that the working class needed to overthrow the existing class system, Marx's writings inspired those who were subsequently to lead com munist revolutions in Russia, China, Cuba, Viet nam, and elsewhere. Even apart from the political revolutions that his work helped to foster, Marx's influence on con- temporary thinking has been dramatic, Although, he certainly did not view himself as a sociologist, Marx nevertheless made a critical contribution to the development of sociology and other social sci ences. Partly, this reflected Marx’s emphasis on carefully researching the actual, measurable condi tions of people's lives, a practice which foreshad: owed the scientific nature of today’s social sciences. Inaddition, Marx placed great value on the group identifications and associations that influenced an, individual's place in society. As we have seen, this area of study is the major focus of contemporary sociology. Throughout this textbook, we will con sider how membership in a particular gender clas- sification, age group, racial group, or economic’ class affects a person’ attitudes and behavior, In an. important sense, this way of understanding society can be traced back to the pioneering work of Karl Marx. (See Figure 1-2.) Sociology, as we know it in the 1990s, draws upon the firm foundation developed by Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Karl Marx. However, the discipline has certainly not remained stagnant over the last century. Sociologists have gained new insights which have helped them to better understand the workings of society. Charles Horton Cooley (1864-1929) was typical of the sociologists who became prominent in the carly 1900s, Born in Ann Arbor, Michigan, Cooley received his graduate training in economics but later became a sociology professor at the Universi PART ONE + THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVEjigan. Like other early sociologists, he be- interested in this “new” discipline while pur a related area of study. shared the desire of Durkheim, Weber, to learn more about society. But to do so ,, Cooley preferred to use the sociological to look first at smaller units—intimate, groups such as families, gangs, and dship networks. He saw these groups as the of society in the sense that they shape ideals, beliefs, values, and social nature, ’s work brought new understanding to ips of relatively small size. a the early 1900s, many of the leading sociolo- s of the United States saw themselves as social Is HAYTER 1 + THEE NATURE OF SOCIOLOGY ‘The "time lines” shown here give an idea of relative chronology. reformers dedicated to systematically studying and then improving a corrupt society. They were gen- uinely concerned about the lives of immigrants in the nation’s growing cities, whether these immi- grants came from Europe or from the American south, Early female sociologists, in particular, were often active in poor urban areas as leaders of com- munity centers known as settlement houses. For ex- ample, Jane Addams (1860-1935), a member of and speaker before the American Sociological So- ciety, cofounded the famous Chicago setilement, Hull House. Addamsand other pioneering female sociologists ‘commonly combined intellectual inquiry, social ser- vice work, and political activism—all with the goalEarly female sociologists were often active in poor urban areas as leaders of community centers knovon as settlement houses. For example, Jane Addams (1860-1935) was « cofounder of the famous Chicago settlement, Hull House of assisting the underprivileged and creating a more egalitarian society. For example, working with the Black journalist and educator Ida B. Wells, Addams successfully prevented the implementation of a racial segregation policy in the Chicago public schools, ‘The practical focus of her work was also evident in Addams’ efforts to establish a juve court system and a women’s trade union (Addat 1910, 1930; Deegan, 1991; Wells, 1970). middle of the twentieth century, however focus of the discipline had shifted. Sociologists o theorizing and gathering while the aim of transforming society was left to social workers and others, This shi from social reform was accompanied by a gi commitment to scientific methods of research and interpretation of data Sociologist Robert Merton (1968:39-72) made an important contribution to the discipline by sue: cessfully combining theory and research. Born in 1910 of Slavic immigrant parents in Philadelph Merton subsequently won a scholarship to Temple University. He continued his studies at Harvard, where he acquired his lifelong interest in sociology. jon’s teaching career has been based at Co- bia University. ton has produced a theory that is one of the most frequently cited explanations of deviant be- havior. He noted different ways in which people at tempt to achieve success in life. In his view, some may not share the socially agreed-upon goal of ac- cumulating material goods or the accepted means of achieving this goal, For example, in Merton's on scheme, “innovators” are people who material wealth but use al means to do so, robbery, burglary, and extortion. Merton's explanation of crime is based on individual behavior—influenced by soci cty's approved goals and means—yet it has wider applications. It helps to account for the high crime rates among the nation’s poor, who may see no hope of advancing themselves through traditional roads to success. Merton’s theory will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 7. Merton also emphasized that sociology should strive to bring together the "macro-level” and “micror level” approaches to the study of society, Macro. sociology concentrates on largescale phenomena or entire civilizations. Thus, Emile Durkheim's cross: cultural study of suicide is an example of macro-evel research. More recently, macrosociologists have ex- ates (see Chapter 7), the stereotype of Asian Americans as a “model minority” (sce Chapter 10), and the population patterns of Islamic countries (see Chapter 19). By contrast, microsociology stresses study of small groups and of: ten uses experimental study in laboratories. Socio: logical research on the micro level has included stud ies of how divorced men and women, ex-conviets, and others disengage from significant social roles (see Chapter 5); of how conformity can influence the pression of prejudiced attitudes (see Chapter of how a teacher's expectations can affect a student’s academic performance (see Chapter 16: Sociologists find it useful to employ both these approaches. In fact, we can learn a great deal by us PATEL ONE = Tit SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPBCTIVEidentify cross-euleura religions customs and traditions, ispes of dress and msc wedding differences. Pictured are ob ata wedding in Jerusadem, a bride and throwing rice on a “sacred fine J) ie nd microsociolo, shrine in Japan ing macrosociologic analy ich such topics as divorce, drug addiction, and i to sindy the ple, we —_religious cults, they can draw upon the theoretical might try (© understand criminal behavior at the insights of the discipline’s pioneers. A careful imacro level by analyzing rates in va reader can hear Comte, Durkheim, Weber, Mary, countries and at the micro level by examinin Gooley, Addams, and many others speaking cial interactions that influence individuals to be- he pages of current research. In describ- thme criminals or delinquents. he work of today’s sociologists, itis helph Contemporary sociology reflects the diverse con- examine @ nu Inbutions of earlier theorists. As sociologists ap- me problem. For ex: ber of influential theoretical proaches (also known as perspectives) irJOR THEORETICAL PECTIVES. Sociologists view society in different ways. Some see the world basically as a stable and ongoing entity. ‘They are impressed with the endurance of the fam- organized religion, and other social institutions. Some sociologists see society as composed of many groups in conflict, competing for scarce resources. To other sociologists, the most fascinating aspects of the social world are the everyday, routine inter= actions among individuals that we sometimes take for granted. ‘These differing perspectives of society are all ways of examining the same phenomena. Sociological imagination may employ any of a number of theo- retical approaches in order to study human behay= jor. From these approaches, sociologists develop theories to explain specific types of behavior, The three perspectives that are most widely used by so- ciologists will provide an introductory look at the discipline. These are the functionalist, conflict, and interactionist perspectives, cach part of a society contributes to its survival. The functionalist per- spective emphasizes the way that parts of a societ are structured to maintain. its stability, Es Durkhei ical contribution to the development of functional- ism. As noted earlier, Durkheim focused on the role of religion in reinforcing feelings of solidarity and unity within group life. ‘Talcott Parsons (1902-1979), a Harvard Univer sity sociologist, was a key figure in the development of functionalist theory. Parsons had been greatly influenced by the work of Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and other European sociologists. For more than four decades, Parsons dominated sociology in the United States with his advocacy of functional ism. He saw any society as a vast network of con- nected parts, each of which contributes to the main- tenance of the system as a whole, Under the functionalist approach, if an aspect of social life does not contribute to @ society's stability or sur- vival—if it does not serve some identifiably useful function or promote value consensus among mem- le 1's analysis of religion represented a crite PARP ONE + THE SOCIOLOGICAL. PERSPECTIVE is bers of a society—it will not be passed on from one generation to the next. Asan example of the functionalist perspective, let us examine prostitution. Why is it that a practice 50 widely condemned continues to display such per sistence and vitality? Functionalists suggest that pros titution satisfies needs of patrons that may not be readily met through more socially acceptable forms: such as courtship or marriage, The "buyer" receives sex without any responsibility for procreation orsen: timental attachment; at the same time, the “seller” gains a livelihood through this exchange: ‘Through such an examination, we can conclude: that prostitution does perform certain functions that society seems to need. However, this is not to suggest that prostitution isa desirable or legitimate form of social behavior, Functionalists do not make such judgments and do not wish to condone the abuses or erimes that prosticutes and their clients may commit, Rather, advocates of the functionalist perspective hope to explain how an aspect of sock ety that is so frequently attacked can nevertheless manage to survive (K. Davis, 1937). Manifest and Latent Functions A university cata: Jog typically presents various stated functions of the institution, It may inform us, for example, that the university intends to “offer each student a broad ed: uucation in classical and contemporary thought, in the humanities, in the sciences, and in the arts.” However, it would be quite a surprise if we came across. catalog which declared: “This university was founded in 1895 to keep people between the ages of 18 and 22 out of the job market, thus reducing unemployment.” No college catalog will declare that this is the purpose of the university. Yet s eval institutions serve many functions, some of them quite subtle, The university, in fact, does delay peo- ple's entry into the job market To better examine the functions of institutions, Robert Merton (1968:1 15-120) made an important distinction between manifest and latent functior Manifest functions of institutions are open, s conscious functions. They involve the intended, recognized consequences of an aspect of such as the university's role in certifying ac competence and excellence. By contrast, tai functionsare unconscious or unintended functio ‘and may reflect hidelen purposes of an institution,nt function of universities is to serve as a ground for people seeking marital part- ists acknowledge that not ofa society contribute to its stability all the ‘A dysfunction refers to an element or a of society that may actually disrupt a social joF lead to a decrease in sta are widely regarded as undesirable, Yet should not automatically be inter negative. The evaluation of a dysfunction ds on one’s own values, or, as the saying goes, ” For example, the official view ited States is that inmates’ gangs be eradicated because they are dysfunc- ‘smooth operations. Yet some guards have -come to view the presence of prison gangs “creates a “threat to security” and thereby re- increased surveillance and more overtime junt et al., 1993:400). to functionalists’ emphasis on stability nsus, conflict sociologists see the social in continual struggle. The conflict perspec- that social behavior is best understood ns of conflict or tension between competing Such conflict need not be violent; it can form of labor negotiations, party politics, among religious groups for members, over cuts in the federal budget. ‘saw earlier, Karl Marx viewed struggle be- en social classes as inevitable, given the ex- jiation of workers under capitalism. Expanding ‘work, sociologists and other social sci- hhave come to see conflict not merely as a jomenon but as a part of everyday life in ies. Thus, in studying any culture, organi- A, oF social group, sociologists want to know benefits, who suffers, and who dominates at ‘of others. They are concerned with the between women and men, parents and Cities and suburbs, and Whites and Blacks, yname only a few. In studying stich questions, con are interested in how society's 19 tutions—ineluding the family, government, reli- gion, education, and the media—may help to main- tain the privileges of some groups and keep others in a subservient position. Although contemporary conflict theory was clearly inspired by Kat] Marx's analysis, there are important differences between Marxist. theories and the conflict perspective. Whereas Marx fore- told an end to conflict through the emergence of a classless communist society, current conflict the- orists view conflict as unavoidable. They are less likely to anticipate, much less predict, that the so- cial tensions arising from inequality will be entirely resolved. Moreover, while Marx viewed a total re- structuring of society as fundamentally necessary to resolve social problems, contemporary conflict the- orists believe that poverty, racism, sexism, inade- quate housing, and other problems can be under stood and attacked somewhat independently (Agger, 1989). Like functionalists, conflict sociologists tend 10 use the macrotevel approach. Obviously, though, there is a striking difference between these vo sociological perspectives (see Box I+1 on page 20 on the functionalist, conflict, and interactionist views of sports). Conflict theorists are primarily concerned with the kinds of changes that conflict can bring about, whereas functionalists look for stability and consensus. The conflict model is viewed as more “radical” and “activist” because of its emphasis on social change and redistribution of resources. On the other hand, the functionalist perspective, be- cause of its focus on stability, is generally seen as more “conservative” (Dahrendorf, 1958), ‘Throughout most of the 1900s, sociology in the United States was more influenced by the func- tionalist_ perspective. However, the conflict ap- proach has become increasingly persuasive since the late 1960s. The widespread social unrest re- sulting from battles over civil rights, biter divisions over the war in Vietnam, the rise of the feminist and gay liberation movements, the Watergate scan- dal, urban riots, and confrontations at abortion clinics offered support for the conflict approach— the view that our social world is characterized by continual struggle between competing groups. C rently, conflict theory is accepted within the disci- pline of sociology as one valid way to gain insight into a society. CHAPTER 1 « THE NATURE OF SOCIOLOGYgenerally think of the func- tionalist, conflict, and interaction- ist perspectives of sociology as be- ing applied to “serious” subjects such as the family, health care, andl criminal behavior. Yet even sports ‘can be analyzed using these theo retical perspectives. FUNCTIONALIST In examining any aspect of society including sports, funictionalists em- phasize the contribution it makes to overall social stability. Functional ists regard sports as an almost reli sfious institution which uses ritual and ceremony to reinforce the common values of a society: * Sports provide learning experi ‘ences that socialize young people into such values as competition and patriotism. Athletes became role models and are treated with awe and respect. + Sports contribute to the adaptive needs of the social system by help- ing to maintain people's physical welkbeing. + Sports serve as a safety valve for both participants and spectators, who are allowed to shed and aggressive energy acceptable way. + Sports “bring together” members of a community or even a mation ndl promote an overall fe nity and social solidarity. CONFLICT VIEW Conflict theorists argue that the so- ial order is based on coercion and exploitation, They emphasize that sports reflect and even exacerbate many of the divisions of society, i cluding those based on gender, race, ethnicity, andl social class: * Sports are a form of big business in whieh profits are more impo tant than the health and safety of the workers (athletes) *# Sports perpetuate the false idea that suecess can be achieved sim- ply through hard work, while fail ure should be blamed on the in- dividual alone (rather than on injustices in the larger social sy tem), Sporis serve as an “opiate” “which encourages people to seek “fix” or temporary “high" rather than focus on personal problems and social issues. * Sports maintain the subordinate role of Blacks and Hispanics, who toil as athletes but are largely barred from supervisory positions as coaches, managers, and gen- ‘eral managers. In 1993, for ex- ample, African Americans ac- ‘counted for only 7 percent of all ‘executives and department heads in. professional basketball and football and less than 4 percent in baseball + Sports relegate women 10 a sec ‘ondary role as spectators and se ual “prizes” and tend 10 equate masculinity with bruce strength, insensitivity, and domination INTERACTIONIST VIEW In studying the social order, inter= actionists are especially interested in shared understandings of every- day behavior, Consequently, inter- actionists examine sports on the micro level by focusing on how day- to-day social behavior is shaped by the distinctive norms, values, and demands of the world of sports: + Sports. often heighten parent child involvement they may lead to parental expectations for par ticipation and (sometimes unte- ly) for success + Participasion in sports con tributes to the emergence of friendship networks that can per imeate everyday life Despite class, racial, and religious differences, teammates may work together harmoniously and may even abandon previous stereo- types and prejudices. Relationships in the sports world are defined by people's social po- sitions as players, coaches, and referees—as well as by the high or Jow status that individuals hold as a result of their performances and reputations Clearly, there is more to sports than ‘exercise or recreation, From a func tionalist perspective, sports rein- force societal traditions, consensus ‘on values, and stability, By contrast, conflict theorists view sports as merely another reflection of the por litical and social struggles within a society. Interactionists focus on so-