THE PAMPA DE CHAPARRI: WATER, LAND, AND POLITICS ON THE NORTH COAST OF PERU Frances M. Hayashida Large-scale irrigation agriculture formed the economic backbone of civilizations on the north coast of Peru. Contrary to the notion that large systems required the guiding hand of the state, historical sources suggest that management was largely Jocal and segmentary. At the same time, water and land are a potential source of economic and political power for state administrators who may intervene in the supervision and management of farming. The Pampa de Chaparri, in the Lam= baxeque region, is an unusually well-preserved system of canals, fields. and settlements where the dynamics of water, land and polities can be observed. Systematic survey documented a Middle Sicdn (A.D. 900-1 100), Late Sicéin (A.D. 1100-1375) (Chimii (A.D. 1375-1460) and Inka (A.D. 1460-1532) occupation, During Middle and Late Sicdn, seulement patterns reflect the segmentary organization described in historical accounts. With conquest by the Chimii and Inka Empires, state admin: istrative centers were constructed, existing social groups were reorganized and communities and households were trans- formed. Thus, though local management is an effective and stable strategy for managing large irrigation systems, the wealth ‘and power that these systems represent make them potential targets for more direct state conteol, with significant conse- quences for local inhabitants La agricultura de irrigacién a gran escata fue fundamental en la economia de las eivilizaciones de la costa norte del Pert. Las fuentes historicas sugieren un manejo segmentario de estos sistemas a cargo de grupos locales, contradiciendo la no de la imervencién estatal como requisito para su funcionamiento. Asimismo, el agua ya tierra son fuentes de poder econdmico y politico para los administradores estatales quienes pueden intervenir en la supervision y administvacién de los cultivos. La Pampa de Chaparri, en la regién Lambayeque, presenta sistemas de canales, campos de cultivo, y asentamientos en buen estado de conservacién, dénde la dindmica enire el agua, la tierra, y la politica puede analizarse. Prospecciones sisteméticas documentaron ocupaciones durante los periodos Sicdn Medio (900-1100 d.C.), Sicdm Tardio (1100-1375 .C.), Chimii (1375-1460 dC.) ¢ Inka (1460-1532 dC). La organicacién segmentaria descrita en los documentos histéricos se ve refle- jada en los patrones de asentamiento durante los periodos Sicén Medio y Tardfo. A consecuencia de las conquistas Chinui e Inka se construyen centros administrativos estatales, reorganizando los grupos sociales existentes, y transformando las comue nnidades y unidades domésticas. Si bien la administracién local es una estrategia efectiva y estable para wn adecuado manejo de sistemas de irrigacién a gran escala, su riqueza y poder los hacen igualmente blanco potencial del control estatal, conlle vando cambios importantes en las poblaciones locales ittfogel’s (1957) Oriental Despotism and its interpretations! have inspired fifty years of research and debate over the linkages between water, agricultural expansion and intensification, and power. While the idea that large-scale irrigation or other forms of intensive agriculture require state administration has been disproved (Erickson 2006; Hunt 1988; Lansing 1991; Treacy 1994), it is also true that water and land control easily translate into power over lives and livelihoods (Mitchell 1973; Sidky 1996), A growing body of comparative and regional archae- ological studies highlights the complex dynamics over time of land, water, society, and politic: Recent examples include Scarborough’s (2003) cross-cultural evaluation of irrigation management, Wilkinson’s (2003) examination of Near Eastern landscapes over time, and the various studies fuel- ing the continuing debate over whether the exten- sive area of raised fields surrounding Lake Titica primarily represents the accumulated bottom-up efforts of autonomous communities or top-down management (direct or indirect) by the Tiwanaku state (Erickson 1993, 2000, 2006; Janusek and Kolata 2004; Kolata etal. 2000: Stanish 1994). The north coast of Peru, with its impressive prehispanic Frances Hi shida ® University of Missouri, 107 Swallow Hall, Columbia, MO 65212 (hayashidaf@ missouri edu) Latin American Antiquity, 1703), 2006, pp. 243-263 Copyright ©2006 by the Society for Americ: Archaeology 2432a4 canal systems, provides another venue to test ideas about top-down versus bottom-up organization In a recent essay, Erickson (2006) argued for bottom-up perspectives in studies of agricultural intensification. He notes that archaeologists tend to favor top-down views, and argues that this focus is based on neglect or misreadings of agricultural landscapes, with their patterns of fields and other features representit munities over generations. These faulty interpre~ tations are in turn based on problematic assumptions about the organizational abilities of farmers and their production strategies (e.g., that they produce a surplus only if forced to do so). To reinforce his argument, he draws onevidence from the historical and ethnographic record of farming. A bottom-up perspective is also favored by researchers and workers in sustainable develop- ment who have increasingly turned their attention to what is referred to as local, indigenous, or tra- ditional knowledge (Erickson 2003; Ostrom et al. 1999; Pichdn et al. 1999: Trawick 2003). Local knowledge systems encompass technology. prac- tices, and belief’ that have developed and persisted over generations; they are generally flexible and resilient but potentially vulnerable 0 outside pres- sures (e.g., conquest, incorporation into the global economy). Whether applied to the archaeological record or to moder communities, a bottom-up View focuses attention on the knowledge and prac- tices of farmers. At the same time, past and present farmer articulated with states in different waysand to vary- ing degrees. Elites and institutions create conditions that can perpetuate, alter, or destroy local organi- zation, While states may interfere minimally with local affairs, they have the capacity to affect farm= ers’ lives and the agricultural landscape by impos- ing taxes or providing subsidies, creating new conditions for access to water and land, expanding or reducing farmland, introducing new crops and technologies. and encouraging or transplanting new colonists. The effects may be particularly profound in the case of imperial expansion, as conquered areas are repositioned into entirely new economic and political geographies (Zimmerer 2000). In short, for agriculture in states, we may not be able to fully understand what is happening at the bot- tom unless we know what is happening at the top. While farming communities are fully capable of LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 17, No. 3, 2006 creating and managing large, intensive agricultural systems on their own, what happens when states intervene? Both top-down and bottom-up perspectives can be applied to prehispanic water management on the north coast of Peru. Here, large canal systems irri- gated coastal desert valleys providing the food and agricultural resources necessary to support large, complex civilizations (Billman 2002; Deeds et al 1978; Deza 2001; Eling 1978, 1986, 1987a; Far- rington 1974, 1977, 1980, 1983, 1985; Farrington and Park 1978: Kosok 1965; Kus 1972, 1980, 1984; Moseley 1983; Moseley and Deeds 1982; Moseley et al. 1983: Netherly 1984; Nolan 1980; Ontloff 1993, 1995: Ontloffet al, 1982, 1983, 1985; Pozorski 1987; Pozorski and Pozorski 1982; Rodriguez Suy Suy 1970; Shimada 2000; Tschauner 2001). There is strong documentary evidence that management ‘was largely local (Netherly 1984, 1990, 1993), pro- viding an example of bottom-up organization (Erickson 2006), At the same time, crops did not simply feed farmers but also supported elites and state personnel; thus canals and the lands that they watered were of potentially great interest to the administrators of north coastal states such as the Moche, Sicdn, and Chimd, as well as the Inka who conquered the north coast in A.D. 1460-1470. In this study, I evaluate irrigation organization on the north coast of Peru. The evidence is drawn from the study of canals, fields, and settlements on the Pampa de Chaparr’ in the Lambayeque region, which tered by the intervalley Racarumi anal and its branches (Figure 1). Lambayeque was the heartland of the Sicdin state, and the pampa was initially occupied during the Middle Siedn (A.D. 900-1100) period, Occupation continued during Late Sicdn (A.D. 1100-1375) and throughout the tule of the Chimé (A.D. 1375-1460) and Inka (A.D. 1460-1532) empires. The pampa was aban- doned soon after the Spanish Conquest (Zevallos Quifiones 1975), thus providing the unusual oppor- tunity to investigate a relatively well-preserved pre- hispanic irrigation system? and its associated fields and settlements. In other areas of the north coast, continuous cultivation since the conquest has oblit- erated much of the agricultural landscape. Our research addresses the following questions: What was the organization of water management and how did it change under different political regimes? To what extent did irrigation organization corre-Hayashida) THE PAMPA DE CHAPARRI 245, Canal © Modem settlement ‘Archaeological Site t0Km Figure 1. The location of the Pampa de Chaparri study area. ally described scenario of decentralization and how ean discrepancies, if any, be explained? How does the Pampa de Chaparri inform our general understanding of top-down and bottom-up processes in states? Irrigation Organization: Definition of Terms ‘The term “centralization,” often applied to irriga- tion, has caused some confusion because itis used to describe both a decision-making hierarchy as well as articulation with the state, thus potentially conflating the internal organization of management with external control (Hunt 1988). In separating the two, Hunt (1988) described internal authority as ranging from concentrated (unified) to dispersed (acephalous), Unified authority may be hierarchi- cal (e.g., decisions handed down from higher to lower levels) or heterarchical (e.g. decisions reached through cooperation or negotiation between unranked or equally ranked units) (Hunt 1988; Kelly 1983: Scarborough 2003). Acephalous, tion is rare, but has been noted for some. small (less than 20 irrigated ha) systems (Hunt 1988). Ties to an external authority range from articulated to autonomous (Hunt 1988: Kelly 1983). Inahighly articulated system, most orall decisions about construction, maintenance, conflict resolu- tion, and allocation are made by an external author- ity: nan autonomous system they are made locally. Note that management may be local, but produc- tion may be expanded or intensified in order to meet state tributary demands, Janusek and Kolata rive, while direct state control is rrans emphasize the changes in production and social organization that accompany the shift from autonomous to articulated. Several additional observations can be made. First, the organization of decision making may vary for different tasks. Thus decisions about day-to-day use and maintenance may be made by water users (farmers), while those for other tasks affecting the whole system, orrequiring coordination over large areas (like construction or major repairs) may be ‘made at a higher level. Similarly, within the same246 irrigation system, there may he more or less state involvement in different irrigation decisions, Sec- ond, the external authority may be an entity other than the state, such as the hierarchy of water tem- ples in Bali where priests coordinate water alloca- tion, scheduling, and canal construction (Lansing 1991; Lansing and Kremer 1993), Third, decision making may be both hierarchical and heterarchi- cal (Scarborough 2003). Water authorities may make some decisions for lower ranked units, but they may also facilitate cooperation and coordina- tion between user groups as is the case in Bali. Fourth, periods of water shortage or abundance may also trigger organizational shifis, For exam- ple, scarcity may cause the enforcement of rules to ensure equitable distribution (Netherly 1984; Traw- ick 2001), or provoke its opposite, an increase in cheating or disproportionate use by more power- ful individuals or entities (Hunt and Hunt 1974: Scarborough 2003:99).. Water Management on the North Coast: Historical and Archaeological Evidence The north coast of Peru is a desert intersected by rivers descending from the Andes that have their peak volumes during the highland rainy season (December through April). Coastal valleys are fan shaped. with narrow necks at the foothills of the Andes and flaring alluvial plains. Valley soils are fertile but cultivation is greatly restricted by water availability, In this hyperarid climate, successful cultivation of the valleys depends on the ability to capture and divert water through irrigation systems, and the ability to cope with flooding in El Nilo years as well as periodic droughts. The earliest canals were probably built during the Initial period (1800-900 B.C.), and irrigation systems grew through time reaching their maximum extent dur- ing the Late Intermediate period under the Sican and Chimd states (A.D. 1000-1470) (Pozorski 1987). On the north coast, the relative abundance of water and low gradient of extensive bottomlands in some of the valleys combined to create favor- able conditions for very large irrigation networks (Moseley et al. 1983; Shimada 1994:41). Canals were gravity fed; thus, by maintaining the maxi- mum elevation possible, a greater area could be watered (Moseley and Deeds 1982), Major canals had their intakes at the valley necks, following the LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Vol. 17, No. 3, 2006 contours of the valley margin with branch canals watering the fields downslope. The most desirable lands were near the intakes where water was plen- tiful (permitting two crops a year) and soils were better drained (Netherly 1984:235), Much of what we know about late prehispanic \water management on the north coast comes from Netherly’s (1984, 1990, 1993) careful analysis of early colonial documents. Based on these source: she has convincingly argued that late prehispanic irrigation was organized along local sociopolitical ines. The north coastal polities that fell under Chim and Inka rule were divided into dual nested hierarchies ruled at the top by a paramount lord with lesser lords heading the lower divisions. The poli- tics and their subdivisions were referred to as par- cialidades. As a nested hierarchy, the system was exiremely flexibl the same lord, particularly the higher-ranking lords, could operate on different organizational levels simultaneously, with a correspondingly larger number of subordinate lords and sub- jects under his direct control and, depending on his rank, a correspondingly greater access to human energy [Netherly 1984:233], This organization had two implications for water management (Netherly 1984:233-234). First, for irrigation tasks, a larger or smaller labor force could be summoned as needed, Second, the land culti- vated by a parciatidad was defined by the canals that watered it. In other words, canals corresponded to sociopolitical divisions, a pattern that has also been observed at Inka Cuzco (Sherbondy 1987, 1902), at the Inka state farm at Cochabamba (Zim- merer 2000), and at modern communities in the highlands (Guillet 1992; Mitchell 1975), Forexample, in the case of the intervalley Taymi canal in Lambayeque, each of its 12 branch canals was “owned” by a different parcialidad (Netherly 1984:240-242). These in tum could be grouped into four higher divisions of the major polities headed by paramounts located in Lambayeque. Each par- cialidad assigned to a branch canal was responsi- ble for cleaning a segment of the main canal. Thus those assigned to the twelfth canal cleaned the seg- ment up to the intake of the eleventh; those of the eleventh cleaned up to the intake of the tenth, and so on, All were responsible for cleaning the seg- ment between the intake of the first canal, and theHayashida] main intake at the Chaneay River (Netherly 1984:243). Canal cleaning was an important social and ritual event led by the lords who distributed food and tools. The lords also resolved water dis- putes, and conflicts between subdivisions were han- died by the next higher authority, which could be state officials in the case of conflicts involving para- mounts (Netherly 1984:244-245). Local polities also relied on the larger organizational capacities of the state in the event of major catastrophes such as severe damage by El Nifto flooding which called forlarge-scale rebuilding or repairs (Huertas Valle- jos 1987; Netherly 1984:245, 246). In short, the historical evidence suggests that late prehispanic water management was largely autonomous (independent of state control) and seg- mentary. [twas not, however, egalitarian. Rights 10 water and lands were held by the lords, who granted access to subjects in return for labor and loyalty (Ramirez 1996:18-19). Lesser lords owed tribute to higher ranked lords in return for water rights while water flowing down some ravines was “bought” from highland lords by coastal para- mounts with cloth, salt, and agricultural produc (Espinoza Soriano 1975; Ramirez 1996:17-18: Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1988a:271). Not surprisingly, state officials were able to place them- selves at the top of this chain of obligations. With their conquest of the coast, the Inka first claimed then delegated lands and resources to local lords (Ramirez 1996:16), in essence retuming to them what was already theirs, while making clear the power of the state to do so. In the archaeological record, evidence for Chimii claims to water, land, or crops is abundant. Itis likely that many of the canals and fields in the Chimii heartland were directly managed by the state. Fields closest to Chan Chan, the capital located in the Moche Valley, were very regular in layout suggesting centralized management of canal construction, water distribution and crop produ tion’ (Farrington 1977; Kus 1980:718; Moseley and Deeds 1982:41). Rural administrative centers in the Moche and neighboring Chicama Valleys incorporated many of the architectural attributes observed at Chan Chan (Farrington 1974:9 Keatinge 1974, 1975; Keatinge and Day 1973:285-291; Pozorski. 1987:114-117). They were arguably established to oversee the construc tion of canals and to supervise production. ‘THE PAMPA DE CHAPARRI 247 While it is not surprising that the Chim con- trolled agriculture near the capital, evidence for state management also comes from the province: Provincial administrative centers, identified by the presence of architectural attributes drawn from Chan Chan, are located in rural areas close to fields (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990:212), near the intakes of major canals oralong their courses (Bling 1978:413; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Tschauner 2001:102-174), and in low-lying areas that were farmed using raised fields (Mackey 1987:128; Moore 1988, 1991; Pozorski et al. 1983). The Jequetepeque Valley under Chimit rule saw the development of extensive irrigation systems along with a series of strategically placed urban cente (Dillehay and Kolata 2004), While no major Chim administrative centers have been documented in the Santa Valley, Wilson (1988:3511) observed that settlements under Chim rule are concentrated in the lower valley, ie., the area best suited for agri- culture. By comparing arable lands with local pop- ulation estimates, he further suggested that a substantial surplus could have been grown, per- haps for tribute payments to the Chimti state. How then to reconcile the historical record of autonomy with the archaeological indicators for state control? Itis important to remember that nei- ther record is complete and there are biases in each. It can be difficult to sort out prehispanic organiz: tion from even early colonial accounts given the disruption of the Spanish Conquest, the biases of foreign observers, and the gaps in the historical record. There simply may have been greater vai ation in irrigation organization than is apparent from colonial accounts. There are also gaps in the archaeological record of water management. We lack information on the lower level canal branches, associated settlements, and the patterning of fields that are needed to reconstruct the organization of agricultural pro- duction (Erickson 2006; Walker 2004). This is largely due to the destruction of much of the pre- hispanic rural landscape by historic and modern cultivation and urban growth, but partly due to the different research goals of previous archaeologi- cal studies of the late prehispanic north coast. Sim- ilarly, in most cases, we lack detailed regional contexts for provincial Chimd administrative sites ‘The presence of a Chim center by itself does not necessarily signify that the state made all water248 management decisions. The Chimd ike other con- querors through time (including the Inka and the Spaniards who followed), may have relied heav- ily on local elites and existing practices that per- sisted intact into the historical period We need additional evidence to clarify the rela- tionship between parcialidades, the state, and water and Jand management and to resolve the apparent discrepancies between the historical and archaeological records. Ideally, archaeological evi- dence should be systematically collected from an entire irrigation system and its associated fields and settlements, Studies of individual sites can only provide a partial perspective on state-lo actions; a regional approach reveals chan tems in settlements, canals, and fields throu, that reflect both the internal organization of par- cialidades and their external articulation with the state. The correspondence of social and irrigation organization should be detectable in the archaeo- logical record. If water management was a organizing principal as suggested by colonial accounts, we can expect the spatial association of social groups with irrigation branches, The nested hierarchy of pareialidad divisions should be expressed as a site hierarchy corresponding to the canal hierarchy, Thus the largest center (the seat of the paramount) will be associated with the primary canal, secondary centers with secondary canals, and smaller sites with lower branches of the irri- gation system. Evidence for state control of water and land includes the establishment of state administrative centers, increased production (e.g., through the expansion of canals), centralized field planning (as is seen near Chan Chan), an influx of colonists (to increase available labor), and the construction of storehouses and roads for tribute collection and transportation, The co-occurrence of several of these different lines of evidence would argue strongly for state control, Many of these features co-occur in the most extreme example of state- managed agriculture known for the precolumbian Andes, the Inka state farms and estates whose pro- duce supported royal households, the military and other personnel (D'Altroy 2002:127-140, 268-276; Espinoza Soriano 1973: Gyarmati and Varga 1999; Julien 1998; La Lone and La Lone 1987; Murra 1980:29-44; 1991: Netherly 1988: LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY (Vol. 17, No. 3, 2006 Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1988b; Wachtel 1982). ‘The Pampa de Chaparri: Setting and History The study area, the Pampa de Chaparry, is located within northern Lambayeque, which includes the Lambayeque (or Chaneay as it is called along the upper course), Leche, and Motupe river valleys. The Lambayeque Valley is particularly productive with a relatively stable and abundant water supply (total yearly discharge in a typical year is between 700-900 x 10° m} (Delavaud 1984:42-43; Mos ley 1983:785) and a cultivable area (contiguous with the Leche Valley plain) of approximately 86,000 ha of irrigated farmland today (Delavaud 1984:85). Two prehispanic intervalley canals linked the Lambayeque to the Leche Valley: the Taymi and the Racarumi (Figure 1). The Taymi irrigated the extensive lower alluvial plain and this use contin- ues to this day. Settlements associated with the ancient Taymi have recently been surveyed by ‘Tschauner (2001) who recorded a Moche V through Inka occupation. ‘The Racarumi system irrigated the Pampa de Chaparri, a small valley that runs between the Lam- bayeque and Leche Valleys (Figures | and 2). Paul Kosok (1965:159-160) published a brief descrip- tion of the pampa based on visits made in the 1940s during his extensive survey of irrigation systems. on the north coast of Peru, Several decades after Kosok’s work, Shimada and Craig created a map of the main canal (the Racarumi I) and its branches (the Racarumi I] canals) based on aerial pho- tographs taken in 1975 (Shimada 1982, 1990). By the time of their study, a portion of the main canal (just above the pampa) had been destroyed by the construction of the Tinajones Reservoir, which is fed by a modem canal that follows the ancient course. ‘The pampa, an apparent synclinal trough Grained by the Sanjén River, is filled with alluvial deposits from the hills flanking the east and west sides (Nordt et al. 2004). In total, approximately 600 ha of ancient cultivated fields are visible in erial photographs of the zone. Shimada (1990) posited that the Pampa de Chaparri was developed by the Sican state as part of an agro-industrial complex marked by an increase in mining and smelting operations, settle-Hayashida) ment growth, and the expansion of agriculture. While these developments were concentrated in the Leche Valley, where the Middle Sicén and Late Sicdn capitals were located, there is increasing evi- dence that similar changes were happening in the Lambayeque Valley (also Tschauner 2001; Yokoyama et al. 1999), as well as in more distant valleys that may have been incorporated into the Sican polity (Hocquenghem 1998: 160-168). These resources and the large, skilled, Sican population were captured by the Chimii, a com- peting north coastal state, with their conquest of Lambayeque in ca, A.D. 1350-1400 (Sandweiss 1995:77; Shimada 1990:366; Shimadaet al, 1982). Some have proposed that Chimd expansion into the region was spurred by the failure of irrigation works near Chan Chan, the Chim& capital located to the south in the Moche Valley, as well as by a desire to obtain other natural and human resources such as mines and skilled metalworkers (Ortloff 1993; Pozorski 1987; Shimada 2000; Topic 1990). The great increase in building and craft activities at Chan Chan following the incorporation of Lam- bayeque supports this interpretation (Kolata 1990:138-139: Topic 1990:149-150). ‘The Chimé territory eventually extended from the Tumbes Valley in the north to the Chillén Val- ley on the central coast of Peru. Lambayeque was conquered in the last of three phases of Chima expansion, The Chimd ruled through a hierarchy of provincial administrative centers, some newly established, others grafied onto local sites (Don- nan and Cock 1986; Keatinge 1974, 1975; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Keatinge and Day 1973; Mackey 1987; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990; Pozorski 1987; Schaedel 1951; Tschauner 2001; Wilson 1988:290). These centers are identified by archi- tectural features that mimic those found at Chan Chan, though the later centers (including those found in Lambayeque), often combined local or entirely new attributes with Chimd traits. With their defeat of the Chimii, the Inka took over the north coast in ca. A.D. 1460. They dis- mantled the upper tiers of the Chimé ruling hier- archy, reoccupied some Chimi provincial administrative sites, established new centers and way stations on major roadways, and relocated coastal dwellers to other parts of the empire (Con- rad 1977; Epstein and Shimada 1983; Espinoza Soriano 1969-70; Hayashida 1999, 2003; Helsley ‘THE PAMPA DE CHAPARRI 249 1980; Heyerdahl et al. 1995; Hocquenghem 1998:186, 219-261; Narvaez and Hoyle 1985: Ramirez 1990, 1996; Mackey 2003; Rowe 1948: Shimada et al, 1982), Inka interest in, and impact ‘on, north coastal agriculture has been harder to define. This is in part due to the scarcity of docu- mentary sources on Inka rule of the north coast, as well as the difficulty in distinguishing Inka from ChimG period occupations in the archaeological record, a problem discussed more fully below: Canals, Fields, and Settlements on the Pampa de Chaparri Our research on the Pampa de Chaparri has included inspection of air photos, field mapping of canals and fields, systematic pedestrian survey to locate sites, site mapping and surface collections, soil and geomorphological studies (Nordt et al. 2004), and test excavations in canals, fields, and middens. In the remainder of the paper, I discuss the prehispanic landscape and its changes through time, focusing on the results of the survey. To date, we have focused on the canals that watered the west bank of the Sanjén and their fields and set- tlements. For the sake of clarity, [ employ the canal terminology of Doolittle (1990: 14-17) where the main canal has its intake in the water source (the Chancay River), distribution canals carry water from the main canal to lateral canals that termi- nate in the fields, and field canals (that include irri- gation furrows) cary water from the lateral canals across the field surface. The Canals ‘Though largely destroyed by the construction of the Tinajones Reservoir, the course of the main canal, the Racarumi I ,above the pampa can be traced out ona series of air photos from 1962 (Servicio Aere- fotogrifico Nacional (SAN) project number 81-62) that predate the reservoir construction (Kosok 1965:161). The Racarumi I had its intake in the row valley neck approximately 10 km above the town of Chongoyape (Figure 1). It travels west, crosses a pass between two hills as it enters the pampa, then turns sharply to the northwest, fol- lowing the course of the Sanjén River before emerg- ing on its east bank and continuing towards the Leche Valley. Three distribution canals, the Racarumi Ia, IIb, and Ic (hereafier Rifa Rib, and250 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 17, No. 3, 2008 Figure 2. The Pampa de Chaparri and the location of the Racarumi II distribution canals Ric), had their intakes in the Racarumi I soon alter it tums to the northwest (Figure 2).! No fields are detectable on the air photos along the course of the Racarumi | before it enters the pampa, but this is an area that was already highly disturbed in 1962, when our earliest photographs were taken. On the pampa itself, most of the ancient fields (3300 ha) are west of the Sanjén, and were watered by the Racarumi I canals; an additional area at the north end of the pampa, was cultivated on the easter side of the Sanjon. The largest site on the Racarumi I is Campa- mento de Paredones, situated approximately 6 km below the intake (Figure 1), Itextends over roughly 60 ha, with a core area characterized by an impres- sive series of platform mounds that ascend a hill. Recent fieldwork at the site has identified a Mid- dle Sicdn through Chim occupation, as well as evi- dence for metallurgical (bronze) production (Yokoyama et al. 1999), Campamento de Pare- dones is more than six times larger than the largest site identified in our survey of sites on the pampa; during its occupation, it was probably the primary center for the polity associated with the Racarumi system, Kosok (1965) described a group of several adobe mounds where the Racarumi | enters the pampa, not far from the intakes for the distribution canals. ‘Two mounds are still visible though they were badly disturbed by looting and construction associated with the Tinajones Reservoir. At present, the largest mound measures approximately 90 x 50 x 9 m. In a brief visit to the site, we found very few sherds. Large platform mounds are characteristic of Sicdn ceremonial and administrative architecture (Shi- mada 2000:56-63; Shimada and Cavallaro 198 ‘Tschauner 2001:296-330), and the mounds may have been built at this time. ‘The Racarumi II distribution canals were mapped using a handheld GPS receiver, with read- ings taken every 100 m (Freeburg 2002). Intakes for lateral canals leading to the fields were alsoHayashida] noted where visible, as were any unusual features, Multiple channels characterize all three of the Racarumi II canals. In some areas, it was clear that new channels were cut after segments were washed out by flooding. The distribution canal at the highest elevation (the Rila) crosses deep gullies as well as hills, and was excavated into very gravelly (and hence porous) sediments. Construction of this canal pro- ceeded in some sections by trial and error, with mul- tiple channels cut and some abandoned during construction. Short aqueducts transported water over low spots. At deep gullies, the aqueduct bases were constructed of large boulders and stones that permitted the passage of water in rainy years. The lowest distribution canal, the Re, closely follows the Sanjén before making a sharp turn through & low spot in a large hill (Cero Arena), Here, to maintain the gradient, the canal bed was cut into the hill by using large hammer stones (rounded cobbles with battered edges) to chip away at the bedrock. Canals were apparently unlined, though sharp turns were sometimes reinforced with stone. No permanent gates or diversions were observed, and itis likely that diversions were temporary and constructed of earth, stones, sticks and brush when needed, a practice that continues today (Eling 1987b).. The Fields In the aerial photographs, three areas with differ- ent field patterns (based on the spacing and orien- tation of lateral and field canals) can be discerned. For convenience, these are termed the South, Mid- dle, and North fields. The South fields were those watered by the upper portions of the RIla and RIIb, Lateral canals run perpendicular to the distribution canals in a very regular pattem over an area of approximately 900 ha; the appearance is of a sin- gle, large plot or of identical plots laid out in strips defined by the lateral canals. These are the highest fields in the system and would have potentially received the most water, perhaps producing two crops a year. The Middle fields were watered by the lower RIfa and RIfb, in the area in and around Cerro Arena. Lateral and field canals are more vari- able, perhaps adapting to changes in the slope of the planting surface. Field canal orientations vary though spacing is still fairly regular. The North fields, watered by the Rilc, are the most variable, THE PAMPA DE CHAPARRI 281 giving the appearance of a patchwork of plots, with variation in field sizes as well as field canal orien- tations and spacing. A detailed discussion of the fields, together with the results of soil analyses from test excavations in fields appears in a separate publication (Norut et al, 2004). In brief, soil fertility levels were gener- ally high in all three field areas, though external inputs for nitrogen would have been necessary. The relatively coarse texture of pampa soils meant that frequent irrigation was necessary, Atthe same time, soil permeability, together with low salt content in the Chancay waters, kept salinity levels low in all three field areas Initial analyses of macrobotanical remains and pollen indicate that Gossypium (cotton) and Zea mays (maize) were grown, Other identified culti- gens include Cucurbita sp. (squash), Capsicum sp(peppet), Annona sp. (guanabana or chirimoya), Lucuma bifera (\ucuma), Psidium guajava (guava), Arachis hypogaea (peanut), Phaseolus sp. (com- mon bean), Phaseolus limensis (lima bean), Canavalia sp. (jackbean), Inga feuillei (pacae), Persea americana (avocado), Lagenaria sp. or Cucurbita sp. gourd, Solanum tuberosum (potato), and Ipomoea batata (sweet potato). The Survey Methods, Settlements were located through sys- tematic pedestrian survey of a 38 km? area divided into blocks of approximately | km’. Each block was covered by a team of four persons spaced at 40. m intervals. “Sites” were identified as discrete areas with architecture or a high concentration of surface artifacts. Isolated structures or groups of structures spaced more than 50 m apart and lacking a con- tinuous concentration of artifacts between them were classified as separate sites. Names of sites were based on air photo num- ber, block number within the photo (A, B, C), and the order of discovery within the block. Two sets of photos from $.A.N. projects were used, one from 1962 (project number 81-62 with photo numbers 2358 and higher) and the other from 1975 (project number 270-75 with photo numbers 81-262). Thus site number 8606 is the sixth site recorded in the first block surveyed within the area covered by the 2710-75-86 air photo. Dating was based on surface diagnostic pottery and other artifacts. For the Sicdn periods (and to a252 lesser extent, Chimti), we relied on the preliminary pottery seriation by Kathryn Cleland and Izumi Shimada of the Sicén Archaeological Project drawn from stratigraphic excavations at the Huaca del Pueblo Batin Grande and other sites in the Leche Valley as well as their study of museum col- lections; Tschauner’s observations from fieldwork along the Taymi were also consulted (Cleland and Shimada 1992, 1998; Shimada 1990; Tschauner 2001:628-655). One persistent dating problem in north coastal archaeology has been an inability to clearly dis- tinguish Chimi from Inka period occupations (Hayashida 2003). This is due to the lack of a sys- tematic pottery seriation (Shimada 2000:100) and to the conservative character of pottery styles from this era (especially utilitarian pottery, which is most prevalent at rural habitation sites). Objects and architecture incorporating classic Inka attributes are rare on the north coast, While this might be attributed to a nonexistent or weak Inka incorpo- ration of the region, recent research particularly in northern Lambayeque has identified clear evidence foran Inka imperial presence including state instal- lations along the coastal trunk road (Hayashida 1999; Helsley 1980; Shimada 1981), at a major local center (Heyerdahl et al. 1995), and at a met- allurgical production site (Epstein and Shimada 1983; Shimada et al, 1982). Yet even at these sites, the percentage of pottery in Inka styles is low, and mostly restricted to distinctive vessels used for feasting or other ceremonial acts (Hayashida 1999). Itcan thus be very difficult to distinguish Chimit from Inka period occupa ite with artifacts or architecture with classic Inka attributes undoubt- edly had an Inka period occupation. In their absence, the site may have had a Chimd or Inka occupation, or both. Faced with this problem, one option is to identify as Inka only those sites having artifacts with Inka attributes. However, this poten- tially results in the overestimation of Chimd occu- pations and the problematic conclusion that there was a demographic collapse under Inka rule. The second, more conservative option, is to acknow!- edge our inability to cleanly separate the two peri- ods, and to lump them into one, Chimti/InkaS while noting sites with Inka diagnostics. While less than satisfying. thisis the most prudent route to take until we refine the seriation of late prehispanic north coastal material culture. LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 17, No. 3, 2008 The Settlemenis Middle Sicdn (A.D, 900-1100), Thirty-nine sites with a Middle Sicdn occupation were identified, With 38 residential sites and 1 cemetery (Figure 3). Excluding the cemetery, the total area of the sites is 21.55 ha, with an average site size of .58 ha. Sites were established above the highest course of the Rila and above the Ril, suggesting a Mid- dle Sicdn construction date for these two canals. A single site adjacent to the RIlb was located at the base of a small hill; the relative prevalence of fine Middle Sican pottery at this site (and its paucity at other sites) and the presence of a small platform mound suggest that it may have had a ceremonial function, Each of the two distributional canals in use dur- ing Middle Sicdn was associated with a large res- idential site (Site 81F1S with the Rlla and Site 256A01 with the Ril), suggesting the correspon- dence of social divisions and canals described in historic accounts (Netherly 1984). These two sites, on two distribution canals would have been second tier centers, subordinate to the primary center (Campo de Paredones), which is located on the main canal, the Racarumi I. Additional divisions are apparent along the Ria, where sites form five clusters spaced between 1.4.and 2.3 km apart. These may represent additional subdivisions of the Rlla parcialidad. Site 83D 1 | has a group of three adobe mounds, the largest measuring approximately 60 x 40 x 3 m, It was centrally located along the Rila, within the third cluster of sites, and may have served as a ceremonial center forall groups along the Rila (and pethaps those along the Rilc for there are no cor- responding constructions). Late Sican (A.D. 1100 ~1375). Within the sur- vey area, we identified 76 sites with a Late Sican occupation, including 10 cemeteries and 66 resi- dential sites (Figure 4). Fourteen of the sites also have a Middle Sicdn component. Excluding the cemeteries, the total site area is 23.16 ha with an average site size of .35 ha, Both major settlements along the Rila and Rille (256A01 and 81F15) as well as the mound center (83D11) continued to be occupied. The five site clusters along the Rila also persisted, though they were less tightly defined, This patterning suggests the continuation of the social groupings along canals that began in Middle Si icaHayashida] cero PN des y Middle Sican residential sites we BALA >t 2h @ = 29h ‘ THE PAMPA DE CHAPARRI 253 Figure 3. The location of sites during the Middle Sican period. In addition, a number of new sites appeared on lands watered by the RIIb, suggesting that it was built at this time. The reasons for the construction ofa new canal paralleling the Rila are not yet clear. One possible explanation is that the RITb would have allowed more land to be irrigated at the dis- tal end where it divides to water the large area of fields west of Cerro Arena, a large hill with two adjacent small hills located next to the Sanjén River. Another possibility is that given water loss due to evaporation and infiltration, it was more efficient to have wo distributional canals, with shorter lat- eral canals, than a single canal with very long lat- eral canals. The RIIb would have also captured the runoff from the Ria, lowering water loss. Chimiifinka (A.D. 1460-1532), There was dra- matic increase in the number of sites and the total area of occupation in the Chimti/Inka period (Fig- ure 5), We recorded 375 sites of which 340 were residential and 35 sites were cemeteries. Fifty-four of the residential sites and 10 of the cemeteries have a Sicn component. Excluding the cemeter- ies, the total site area is 53.53 ha, with an average site size of .16 ha. While the main Sicdn residential site along the Ril (256A01) continued to be occupied, the large Sican settlement (81F15) on the Rila was aban- doned. In addition, the clustering of sites previ- ously detected along the Rila broke down, Rather than clusters, there was a nearly continuous distri- bution of sites along the Ria and Ric, with the notable increase of sites on lands watered by the RIlb. These changes suggest the dissolution of the Rila polity and its subdivisions. The mound cen- ter83D1 | continued to be occupied and was in fact enlarged, with the construction of an adobe-walled compound around the largest mound. The com- pound wall was built over the highest channel of the Ria, evidence that the lower course of this canal was abandoned, an inference further sup- ported by the downslope shift in sites to the area below the highest channel.254 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY {Wol. 17, No, 3, 2006 Figure 4. The location of sites during the Lat Another significant change from the previous period was the expanded occupation of Cerro Arena. The largest and most monumental of the new sites is 86A01, also called “Cerro Arena,” located on the very top of the hill (Figueroa and Hayashida 2004). The site is characterized by mas- sive concentric stone walls that ring the peak and separate terraces with stone-walled compounds The pottery is overwhelmingly Chimi, with a few Inka diagnostic artifacts. The architecture of one of the large compounds also has the classic Chimti characteristics of a pilastered doorway and a baf- fled entry. Itis likely that Cerro Arena served as a provincial administrative center for the Chim. With its hilltop location, there is an excellent view of the pampa and the impressive ring walls of the site are highly visible to all below. Tschauner (2001:102-174) has reported similar walled hill- top Chimd administrative centers along the Taymi. Outside of the survey area, two sites identified onair photos provide additional evidence of Chimii and Inka supervision. Both were located on ancient period. roadways and would have been in the position to monitor the flow of traffic and goods in and out of the pampa. The first,a likely Chim administrative site (257X01), is at the north end of the pampa. A small quantity of Sicén pottery suggests a previous occupation, but the architecture follows patterns seen at other Chimd administrative sites. It is a stone-walled compound with tortuous corridors and a ramped platform mound facing a courtyard The top of the platform was accessible via ramps atthe rear of the mound; similar constructions have been recorded at Chimti centers in the Jequete- peque Valley (Keatinge and Conrad 1983). The site ‘was built along a road linking the pampa with the copper mines and smelting operations at Cerro Huaringa to the west, where another Chimi center was located (Epstein and Shimada 1983; Shimada etal. 1982). ‘The second, an inferred small Inka installation (Site 2839X01), was found beyond the survey area on the east bank of the Sanjén in a location where several roads (that appear to head up the ChancayHayashidal Chiminka resident sites et she @ >s-1ha @ ee @ ron THE PAMPA DE CHAPARRI 255 Figure 5. The location of sites during the Chimt/Inka period. Valley) converge. Though not classically Inka in architecture, an estimated 10 percent of the site’s pottery is Inka in design, including large Inka flared-rim jar fragments (associated with state stor- age and feasting) and a small quantity of painted Provincial Inka pottery. Inka flared-rim jars used for storage and serving (versus small versions used as funerary pottery) are rare on the north coast: published examples have only been found at Inka administrative sites on the coastal trunk road in the Leche Valley, where they were manufactured by state artisans (Hayashida 1998, 1999; Hayashida et al, 2003). Given its size and location, 2938X01 was probably an Inka roadside ‘ambo, or way sta- tion, Several other shifts from the Sicén to Chimd/Inka periods are worth noting. In the Sican period, few sites were located in the irrigated fields, while in the Chimii/Inka period there were many sites among the fields, particularly in the area sur- rounding Cerro Arena (the Middle field area), It is clear that the fields were not abandoned at this time, because canals wound their way around the sites, Sites were also established in the lands watered by the Rilc, the North field area. The one area that remained nearly free of occupation were the lands ‘watered by the upper portion of the Rlla and Rib canals, the South fields with their extremely regu- lar pattern of lateral and field canals that may have produced two crops a year. Walled fields appeared for the first time as well (Téllez and Hayashida 2004). There are a total of four, three clearly Chimd/Inka, and the other lack~ ing diagnostic artifacts. These were cultivated areas (with visible canals and field furrows) with adobe or adobe and stone perimeter walls, often with external rooms and platforms. The smallest walled field is 8 ha, and the largest 21.0 ha. It is unlikely that these were abandoned structures with a dif ferent initial function that were later cultivated. From their layouts, itis clear that canals and com- pounds were planned together. Also, the excava- tion of one canal where it enters a walled field revealed a carefully prepared entrance (rather than258 90% 20% 70% 60% 50% 40% 20% 20% 10% om Wattle and daub Single stone base LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY {Vol. 17, No. 3, 2006 8 Sican n=44 = Chimu-nka n=219 Adobe Doubiefaced stone Figure 6, Comparison of the percentages of Sicdin versus Chimti/Inka sites by wall type. abroken wall). Test excavations in a room adjacent to one of the walled fields showed both Chimti and Inka period occupations. On the north coast, the only walled fields reported to date were closely linked to individual rulers or their families, and they are late in date. They have been found at Chan Chan, where fields were planted within the mas- sive walls of several palace enclosures, or ciu dadelas in the late Chimé occupation (Kolata 1990:118, 121: Moseley and Day 1982:Plate 1). In the middle Moche Valley, walled coca fields that belonged to the Inka ruler Huayna Capac and his mother have been reported in historical documents (Netherly 1988), While the walled fields on the Pampa de Chaparri were probably not royal fields, the concept of enclosing plots was a Chimi and Inka introduction that projected a strong mess: of exclusivity, Wall construction and building design at resi- dential sites also shifted between the Sicén and Chimi/Inka periods. The materials and techniques used for wall construction were noted for each site as present or absent. Figure 6 compares the per- centages of different wall types observed for the Sica versus Chimii/Inka periods. Walls from sites with only a Sicdin or Chimt/Inka occupation are shown and Middle and Late Sican observations are grouped together because of the small number of sites with an exclusively Late Sicdn occupation. In Sicdn times, the predominant wall type (found at 66 percent of all sites with discernable walls) was a single row of stones that probably supported a wattle-and-daub or cane wall. In Chimii/Inka times, there was a marked change, with adobe (or adobe and stone®) observed at over 80 percent of all sites with discemable walls. As seen in Figure 7, room configuration also shified in the Chimi/Inka period. In the Sicén period, separate rooms with open spaces between them were common (found at 54 percent of all mapped sites with intact structures) while larger structures with an external wall and internal sub- divisions forming rooms (referred to as “com- pounds”) were more prevalent in the Chimd/Inka period (observed at 64 percent of all sites with intact structures). These compounds tended to be widely spaced (>50 m apart), while Sicsin rooms tended to be continuously distributed across a site. If these constructions represent households the implication is that domestic space was organized very differ- ently in the two periods, with greater visibility of household members and their activities in the Sican period as people moved between rooms in view of their neighbors, and greater segregation of house- holds in Chimii/Inka times. Summary and Discussion The irrigation system on the Pampa de Chaparrt approached its maximum extent when initially con- structed, during Middle Sican. It was modified dur- ing the Late Sicin period with the construction ofHayashida) ‘THE PAMPA 70% 60% 50% 30% 20% 10% DE CHAPARRI 257 1B Sican n=35 me Chimusnka n=192 compound with internal divisions rooms agglutinated separate rooms. Figure 7. Comparison of the percentages of Sicdn versus Chimii/Inka sites by room configuration. the RIB, with no further growth under Chimi and Inka rule, The correspondence of hierarchical social units with canal branches was strongest for Middle and Late Sicén. The largest site in the system, Campo de Paredones, was associated with the main canal (the RI) near its intake in the Chancay River, with two smaller centers located on the distribution als, the RITA and the RIIC. The separate clus- ters of even smaller sites along the RITA repre- sented a third tier, The development of the Pampa de Chaparri from desert to irrigated farmlands coincided with the rapid and dramatic growth of the Middle Sican state, as seen in the construction of monumental adobe mounds at the nearby Sican capital, marked differentiation between social classes, and the pro- duction, accumulation and trade of wealth items (e.g., objects of arsenical bronze and precious metal alloys) onan unprecedented seale (Shimada 2000). While water management may not have required the guiding hand of the state, the growth of irriga- tion agriculture is inseparable from the rise of the Sican polity. One possible scenario is that the his- torically documented parcialidades in Lam- bayeque began as elites competed to control land and water that could be used to attract followers and produce the surplus necessary to support labor- ers and artisans, A similar process has been pro- posed by Billman (2002) for the emergence of the Moche state. Atthe same time, the most striking feature about the Middle and Late Sican occupation was the rel- ative stability of the settlement pattern across a period of approximately 400 years, despite the upheavals that occurred at the end of Middle Sicdn (Shimada 2000), when the capital was torched, abandoned, and reestablished at the site of El Pur- gatorio. The transition was also marked by a radi: cal change in political ideology (as reflected in art and iconography). In this case, the dramatic events at the top seem to have had little effect on the pampa, again supporting the conclusion that water man- ‘agement and farming were largely autonomous, This long-lived stability of the pampa was dra- matically disrupted under the short reigns of the Chima and the Inka, While the central RIC set- Uement continued to be occupied, the RIIA center was abandoned and the clusters of sites along the canal disappear. The disruptions along the RIA may have been related to its productivity. The lands along the upper RIIA adjacent to 81F15 would have received the most water in the entire RII sys- tem, perhaps producing two crops a year. The very regular canal patterning along the upper RITA and the absence of settlements within the fields suggests different practices of management and production than is seen further down valley, where canal pat- terns are more variable, smaller plots are discen- able, and settlements are dispersed in and around the fields. The impression is of centralized man- agement of the upper fields, perhaps dedicated to258 state production, in contrast to the lower fields that were managed and worked by farmers (living ‘among the fields) for their own support. Chim supervision of agriculture on the pampa is also evident in the establishment of administra- tive centers, most notably the highly visible hilltop center Cerro Arena, and the roadside site 257X01 that monitored traffic and products in and out of the pampa. Tschauner (2001:332) has proposed that the large walls ringing hilltop Chima centers ‘echo the massive perimeter walls surrounding royal complexes or ciudadelas in the Chimi capital. As Moore (1996a, 1996b) has argued, the ciudadela walls represent an ideology of exclusion as they di tinguish, protect, and limit access to the individu- als, resources, and activities within. A similar process is seen in the creation of the walled fields, in the encircling of the major Sicén mound at 83D11 within acompound, and perhaps in the dra- matic shift from open households with less per- manent building material to compounds with adobe walls. This is not to say that houschold construc- tion was imposed, but rather that ideas about social interaction and community and household organi- zation were transformed following the dissolution of local social groups under Chima rule. The shift in styles of domestic architecture raises the possi bility that these new ideas were introduced by colonists relocated to the pampa by the state, a proposition that requires further testing Efforts by the Chima to increase or control pro- duction have been observed in other areas where surveys have been completed, such as the Santa Val- ley where settlements moved to the valley bottoms (Wilson 1988), in the Jequetepeque Valley with the construction of new canals and urban centers (Dille- hay and Kolata 2004) and along the Taymi canal, where four Chima hilltop centers were established at regular intervals along the length of the canal to monitor the extensive and highly productive Taymi farmlands (Tschauner 2001:102-174), However, unlike the Pampa de Chaparri, the pattern of res dential sites associated with the neighboring Taymi canal did not significantly shift from the Sicdn to Chimii periods (Tschauner 2001:166). While the observed difference between Racarumi and Taymi settlements might be partly explained by preser- vation (lands along the Taymi are heavily cul vated today, and only the largest habitation mounds survive), it is clear that the reorganization of the LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 17, No. 3, 2006, Pampa de Chaparri was particularly drastic, with a shift from largely autonomous to highly articulated management. Until we gather more systematic evi- dence on provincial landscapes under Chimi rule, Ican only speculate on why some areas were brought under more direct state control, but expect that both physical and cultural factors, such as water availability, soil quality, the economic and politi- cal climate at the capital at the time of conquest, existing sociopolitical organization, and local response, all played a role. In short, autonomous, segmentary organization was an effective and stable way to manage large- scale irrigation agriculture on the north coast. At the same time, water and land were particularly desirable resources for conquering states. In some regions, management was left in the hands of local polities under state supervision, as evidenced by the persistent correspondence of canals with social groups into historical times. In others, like the Pampa de Chaparri, state intervention was more direct and resulted in the dissolution of local social divisions under Chimd and Inka rule accompanied by changes in household and community organi- zation, Largeirrigation systems do not require state control but they represent food, wealth, and power, and thus are vulnerable to the interventions of pow- erful individuals and institutions, with potentially radical consequences for the lives of local inhabi- tants, The preceding conclusions about the organiza tion of agriculture on the pampa can be further tested through additional fieldwork, including sur- vey along the Racarumi I system,’ study of Cam- pamento de Paredones (the inferred primary center), and excavations at Sicdn and Chimd/Inka residential sites to ate changes in commu- nity and domestic organization. Excavations at sites, canals, and fields can also reveal the inten- sity of occupation at different parts of the pampa, to address concerns raised in previous studies of north coastal irrigation that some ancient canals saw little or no use, because of political motivations (the canals were “make work” projects), poor engi- neering, or environmental factors such as tectonic uplift, flooding, and drought (see for example Far- rington 1983; Kus 1984; Ortloff et al. 1982, 1983; Pozorski and Pozorski 1982).As seen in the nearby Jequetepeque Valley, excavations in canals, gul- lies, and sites can also reveal the history of localHayashida] flooding events (Dillehay and Kolata 2004; Dille- hay etal. 2004), When combined with information on settlement pattern, canal design, use, and aban- donment, and additional paleoenvironmental indi- ators, these investigations help us to understand the resilience and vulnerability of north coastal and use strategies. Reconstruction of land use also requires additional studies of agroecology (crop- ping patterns, soil and water management) and their changes through time, We might expect to see, for example, an increased emphasis on particular crops for tribute under the Chimti and Inka, with a cor- responding decrease in the diversity of local diets. ‘The survey results reported here provide a regional framework for addressing these and other ques- tions about water, land, and polities and their his- torical dynamics, Acknowledgments. Fieldwork on the Pampa de Chaparri was supported by grants from the National Science Foundation (BCS-0001290), the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the National Geographic Society and the Research and Graduate Studies Office of the Pennsylvania State University. Permits for the fieldwork ‘were granted by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Peri while the Briining National Museum of Lambayeque (and its Director, Carlos Wester) provided logistical support. As pro- ject codirectors, Jorge Montenegro and Rafael Vega-Centeno supervised much of the field research reported here. The field crew included Melissa Paugh, Carlos Ausejo, Alejandra Figueroa, Natalia Guemén, Sandra Téllez, Luis Caceres, Herman Pontzer, Adam Freeburg, Theresa McReynolds, and Jonathan Schonick. Gerardo Gutiérrez and Adam Freeburg created the project GIS. J. Philip Dering. John Jones, and Lisa Lavold identified the botanical remains. 1 gratefully acknowledge the support and efforts ofthese institutions and individuals. [also thank fan Farrington, Jeanette Sherbondy. 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Farrington (1977, 1978) argues that some of these fields were created and controlled by the Inka. 4, Kosok (1965:146) illustrates (wo additional intakes for the Racarumi canal in the Camelton River (a tributary of the CChaneay), south of Chongoyape. They both merge with the Racarumi I near the intakes for the Racarumi II canals. We ‘were not able to field check these additional intakes and canal segments (parts of which lie under the Tinajones Reservoir), but hope to investigate any remaining intact segments in a future field season 5. This should not be confused with the Chimi-Inka des- ignation applied to hybrid styles of material culture, 6. In some cases, these appear as courses of adobe on top of a double-faced stone wall base. In other cases, the stones are mixed within the adobe melt, and construction details are unclear, 7. The growth of heavy vegetation following the 1998 El Nilo event impeded previous attempts to survey this area. Submitted September 15, 2003; accepted June 10, 2004: Revised June 16, 2005 and February 10, 2006.