THE NATUR OF SOCIOLOG WHAT IS SOCIOLOGY? The Sociological Imagination Sociology and the Social Sciences Sociology and Common Sense WHAT IS SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY? ORIGINS OF SOCIOLOGY Early Thinkers: Comte, Martineau, and Spencer Emile Durkheim Max Weber Karl Marx ‘Twentieth-Century Sociology MAJOR THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES Functionalist Perspective Mr, ‘Manifest and Latent Functions Dysfunctions, Conflict Perspective Interactionist Perspective ‘The Sociological Approach APPLIED AND CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL POLICY APPENDIX: CAREERS IN SOCIOLOGY BOXES 141 Everyday Behavior: Functionalist, Conflict, and Interactionist Views of Sports L2 Everyday Behavior: A Feminist View of Public PlacesLOOKING AHEAD + How does the sociological imagination, as a unique feature of sociology, distinguish sociology from the other social sciences? * Why is sociology more than a collection of commonsense observations? * Why do sociologists regard suicide as a social as well as an individual act? + How did Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Karl Marx contribute to the development of sociological thought? + How can the sociological perspectives of functionalism, conflict theory, and interaetionism be used to better understand the world of sports? * What career options are available to sociologists? I, 1992, sociologist David Miller spent a cold and ‘wet Saturday afternoon transporting donated food items from the parking lot of a Jocal supermarket in Macomb, Illinois, to the basement food pantry of his local church, Miller was impressed by the sub- stantial amount of food that had been donated, and soon learned that the church’s pantry was an im- portant source of food for some of his neighbors. ‘This church regularly distributes canned and boxed food products to any needy person in the commu- nity. Miller was curious as to what the source of these food products was and how widespread such panties were, Pare ont: 4 THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE Since that day, Miller and Richard Schaefer (this textbook’s senior author) have joined forces to. study the food bank system of the United States, which distributes food to hungry individuals and families. As part of their research, they have exam- ed government documents and other reference materials in libraries; they have conducted phone. interviews with food bank directors in Illinois, Towa, Oregon, and California; and they have observed the distribution of food at various churches and Salva- tion Army facilities. Miller and Schaefer learned that more than one! out of four children in the United States are hun- gry. Oneshird of the nation’s homeless people report eating one meal per day or less, With these disturbing realities in mind, charities are redistrib- uting food to pantries and shelters that just a decade ago was destined for landfills. In fact, the fourth-largest charity in the United States, Second Harvest, is a food distribution organization with annual revenue of more than half a billion dollars, In 1991, Second Harvest distributed 500 million pounds of food from hundreds of individual corporate donors to more than 43,000 food panties, soup kitchens, and social service agencic In writing about hunger in the United States, newspaper reporter might look for exposés or usual human interest stories. However, as 50 gists, Miller and Schaefer (1993) focus on bro social meanings evident in the nation’s food bution system. For example, they note the judgments made in determining which food iten are “proper” to distribute to hungry people. Ahol and tobacco products are banned from the “food pipeline,” but it is literally crammed full of ‘junk food” such as candy and ice erean Many observers would uncritically applaud the distribution of tons of food to the needy. While sup: nd personally involved in such efforts, Schaefer nevertheless draw on the in- sights of sociology to offer a more probing view of these activities. They note that powerful forces in ‘our society—such as the federal government, ma- jor food retailers, and other large corporations— have joined in charitable food distribution arrange- ments. Perhaps as a result, the focus of such relief programs is specific and limited. The homeless are to be fed, not housed; the unemployed are to be given meals, not jobs. Relief efforts assist hungry in- dividuals and families without challenging the ex- isting social order (for example, by demanding a redistribution of wealth). Miller and Schaefer add that without these limited successes in distributing food, hoards of starving people might assault pa- irons of restaurants, loot grocery stores, or literally die of starvation on the steps of city halls and across from the White House. Such critical thinking is yp ical of the theoretical and research efforts of soci- ologists in studying a social issue such as hunger Gee also Cohn et al., 199 $ The Unite States has an extensive food ‘bank system which distributes food to ‘hungry individuals and families. WHAT IS SOCIOLOGY? As we have seen, the sociologist has a distinctive way of examining human interactions. Seciology is the systematic study of social behavior and human ‘groups. It focuses primarily on the influence of so- Gial relationships upon people’s attitudes havior and on how societies are established and As a field of study, sociology has an ex- broad scope. Therefore, this textbook deals lies, gangs, business firms, political partie schools, religions, and labor unions. Itis concerned with love, poverty, conformity, discrimination, ill ness, alienation, overpopulation, and community In the United States, newspapers, television, and radio are the usual sources of information about such groups and problems. However, while the basic function of journalists is to report the news, sociologists bring a different type of understanding to such issues. ,The vision of sociology involv seeing through the outside appearances of people’s actions and organizations (Berger, 1963:31-37). One major goal of sociology is to identify w derlying, recurring patterns of and influences on social behavior. For example, sociologists study the passionate desire of movie or rock music fans to see in person, (0 talk with, even to grab the clothing of HAPTER 1 « THe NATURE OF SOOLOGYa star. Why do people feel this n To what extent does participation in a crowd of fans ow individuals to act more boldly than they oth- cenwise might? Will people gain greater respect from family members or friends if they have shaken hands with Madonna and exchanged three sen- \ces of conversation Sociology goes beyond identifying patterns of so- jor; it also attempts to provide explana- so powerfully? societal forces becomes a central consideration of sociology. Sociologists are not content to look at the individual fan's personality or “unique” reasons for wanting to meet Tom Cruise, Julia Roberts, or Denzel Washington. Rather, they recognize that millions of people want to meet celebrities, and they examine the shared feelings and behavior of fans within the larger social context of the culture of the United States. The Sociological Imagination In attempting to understand social behavior, soci- ologists rely on an unusual type of creative think- Wright Mills (1959) described such think- ing as the sociological imagination—an awareness of the relationship between an individual and the wider society. ‘This awareness allows people (not iply sociologists) to comprehend the links be- tween their immediate, personal social settings and the remote, impersonal social world that surrounds them and helps to shape them, A key element in the sociological imagination is, the ability to view one’s own society as an outsid would, rather than from the limited perspective of personal experiences and cultural biases. Thus, in- stead of simply accepting the fact that movie stars and rock stars are the “royalty” of our society, we could ask, in a more critical sense, why this is the case. Conceivably, an outsider unfamiliar with the United States might wonder why we are not as in- terested in meeting outstanding scientists, clemen- tary school teachers, or architects. As was true of the study of hunger and food dis- tribution by Miller and Schaefer, the sociological imagination allows us to go beyond personal expe- riences and observations to understand broader public issues. Unemployment, for example, is un- PART ONE © THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE questionably a personal hardship for a man. or woman without a job, However, C. Wright Mills pointed out that when unemployment is a social problem shared by millions of people, it is appro- priate to question the way that a society is struc- tured, Similarly, Mills advocated use of the socio- logical imagination to view divorce not simply as the personal problem of a particular man and) woman, but rather asa structural problem, since it was the outcome of so many marriages. And he was writing this in the 1950s, when the divorce rate was but a fraction of what it is today (I. Horowitz, 1983:87-108). Sociological imagination can bring new under standing to daily life around us. Sociologist Murray Melbin (1978, 1987) has likened the social life in cities of the United States during late nighttime hours to social life on frontiers of the old west, In his view, there are many similarities in the social and behavioral patterns of people in cities at night and on the frontier, among them the following: (1), the population tends to be sparse and homoge- neous, (2) there is a welcome solitude with fewer social constraints, (3) there is more lawlessness and violence, and (4) interest groups emerge which have concerns specific to the night or the frontier, One of Melbin's most surprising assertions is that both in the city at night and on the frontier, there: is more helpfulness and friendliness than in other times and places. He attempted to substantiate this view by conducting four tests of Boston residents! helpfulness and friendliness at various times du ing the 24-hour eycle. Melbin found that between midnight and 7 A.m.—as compared with other times) during the day—people were more likely to give di- rections, to consent to an interview, and to be so- ciable with a stranger. Apparently, when aware that they are out in a dangerous environment (the night or the frontier), people identify with the vulnera- bility of others and become more outgoing, By drawing on the sociological imagination, Melbin’s: intriguing study helps us to view nighttime social activity as different from—and not necessarily more threatening than—activity during “normal hours.” Sociologists put their imagination to work in variety of areas, Table 1-1 presents a partial list the specializations within contemporary sociology. ‘Throughout this textbook, the sociological ima 6nation will be used to examine the United States {and other societies) from the viewpoint of re- spectful but questioning outsiders. In this chapter, the nature of sociology as a science and its relationship to other social sciences will be explored. The contributions of three pioneering thinkers—Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Karl Marx—to the development of sociology will be eval- vated. A number of important theoretical perspec- tives used by sociologists will be discussed, Finally, practical applications of the discipline of sociology for human behavior and orgai ns will be de- scribed. Sociology and the Social Sciences : Ina general sense, sociology can be considered a science. The term science refers to the body of Knowledge obtained by methods based upon sys- fematic observation. Like other scientific disci- plines, sociology engages in organized, systematic study of phenomena (in this case, human behay- for) in order to enhance understanding. All scien- tists, whether studying mushrooms or murderers, attempt to collect precise information through methods of study which are as objective as possible. ‘They rely on careful recording of observations and accumulation of data, OF course, there is a great difference between seciology and physics, between psychology and ‘astronomy. For this reason, the sciences are com- monly divided into natural and social sciences. Natural science is the study of the physical features ‘ofnature and the ways in which they interact and ‘change. Astronomy, biology, chemistry, geology, ‘and physics are all natural sciences. Social science isthe study of various aspects of human society. The social sciences include sociology, anthropology, eco- ‘nomics, history, psychology, and political science. These academic disciplines have a common fo- ‘aus on the social behavior of people, yet each has ‘particular orientation in studying such behavior. “Anthropologists usiially study cultures of the past and preindustrial societies that remain in existence today, as well as the origins of men and women; this knowledge is used to examine contemporary soci- ties, including even industrial societies. Econo- ‘A PARTIAL USTING. ‘Methodology and research technology Sociology: history and theory ‘Sociol psychology Group iniroctons Culture ond social stucture ‘Complex organization ‘Social change and economic development ‘Mass phenomena: | sociology and interactions Social stratification and mobility ‘Sociology of occupations and professions Rural sociology and agriculture Urban sociology ‘Sociology of language and the orts Sociology of education Sociology of religion Social contol Sociology of law Police, penology, and correctional problems Sociology of science Demography and human behovior The fomly and socialization Sociology of sexual behavior Sociology of heath and medicine Sociology of knowledge ‘Community and regional development Policy planning and forecasting Radicol sociology Studies in poverty Studies in violence Feminist and gender studios ‘Marist sociology Sociological practice [clinical and applied) Sociology of business ond entrepreneurism ec sek: Adapted from Solel Altra, 1204, ‘As rafteced in this excerpt from the table of contents of Sociological Abstracts— «an online and hardcover database of articles, papers, and books om topics of sociology —the discipline of sociology can be divided into a diverse varity of subfields. a (CHAPTER 1 + Ti NATURE OF SocrOLOGYmists explore the ways in which people produce and exchange goods and services, along with money and other resources, Historians are concerned with the peoples and events of the past and their sig: nificance for us today. Political scientists stucty in ternational relations, the workings of government, and the exercise of power and authority. Psyeholo- gists investigate personality and individual behav ior, In contrast to other social sciences, sociology emphasizes the influence that society has on peo- ple’s attitudes and behavior and the ways in which people shape society. Humans are social animals; therefore, sociologists scientifically examine our so- cial relationships with people To better illustrate the distinctive perspectives of the social sciences, let us examine sociological and psychological approaches to the issue of gambling The growing legalization of gambling in the United States has, in elfect, increased the number of par ticipants and contributed to a rise in the number of “problem gamblers’—that is, people who con: sistently lose more money than they can afford co lose. Gamblers’ professed goal is economic gain; yet, because the vast majority end up losing money, their perspective is commonly viewed as “irrational” or even “pathological.” Viewed from the perspec- tive of psychology, gambling represents an escape into a fantasy world where great fortune can be at- tained easily, Eventually, people become so depen- In their examination of gambling sociologists focus on the social networks that develop among many participants dent on gambling that the activity fills an emotional need. AS a result, they cannot give up gambl without feeling nervous and upset. By contrast, in their examination of gambling, sociologists focus on the social networks that de- velop among many participants. Whether they be offtrack bettors, sports bettors, or poker players, gamblers establish friendship groups and. work hard to create feelings of conviviality even among casual acquaintances whom they meet through gambling, Consequently, for such people, gambling is a form of recreation and may even be their pri- mary social activity. This sociological perspective on spambling casts a shadow on recurring efforts to dis courage particular individuals from gambling and to discourage the practice in general. Giving up gambling may, in fact, mean forgoing all social in- teraction that a person has previously found to be meaningful. Alternatively, participation in Gam- blers Anonymous—a self-help group for “problem gamblers” modeled on Alcoholics Anonymous— provides a new forum to which ex-gamblers can tun for interaction, understanding, and encour- agement. The individual can find social support to replace the friendship groups developed in his or her betting days (Rosecrance, 1986, 1987). sociologist Ronald Pavalko has initiated many studies of gambling and has founded the Genter ng Studies at the University of Wisconsin- PART ONE + THE SOCIOLOGICAL, PERSPECTIVEIn teaching undergraduate classes on cology of Gambling,” Pavalko approaches -a booming industry (which accounted in legal wages in the United States, 4 public policy issue, and as an inter family problem. Pavalko and his col- examined such issues as the role of ; leisure for older people, and compulsive gam- Native American tribes that operate seen, sociology and the other social sci- on the study of certain aspects of hue yr Yet human behavior is something we all have experience and about which sta bit of knowledge. Many of us, even degrees in the social sciences, might about how society could ease the Wof us might well have theories about "stars and rock music stars are the sub- ‘much attention and adulation, Our the- come from our experiences lives, we rely on common sense to many unfamiliar situations. How- ge is not always accurate, because is of facts. It was once considered to accept that the earth was flat— questioned by Pythagoras and Aris- commonsense notions are not just distant past; they remain with us today. States, common sense tells us that minority group moves into a previ- neighborhood, property values de mon sense tells us that people panic rth natural disasters, such as floods and ‘with the result that all social organiza- grates. However, these particular com- like the notion that the earth is. neither of them is supported by +h, Race has been found to have to property values; stich factors as ‘overcrowding, and age of housing 9 are more significant. Disasters do not generally pro- duce panic. In the aftermath of natura disasters, greater social organization and structure emerge to deal with a community's problems. Like other social scientists, sociologists do not ac- cept something as a fact because “everyone knows ” Instead, each piece of information must be tested and recorded, then analyzed in relationship to other data. Sociology relies on scientific studies in order to describe and understand a social envi- ronment. At times, the findings of sociologists may seem like common sense because they deal with facets of everyday life. Yet it is important to stress that such findings have been tested by researchers. ‘Common sense now tells us that the earth is round, But this particular commonsense notion is based on centuries of scientific work upholding the break- through made by Pythagoras and Aristotle. OLOGICAL THEORY?..... Why do people commit sui ‘One traditional comumonsense answer is that people inherit the de sire to kill themselves. Another view is that sunspots drive people to take their own lives. These expla nations may not seem especially convincing to con- temporary researchers, but they represent beliefs widely held as recently as 1900, Sociologists are not particularly interested in why any one individual commits suicide; they are more concerned with why people in general take their own lives. This leads sociologists to examine the social forces that influence people in deciding whether oF not to attempt suicide. In order to undertake such research, sociologists develop theories that of general explanation of some type of behavior. ‘Theories can be regarded as attempts to explain events, forces, materials, ideas, or behavior in a comprehensive manner. Within sociology, a theory is.aset of statements that seeks to explain problems, actions, or behavior. An effective theory may have both explanatory and predictive power. That is, it can help us to develop a broad and integrated view of the relationships among seemingly isolated phe- nomena as well as to understand how one type of change in an environment leads to others. An essential task in building a sociological the- ory is to examine the relationship between bits of CHAPTER 1 + THE NATURE OF SOCIOLOGYdata, gathered through research, that may seem completely unrelated, For example, suppose that you are given data about the number of reported suicides in various European nations in 1869. You are told that there were 5144 reported suicides in France in that year, 1588 in England, and only 462 in Denmark. If you restricted yourself to those data, you might attempt to develop a theory about why there were so many suicides in France and so few in Denmark. However, in researching this. very problem, Emile Durkheim (1951, original edition 1897) looked into suicide data in much greater de- ail and developed a highly original theory about the relationship between suicide and social factors. Durkheim was primarily concerned not with the personalities of individual suicide vietims, but rather with suicide rates and how they varied from country to country. Asa result, when he looked at the number of reported suicides in France, En- gland, and Denmark in 1869, he also examined the populations of these nations to determine their rates of suicide, In doing so, he found that whereas England had only 67 reported suicides per million inhabitants, France had 135 per million and Den- mark had 277 per million. Thus, in terms of na- tional comparisons, the question then became: “Why did Denmark (rather than France) have a comparatively high rate of reported suicides?" Durkheim went much deeper into his investiga tion of suicide rates, and the result was his land- mark work Suicide, published in 1897. Durkheim re- fused to automatically aceept unproven explanations regarding suicide, including the beliefs that such deaths were caused by cosmic forces or by inher ited tendencies. Instead, he focused on such prob- lems as the cohesiveness or lack of cohesiveness of igious and occupational groups. Durkheim’s research suggested that. suicide, while a solitary act, is related to group life. Protey tants had much higher suicide rates than Catholics did; the unmarried had much higher rates than married people did; soldiers were more likely 10 take their lives than civilians were. In addition, it appeared that there were higher rates of suicide in times of peace than in times of war and revolution, and in times of economic instability and recession rather than in times of prosperity. Durkheim con- cluded that the suicide rates of a society reflected the extent to which people were or were not inte- grated into the group life of the society. 10 Emile Durkheim, like many other social scien- tists, developed a theory to explain how individual behavior can be understood within a social context. He pointed out the influence of groups and sock etal forces on what had always been viewed as a highly personal act. Clearly, Durkheim offered a more scientific explanation for the causes of suicide than that of sunspots or inherited tendencies. His theory has predictive power, since it suggests that suicide rates will rise or fall in conjunction with cer tain social and economic changes. Icis important to understand thata theory—even. the best of theories—is not a final statement about human behavior, Durkheim’s theory of suicide is no exception; sociologists continue 10 examine fac- tors which contribute to a society's rate of suicide, For example, people across the United States were shocked by the national news reports in 1987 cot cerning four New Jersey teenagers who together drove into a garage, closed the door, and let car= bon monoxide fumes take their lives, thereby en- gaging in a collective act of suicide. Within litle more than a week, 10 more teenagers in four dif ferent states killed themselves in garages using car- bon monoxide. These suicides were more than a coincidence; sociological research from 1973 through the present documents that the incidence of suicide increases following nationally televised stories about suicide and that teenagers are espe- cially vulnerable (o such “copycat” behavior. Stud ies show that the impact is greatest after the publi cized suicide of an entertainer or politician and is somewhat less after the suicide of an artist, crimic nal, or member of the economic elite (Israel and. Stack, 1987; Phillips and Carstensen, 1986; Stack, 1987; Wasserman, 1984) ORIGINS OF SOCIOLOGY People have always been curious about how we get along, what we do, and whom we select as our lead- ers. Philosophers and religious authorities of an- cient and medieval societies made countless obser vations about human behavior. These observations were not tested or verified scientifically; neverthe: less, they often became the foundation for moral codes. Several of the early social philosophers pre: dicted that a systematic study of human behavior would one day emerge, Beginning in the nineteenth PARE’ ONE + THR SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVEcentury, European theorists made pioneering con: inibutions to the development of a science of human behavior. Early Thinkers: Comte, Martineau, and Spencer InFrance, the nineteenth century was an unsettling, fime for that nation’s intellectuals. ‘The French monarchy had been deposed earlier in the revolu- tion of 1789, and Napoleon had subsequently been defeated in his effort to conquer Europe. Amidst this chaos, philosophers considered how society might be improved. Auguste Comte (1798-1857), credited with being the most influential of these philosophers of the early 1800s, believed that a the- Gretical science of society and systematic investiga- tion of behavior were needed to improve society Gomte coined the term sociology to apply to th Science of human behavior and insisted that sociol: ‘ogy could make a critical contribution to anew and Jmproved human community. Writing in the 1800s, Gomte feared that France’s stability had been per inanently impaired by the excesses of the French Resolution. Yet he hoped thar the stucly of social be- havior in a systematic way would eventually lead to ote rational human interactions. In Gomte’s hi tnatthy of sciences, sociology was at the top. He falled it the “queen” and its practitioners “scientist piiests” This French theorist did not simply give Soriology its name; he also presented a rather am: Pilous challenge to the fledgling discipline Scholars were able to learn of Gomte’s works Jgely through translations by the English sociolo: gic Harriet Martineau (1802-1876). But Martineau Wwis 4 path breaker in her own right as a sociolo: {ist she offered insightful observations of the cus fomisand social practices of both her native Britain tnd the United States. Martineau’s book Society in Ameria (1962, original edition 1837) examines re ligion, politics, child rearing, and immigration in the young nation. Martineau gives special attention Tosiatus distinctions and to such factors as gender and race Martineau’s writings emphasized the impact that theeconomy, law, trade, and population could have @ the social problems of contemporary society She spoke out in favor of the rights of women, the ‘muancipation of slaves, and religious tolerance, In rr Harriet Martinean (1802-1876), an English scholar, was an early pioneer of sociology who studied social behavior both in her native country and in the United States. Martineau’s (1896) view, intellectuals and scholars should not simply offer observations of social con: ditions; they should act upon their convictions in a manner that will benefit society. In line with this view, Martineau conducted research on the nature of female employment and pointed to the need for much more research on this important issue (Hoecker-Drysdale, 1992), Another important contributor to the discipline of sociology was Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), Writing from the viewpoint of relatively prosperous. Victorian England, Spencer (unlike Martineau) did not feel compelled to correct or improve society; instead, he merely hoped to understand it better Drawing on Charles Darwin’s study On the Origin of Species, Spencer used the concept of evolution of animals to explain how societies change over time. Similarly, he adapted Darwin’s evolutiona the “survival of the fittest” by arguing that it is “nat- ural” that some people are rich while others are poor view of CHAPTER 1 + THE NACHE OF SOCIOLOGYSpencer's approach to societal change was ex- tremely popular in his own lifetime. Unlike Comte, Spencer suggested that societies are bound to change; therefore, one need not be highly critical of present social arrangements or work actively for social change. This position appealed to many in- fluential people in England and the United States who had a yested interest in the status quo and were suspicious of social thinkers who endorsed change We will consider Spencer's views on society and so- cial change in more detail in Chapter 20, Emile Durkheim's important theoretical work on suicide was but one of his many pioneering contr- butions to sociology. The son of a rabbi, Durkheim (1858-1917) was educated in both France and Ger- many. He established an impressive academic rep- utation and was appointed as one of the first pro- fessors of sociology in France. Above all, Durkheim will be remembered for his insistence that behavior cannot be fully understood in individualistic terms. that it must be understood within a larger social context. As one example ot this emphasis, Durkheim (1947, original edition 1912) developed a fundamental thesis to help un- derstand all forms of society through intensive study of the Arunta, an Australian tribe. He focused on the functions that religion performed for the Arunta and underscored the role that group life plays in defining that which we consider religious. Durkheim concluded that, ike other Forms of group behavior, religion reinforces a group's solidarity. Another of Durkheim's main interests was the consequences of work in modem societies. In his view, the growing division of labor found in indus- trial societies as workers became much more spe- cialized in their tasks led to what he called anomie Anomie refers to a loss of direction that is felt in a society when social control of individual behavior has become ineffective. The state of anomie oceurs ‘when people have lost their sense of purpose or di- rection, often during a time of profound social change. In a period of anomie, people are so con- fused and unable to cope with the new social envi- ronment that they may resort to taking their own lives. As will be seer the examination of work and 12 the economy in Chapter 15, Durkheim was con- cemed about the dangers that such alienation, loneliness, and isolation might pose for modern in- dustrial societies. He shared Comte's belief that sociology should provide direction for social change. ‘AS a result, he advocated the creation of new social groups—between the individual's family and the state—which would ideally provide a sense of be- longing for members of huge, impersonal societies. Like many other sociologists, Durkheim's inter ests were not limited to one aspect of social behave wr. Later in this book, we will give further atten: tion to his thinking on crime and punishment, religion, and the workplace. Few sociologists have had such a dramatic impact on so many different areas within the discipline, Another important theorist who contributed to the scientific study of society was Max Weber (pro nounced “vay-ber"). Born in Germany in 1864, Weber took his early academic training in legal and economic history, but he gradually developed an interest in sociology. Eventually, he became a pro- fessor at various German universities. Weber told his stuclents that they should employ Verstehen, the German word for “understanding” or “insight,” in their intellectual work. He pointed out that much of our social behavior cannot be analyzed by the kinds of objective criteria we use to measure weight or temperature. To fully comprehend behavior, we_ must learn the subjective meanings people attach to their actions—how they themselves view and ex- plain their behavior. For example, suppose that sociologists were studying the social ranking of individuals within an’ electricians’ union, Weber would expect researchers to employ Vastehen in order to determine the nificance of the union’s social hierarchy for its mem- bers. Sociologists would seek to learn how these ele ans relate (o union members of higher or lower. status; they might examine the effects of seni on standing within the union, While investigatin these questions, researchers would take into count people's emotions, thoughts, beliefs, and: titudes (L. Coser, 1977:130). We also owe credit to Weber for a key con tual tool: the ideal type. An ideal typeis a const PARR? ONE + TH SOCIOL OGICM. PERSPECTIVEFIGURE 1-1 The Early Social Thinkers > Emile Durkheim ax Webor Karl Marx "858-1917 1864-1920, 1818-1883 ‘esdeie_Prilosoohy Lune, economies, history, abiosophy Phicosophy, law tring Kev works 1999 The Division of Labor in 1908-1905 ~ The Protestane Ethic and the 18441 ~ The Commu Manitesto ‘Society Spit of Capitatiom 1897” Suicae: A Stuy in 1922 — Winshat und Gosetchatt 1887 ~ Das Kaitat Socitony 1912 - Elementary Forme of Rosigous Life 4 model that serves as a measuring rod against shih actual eases can be evaluated. In his own works, “Weber identified various characteristics of bureau. | eracy as an ideal type (these will be discussed in ‘detail in Chapter 6), In presenting this model of bureaucracy, Weber was not describing any pa ‘ilar business, nor was he using the term idea? in a ‘way that suggested a positive evaluation. Instead, his ‘piitpose was to provide a useful standard for mea- suring how bureaucratic an actual organization is _ (Gerth and Mills, 1958:219). Later in this textbook, the concept of ideal type will be used to study the family, religion, authority, and economic systems and to analyze bureaucracy. Although their professional careers came at the ‘same time, Emile Durkheim and Max Weber never ‘met and probably were unaware of cach other's ex- Istence, let alone ideas. This was certainly not tue "of the work of Karl Marx. Durkheim's thinking "about anomie was related {0 Marx's writings, while “Weber's concern for a valuetree, objective sociok “ogy (which will be explored in Chapter 2) was a di eet response to Marx's deeply held convictions. 3 Most of today’s sociological studies draao on the work of these three ineteenth-century thinkers ‘Thus, itis no surprise that Karl Marx is viewed as a major figure in the development of several social sciences, among them sociology. (See Figure I-L.) X. Karl Marx (1818-1883) shared with Durkheim and Weber a dual interest in abstract philosophical is- sues and in the concrete reality of everyday life. Un- like the others, Marx was so critical of existing in- stitutions that a conventional academic career was impossible, and although he was born and educated in Germany, most of his life was spent in exile. Marx's personal life was difficult struggle, When a paper that he had written was suppressed, he fled his native land and went to France, In Paris, he met Friedrich Engels (1820-1895), with whom he formed a lifelong friendship. They lived during a time in which European and North American eco- nomic life was increasingly being dominated by the factory rather than the farm. CHAPTER 5 «THE NATURE OF SOCIOLOGY Uf. Br Seal, Pos meee Canc takerIn 1847, Marx and Engels attended secret meet- ings in London of an illegal coalition of labor unions, the Communist League. ‘The following year, they finished preparing a platform called The ‘Communist Manifesto, in which they argued that the masses of people who have no resources other than their labor (whom they referred to as the proletariat) should unite to fight for the overthrow of capital ist societies. In the words of Marx and Engel “The history ofall hitherto existing society isthe history of lass struggles. ... The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains, They have a world to win, woRk- ING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES ENMTE! (Feuer, 1959:7, 41). After completing The Communist Manifesto, Marx returned to Germany, only to be expelled. He then moved (o England, where he continued to write books and essays. Marx’s life there was one of ex- treme poverty. He pawned most of his possessions, and several of his children died of malnutrition and disease. Marx clearly was an outsider in British so- ciety, a fact which may well have affected his view of western cultures (R, Collins and Makowsky, 1978:40). Marx's thinking was strongly influenced by the work of a German philosopher, Georg Hegel. Hegel saw history as a clashes between conflicting ideas and forces. end of each clash, a new and improved set of ideas was expected to emerge. In Hegel's view, conflict ial element in progress. Conflict led to progress; progress came only through conflict. In applying Hegel's theories, Marx focused on conflict between social classes, as represented by in- dustrial workers and the owners of factories and businesses. Under Marx’s analysis, society was fun- damentally divided between classes who clash in pursuit of their own class interests. He argued that history could be understood in dialectical terms as a record of the inevitable conflicts between eco- nomic groups. This view forms the basis for the con- temporary sociological perspective of conflict the- ory, which will be examined later in the chapter. When Marx examined the industrial societies of his time, such as Germany, England, and the United States, he saw the factory as the center of conflict between the exploiters (the owners of the means of 4 production) and the exploited (the workers). Marx viewed these relationships in systematic terms; that is, he believed that an entire system of economic, social, and political relationships had been estab- lished to maintain the power and dominance of the ‘owners over the workers. Consequently, Marx and Engels argued that the working class needed to overthrow the existing class system, Marx's writings inspired those who were subsequently to lead com munist revolutions in Russia, China, Cuba, Viet nam, and elsewhere. Even apart from the political revolutions that his work helped to foster, Marx's influence on con- temporary thinking has been dramatic, Although, he certainly did not view himself as a sociologist, Marx nevertheless made a critical contribution to the development of sociology and other social sci ences. Partly, this reflected Marx’s emphasis on carefully researching the actual, measurable condi tions of people's lives, a practice which foreshad: owed the scientific nature of today’s social sciences. Inaddition, Marx placed great value on the group identifications and associations that influenced an, individual's place in society. As we have seen, this area of study is the major focus of contemporary sociology. Throughout this textbook, we will con sider how membership in a particular gender clas- sification, age group, racial group, or economic’ class affects a person’ attitudes and behavior, In an. important sense, this way of understanding society can be traced back to the pioneering work of Karl Marx. (See Figure 1-2.) Sociology, as we know it in the 1990s, draws upon the firm foundation developed by Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Karl Marx. However, the discipline has certainly not remained stagnant over the last century. Sociologists have gained new insights which have helped them to better understand the workings of society. Charles Horton Cooley (1864-1929) was typical of the sociologists who became prominent in the carly 1900s, Born in Ann Arbor, Michigan, Cooley received his graduate training in economics but later became a sociology professor at the Universi PART ONE + THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVElchigan, Like other early sociologists, he be- terested in this “new” discipline while pur- arelated area of study. shared the desire of Durkheim, Weber, to learn more about society. But to do so ly, Cooley preferred to use the sociological to look first at smaller units—intimate, groups such ay families, gangs, and p networks. He saw these groups as the of society in the sense that they shape ple's ideals, beliefs, values, and social nature. ’s work brought new understanding to of relatively small size. 1 early 1900s, many of the leading sociolo- of the United States saw themselves as social b CHAPTER + THR NATURE OF SOCIOLOGY oO aera NaN 7 d “i Ry ‘The "time lines” shown here give an idea of relative chronology. : reformers dedicated to systematically studying and then improving a corrupt society. They were gen- uinely concerned about the lives of immigrants in the nation’s growing cities, whether these immi- grants came from Europe or from the American south, Early female sociologists, in particular, were often active in poor urban areas as leaders of com- munity centers known as settlement houses. For ex- ample, Jane Addams (1860-1935), a member of and speaker before the American Sociological So- ciety, cofounded the famous Chicago settlement, ‘Hull House. Addamsand other pioneering female sociologists commonly combined intellectual inquiry, social ser- vice work, and political activism—all with the goalf 4 ii if Early female sociologists rere often ‘active in poor urban areas as leaders of community centers knoson as settlement houses. For example, Jane Addams (1860-1935) was «@ cofounder of the famous Chicago setdement, Hull House of assisting the underprivileged and creating a more egalitarian society. For example, working with the Black journalist and educator Ida B. Wells, Addams successfully prevented the implementation of a racial segregation policy in the Chicago public schools. The practical focus of her work was also evident in Addams’ efforts to establish a juvenile court system and a women’s trade union (Addams, 1910, 1930; Deegan, 1991; Wells, 1970) By the middle of the twentieth century, however, the focus of the discipline had shifted. Sociologists restricted themselves to theorizing and gathering information, while the aim of transforming society was left (0 social workers and others. This shi from social reform was accompanied by a grow commitment to scientific methods of research and interpretation of data 16 Sociologist Robert Merton (1968:39-72) made an important contribution to the discipline by sue: cessfully combining theory and research. Born in 1910 of Slavic immigrant parents in Philadelph Merton subsequently won a scholarship to Temple University. He continued his studies at Harvard, where he acquired his lifelong interest in sociology. jon’s teaching career has been based at Co- ty. has produced a theory that is one of the most frequently cited explanations of deviant be- havior. He noted different ways in which people at tempt to achieve success in life. In his view, some may not share the socially agreed-upon goal of ac- cumulating material goods or the accepted means of achieving this goal, For example, in Merton's ‘ tion scheme, “innovators” are people who accept the goal of pursuing material wealth but use illegal means to do so, including robbery, burglary, and extortion. Merton’s explanation of crime i based on individual behavior—influenced by soci- ety’s approved goals and means—yet it has wider applications. It helps to account for the high crime rates among the nation’s poor, who may sce no hope of advancing themselves through traditional roads to success. Merton's theory will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 7. Merton also emphasized that sociology should strive to bring together the “macro-level” and “micro: level” approaches to the study of society, Macro: sociology concentrates on large-scale phenomena or entire civilizations. Thus, Emile Durkheim's cross: cultural study of suicide is an example of macro-level research. More recently, macrosociologists have ex: amined international crime rates (see Chapter 7), the stereotype of Asian Americans as a “model minority” (sce Chapter 10), and the population patterns of Islamic countries (see Chapter 19). By contrast, microsociology stresses study of small groups and of ten uses experimental study in laboratories. Socio: logical research on the micro level has included stud: ies of how divorced men and women, ex-conviets, and, others disengage from significant social roles (see Chapter 5); of how conformity ean influence the pression of prejudiced attitudes (see Chapter of how a teacher's expectations can affect a student’s ademic performance (see Chapter 16). Sociologists find it useful to employ both these approaches. In fact, we can learn a great deal by us PATEL ONE = Tit SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPBCTIVEidentify cross-euleura religions customs and traditions, ispes of dress and msc wedding differences. Pictured are ob ata wedding in Jerusadem, a bride and throwing rice on a “sacred fine J) ie nd microsociolo, shrine in Japan ing macrosociologic analy ich such topics as divorce, drug addiction, and i to sindy the ple, we —_religious cults, they can draw upon the theoretical might try (© understand criminal behavior at the insights of the discipline’s pioneers. A careful imacro level by analyzing rates in va reader can hear Comte, Durkheim, Weber, Mary, countries and at the micro level by examinin Gooley, Addams, and many others speaking cial interactions that influence individuals to be- he pages of current research. In describ- thme criminals or delinquents. he work of today’s sociologists, itis helph Contemporary sociology reflects the diverse con- examine @ nu Inbutions of earlier theorists. As sociologists ap- me problem. For ex: ber of influential theoretical proaches (also known as perspectives) irJOR THEORETICAL PECTIVES, Sociologists view society in different ways. Some see the world basically asa stable and ongoing entity. ‘They are impressed with the endurance of the fam- ily, organized religion, and other social institutions, Some sociologists see society as composed of man) groups in conflict, competing for scarce resources. To other sociologists, the most fascinating aspects ‘of the social world are the everyday, routine inter- actions among individuals that we sometimes take for granted. ‘These differing perspectives of society are all ways of examining the same phenomena. Sociological imagination may employ any of a number of theo- retical approaches in order to study human behay= ior. From these approaches, sociologists develop theories to explain specific types of behavior. The three perspectives that are most widely used by so- ciologists will provide an introductory look at the discipline. These are the functionalist, conflict, and interactionist perspectives. Functionalist Perspective In the view of functionalist, each part of a society contributes to its survival. The functionalist per- spective emphasizes the way that parts of a society are structured to maintain its stability, Emile Durkheim's analysis of religion represented a ical contribution to the development of functional ism. As noted earlier, Durkheim focused on the role of religion in reinforcing feelings of solidarity and unity within group life. Talcott Parsons (1902-1979), a Harvard Univer- sity sociologist, was a key figure in the development of functionalist theory. Parsons had been greatly influenced by the work of Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and other European sociologists. For more than four decades, Parsons dominated sociology in the United States with his advocacy of fanetional ism. He saw any society as a vast network of con- nected paris, each of which contributes to the main- tenance of the system as a whole, Under the functionalist approach, if an aspeet of social life does not contribute to a society's stability or sur vival—if it does not serve some identifiably useful function or promote value consensus among mem- PART ONE = THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES 18 bers of a society—it will not be passed on from one generation to the next. Asan example of the functionalist perspective, let us examine prostitution. Why is it that « practice so widely condemned continues to display such per. sistence and vitality? Funetionalists suggest that prot titution satisfies needs of patrons that may not be readily met through more socially acceptable forms. such as courtship or marriage, The “buyer” receives sex without any responsibility for procreation orsen- timental attachment; at the same time, the “seller” gains a livelihood through this exchange. ‘Through such an examination, we can conclude that prostitution does perform certain functions: that society seems to need. However, this is not to suggest that prostitution is a desirable or legitimate form of social behavior, Functionalists do not make such judgments and do not wish to condone the abuses or erimes that prostitutes and their clients may commit. Rather, advocates of the functionalist perspective hope to explain how an aspect of sock ety that is so frequently attacked can nevertheless manage to survive (K. Davis, 1937). Manifest and Latent Functions A university cata: Jog typically presents various stated functions of the institution, It may inform us, for example, that the university intends to “offer each stuclent a broad ede ucation in classical and contemporary thought, in the humanities, in the sciences, and in the arts." However, it would be quite a surprise if we came across a catalog which declared; “This university was founded in 1895 to keep people between the ages of 18 and 22 out of the job market, thus reducing unemployment.” No college catalog will declare that this is the purpose of the university. Yet soci- tal institutions serve many functions, some of them, quite subtle. The university, in fact, does delay peo- ple’s entry into the job market. To better examine the functions of institutions, Robert Merton (1968:1 15-120) made an important distinction between manifest and latent function Manifest functions of institutions are open, stat conscious functions. They involve the intended, recognized consequences of an aspect of society, such as the university's role in certifying ac competence and excellence. By contrast, fat functionsare unconscious or unintended func and may reflect hidelen purposes of an institution,ent function of universities is 10 serve as a ground for people secking marital part- Functionalists acknowledge that not ofa society contribute to its stability all the A dysfunction refers to an element or a ‘of society that may actually disrupt a social nor lead to a decrease in stability. any dysfunctional behavior patterns, such as are widely regarded as undesirable. Yet should not automatically be inter negative. The evaluation of a dysfunction ‘on one’s own values, or, as the saying goes, you sit.” For example, the official view ons in the United States is that inmates’ gangs fd be eradicated because they are dysfunc- al to smooth operations. Yet some guards have creates a “threat to security” and thereby re- s increased surveillance and more overtime or guards (Hunt et al., 1993:400). that social behavior is best understood of conflict or tension between competing Such conifict need not be violent; it can form of labor negotiations, party politics, among religious groups for members, disputes over cuts in the federal budget. swe saw earlier, Karl Marx viewed struggle be- social classes as inevitable, given the ex- of workers under capitalism, Expanding 's work, sociologists and other social sci- have come to see conflict not merely as a ocieties. Thus, in studying any culture, organi: n, oF social group, sociologists want to know benefits, who suffers, and who dominates at of others. They are concerned with the between women and men, parents and cities and suburbs, and Whites and Blacks, 19 tutions—including the family, government, reli- gion, education, and the media—may help to main- tain the privileges of some groups and keep others in a subservient position. Although contemporary conflict theory was clearly inspired by Kat] Marx's analysis, there are important differences between Marxist. theories and the conflict perspective. Whereas Marx fore- told an end to conflict through the emergence of a classless communist society, current conflict the- orists view conflict as unavoidable. They are less likely to anticipate, much less predict, that the so- cial tensions arising from inequality will be entirely resolved. Moreover, while Marx viewed a total re- structuring of society as fundamentally necessary to resolve social problems, contemporary conflict the- orists believe that poverty, racism, sexism, inade- quate housing, and other problems can be under- stood and attacked somewhat independently (Agger, 1989) Like functionalists, conflict sociologists tend to use the macrodevel approach. Obviously, though, there is a striking difference between these ovo sociological perspectives (see Box I-1 on page 20 on the functionalist, conflict, and interactionist views of sports). Conflict theorists are primarily concerned ~ with the kinds of changes that conflict can bring about, whereas functionalists look for stability and consensus. The conflict model is viewed as more “radical” and “activist” because of its emphasis on social change and redistribution of resources. On the other hand, the functionalist perspective, be- cause of its focus on stability, is generally seen as more “conservative” (Dahrendorf, 1958). ‘Throughout most of the 1900s, sociology in the United States was more influenced by the func- tionalist. perspective. However, the conflict ap- proach has become increasingly persuasive since the late 1960s, ‘The widespread social unrest re- sulting from battles over civil rights, bitter divisions over the war in Vietnam, the rise of the feminist and gay liberation movements, the Watergate scan- dal, urban riots, and confrontations at abortion clinics offered support for the conflicapproach— the view that our social world is characterized by continual struggle between competing groups. G rently, conflict theory is accepted within the disci- pline of sociology as one valid way to gain insight into a society. CHAPTER 1 + THE NATURE OF SOGOLOGYgenerally think of the func- tionalist, conflict, and interaction- ist perspectives of sociology as be- ing applied to “serious” subjects such as the family, health care, andl criminal behavior. Yet even sports ‘can be analyzed using these theo retical perspectives. FUNCTIONALIST In examining any aspect of society including sports, funictionalists em- phasize the contribution it makes to overall social stability. Functional ists regard sports as an almost reli sfious institution which uses ritual and ceremony to reinforce the common values of a society: * Sports provide learning experi ‘ences that socialize young people into such values as competition and patriotism. Athletes became role models and are treated with awe and respect. + Sports contribute to the adaptive needs of the social system by help- ing to maintain people's physical welkbeing. + Sports serve as a safety valve for both participants and spectators, who are allowed to shed and aggressive energy acceptable way. + Sports “bring together” members of a community or even a mation ndl promote an overall fe nity and social solidarity. CONFLICT VIEW Conflict theorists argue that the so- ial order is based on coercion and exploitation, They emphasize that sports reflect and even exacerbate many of the divisions of society, i cluding those based on gender, race, ethnicity, andl social class: * Sports are a form of big business in whieh profits are more impo tant than the health and safety of the workers (athletes) *# Sports perpetuate the false idea that suecess can be achieved sim- ply through hard work, while fail ure should be blamed on the in- dividual alone (rather than on injustices in the larger social sy tem), Sporis serve as an “opiate” “which encourages people to seek “fix” or temporary “high" rather than focus on personal problems and social issues. * Sports maintain the subordinate role of Blacks and Hispanics, who toil as athletes but are largely barred from supervisory positions as coaches, managers, and gen- ‘eral managers. In 1993, for ex- ample, African Americans ac- ‘counted for only 7 percent of all ‘executives and department heads in. professional basketball and football and less than 4 percent in baseball + Sports relegate women 10 a sec ‘ondary role as spectators and se ual “prizes” and tend 10 equate masculinity with bruce strength, insensitivity, and domination INTERACTIONIST VIEW In studying the social order, inter= actionists are especially interested in shared understandings of every- day behavior, Consequently, inter- actionists examine sports on the micro level by focusing on how day- to-day social behavior is shaped by the distinctive norms, values, and demands of the world of sports: + Sports. often heighten parent child involvement they may lead to parental expectations for par ticipation and (sometimes unte- ly) for success + Participasion in sports con tributes to the emergence of friendship networks that can per imeate everyday life Despite class, racial, and religious differences, teammates may work together harmoniously and may even abandon previous stereo- types and prejudices. Relationships in the sports world are defined by people's social po- sitions as players, coaches, and referees—as well as by the high or Jow status that individuals hold as a result of their performances and reputations Clearly, there is more to sports than ‘exercise or recreation, From a func tionalist perspective, sports rein- force societal traditions, consensus ‘on values, and stability, By contrast, conflict theorists view sports as merely another reflection of the por litical and social struggles within a society. Interactionists focus on so-