Vor. 85, No.3 Ensursinicey Fast 1991 The Carans of Gujarat: Caste Identity, Music, and Cultural Change Goapon R. THOMPSON SxipMorE COLLEGE he term “bard” has often been employed to describe performers who combine music and words in their presentations (for example, Lomax 1968 and Crossley-Holland 1980).' More specifically, some English-speaking ethnomusicologists have used the word “bard!” to describe such pedformers inthe non-classical music traditions of South Asia (for example, Lamsweerde 1969, and Jairazbhoy 1988). When a social group is described as a ‘caste’ of bards, we presume (1) that singing as an activity factors significantly in the image of these individuals as perceived by researchers, by social groups with whom the performers interact, and by the performers themselves; and (2) that singing isin some way a hereditary occupational attribute, However, castes in modem India (indeed, probably also in historic India) are hardly monolithic. Members of castes who have been described as bards may feel inimical about being so labeled. Moreover, their definitions of what constitutes singing may reveal a very fluid and complex communal dynamic which defies simple eticemic explanations. Formost of this millennium, men of particular families ofthe Caran caste were the most important individuals charged with the responsibility of composing and presenting poctic histories to and about the Hindu ralers of western India, In preindependence western India, Carans sometimes received handsome consideration for their epic accounts of the bravery and loyalty of their patrons, Furthermore, their persons were treated as sacred "an early version of this paper as read at dhe annual mewings of the Society for Hthoomusicology, in Tallahassee, Florida, 1983, and forms a pan of a chapter of my Ph.b, dissertation (Thompson 1987), My reearch in Gujarat was conduetedin 1981 and 1982and was generously funded by a Junior Fellowship Ieom the American Insitute of Indian Studies and 2 Grant-in-Aid from the Wenner-Grea Foundation for Anthropological Research, In addition 1 would live.ohank those individuals in Gujarat who shared ther time and thoughts on Carans swith me, particulary Ga alpbabeucal order) Jiudan Gadhav, Takhatdn Gadhavi, the Right Honourable Ramsing Rahod, Narengradan Ratnu, Shambiudan Rat, and Ratudan Rohadiva, 381382 Ethnomusicology, Fall 1991 and somewhat magical, a condition described by one Caran (S.R. of Bhuj) as like electricity in the veins. Because of this status, they often stood as the guarantors of treaties between Hindu rulers, threatening injury to themselves, or to their family if either party to the agreement reneged, Several nineteenth-century sources describe Carans as bards (for example, Forbes 1924 [1856] 1262 and Tod 1978 [1829] 1:554) and more recent authors have repeated the description (for example, Singer 1972:69 and Mayer 1960:199). Today, however, the circumstances of CArans are much changed, Few royal descendants are able to patronize Carans, and none is able to do so in a manner comparable to that of the great monarchs of historic western India. Rajput, Kathi, and Kol chieftains ruled many of the hundreds of kingdoms in western India for centuries. And even as late as 1947, by which time the British had annexed many parts of India, over 200 states and estates persisted in the region that now comprises Gujarat and Rajasthan. However, the transition from feudal India to democratic India involved the dissolution of many of these estates and the supplanting of oligarchic law by civil law, The impact on many individuals of ruling castes such as the Rajputs in Gujarat has been devastating (see Steed 1955), They lost land, income, and political power as well as the many benefits they had previously enjoyed, including the ability to patronize performers exten sively. Many modern urban Rajputs are also probably uncomfortable with verses describing them as aggressive, bold, and violent. Today, when Gandhian non-violence and social equality are often expressed as social ideals in Gujarat, these medieval compliments seem unsuitable Meghani lists the following as the genres of the traditional Caran repertoire, Caran sahitya (Caran literature”): (1) “songs” in praise of gods and goddesses (stavano); (2) "songs” in praise of heroes, saints, and patrons (biradavalo); (3) descriptions of war (varanno); (4) rebukes (upalambbo) of wavering great kings and evil powerful men; (5) mockery (hekadi) of a standing treachery of heroism; (6) love stories; (7) laments (narasiya or ilap-kavyo) for dead warriors, patrons, and friends; (8) praise (mabima) of natural beauty (prakritisaudry), seasonal beauty (ritusobha), and festivals; (9) descriptions of weapons, (10) ‘songs’ in praise (birdaia) of lions, horses, camels, and buffalo; (11) sayings (subbastio) about didactic and practical cleverness; (12) ancient epics (rasoor maha virkavyo); and (13)the anguish of people in times of famine and adversity (1943:72-73). Carans find that their image, carefully nurtured for centuries by their forebears, has become somewhat anachronistic. A Community Event In February 1982 at Bhavnagar, Gujarat, Carans gathered to celebrate theirheritage, to present poems, songs and stories, and to reaffirm their caste‘The Carans of Gujarat: Caste Identity, Music, and Cultural Change 383 identity ? For five evenings, Caran males entertained audiences undera large tent and gathered together during the mornings to discuss the history and culture oftheir caste. Afternoons were spent in private conversation, usually over hot Gujarati spiced tea, and, on at least one occasion, travelling in parties of more than a dozen to the homes of local Carans for tea and salty smacks. Even before the event had begun, however, old familial, personal, and ideological rivalries resurfaced in a dispute over both the programming of the public performances and the selection of the featured artists. The issue which concemed the planners and potential performers in this caste reunion was whether or not Carans who emphasize singing should be allowed to anticipate. ‘That this quarrel nearly led some Carans to stage a hunger strike isevidence of the seriousness with which they take this matter. The problem is multivariant, but two questions were prominent in the debate: (1) have Carans historically been singers? and (2) is the style of presentation commonly associated with Gujarati Carans most accurately described as singing? The first question has become important for a caste whose self-image has undergone radical reconsideration for at least the past fifty years, if not longer. Individual Carans must reconcile for themselves the differences between the historic role of the caste, the popular image of the caste, the image promoted by caste elders, and their own occupational preferences and prospects. Garans can be farmers, herdsmen, lawyers, and truck drivers without much controversy. However, when the suggestion is made that Carans can be singers and especially that they have historical precedents for such a role, some individuals become indignant. Carans who promote a musical identity for their caste (for example, J.G Of Rajkot) say that their fathers sang, as did their fathers before them, and insist that there have always been Carans who sang, One of the most popular recordingantists and performers of Gujarati folk songs in the 1950s and 1960s was a Caran, Hemubhai Gadhavi.* Moreover, a number of Carans continue to be successful professional performers, mixing traditional Carani verses with popular renditions of folk songs. Thus, in part, the question is moot: some Cirans are professional singers. Nevertheless, how long Carans have The event was the "Cart Sabitya Sarometan” sponsoxed by the Indian National Theatre and the Gujarat Sangeet Natak Akaslemi in Bhavnagac, Gujsrat, 4-8 February 1982 This was not the fis time that an altecation had arisen over the role of music in 8 program of Carant sabia. In 1953 prominent members ofthe caste refused to take part ina similar conference sponsored by the ten Saurashtra Sangeet Nak Akademi because che singing of verse was being feucured (personal communication from A. V. Doshi former president of Ue Saurashusa Sangeet Natak Akademi. ‘See jairazbhoy 1988 fora recording of Hemubhal Gadhavisinging/reciting verses from an epic celebrating the explois of a Sourashiran Rajput384 Btbnomusicology, Fall 1991 been “professional” singers remains unclear. Stutley and Stutley suggest that in ancient India Carans were “perhaps singers” and “probably wandering minstrels, who were later employed at the courts of kings” (1977:60a), And Monier-Williams cites several ancient sources which describe Cirans as singets (1899:393b) However, litle historical evidence can be drawn upon to determine whether Carans were professional singers of overtly musical genres during the period from the middle ages to the nineteenth century. Forbes quotes a passage from the Pritheirajraso—an oral epic poem concerning the exploits of the medieval Rajput warrior-king, Prithviraj —that suggests music may have been a part of the Ciran’s role. Forbes notes that when Prithviraj defeated a rival Rajput, Bhimdev Chalukya, “Chairuns and Bhits sang the praises of Prutheeraj" (1924 [1856] 1221). The use of “sang” here would seem more than simply poetic licence. Forbes was very familiar with Carari sabityaand would have realized if he was treading on sensitive ground with. such a statement. Furthermore, when the Gujarati poet/scholar Udayaram rendered the original verse in the Gujarati edition of Forbes's book, he used. the Gujarati verb “to sing” to translate the passage.’ An apparent rise in the importance of Carans.as singers of regional m seems to coincide with a decline of the feudal states and estates of the region and a growing interest in folk music. An important factor has tobe the Hindu revivalist movements dating from the mid-nineteenth century which were very important among the Gujarati middle class and which in part inspired an interest in traditional regional culture. But whether singing, Carans first appear during this period or whether their presence is more readily acknowledged than before cannot be known at this time. More important to many Carans (though usually unspoken) than whether or not Caran forebears were singers, is whether or not they were professional singers. In the eyes of Carans who dispute the sole of singing in their caste’s identity, regional professional musician castes (such as Lafighas and Mirs) occupy a much lower rank than Carans. The reasoning, Of these Carans is based on the roles of musicians in the old royal courts, Where singers and instrumentalists were invited to entertain in the rajdarbar Groyal audience hall/royal audience), but seldom to stay and offer advice, Carans by contrast are described historically as the confidants of their patrons, sometimes acting as oral couriers delivering poetic salutations or ‘maledictions to other rulers. They are often described as regaling Gujarat’ royalty with stories recounting the bravery, loyalty, and power of the ancestors of the hosts. Carans who claim that the presentation of Garant sabitya is unmusical observe that the hallmarks of the professional m ian—knowledge and performance of ragasand talas—are unnecessary to © Bhatacarana Pritbvirajnd vakban saws lazy. . emphasis mine! (Forbes 192 [1856 1328),‘The Carans of Gujarat: Caste Identity, Music, and Cultural Change 385 present epic poetry. Here enters the question of whether or not Carani presentation is musical or not, Parc of the problem lies in the different definitions of *singing” hekl by various factions of the caste, Cultural definitions of music are often at their most interesting when they reflect disagreements within a community. The breadth or narrowness of the definition is a function of social and cultural context (Nett! 1985:15-25), Sometimes definitions are drawn from the precepts of an official ideology (see, for example, Farugi 1985:60. Some- times a distinction between speech and song is not clearly drawn (see, for example, Nketia 1974:177-88). Ethnomusicologists themselves are increas- ingly confronting their own perceptions and conceptions of things “musical and comparing them with those of the individuals whom they study (Nattiez 19904168). Notall Carani sabityais presented ina mannerthat traditionally (in both the Euro-American or the Indie sense) could be confused with singing, Some presentations of Canant sahitya ate straight-forward spoken story-telling in which poems may occur. Still, some poems—verses which are particularly poignant in the context of the story—are commonly intoned in a style that is described by certain Caransas ina “high voice” (using the English words) ora moft var big voice”) and by other Carans as “singing,” And Carans are not the only participants in this process. Even Carans who claim that what they do is not singing are interpreted otherwise by most Gujarati audiences Gujarati Caran poetry is usually presented in melodically predictable dbals (melodic matrices) in a sequence of free-time couplets (duba) followed by extended verses (chand presented in a pulsed, rhythmic, and often rapid-fire manner. Although performers often stop to interject an exegesis, the format is remarkably like that of the unpulsed-pulsed musical sequence prevalent ina wide variety of South Asian music (for example, the alap-jor sequence of north Indian classical instrumental music). Some Girans suggest that perhaps their ancestors sang verses, but that they were—to use Sachs’ phraseology—‘singing. professionals" professional singers” (1962:200). In other words, their principal o was creating poetic accounts for their patrons, and as part of this duty they controlled a modest vocabulary of musical skills to present these verses. The dbaks used with duba and chand were part of this repertoire, Gujarati folklorist Zaverchand Meghani, who collected the texts not only of many Caran stories and poems but also of regional folk songs, explains that the term “gif song”) is misleading when applied in the context of Carant sabitya(1943:48), He suggests that whats intended is a kind of chant (payb) or “recital” Gaserting an English word into his Gujarati text) “The word “git is utilized in Caran! sabitya to refer to a prosodic genre. The word Git nam bhrtmak che. E gi £84 nath, eno path (eect) ja thay che386 Ethnomusicology, Fall 1991 ‘path’ has associations with Vedic chant (pazba), however; why did Meghani describe the presentation * going as far as inserting the English sword in Roman script into his Gujarati text? I suggest he did so for several reasons, one of whichis that he realized that some Carans (probably the most influential Carans in royal preindependent India, where and when he was writing) were uncomfortable with the characteristic of “singing” being applied to their activities. He therefore borrowed a conceptand a word from English which had no previous associations for him and his readership; he brought in a new term which satisfied most conservative Carans, but which would have been largely incomprehensible 10 nonspecialists reading the book. Readets for whom this word had no reference would have been able to create a new aural cognitive category somewhere between spoken recitation and singing, Tam not suggesting that Meghani was purposely misleading, only that his inclusion of a non-referenced word reflects his own uneasiness with the description. The Sanskrit word git is associated primarily with singing and secondarily refers to poetic meter. Even as a category of prosody the term possibly reflects an era when the meter had additional musical implications To add to Meghani's problem, Caray git is presented in a rhythmic and pitched way that many of his contemporaries (although probably not all Carans) would have understood as a form of musical presentation. An Ethnomusicologist and a Caste Dispute My interest in this caste added to the intensity of the dispute in Bhavnagar in 1982, Part of the controversy among Carans at Bhavnagar was incited by the idea that an ethnomusicologist was studying their oral presentations. My interviews with Carans, with their former patrons, and with Gujarati and Rajasthani scholars concemed with Carans in the weeks leading up to the conference helped to focus the argument for both sides. For my part, | recognize that my interest has been largely in the musical aspects of Carani sabitya and that this has biased my approach, Carans for whom the idea of “singing Carans” is offensive will likely declare my ideas tobe prejudged. I cannot prove them wrong. Forme—an ethnomusicologist trying (0 learn as much as T reasonably could about a tradition that has elements that were arcane even for some of the original intended audience and practitioners—sorting out this argument meant realizing that to solicit emic statements on a tradition is not enough. I came to the understanding that even such a close-knit and relatively isolated group as the Carans have numerous emic viewpoints, First, a caste (in this case, the Carans) is not a monolithic social entity that can be unilaterally described as is often the way they are presented in any British ethnographies and Government of India census reports, Carans‘The Carans of Gujarat: Caste Identity, Music, and Cultural Change 387 do see themselves as a societal group (that is, Carans accept all other Carans as Carans even if they do not all know cach other and even if they have radically different economic standings or geographic origins). They also understand that theirs isa caste of many social divisions, Some of these social divisions are acknowledged as endogamous clans and familial sakhao (approximately, “branches"), And Caran social organization can also be seen in terms of lineage, economic status, occupation, and region of domicile, to name some of the most notable parameters, Contributing to the social diversification of this caste are the social, political, and economic changes that have changed western India over the past century and have led Carans to reconsider what their caste identity means to them, In modem Gujarat, individuals are less likely than their ancestors to rely upon a caste authority to dictate behavior and belief. ‘The debate in Bhavnagar was probably as much about redefinitions of the caste’s authority structure as it was about singing. Caste doyens and the represen- Latives of caste lineages (whose respect had previously been built upon their hereditary positions in royal courts and the economic benefits these positions brought) stil have respect; but their authority is diminished, Carans who perform music and who can attract large audiences do not rely on caste elders foremployment, These performing Carans see themselvesas new role models for the caste, which indeed they are, While showing great respect forthe traditional elders, young Caran males with whom I came into contact imitate Carans who are concert artists, The venerable doyens of the caste have established hostels and schools for young Caran males and through this ‘medium have sought to guide the next generation ofthe caste into profitable, respectable, and non-musical occupations. However, some young Carans perceive “singing Carans” as leading glamorous lives, Furthermore, in the popular Gujarati cinema they see representations of historical Carans—their forebears—celebrated as singers of folklore. How do we address the idea of etic and emic definitions of singing and music in the context of a caste (or any social group for that matter) undergoing radical changes and who are divided on their own social identity? Several emic descriptions are enunciated. Some Carans describe the above-mentioned activities a5 singing and musical while other Carans do not, Carans who present material that they intend to be interpreted as music often employ musical instruments and choruses in their performances, They sing” Caran sabitya and regional songs and describe what they do as singing. Others—those who play down the musical aspects of their craft— may be storytellers who only occasionally employ song for dramatic effect or may recite special verses ina “high voice” for emphasis. These Carans are clearly not “singers” in the sense that music is the focus of their perfor- mances. Furthermore, performing Carans appear in a myriad of musical/ non-musical manifestations in a continuum from those who are clearly388 Etbnomusicology, Fall 1991 singers to those whose presentation is musical only in that they speak thythmically and inflect the voice. An etic description of these Caran performances would include them as par of a larger Gujarati tradition, Those performers who say that what they do is notsinging insist that their vocalizations are based neither on classical ‘raga ot tala nor on folks music. Nevertheless, some types of traditional folk music use the same types of presentation devices and musical shapes found in the classic Gujarati Caran “musical” presentation of Carant sabitya. For example, we cannot be sure if the melodic and rhythmic materials of Carani presentations of chad are drawn from the very similar music for the stick dance, ras, orif the opposite is true. Similarly, one would be hard-pressed toshow that the dirals(tune types) of Gara sabitya (as enunciated by some Carans) are derived from classical raga, and not the other way around. ‘The elimination of the hereditary status of the courtly Caran has radically altered their position within their community. The historian Qanungo describes the special historic relationship between the Rajput and the Caran: ‘The Caran was the esteemecl and faithful companion of the Rajput, sharing his amma! (opium) and half his loaf in adversity and receiving his extravagant bounty in prosperity. He followed his client chief on horsebsick tthe thickest of fight, where the poetic lire of his gev! of old gave a Rajput “the strength of ten’ on the field of carnage. (1960.39) ‘One could observe that in modem India some Carans are again sharing in Rajput adversity. For those who once performed only for rayalty, participa- tion in public events (at which the audience is largely unlettered in the fine verbal art of Carant sabtiya and yet upon whom some of these Carans must rely for income) is a blow to their pride. They seem especially resentful of Carans who emphasize music in their presentations. My suspicion is that these survivors of royal Gujarat would rather not be like castes whose members have traditionally included music as part of theit activities (particularly the regional rivals of Carans, Barofs/Bhals). This seems especially tme when instrumental music is included in the presentations Royal Carans remember the low social rank of indigenous Muslim musician, castes (Mirs and Lafighds) in Gujarati courts and do not wish to be so identified. In other words, musical behavior is symbolically associated with a low-ranking social status by these Carans, Nevertheless, “musical Carans” have made the transition from feudal to capitalistic India, They are no longer tied to Rajputs, but rather to the middle class. Some Carans go as far as to espouse such distinctly un-Rajput ideologies as Communism. One of the most tense confrontations [witnessed in Bhavnagar in 1982 was not between, a “royal” Caran and a “singing” Caran, but between a communist Caran and aa Rajput‘The Carans of Gujarat: Caste Identity, Music, and Cultural Change 389 Considering the generational and societal differences between Carans for whom the raj darbar is the performance-context referent and Carans who orient their behaviors to the public concert stage, perhaps we should speak not only of several emic viewpoints, but also several etic opinions as well. If some Carans describe what they do as singing and other Carans do not and both are emic views of the same thing, are their views of each other clic? Clearly, the caste is undergoing change. Will the view of Carans as primarily poets fade as members of the generation associated with royal Courts passes on? Alreadly some Cirans complain that their caste sumames are being adopted by non-Carans performing Gujarati folk music in a popular style, presumably to imply some sort of hereditary musicality. The solution in 1982 was for one of the evening performances to be dedicated to the performance of musically-oriented Carani sabityaGinclud- ing a performance by Meghani’s daughter), although some performers refused to participate. During the final days of the conference, though, the community visibly moved closer together. On one particularly memorable aftemoon a Caran entourage which included all of the principle individuals involved in the dispute asked me to join them. The group moved from one home to another receiving the hospitality of the hosts, joking and continuing the debate in a peripatetic fashion. The issue was not resolved, but everyone was still talking. Some of the original hostility to my interest gave way to curiosity about my culture, the caste to which I belonged, and whether we had a caste like them. Some day, there will be another gathering of Girans, and they will probably again argue over how much music is to be included on the program. They will dispute the status of singing asa characteristic of the caste and will again disagree, in part because the caste is increasingly heteroge- neous, Bul the reasons also lie in the milieu of the late twentieth century. Economic change has encouraged the fragmentation of the caste’s social organization and a realignment of positions based on relative wealth. The Gujarati media, notably Gujarati film with jts closely aligned film-song industry which emphasizes popular folk song, perpetuate images of Carans as singers. The new dominant patrons of Gujarat—the middle class—now generalize about Carans based on these images. My expectation is that the situation will continue somewhat as it has, with the exception that fewer and fewer of those Carans with court experience will be alive to represent their tradition. Carans who perform ‘music will increase their musical sophistication, Those who are primarily storytellers will carry on intoning verses in a high voice, and some will probably include more music in their presentations, The descendants of Carans who were at the heart of the court traditions have already started t0 move on {o new non-musical occupations, leaving the performance stage to the singers,390 tbnomusicology, Fall 1991 References Crossley Holland, Peter 1580, “Bard” in The New Grove Dictionary of Muse and Musicians (Sanley Sadie, FA) 2497 Parugi, Lois then al 1985. "Musle, Musicians, and Muslim Law." Astay Music 17 (0)3-36. Forbes, Alexander Kinloch [186] 1922 Ras Maia atbwe, Gajarat Pranino itbas(Ranchhedabhai Udayaram, rans nd cd). 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