URBAN POLICY CHANGES DURING FIFA WORLD CUP IN BRAZIL: The City

of Rio de Janeiro.

ALEXANDRE BRANDO

This essay seeks to provide a brief analysis of the recent urban policy changes in
the city of Rio de Janeiro brought upon by the realization of the 2014 FIFA World Cup.
In order to accomplish this, the spatial conceptual triad proposed by Henri Lefebvre will
be used as a conceptual framework in the form proposed by socio-legal urban scholars
(Azuela 1989; Cafrune 2016; Vivian 2016; Fernandes 2007; Konzen 2014) that law
plays a definitive role in the social construction of urban spaces through its regulatory
power.

The key concepts as defined by Lefebvre are that of the representations of

space, representational space and spatial practice. The representation of space, as
defined by Lefebvre, is the discourse promoted by hegemonic groups that seek to
establish a specific spatial practice (Andr 2010; Lefebvre 1991). Essentially, it is a
normative position, conceived in a modern capitalist society by urban planners,
bureaucrats, politicians, real estate developers and entrepreneurs, that attempts to
regulate the social production of a given space through its own values, stating what are
the uses, whose presences and what discourses are allowed (Lefebvre 1991, p.34;
Vivian 2016, p.24). This representation has as a main trait the superimposition of the
exchange value over its use value; the social space, through this conception, is reduced
to a commodity (Konzen 2014; Vivian 2016).

The hegemonic discourse contrasts with the representational spaces which can
be defined as the attitudes of those non-hegemonic groups that define a given space by
their practices and essentially act as a resistance to the first model (Lefebvre 1991,
p.39). In this sense, these social actors, through their presence and occupation of this
public space, oppose the transformation of it into a product, by defining it not through its
monetary exchange value, but by its symbolic social use (Harvey 2012).

In this context, the city becomes the battleground for the determination of
different spatial practices (Harvey 2012; Lefebvre 1991). Law becomes, then, an
important tool for the construction of the urban space and the legitimation of one
practice over the other. In this sense, through the analysis of legal regulations and
contracts, both the myth of legal and social space neutrality can be debunked and the
political and economic conception of the two can be critically assessed (Konzen 2014).

Rio de Janeiro: The World Cup and the Olympic Project.

During the period that followed the Brazilian candidacy and later final decision to
host the 2014 FIFA World Cup, numerous agreements, bills and regulations were
passed. As stated by Cafrune (2016), the initial process and legislative production acted
as an important message given by the cities that wanted to be hosts of the event that
they were open and committed to the demands presented by the international
association. On May 31st, 2009, when all the host cities were officially announced, the
legislative process and approval of new rules were intensified in order to facilitate the
realization of the games (Cafrune 2016). In the city of Rio de Janeiro, this process,
accompanied by an urban redevelopment plan, was named by the Mayor as the
Olympic Project, an obvious allusion to the other big event that would be hosted by the
city, the 2016 Summer Olympic Games (Castro et al. 2015).

One of the first and most important steps was the initial host city contractual
agreement. The contract celebrated between FIFA, the city of Rio de Janeiro and the
Local Organizing Committee, in a direct and clear way, establishes an overwhelming
amount of rights to FIFA and the committee, while creates responsibilities to the city.
The only rights that the city has mentioned in the contract are associated with the
possibility to use FIFA channels of communication to display marketing information
about the host city and utilize the associations brand in brochures about the event and
in their own governmental website. Any information about the actual event (news
coverage), however, is prohibited (FIFA et al. 2011, pp.0914).

The obligations for the city of Rio established by the contract, are extensive. The
demands include measures about infrastructure (free office space for local committee),
transportation and traffic control (closing of traffic and streets at FIFAs request), free
legal assistance, and free cession of parking area to be destined to tourists and match
ticket holders (FIFA et al. 2011, pp.2030). In regards to public land management, the
most significant city responsibilities created by the contract were changes in the
regulation of operational hours of commercial establishments, creation and enforcement
of exclusion zones, prohibition of marketing in competition zones, and city
embellishment (FIFA et al. 2011, pp.2329).

Rio was obligated to guarantee the grant of special permits to bars, restaurants
and stores situated in the city that would allow these to work through the night without a
mandatory closing time on match days (FIFA et al. 2011, pp.2829). Effectively, there
could be no limitation in regards to opening hours for establishments during the event,
regardless of legal provisions concerning neighborhood noise restrictions or work-day
prohibitions (public holiday, Sunday, etc.). All dispositions in contrary had to be revoked,
and they were (Castro et al. 2015).

The agreement also implicated in the creation of exclusion zones. These areas,
adjacent to the Maracan Stadium, were determined in its extension by FIFA and limited
the use of private and public property (Cafrune 2016, p.76). Inside this territory, the
association and committee were the sole administrators, meaning that only commercial
activities of partners and sponsors authorized by them could be held. Any other
entrepreneur was prohibited from working on match days, even if they owned a private
establishment in the region (FIFA et al. 2011, pp.2324). All outdoors, billboards,
frontlights or any marketing activities were also restricted (FIFA et al. 2011, p.23).

Another relevant demand established by the contract celebrated between FIFA

and the local authorities was the need for city embellishment.

the host city should ensure its best efforts to make the host city as attractive as possible
to members of the public and visiting supporters, for instance and not limited to,
obstructing the view of big construction sites visible to the public and near major
transportation hubs of the host city, entertainment areas and the stadium. The host city
shall not grant any permits for public or private constructions during the entire
 competition. To avoid any doubts, any construction on course in the beginning of the
competition shall be temporarily halted1 (FIFA et al. 2011, p.30).

The contractual determination produced an important scenic change. The city

actually adopted the idea of covering not only construction sites, but any places that had
poorly constructed buildings or that would cause a negative impact in the cities image
to tourists. The most famous example of this practice was the wall built along linha
vermelha, the highway that connects the city center, Maracan Stadium, and the tourist
beach area of Copacabana with the Galeo International Airport (Merguizo & Conde
2014) (Figure 1).

Figure 1 City embellishments for the World Cup and Olympics.

The urban changes were not only temporary, however. The hosting of the two
sport events in Rio de Janeiro was also utilized as an opportunity by the local
government officials as well as real estate developers to promote further urban reforms
(Cafrune 2016; Castro et al. 2015). These would later be classified as the legacies of
the World Cup and the Olympics that would benefit the cariocas2 and bring further

1 Free translation by the author.

2 Cariocas is the Brazilian Portuguese term for naming the inhabitants of the city of
Rio de Janeiro.
development to the city. The big events opened a window for the promotion of a specific
representation of space: the tourist Rio (Konzen 2014; Castro et al. 2015).

The new urban project focuses on the idea of utilizing the two mega-events as
opportunities to redevelop the city through entrepreneurship. In this sense, the local
authorities promoted the changes in the landscape with investments of great urban
impact, in an attempt to attract and generate more revenue (Cafrune 2016, p.71). The
major changes concentrated themselves in three different areas: Copacabana (the most
prestigious neighborhood of Rio), Barra da Tijuca (a relatively new and prestigious
neighborhood) and the port area (a run-down, but centrally located area) (Castro et al.
2015, p.410).

As Cafrune (2016) observes, the prestigious areas were subject to major

investments in public transportation, the institution of new lines of bus rapid transit that
extended from there to key important locations in the city: from Barra da Tijuca to the
Galeo Airport, and from Copacabana to Maracan Stadium. The rest of the city,
however, did not benefit from any of these new transportation lines or world cup
legacies.

The other major change, and perhaps most important of all, was the privatization
not only of public land around the newly rejuvenated port area, but of the management
itself of the public space in the region (Castro et al. 2015; Comit Popular da Copa e
Olimpadas do Rio de Janeiro 2013). Thousands of street vendors were removed from
these areas and the newly constructed parks and public squares were given to the
recently inaugurated hotels3 in the area for management (Comit Popular da Copa e
Olimpadas do Rio de Janeiro 2013).

Final Remarks

3 It should be noted that the new hotels were only built after another change in the
planning regulations was done for the port area, which previously prohibited
buildings higher than six stories because of the proximity with the regional airport
Santos Dumont (Castro et al. 2015).
 In this context, the creation of the model of the Tourist City, as mentioned by
Konzen (2014) is accomplished. A specific part of the city, predominantly occupied by
the local hegemonic groups is benefitted and the adjacent areas are rejuvenated as a
space where consumption based economy is central. The management of these spaces
are no longer public, but privately held by investors that seek to attract tourists who can
take part in this specific model of spatial practice.

Those who do not engage with this representation of space are then excluded.
During the renovations, over 11,000 families who lived in the port area alone were
removed from their homes, their houses taken down by the Town Hall to make way for
the new developments (Comit Popular da Copa e Olimpadas do Rio de Janeiro 2013).
The mere presence of these favela living non-consumers is a threat to the hegemonic
groups, in the sense that their everyday life and engagement with their representational
space contradicts the mercantilist logic.

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