Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Epic K
Epic K
Smelko 13 [Former debate competitor, current judge. Everything you need to know about
Policy Debate, Chicago Debate League, http://chicagodebateleague.org/wp-
content/uploads/2010/10/Debate-101.pdf]
In most every debate round, the negative team goes into the round armed
with the presumption that the status quo should be maintained until the
affirmative proves a prima facie case for change to the plan. A prima facie
case is one that establishes all of the stock issue elements required to move
the judge to vote for the affirmative team . . . that there is a significant problem [or some
compelling ADVANTAGES that would be generated by adopting the affirmative plan] (SIGNIFICANCE), that
the status quo is not solving and cannot solve the significant problem, [or is not generating or cannot
generate the substantial advantages] (INHERENCY), that the affirmative plan can solve or prevent the
significant problem, [or can generate or create the substantial advantages] (SOLVENCY), without creating
any disadvantages that would be worse than the problems being solved [or the advantages being created]
if the AFF proves that a significant problem exists,
through adoption of the plan. So,
but does not prove that the plan can solve the problem, then the NEG would
win because of the presumption that until the AFF proves a complete prima
facie case for change, the status quo is and should remain the best policy
alternative. Since the status quo is a very important part of the negative
teams pie going into the debate round, if by the end of the debate round the
status quo remains the best policy option, then the negative wins the debate
round on presumption, which the negative team possesses until the affirmative team overcomes
the negative teams presumption by establishing a prima facie case for change. Differently phrased, the
question in nearly every debate round for the judge to answer is whether or not the affirmative team has
proven in the debate round a prima facie case for change, and that the change should be made to the
affirmative plan. If the judge feels that any element of the affirmative teams prima facie case has not
been established in the debate round, then in a typical, stock issues debate model, presumption would
dictate that the judge should vote negative.
The alternative is to reject impacts that frame the harm in
death and frame the harm in loss of quality of life instead
*This card has been edited- The word hell has been replaced with the word
misery*
Fear is a powerful emotion. When people are afraid, they react. It can also be
put to use. When people have a vested interest in motivating other people to
react, they may try to capture their attention through fear. Thanks to the
Internet, people have more access to more information at their fingertips
than ever before in human history. Yet, this creates a new challenge for those
who are trying to produce and disseminate information. What has emerged is
an "attention economy," where capturing people's attention can often be
challenging. Organizations that depend on peoples attention including
news media go to great lengths to seize their focus by any means possible.
In a fast-moving information landscape, fear can sell almost as well as sex.
Fearful headlines draw people in by capitalizing on their concerns and
anxieties. Politicians, pundits, and journalists use fear mongering to draw attention to issues, often
justified as informing the public. The more limited the channel or the more likely that someone will walk
on by the more tempting it is to use exaggerated and fear-producing frames. From soundbytes to
headlines to tweets, quick and dirty messages are designed to provoke reaction. TV news and radio talk
show programming use auditory queues, linguistic patterns, and segment cliffhangers in order to entice
people to stay attentive.Fear is regularly employed because it works. Fear
generates attention and helps draw in an audience . As our society grows
increasingly networked, our attention faces a critical crossroads. On one
hand, we are presented with increasing volumes of information and our
access to available sources of information continues to grow. Meanwhile, our
time and attention is still severely limited and, increasingly, commoditized.
Given these conflicting trends, the battle for peoples attention is likely to
grow. But at what costs? And with what implications? Democracy depends on
an informed citizenry and, ideally, the role of the journalist is to inform the
public. But, in a capitalist-oriented society, the product of a journalists efforts must be valued in
commercial terms. Thus, journalists and editors are not simply pursuing stories to inform the public; they
are selecting for narratives that will entice desirable viewers in order to appease advertisers. Given these
very real pressures, how should we understand the ethics of using fear to increase attention? ...The
attention economy provides fertile ground for the culture of fear. In the 1970s, the scholar Herbert Simon
argued that "in an information-rich world, the wealth of information means a dearth of something else: a
scarcity of whatever it is that information consumes. What information consumes is rather obvious: it
consumes the attention of its recipients." His arguments give rise both to the notion of "information
overload" but also to the "attention economy." In the attention economy, people's willingness to distribute
their attention to various information stimuli create value for said stimuli. Indeed, the economic
importance of advertisements is predicated on the notion that getting people to pay attention to
something has value. News media is tightly entwined with the attention economy. Newspapers try to
capture peoples attentions through headlines. TV and radio stations try to entice people to not change the
channel. And, indeed, there is a long history of news media leveraging fear to grab attention, often with a
reputational cost. Yellow journalism tarnished newspapers' credibility with scary headlines intended to
generate sales. The history of radio and television is sullied with propaganda as political ideologues
leveraged social psychology to shape the public's opinion. Now, along comes social media. Social media
brings with it massive quantities of information - unscripted, unedited, and uncurated. Going online is like
swimming in an ocean of information. The very notion of being able to consume everything is laughable,
even as many people are still struggling to come to terms with "information overload." Some respond by
avoiding environments where theyll be exposed to too much information. Others try to develop
complicated tactics to achieve balance. Still others are failing miserably to find a comfortable relationship
with the information onslaught. Given the increase of information and media, those who want people to
consume their material are fighting an uphill battle to get their attention. Anyone who does social media
marketing knows how hard it is to capture peoples attention in this new ecosystem. The more stimuli
there are competing for your consideration, the more that attention seekers must fight to incentivize you
to look their way. More often than not, this results in psychological warfare as attention-seekers leverage
any and all emotions to draw people in. ... When I was a child, the size of the paper and the length of the
news hour limited the amount of information that a news media outlet could disseminate. When CNN took
news to a 24-7 format and talk radio emerged, more news was needed to fill the time. Rather than using
that time to unpack complex geopolitical news, most news channels took to increasing their coverage of
juicy stories gossip about celebrities, biopics on everyday people, and stories about the grotesque,
The local news mantra If it bleeds, it leads went to another
bizarre, or esoteric.
level such that people heard about horrible things happening outside of their
local world. The shift to the Internet has only increased this trend, as news
media outlets report on man-eating snakes and meth-addicted parents letting
their kids starve to death. Are these stories enticing? Definitely. But are they
typical? Definitely not. Yet, when people hear stories of people, they imagine
these people to be close to them. News media is leveraging the Internet to broadcast stories
and attract attention from viewers. To enable this, they often make it easy for viewers to spread stories via
email, Facebook, or Twitter. What circulates is often the content with the least geopolitical consequence.
When journalists are
Fearful messages spread, particularly stories that play into parental anxieties.
rewarded for viewership, theres a perverse motivation to play into peoples
attraction to freak shows and horror, regardless of the broader social
consequences. Journalists and news media are responding to existing
incentives. Theyre incentivized to generate audiences that they can then sell
to advertisers. Theyre incentivized to capture attention by any means
possible. The underlying incentive to inform and educate is still there, but its
muddied by the corporatized incentives to increase eyeballs. Left unchecked
and incentivized to increase viewership at whatever costs, news media will
continue to capitalize on fear and increase the culture of fear in the
process. ...In an attention economy, the brokerage of attention is a form of
power. What news media covers and how it covers it matter. Theres a fine
line between creating an informed citizenry and creating a fearful citizenry.
Just as journalists think through the consequences of covering suicides in their reporting, so too must they
be thoughtful about how they choose to cover issues that induce, promote, or spread fear. Capturing
peoples attention is critical, but increasing societal fear in order to capture attention has significant
consequences that must be considered. Journalists and news agencies have an ethical responsibility to
account for the externalities of their reporting. As we fully embrace a networked society, we need to
consider what guiding principles should influence decisions about the spread of information. I would argue
that three principles should be at the center of contemporary journalistic practice: Journalists always make
choices about what to cover and what not to cover. Maintain a commitment to creating an informed and
healthy society and focus on stories that help the public better understand the complex world in which we
live. Seek to avoid distortion and strive for nuance and accuracy, even when focused on soundbyte
messaging.Never forget that journalism is a public good. All communication is
impression management. Use language and messaging to combat fearful
impressions and increase the publics understanding. Just as societies are
dependent on information to enable citizenry, societies can be undermined
and fragmented through fear. There is nothing neutral about the practice of
reporting and it behooves journalists to draw from anthropologists and
reflexively account for how their work affects the communities they serve. As
our society gets increasingly networked, we need to hold onto the importance
of creating a healthy citizenry. Key to that is a commitment to not allow fear
to take over.
Their fear culture on death creates a political cult that
promotes irrational decision making and hostility
lowering our quality of life - this turns the entire case
you cant respond to this card
Strauss 16 10/6/16 Contributor to RollingStone Maganize, an American
biweekly magazine that focuses on popular culture. Not to mention this article has other scientific
(Neil Strauss, Why Were Living in the Age of Fear,
citations too!
http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/features/why-were-living-in-the-age-of-
fear-w443554)
Although some cultures have been relatively accepting of suicide and even
regarded it as virtuous in some circumstances, the opposite is true of many
other cultures, including most contemporary Western cultures. In those
societies that frown upon suicide, it is generally either morally condemned or
pathologized.
Morris 15 - 2015 - Professor Morris is a member of the Faculty of Humanities and Social
Sciences Research Committee and a member of the Management Committee of the Asia Studies Institute,
former academic vice-president AUS VUW branch and a former elected member of
the Arts Faculty Planning Committee. He was the Convener of the review panel for the Review of Social
Work and a member of the Council Working Party on Academic Quality. Paul Morris has been a member of
the British Association for the Study of Religions, and is a former President and conference committee
member of the New Zealand Association for the Study of Religions. He is a member of the American
Academy of Religion (Section Chair 1998-2003), the International Association for the History of
Religions (member of the Executive Committee 2000-2005), and is on the editorial boards
of Numen, Implicit Religions, Postscripts, and Beliefs and Values. He is also co-editor of the journal, Human
Rights Research.
(Paul Morris, The Right to Die: The International Human Rights Context,
Human Rights Research Journal,
http://www.victoria.ac.nz/law/centres/nzcpl/publications/human-rights-
research-journal/publications/vol-10/Paul-Morris-HRR-2015.pdf)
I didnt ask to be here or be me. Why does everyone force me to live? I never
asked to be here. I was forced onto this planet against my will. So, why
should I have to fulfill the obligation of staying alive. I didn't choose this life,
so why shouldn't I be allowed to leave?
Human rights are inalienable. This means that you cannot lose them, because
they are linked to the very fact of human existence , they are inherent to all
human beings. In particular circumstances some though not all may be suspended or restricted.
For example, if someone is found guilty of a crime, his or her liberty can be taken away; or in times of
national emergency, a government may declare this publicly and then derogate from some rights, for
Human rights are indivisible,
example in imposing a curfew restricting freedom of movement.
interdependent and interrelated. This means that different human rights are
intrinsically connected and cannot be viewed in isolation from each other. The
enjoyment of one right depends on the enjoyment of many other rights and
no one right is more important than the rest. Human rights are universal.
Which means that they apply equally to all people everywhere in the world,
and with no time limit. Every individual is entitled to enjoy his or her human
rights without distinction of "race" or ethnic background, colour, sex, sexual
orientation, disability, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or
social origin, birth or other status.
1NC Fear
Happiness is the end, and equanimity toward death is the means to that end.
The means to that equanimity, in turn, is the assurance that death merits
equanimity. My interest here is Epicurus argument to the conclusion that
death merits equanimity, specifically, that it does not merit fear or dread or
sadness or disappointment or some other sort of emotional distress.
But here is a simple truth that many of us seem to resist: living too long is
also a loss. It renders many of us, if not disabled, then faltering and declining,
a state that may not be worse than death but is nonetheless deprived. It robs
us of our creativity and ability to contribute to work, society, the world. It
transforms how people experience us, relate to us, and, most important,
remember us. We are no longer remembered as vibrant and engaged but as
feeble, ineffectual, even pathetic.
Raymond Martinot and his wife were the toast of the world cryonics
movement. For years they were France's best preserved corpses, lying in a
freezer in a chateau in the Loire valley, in the hope that modern science could
one day bring them back to life. But the French couple's journey into the
future ended prematurely when, 22 years after his mother's body was put
into cold storage, their son discovered the freezer unit had broken down and
they had started to thaw. The couple's bodies were removed from their faulty
freezer and cremated this week. Under French law a corpse must be buried, cremated or
formally donated to science. But the couple's son had vowed to go to the European court of human rights
to be allowed to keep his frozen parents in his cellar. If he failed, supporters in Nederland, near Denver,
Colorado, had offered to take them in. Yesterday Rmy Martinot said he had no choice but to cremate his
parents' bodies after the technical fault had seen their temperatures rise above the constant level required
of -65C (-85F). "I realised in February that after a technical incident their temperature had risen to -20C
probably for several days. The alert system [on the freezer] had not worked and I decided at that point that
"I don't feel any more
it was not reasonable to continue," he told Agence France Presse.
bereaved today than I did when my parents died, I had already done my
grieving. But I feel bitter that I could not respect my father's last wishes.
Maybe the future would have shown that my father was right and that he was
a pioneer." Raymond Martinot, a doctor who once taught medicine in Paris,
spent decades preparing for his demise in the belief that if he was frozen and
preserved scientists would be able to bring him back to life by 2050 . In the
1970s he bought a chateau near Samur in the Loire valley and began
preparing a freezer unit for himself. But his wife, Monique Leroy, died first, of
ovarian cancer, in 1984, and was the first to enter the intricate stainless steel
freezer unit in the chateau's vaulted cellars. She remained in the freezer for
almost 20 years while Dr Martinot met his high refrigeration bills by allowing
paying visitors to visit the cellar. He once told reporters that ideally he would
like to open his wife's freezer every day and tell her "Hello, I'm so glad to see
you", but that it was better it stayed shut. He said he opened it to check it
every five years.
The much-heralded individualist spirit of American society relies on nurturing a fear of other people .
Fear of public spaces where anyone can hang out in turn supports the proliferation of private property and restricted
access locations. Fear of public transportation means more and more privately owned cars on the road. The rhetorical
necessity of slogans such as "United We Stand" are countered by the ongoing national zeitgeist of "Leave Me and My
Family Alone." The implication embodied in "United We Stand" is that we have some (un-American) Other to be united
against. A suggestive correlation between the isolation of mental illness and political isolationism can be found in the
The individualization of panic disorder corresponds to the media-savvy
rhetoric of "going it alone."
militarization of American politics. Panic inspires pre-emptive attacks on whatever
violates the sanctity of private life. As we regulate childhood, so we map out the appropriate parameters of
adulthood. Television often plays on the prevalent anxieties of adolescence, treating its viewers like children in need of
constant rules and warnings. Local Fox News promises the viewer "Stories that Affect You," but the news itself offers such
in-depth detritus as exposs on the dangers of car airbags and "that Duluth prostitution ring we've been keeping you
informed about." I'm not suggesting that danger doesn't exist, but local television news has largely
become a venue that creates a catalogue of fears for citizens everywhere. In addition, local formats adhere to a
national formula for what constitutes newsworthiness, and what should affect local populations. We locate panic at
the extreme end of the anxiety spectrum, as the awful truth of a phobia, the end result of what psychiatrist Robert L.
DuPont refers to as the "what if?" of horrific possibility. The possibility of panic, however, covers a much
broader band of the spectrum. The news media may not want panic attacks to actually occur, but they like us to routinely
consider the possibility that something awful might happen if we do not maintain a healthy level of anxiety and keep
watching the news for updates. Witness coverage of the scare of African killer bees a few years ago, recently featured in
Bowling for Columbine. Be alert. Get scared. This anxiety constitutes a sort of pre-emptive strike, if you will, on the panic
state. Awful things often do happen. A smoking gun does not need to be fired; the suggestion of a gun's potential is
The very possibility of weapons of mass destruction, for example, can inspire a state
enough.
of panic. The weapons don't need to be there. Panic has dominion over the future. The past may inspire
panic attacks, but only as the harbinger of what may perhaps come again. As we get further away from cataclysmic
government, the entertainment industry, or
events, their ability to inspire terror becomes attenuated. This means
news media need to regularly create new things to fear. Whether the hand that rocks the cradle is the
government wishing to sell a new military solution to the world's problems, or an entertainment industry that wants us to
believe that "a nation lost its innocence" after Pearl HarborTM, we find ourselves in the business of selling and consuming
panic of one sort or another. Though post-9/11 panic no longer governs America in the same way it did in late 2001, the
Hence the
government still uses the Trade Center bombings as a way to gain support for future military initiatives.
pandemic of global terrorism, a phenomenon that sees 9/11 as a significant event in a
never-ending continuum of potential danger. Just as we ritually lose our innocence, so we must honor
our worst fears. The current government encourages us to believe that no historical precursors exist to muddy the
squeaky-clean innocence of America, but it also must instill in us the sense that America's illusory innocence could be our
undoing. If we don't act now, then our worst fears may well be realized. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-III)
first distinguished "panic disorder" from anxiety neurosis in 1980, although anxiety has been treated since the late
nineteenth century. The process of naming illness is a curious one: though the goal is distinction and specificity, it also
creates a potential reservoir for future pandemics. Naming panic disorder in order to cure it stands as a necessary
paradox of the field. Curiously, the medical recognition of "panic disorder" as a distinct anxiety state occurred at the
same time the array of independent media sources in America were drastically reduced. Of course, the corporatization of
media does not necessarily require the distinction of panic disorder, but it can certainly utilize it. What is the crude end
result of big, format-driven media? Fear of the local. This fear may not completely succeed in getting the masses to
consume only "mass" products, but in the last 20 years we have seen a new generation of people educated to mistrust
products that lack a brand signature or commercial support. To be sure, this is not an entirely new phenomenon except
in terms of degree. Today's education begins with the trappings of corporate consumption, and youth must work hard to
find real, local alternatives. Chabon's local neighborhood becomes a site of panic, and people fear that which is not
immediately recognizable. The isolation of illnesses such as panic disorder signifies an increasingly isolated public a
locale where people do not know each other. In this way, the rise of panic disorder signifies a new world order, just as
deregulation creates a new form of mass regulation. Media deregulation in the 1990s has enabled the rise of media giants
like Clear Channel, who promote formulaic, non-local radio programming as they sponsor pro-war rallies. To be sure, the
"local" functions like a brand name, or like slogans such as "United We Stand"; they are necessary rhetorical strategies
that further conceal a less united, more corporate reality. Witness the YA novel by M.T. Anderson, Feed, which cogently
depicts a future in which corporations have so promoted the fetish of individual-as-consumer that adolescent education is
geared to create "individualized" corporate identity. Youth are identified according to their consumer profiles, their brand-
name wants and needs. Of course, the future is now when talking about the local and individual as fetish. Like Fox News'
stories that affect you, a Clear Channel billboard in my neighborhood boasts: "Giving Local Heroes A Voice." Proclaiming
local affinity is necessary to further non-local standardization. The standardization of anxiety disorders refers to a
historical relationship between military and psychological ways of describing the world. Anxiety has, according to H.
Michael Zal, "taken on a bewildering number of diagnostic labels which seem to be related to, and to change following
each major war." He gives the following list: Cardiac neurosis Effort syndrome (World War I) Soldier's heart
Neurocirculatory asthenia (World War I) Nervous exhaustion Vasomotor neurosis Aviator's syndrome Anxiety
state (World War II) Reading through this list, one has the impression that reaching the "Anxiety state" of WWII has been a
chronological endeavor requiring ever more advanced troops and machinery to establish dominion over an ever-shifting
enemy populace. The conflation of fighting illness and enemies seems to move forward through time, in line with the
perceived evolutionary progress of science and civilization. These labels also inspire the type of futurism praised by F.T.
Marinetti and the Italian futurists. They reveled in a combination of aggression and adrenaline, and were among the
founders of the Fascist movement. Soldiers, velocity, machines, and war: for the Marinetti of the first half of the twentieth
century, Zal's list contains the future, and it is beautiful. As the above list suggests, major events in world history redefine
the parameters of the world's illnesses. World conflict directs the definition of such illnesses as post-traumatic stress
disorder and Gulf War Syndrome, and we can easily understand panic as an immediate response to the horrors of war. But
panic doesn't stop there. A worldview predicated on various cataclysms terrorism, nuclear
holocaust, killer bees, SARS encourages panic to become part of the ordinary citizen's
reservoir of emotion, the potential endpoint of daily fear . One cannot underestimate the power of
military ideology to redefine a citizenry. To see the world as a never-ending series of conflicts with
other nations and peoples is very narrow-minded but it's how we teach American history, and how the
current government defines the agenda for American foreign policy. It also defines how
we view the future of security in general. As we develop greater means by which to treat illness and
vanquish terrorists, the future should seem brighter but it can't seem too bright. With the promulgation of Patriot Acts
and Total Information Awareness, the distinction between military and psychological notions of panic is becoming scant
our worst fears are always on the verge of
indeed. The sensation that someone is always watching, that
being realized, and that somehow our private lives are being infiltrated by Big Brother this may be the Orwellian
reality of the future, but it sounds like today's domestic policy to me. Keep in mind that 1984 was taught in American high
schools during the Cold War as a warning against the dangers of communism. True patriots like myself, however, tended
to read texts like Brave New World and To Kill A Mockingbird as commentaries on the problems of American society as
well. I became anxious watching films about the possibilities of World War III. From watching Henry Fonda in Fail-Safe to
the 80s TV-movie The Day After, I did not grow up immune to the idea that we could be our own worst enemy. "At least we
were talking about it in class," I remember thinking at the time. Of course, talking doesn't seem like sufficient treatment
for anxiety or depression in today's "Prozac nation." The early practitioner of psychopharmacology, Donald Klein,
experimented and treated anxiety patients with imipramine in the late 1950s and 60s. But before the 1980 DSM-III
established the definition of panic disorder, treatment had a Freudian, psychoanalytic bias to it people talked out their
panic attacks, preferably on sofas. The isolation of panic disorder from anxiety neurosis corresponded to the development
of anti-anxiety medications. Having effective drugs to treat mental illness means a revolution in terms of how illness is
perceived, treated, and manipulated. Peter Kramer states in Listening to Prozac: "With a convenient, effective drug
available [Xanax], doctors saw panic anxiety everywhere. Patients told one another about the drug, and the mass media
spread the news. Panic anxiety and panic attack became bywords." Psychopharmacology has become the preferred
means of attacking panic attacks individualized drug therapy for the masses. Like terrorists, panic is everywhere,
preparing to attack. Kramer notes: "Panic anxiety has been shown in surveys to be among the most prevalent of
psychiatric disorders." Don't get me wrong. Along with psychologist Kay Redfield Jamison and countless others, I have
experimented with and benefited from the wonders of drug therapy. But it gives me the panic to find myself discussing
medication within ten minutes of meeting a therapist for the first time. Undoubtedly, expediency is a consideration in
The turn to
these matters, as many people are panicky and depressed and psychologists are overbooked.
expedient solutions, however, corresponds to the hasty, undemocratic way in which
American politics currently operate. Rather than acknowledge the collective dimensions
of panic inspired by threats of war, economic downturns, environmental holocaust ,
general greed and corruption, and so on, psychopharmacology aims to find the appropriate pill for an individualized
illness. Like the "one person, one vote" approach to democracy, psychopharmacology may have good effects, but it is not
geared to make the world a hospitable place. It won't bring back the sense of neighborhoods earlier generations enjoyed
as children, for that requires a trust in one's neighbors. Treating the symptoms of illness allows us to
more or less dismiss its larger social causes. If panic is treated primarily as something located within individual
psyches, then the world doesn't have a problem. The advice of W. after 9/11 business as usual, go out and spend is
offered as a sort of panacea for panicked America. To those who already felt insecure and panicky . . . well, just watch
your TV screens. We've got a new reality show on CNN we're sure you're going to love. Behind the scenes, however, the
safety measures introduced by current regime have more to do with the erosion of civil rights than with the protection of
innocent civilians. As a consequence, I find the rhetoric of national security quite frightening. Perhaps the greatest irony
of the American obsession with weapons of mass destruction is that our government seems to need them in order to
eliminate them a similar paradox to that of naming illness. The DSM defined panic disorder at the beginning of the
The conflation of
Reagan years coincidence? If it didn't already exist, it would have had to be invented.
military-industrial ideology and entertainment media has resulted in a perennial crisis of
global proportions and a TV audience primed to watch it. Disarmament is a one-way street, an imperative not
practiced by example. This should inspire panic. When aforementioned films like The Day After functioned as the collective
Afterschool Special of American consciousness, the necessary road for security involved actually getting rid of our
weapons of mass destruction. Now that is beginning to seem more and more like a radical proposition. Go figure. In turn,
news media have to simultaneously focus on one area of terror (let's say Iraq) while nurturing the multifarious sense of
potential panic (i.e. Iraq stands as but one of the many regimes that envy our freedom). The obsession with ratings
inspires sensationalist coverage to a certain degree, but it doesn't completely explain why coverage is so in line with
various military initiatives and the rhetoric of fear. People can also get excited about critiquing the lust for war, as popular
media satires like The Daily Show and The Onion illustrate. Perpetual war for perpetual peace, to borrow
Gore Vidal's phrase, requires a reservoir of panic catalysts , and the results are often absurdly comic. Again,
news media do not create panic as much as create a buffet table of panic for individuals to sample from. This, in turn,
enables the national palate for paranoia. As individual paranoia involves the "irrational suspiciousness and distrustfulness
of others," so too does news media thrive on the next big terror. But it doesn't have to be like that. Does it?
What is left when panic is taken out of the American equation? To be honest, I'm not sure. I have tried to intimate a
number of connections between growing up in America, visual and print media, the military-industrial complex, and the
current treatment of panic disorder. Ideally, being able to explain the roots of illness helps one to overcome it. But we're
not there yet. At best, there may exist a sort of solidarity in panic, a starting point for redescribing the world. Certainly,
panic can cripple the potential for activism. But with the recognition of panic itself as a
pandemic comes the necessity of believing in a better world. This better world is not necessarily a
panic-free world. If, as psychotherapist Adam Phillips suggests, "the art of psychoanalysis is to produce interesting
redescriptions," then panic can show how the threat of nuclear holocaust is made more real by the unilateral attack
aspirations of Bush & Co. Panic can be redirected. Psychoanalyst Thorkil Vanggaard once told a patient: "From a
therapeutic point of view it is a good sign that your reaction was one of panic, as this shows the presence of important
conflict matter." Because Panic American Style has come into its medical, military, and media fullness, it cannot be
dismissed as simply the result of an overactive imagination. If panic is here to stay, then I would like to believe in a
generalized anxiety disorder that compels us all to re-evaluate the contemporary moment. Perhaps this disorder could
only when we recognize each other's ultimate fears may we treat one
suggest the following:
another like human beings. The recognition of panic unites us more than we know, for it forces us to imagine a
better world than the inhospitable one we're stuck with now.
FW Knowledge Production 1st
As we have already turned this into a philosophical
debate, the judge should evaluate the debate in terms of
two interlocutors presenting competing ways of knowing
the world and helping each other reach the truth. Even if
you vote aff, nothing will happen outside this room, so
naturally education should come first.
[Voting affirmative means creating the judge space as a
security intellectual depoliticizing conflict and making
any violence possible in the name of efficiency. The
alternative is to reject security as valuable intellectual
labour] replace
Note: You always read the first card then add one of the three cards after
depending on the affs response
Pick a card
Still worse would be a world in which one entire group or class of humans
gets to be immortal and most humans dont, a world toward which we are
edging through the unequal distribution of access to medical care and the
likely inequalities in access to future genetic therapies. Kazuo Ishigurus
wonderful novel Never Let Me Go (2005), which appeared as a film in 2010,
imagines a world in which an underclass is used as organ donors for the
superior class, with the result that the latter become very long-lived , though
not, finally, immortal. This is obviously a horrible world, and it would be still
more horrible were the superior class to be immortal.
Note: This section is for the claim that death is bad because the dead are
wretched because they have been deprived of life, or not at all.
Note: This section is for the claim that death is bad before a persons death,
or during their lifetime.
Two years later, Max Black (1956) presented an argument against backward
causation, which became known as the bilking argument, and later attempts
to meet the argument seemed to generate all kinds of paradoxes. Imagine B
to be earlier than A, and let B be the alleged effect of A. Thus we assume that
A causes B even though A is later than B. The idea behind the bilking
argument is that whenever B has occurred, it is possible, in principle, to
intervene in the course of events and prohibit A from occurring. But if this is
the case, A cannot be the cause of B; hence, we cannot have backward
causation.
Given this, some opponents of suicide might deny that the wrongfulness of
murder is best explained as a violation of a right to life. They may argue,
instead, that murder is wrong because it violates a duty to God rather than to
the person who is killed. However, this argument suffers from the usual sorts
of problems faced by religious arguments. Most important, the underlying
assumptions are highly controversial. These include not only the claim that
God exists but also, if he does, that the prohibition on murder includes a
prohibition on suicide. Given that the burdens endured by those who
contemplate suicide are more easily demonstrable than are the assumptions
of the religious argument, the former should weigh more heavily than the
latter, at least for those who do not share the assumptions. To suggest
otherwise is to condemn the suicidal to unbearable suffering on grounds that
cannot be verified.
AT Suicide = Irrational
Benatar 13 - 2013 - David Benatar is a professor of philosophy and head of the Department of
Philosophy at the University of Cape Town in Cape Town, South Africa. He is also the director of the
(David Benatar, Suicide: A Qualified Defense, The Metaphysics
bioethics center.
and Ethics of Death)
The claim that all suicide is irrational can be understood in different ways,
corresponding to different senses of irrationality. One way in which somebody
might be irrational is by adopting means that do not, and should be known do
not, secure their ends. Thus, for example, to attempt to quench ones thirst by shaving ones head
is irrational because head-shaving is obviously not an appropriate means for quenching ones thirst. In
contrast, drinking a glass of water is rational because it is clearly one means of attaining ones end.
Following this ends-means view of rationality (and irrationality), some suicides clearly are irrational.
Suicide is not an effective means to every end. Thus, when it does not serve ones end, it is irrational.
However, it should be equally clear that suicide may also often be entirely
rational under the ends-means conception of rationality. If ones end is to
avoid those of lifes burdens that can only be avoided by the cessation of
ones life, then not only is suicide a rational action, it is the rational course of
action.
Closely related to the claim that suicide is irrational is the objection that it is
unnatural. The argument that a practice is immoral on account of being
unnatural occurs in many contexts, but it is deeply flawed and succumbs to
well-known objections. There are at least two ways in which suicide is said to
be unnatural. First, suicide leads to ones dying sooner than one would have
died if nature had been allowed to take its course. Second, suicide is contrary
to the natural instinct to continue living. The first version of the argument
assumes that a persons taking his own life is not part of nature . It assumes,
therefore, that the actions of moral agents are not natural in the relevant
sense. That is a controversial claim, but we may grant it for the moment. If
suicide were morally problematic because it leads to an earlier death than
would naturally have occurred, then saving lives , at least those threatened by
moral agents, is also morally problematic because it too subverts a persons
natural fate. It leads him to die later than he would have died if nature had
been allowed to take its course. There are some people who are willing to
embrace this conclusion, but most see it as a reductio ad absurdum of the
argument. Those who are prepared to accept the implication for saving lives
need to explain why it is immoral to alter the time at which one would
naturally have died. What normative force does nature have? And if nature
does have such force, why may we interfere with nature in other ways , by
building houses or by farming, for example? The second version of the
argument is not any better. Although humans (like other animals) do have a
natural instinct to continue living, it is also the case in some circumstances
that people naturally lose the will to continue living. Nor is it clear why we
ought to comply with our natural instincts. Instincts to violence or sex are
regularly thought to be instincts that should be kept in check, even by those
who think that we ought not to act contrary to the instinct to continue living.
AT Cowardice
Benatar 13 - 2013 - David Benatar is a professor of philosophy and head of the Department of
Philosophy at the University of Cape Town in Cape Town, South Africa. He is also the director of the
(David Benatar, Suicide: A Qualified Defense, The Metaphysics
bioethics center.
and Ethics of Death)
A fifth critique of suicide is that the person who kills himself violates duties he
has to others. In earlier times, suicide was not only morally condemned but
also criminalized because the person who took his own life thereby deprived
the king of one of his subjects. Thus, suicide was viewed as a kind of theft
against the monarch. Today, this view seems at best quaint, but more likely
repugnant, because it implies the kings ownership of his subjects. The idea
can be made more palatable to modern sensibilities if one shifts from
speaking of the kings ownership of his subjects to the states interest in the
life of the citizen. However, this version of the view seems harder pressed to
rule out all suicide. Even if the state does have an interest in each of its
citizens, it is surely the case that the interest each citizen has in himself is
going to outweigh the states interest in him. If his life has become so
burdensome to him that continued life is not in his interests, it is hard to see
how the states interest in his continued life would be sufficient to render
suicide wrong. I am not suggesting that there could be no such
circumstances, but they could hardly be the norm. The argument that suicide
may violate duties to others assumes its strongest form when the relevant
others are close family, friends or, sometimes, those to whom one has special
obligations. These sorts of people stand to suffer profound loss if one takes ones own life. Not only are
ones family and friends bereaved, but the loss may be heightened by the fact that one took ones own life.
This may be exacerbated by feelings of guilt that they may experience over ones suicide. Moreover, ones
death may preclude ones fulfilling duties that one had toward them. Ones children may be deprived of a
parent and the fulfillment of ones parental duties (even if ones spouse remains alive). Ones friends may
be deprived of ones company or counsel, and ones patients, clients, or students may be deprived of ones
care, services, or instruction. For these reasons, some people have been inclined to view suicide as selfish.
The suicide is said to think only of himself and not of those who are left
behind. As was the case with the earlier arguments, this one is inadequate to
rule out all suicide. There probably are suicides where the person who kills
himself has given his own interests excessive weight relative to the interests
of others. Some burdens of life are insufficient to defeat the duties one owes
others. Suicide in such circumstances may indeed be selfish. But this is surely
not always the case. The greater the burdens of a life are, the less likely that
the interests of friends and family will carry sufficient moral weight to defeat
the prospective suicides interest in ceasing to exist. It would be indecent, for
example, for family members to expect a loved one to remain alive in
conditions of extreme pain or degradation merely so that they can have him
alive. In such circumstances, it is unlikely that he would be able, even if he
remained alive, to fulfill many or most of his erstwhile duties to them.
Although they will miss his presence if he dies, his condition is too
burdensome to require his continued presence. In such circumstances, what
is selfish is the insistence that the prospective suicide remain alive , not that
he seek his own demise. The argument about selfishness can backfire in
another way. Just as it is sometimes
the case that those who kill themselves have accorded insufficient weight to
the interests of others, so it is sometimes the case that those who do not kill
themselves make this error. Consistent with what I have already said, I do not
think that the interests of others are decisive. Nevertheless, there are
situations in which a persons interest in continued life is negligible , because
he will die soon anyway, and the quality
of his life is appalling. If seeing out his days , rather than taking his own life
earlier, would spell financial ruin for his family (because of the costs of his
medical care), then it may well be unduly selfish not to take ones own life.
AT Finality
From the indisputable premise that death is final or irreversible, some people
infer that for this reason we should not carry out suicide. This argument takes
a number of forms. One version of the argument notes that there are
alternatives to death that do not close off options in the way that suicide
does. Thus, one might try to enjoy life despite the burdens, perhaps by trying to distract oneself. This
need not involve becoming oblivious to the burdens, but rather seeking relief by not dwelling on them. A
second possible response is to accept lifes burdens and endure them quietly or perhaps ironically. A third
response is to protest against ones predicament (even though doing so cannot possibly undo or even
ameliorate that predicament). What distinguishes this response from mere acceptance is that protest is a
kind of intolerance of lifes burdens. When others are responsible for ones burdens, one could protest
against them. However, ones protests need not be directed at anybody. It can be a generalized anger
about an unfortunate state of affairs for which nobody is responsible. There is indeed something to be said
for each of these non-lethal responses to lifes burdens, and thus one or another of them may well be the
most appropriate response in some circumstances. For example, if ones burdens are minor and the costs
of suicide (to others or oneself) are great, then enjoying ones life despite the burdens may indeed be the
most reasonable reaction. If the burdens are greater but still bearable and carrying out suicide would
impose still greater burdens on those to whom one is obligated, then acceptance of (and sometimes even
However, noting these alternatives is
protest against) ones condition may be preferable.
insufficient to show that they are always preferable to suicide. If ones
condition is bad enough, then it may make no sense to continue living , even
if continued life enabled one to continue protesting. Why continue to bear
and even to protest an unbearable condition if one could bring it to an end ,
albeit by bringing oneself to an end? A second version of the finality
argument notes an interesting difference between suicide and the other
options. If one kills oneself, then there is no opportunity to change ones mind
later and choose one of the other options instead. In contrast, if one chooses
one of the non-lethal alternatives, one can, at any time, reverse ones
decision and choose another course, including suicide. Recognizing this is
important for understanding the momentous nature of a suicide decision.
However, an action cannot be judged unacceptable merely because it is
irreversible. First, if we always deferred to a reversible course of action , then
there is one sense in which the reversible decision becomes irreversible. That
is to say, if one should never choose a course of action that cannot be
reversed, then at each juncture that one reconsiders one is precluded from
choosing suicide and thus one may never really switch to suicide from one of
the non-lethal responses to lifes burdens. If one may never switch to suicide
then, though one may change ones mind and shift from one non-suicidal
response to another, opting for a non-suicidal response becomes irreversible .
Second, and more important, there is nothing about irreversible decisions
that precludes their being the best decisions. We only have to be extra sure
when making such decisions that they are the right ones. A third version of
the finality argument states that while one is alive, there is still hope that
ones condition may improve, whereas once one is dead, all hope is lost. One
problem with this version is that it often misses the point of suicide. The
person who carries out suicide need not think that his condition will not be
alleviated. He may merely judge his current condition to be unacceptable and
conclude that no matter how much his situation may improve later, that
outcome is simply not worth what he would have to endure in the interim.
Moreover, even when the decision to kill oneself is based on a judgment
about ones future prospects, it is not always rational to err on the side of
continued life. Sometimes there is no realistic hope of improvement. In such
situations, one may be faced with a choice between the remotest of
possibilities that ones condition will improve and the certainty that one will
suffer terrible burdens in the interim. Those who wager rationally do not
consider only the quality of the competing options but also their probability.
At least sometimes, then, suicide may be appropriate even when not all hope
is lost.
Answers To Epic
AT 4D Framework
Just ask in cross ex why we should prefer a 4D Framework
over a 3D one. If the author also happens to be
Silverstein, you can read AT Silverstein too.
Although Epicurus has many contemporary critics, I believe that few of them
have actually addressed that argument. The contemporary philosophical
literature on the value of death is dominated by those
who argue that death can be bad for its subject in virtue of depriving her of
the benefits of survival. The standard deprivationist response to Epicurus is
to argue that even though neither death nor its consequences can be painful,
death can deprive one of a pleasurable future and so (even on the
assumption that hedonism is true) can be bad in the comparative sense of
being worse than the alternative. What many deprivationists overlook,
however, is that their conclusions do not by themselves
undermine Epicurus position. Epicurus did not deny that death can deprive
its subject of pleasure, nor did he deny that death can be comparatively bad.
He argued that because neither death nor its consequences can be
intrinsically bad in the absolute (i.e., non-comparative) sense of bad, death
does not merit emotional distress.
Before moving to consider these Epicurean views in more detail, four points
are worth noting. First, the arguments in this introduction that are derived from Epicurus views
should be considered to be Epicurean, rather than attempts to provide accurate exegeses of the views of
Second, the proponent of the Epicurean view of death need
the historical Epicurus.
only deny that a persons death could not be a harm to her; he need not deny
that it could visit great harm upon others , such as those who loved her. Third,
the defender of the Epicurean view of death only holds that death is not a harm to the one who dies. It is
perfectly compatible with this view to hold that the process of dying might be harmful to the one who
undergoes it; a lingering death from lung cancer, for example, will certainly be harmful to a person who
suffers from it, in that it will adversely affect her experiences.
On this truly happy day of my life, while at the point of death, I write this to
you. The disease in my bladder and stomach are pursuing their course,
lacking nothing of their natural severity: but against all this is the joy in my
heart at the recollection of my conversations with you. Do you, as I might expect form
your devotion from boy hood to me and to philosophy, take good care of the children of Metrodorus.
AT Not Aware No Harm (Nagel)
Barrett 95 [Jeffrey A. Barrett is Professor of Logic and Philosophy of Science at the University of
California, Irvine. The Single Mind and Many Mind Versions of Quantum Mechanics,
http://www.socsci.uci.edu/~jabarret/bio/publications/SingleMindManyMinds.pdf]
Even if I had an infinity of minds, I identify so strongly with one mind that I
wouldn't much care whether or not the infinity of minds together in some way
supervened on my physical state. Being counterintuitive is not a fatal flaw in
a physical theory.
AT Doesnt Make Sense
We identify strongly with one mind
Barrett 95 [Jeffrey A. Barrett is Professor of Logic and Philosophy of Science at the University of
California, Irvine. The Single Mind and Many Mind Versions of Quantum Mechanics,
http://www.socsci.uci.edu/~jabarret/bio/publications/SingleMindManyMinds.pdf]
Nevertheless, while Trump would be able to get the United States into a war,
Congress can cut off funds if it believes that the president has misled them or
that the military engagement is not in the interest of the U nited States.
Fighting modern war is expensive and has so far always required special
funding legislation. If Congress opposes military action, it could just refuse to
pass a law funding the presidents military adventure rather than actively
passing legislation to reduce the size of the military or cut the defense
budget. Consequently, Trumps war powers in the long run will depend on
how well he will be able to work together with the Republican majority in both
the House and Senate. The question of war and peace under a Trump presidency becomes
imminently more pressing when discussing the use of nuclear weapons. In the summer, an American talk
show host claimed that Donald Trump repeatedly asked a foreign policy expert why, given that the United
States possesses nuclear weapons, it cannot use them. (Trump denied the veracity of the story.) President
Barack Obama repeatedly stated he would not trust Trump with the nuclear launch codes for U.S.
intercontinental nuclear ballistic missiles given the latters temperament. Rather than being guided by
deliberate and rational thought when making a decision that could annihilate the lives of millions,
emotions could take the better of the president-elect and cloud his judgement, resulting in a nuclear
While China (and potentially North Korea) could hit the United States
holocaust.
with nuclear weapons (keeping in mind that Beijing maintains a so-called
minimum nuclear deterrent, however, with a no-first-use policy), it is a
nuclear conflict with Russia that poses the greatest danger to the United
States given current U.S. nuclear war strategies . For example, the United States
maintains a so-called Launch Under Attack capability, which demands that the U.S. military detect the
launch of Russian ICBMs and launch retaliatory nuclear strikes before Russian missiles take out U.S. land-
based missile silos on the continental United States. (As recently as 2013, the president ordered the U.S.
Department of Defense to retain this capability under its Nuclear Employment Strategy.) Under such a
scenario, laid out in great detail by Jeffrey Lewis and Dave Schmerler in August 2016, President Trump
would have less than eight minutes from the first call to the White House until the last moment he can act
and decide to launch the 400 land-based nuclear-armed ICBMs before Russian missiles have started to
detonate on American soil and destroy U.S. missile silos. Under such a scenario, the presidents options are
limited and there is practically no time for deliberations (e.g., trying to find out whether it is a false alarm).
The system is designed for speed and decisiveness. It is not designed to debate the decision, retired
General Michael Hayden said in an interview this August. In a Launch Under Attack scenario, it is unclear
whether any president would have much time for deliberations (three to four minutes at most) before
However, given the size and diversity of the
making a decision that could kill millions.
U.S. nuclear arsenal it will be virtually impossible for Russia to succeed in
dealing a knockout blow to the United States and destroying the majority of
missile silos, bombers, and ballistic missile submarines. In addition, there is
also no U.S. policy in place that would require the president to promptly
launch nuclear weapons in retaliation even after the confirmation of a Russian
nuclear attack. As a consequence, no immediate decision on the launch of
nuclear retaliatory strikes is required to preserve a counterstrike capability.
Trump could choose to, but would not need to, order a launch on warning.
President Trump, if still alive after the very-hypothetical Russian nuclear
attack, would thus need to deliberate carefully with his national security team
over whether to launch retaliatory strikes or not. It is difficult to assess how
he would react under such circumstances and whether he would rely on
experienced national security staff to formulate a proportionate response or
not.
Links
2NC/1NR Links
Impact Death
They cant really say no link we link to their impact and plan as long as
their impact is death.
Add on
1NC Quantum
We live in a multiverse
Wolchover and Byrne 10 Natalie Wolchover is a senior writer at Quanta
Magazine covering the physical sciences. Previously, she wrote for Popular Science, LiveScience and other
publications. She has a bachelors in physics from Tufts University, studied graduate-level physics at the
University of California, Berkeley, and co-authored several academic papers in nonlinear optics. Her writing
was featured in The Best Writing on Mathematics 2015. She is the winner of the 2016 Excellence in
Statistical Reporting Award and the 2016 Evert Clark/Seth Payne Award for young science journalists. Peter
Byrne is an investigative reporter and science writer based in Northern California. He is the author of The
Many Worlds of Hugh Everett III: Multiple Universes, Mutual Assured Destruction, and the Meltdown of a
Nuclear Family and a co-author of The Everett Interpretation of Quantum Mechanics. (QUANTA
MAGAZINE)
Barrett 95 [Jeffrey A. Barrett is Professor of Logic and Philosophy of Science at the University of
California, Irvine. The Single Mind and Many Mind Versions of Quantum Mechanics,
http://www.socsci.uci.edu/~jabarret/bio/publications/SingleMindManyMinds.pdf]
Albert and Loewer are ultimately dissatisfied with the single-mind theory.
Their primary worry is that it does not generally allow mental states to
supervene on physical states - that is, a complete description of the physical
world would generally fail to determine the mental state of an observer. The
physical state Il/Il)P+S, for example, is consistent with either Bp(1, t) or Bp(1,
~). Albert and Loewer describe this type of non-physicalism as " especially
pernicious," and they tell us that is it this lack of mental supervenience that
leads them to consider the many-minds theory (Albert and Loewer 1988,
206). The many-minds theory asks us to suppose that "every sentient
physical system, every observer, has associated with it not a single mind but
rather an infinite set of minds" (Albert and Loewer 1988, 206). Let 'i:jJ be the
set of minds associated with observer P, let X" be the set of minds with a
mental state where Bp(n, x), and let IJ- be a measure on fI' such that IJ-U,,)
equals the norm squared of the coefficient on the term I(n, x) . . . ) when the
physical state is written out in one of P's belief bases. Albert and Loewer
interpret IJ-(X,,) as the measure of P's minds with a mental state where Bp(n,
x). In other words, one can determine the distribution of mental states of an
observer's minds by expanding his physical state in one of his belief bases
then associating a set of minds with a measure equal to the norm squared of
the term's coefficient with each of the terms that describe him as having a
determinate mental state. The state of each mind is then described by the
term with which it is associated. The time-evolution of the mental state of
each of an observer's minds is probabilistic, where the probability that the
post-measurement state of a particular one of an observer's minds being
correctly described by B(n, x) is In, x) . . . 11/I,,)f. On the other hand, the
observer's "global mental state" is given by the measure IJ-. Albert and
Loewer argue that since IJ- is determined by the quantummechanical state,
the observer's global mental state supervenes on his physical state and that
consequently the time-evolution of this mental state is deterministic Consider
an x-spin measurement again. The observer begins in an eigenstate of being
ready to make an x-spin measurement of a system in an eigenstate of z-spin
and ends up with a physical state that describes his brain as being in a
superposition of belief eigenstates corresponding to mutually incompatible
beliefs. One of these states describes him as believing that the result was x-
spin up, and the other describes him as believing that tht: result was .t-spin
down. On the many-minds theory, all of his minds have determinate beliefs
concerning the result of his observation, but not the same determinate
beliefs. Here measure-one of the observer's minds would begin in mental
states with the belief that he is ready to make a measurement, and with
probability one, half of the observer's continuous infinity of minds would end
up believing that the result was x-spin up and half would end up believing
that the result was x-spin down. Albert and Loewer argue that the many-
minds theory has several advantages over other interpretations of Everett
and other versions of quantum mechanics generally. The many-minds theory
is true to Everett's fundamental idea that the time-evolution of the entire
universe and every physical system is completely and accurately given by
the linear dynamics: "There is no need to postulate collapses or splits or any
other non-quantum mechanical physical phenomena".s The many minds
theory is "in accord with our very deep conviction that mental states never
superpose". It "entails that the choice of basis vectors in terms of which the
state of the world is expressed has no physical significance".6 Also unlike the
many-worlds interpretation, the many minds theory encounters no special
problems interpreting probability: "Probabilities are completely objective,
although they do not refer to physical events but always to sequences of
states of individual minds" (Albert and Loewer 1988, p. 208). Finally, its
dynamical laws can be expressed in a local, Lorentz-invariant form, which
means that the many-minds theory meshes well with relativity (Albert and
Loewer 1988, pp. 209-10). There is, however, another virtue that might be
added to this list: the mental dynamics is strongly constrained by the
properties of the linear dynamics mentioned in Section 2. The many-minds
theory has two dynamical laws. The linear dynamics describes the time-
evolution of the physical world, and the mental dynamics describes how the
observer's minds evolve given the evolution of his physical state. At first
glance, the mental dynamics looks ad hoc - it looks like an arbitrary rule
cooked up just to make the theory consistent with our actual quantum-
mechanical observations. It turns out, however, that the linear dynamics does
not allow one much of a choice for the mental dynamics - that is, the
evolution of the physical state in the many-minds theory strongly constrains
the mental dynamics independently of specific empirical considerations. The
many-minds theory stipulates that an observer's physical state always
evolves according to the linear dynamics. It follows then from the relative
frequency and randomness properties described in Section 2 that if a many-
minds observer measures the same observable on each of an infinite
sequence of systems all in the same initial state, he would approach an
eigenstate of reporting that his results were randomly distributed with the
standard relative frequencies in the limit as the number of observations gets
large. If one requires that measure one of the observer's minds end up with
beliefs consistent with this report in the limit, then this strongly constrains
how the observer's minds might evolve from measurement to measurement.
If one further requires every length n sequence of measurement results to
correspond to a possible mental state of each mind after n measurements
and if one requires the mental dynamics to be trial-independent, then the
postmeasurement state of a particular mind must be randomly determined
with the usual quantum probabilities, which is just what the many minds
theory says! The basic idea here is that the mental dynamics looks much less
ad hoc than it might because the linear dynamics tells us that an observer
would report the usual statistics in the limit and we have reasons that are
independent of specific empirical considerations for supposing that an
observer's mental state is generally compatible with his reports. Albert and
Loewer consider the many-minds theory to have a decided advantage over
the single-mind theory because the many-minds theory allows an observer's
global mental state to be uniquely fixed by his physical state. As they
describe the deal, "We have purchased supervenience of the mental on the
physical at the cost of postulating an infinity of minds associated with each
sentient being" (Albert and Loewer 1988, p. 207). It is not quite right,
however, to say that an observer's global mental state supervenes on his
physical state. The mental state of each of the observer's minds is a random
function of his physical state and independent of the states of his other
minds. This means that the observer's global mental state almost always
evolves deterministically. Likewise, his global mental state almost always
supervenes on his physical states. This lack of strict supervenience does not
seem to be a very serious problem, but the type of mental supervenience
that the many minds theory provides is puzzling. If one wants mental
supervenience, one presumably wants the mental state that one is capable of
introspecting right now, the mental state that one has epistemic access to, to
supervene on one's physical state. I believe that I have a more-or-less
definite mental state characterized by a single set of more-or-less consistent
beliefs. But the many-minds theory tells me that I am associated with an
infinite set of minds that most likely have wildly contradictory beliefs and
whose mental states I cannot generally know. What comfort is it supposed to
give me that my global mental state supervenes on my physical state when I
don't even know what my global mental state is? This is made especially
puzzling by the fact that neither my physical state nor my global mental state
determine the state of the only mind I do know. In order to get an observer's
global mental state to supervene on his physical state to the extent that it
does, his global mental state is characterized by the measure of his minds
with each possible mental state, not by a description of which minds have
which mental states. This means that there are an infinite number of different
ways to assign what might be called local mental states to an observer's
minds that would all correspond to the observer having the same global
mental state. In other words, the global mental state associated with an
observer fails to determine the local mental state of any of his minds.
Halpern 14 [Paul Halpern is an American Professor of Physics, and Fellow in the Humanities at
the University of the Sciences in Philadelphia. Halpern received a Ph.D in theoretical physics, an M.A. in
physics and a B.A. in physics and mathematics. He was also the recipient of a Guggenheim
Fellowship, Fulbright Scholarship, and an Athenaeum Society Literary Award. Halpern is a popular author of
science. Quantum Immortality, https://medium.com/starts-with-a-bang/quantum-immortality-
5a74caaa0f64#.l3huufkl2]
Smelko 13 [Former debate competitor, current judge. Everything you need to know about
Policy Debate, Chicago Debate League, http://chicagodebateleague.org/wp-
content/uploads/2010/10/Debate-101.pdf]
In most every debate round, the negative team goes into the round armed
with the presumption that the status quo should be maintained until the
affirmative proves a prima facie case for change to the plan. A prima facie
case is one that establishes all of the stock issue elements required to move
the judge to vote for the affirmative team . . . that there is a significant problem [or some
compelling ADVANTAGES that would be generated by adopting the affirmative plan] (SIGNIFICANCE), that
the status quo is not solving and cannot solve the significant problem, [or is not generating or cannot
generate the substantial advantages] (INHERENCY), that the affirmative plan can solve or prevent the
significant problem, [or can generate or create the substantial advantages] (SOLVENCY), without creating
any disadvantages that would be worse than the problems being solved [or the advantages being created]
if the AFF proves that a significant problem exists,
through adoption of the plan. So,
but does not prove that the plan can solve the problem, then the NEG would
win because of the presumption that until the AFF proves a complete prima
facie case for change, the status quo is and should remain the best policy
alternative. Since the status quo is a very important part of the negative
teams pie going into the debate round, if by the end of the debate round the
status quo remains the best policy option, then the negative wins the debate
round on presumption, which the negative team possesses until the affirmative team overcomes
the negative teams presumption by establishing a prima facie case for change. Differently phrased, the
question in nearly every debate round for the judge to answer is whether or not the affirmative team has
proven in the debate round a prima facie case for change, and that the change should be made to the
affirmative plan. If the judge feels that any element of the affirmative teams prima facie case has not
been established in the debate round, then in a typical, stock issues debate model, presumption would
dictate that the judge should vote negative.
2NC Serial Policy Failure
Supremacy of policy-making crowds out critical
questioning causes serial policy failure
Biswas 7 (Shampa, Professor of Politics Whitman College, Empire and
Global Public Intellectuals: Reading Edward Said as an International Relations
Theorist, Millennium, 36(1), p. 117-125)
The most serious threat to the intellectual vocation, he argues, is
professionalism and mounts a pointed attack on the proliferation of specializations and the cult of
expertise with their focus on relatively narrow areas of knowledge, technical formalism,
impersonal theories and methodologies, and most worrisome of all, their ability and
willingness to be seduced by power.17 Said mentions in this context the funding of
academic programmes and research which came out of the exigencies of the Cold War18, an area in which
there was considerable traffic of political scientists (largely trained as IR and comparative politics scholars)
with institutions of policy-making. Looking at various influential US academics as organic intellectuals
involved in a dialectical relationship with foreign policy-makers and examining the institutional
relationships at and among numerous think tanks and universities that create convergent perspectives and
interests, Christopher Clement has studied US intervention in the Third World both during and after the
This is not
Cold War made possible and justified through various forms of intellectual articulation.19
simply a matter of scholars working for the state, but indeed a larger question of intellectual
orientation. It is not uncommon for IR scholars to feel the need to formulate
their scholarly conclusions in terms of its relevance for global politics, where relevance is
measured entirely in terms of policy wisdom . Edward Saids searing indictment of US
intellectuals policy-experts and Middle East experts - in the context of the first Gulf War20 is certainly
even more resonant in the contemporary context preceding and following the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The
space for a critical appraisal of the motivations and conduct of this war has been considerably diminished
ethical questions
by the expertise-framed national debate wherein certain kinds of
irreducible to formulaic for or against and costs and benefits
analysis can simply not be raised. In effect, what Said argues for, and IR scholars need to
pay particular heed to, is an understanding of intellectual relevance that is larger and more
worthwhile, that is about the posing of critical, historical, ethical and perhaps
unanswerable questions rather than the offering of recipes and solutions, that is
about politics (rather than techno-expertise) in the most fundamental and
important senses of the vocation.21