The Food of Gods and Humans in The Hitti PDF

University of Warsaw
The Faculty of History

The Institute of Archaeology
Joanna Golec-Islam
Index no: 300013
The Food of Gods and Humans

in the Hittite World
BA Thesis
in Archaeology,
specialization: Near Eastern Archaeology
Thesis supervised by
Dr Anna Smogorzewska
Department of Near Eastern Archaeology
Warszawa, 07.2016
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2
Abstract
The thesis tries to investigate possible foods described in the Hittite ritual texts and to observe, if there
are traceable dietetic differences between the diet of humans and gods in the Late Bronze Age
Anatolia. A secondary aim of this work is to check the credibility of the written sources by collating
them with the archaeological ones.
The author uses the ritual literary data as her primary source, but supplements it with the Hittite
secular literature, iconography and material data related to cooking or food consumption, together with
results of archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological analyses in order to give a fuller image of cooking
methods and ingredients available to different supernal and human classes within the Hittite society.
At the same time, an interpretation attempt is made to explain obscure passages and relate them with
the contemporary experimental researches.
Keywords
Hittite Cuisine, Late Bronze Age, Central Anatolia, Hittite ritual literature, Hittite pottery,
food of gods, food of humans, diet reconstruction, food in sacrifice, bread production
Field
08400 Archaeology
Thematic classification
Late Bronze Age period in Central Anatolia
3
Table of Contents:
Index...............................................................................................................................4
Chapter I Introduction...........................................................................................6
1.1 Food and Culture.........................................................................7
1.2 History and Ethnicity...................................................................8
1.3 Religion and Society....................................................................9
Chapter II The History of Research, Historical and Archaeological Resources

2.1 The History of Research..................................................................12
2.2 Historical Data.................................................................................17
2.2.1 Religious Texts.................................................................18
2.2.2 Secular Texts.....................................................................19
2.3 Material Data...................................................................................20
2.3.1 Food-Related Iconography................................................21
2.3.2 Kitchenware and Food-Related Structures ......................22
Chapter III The Natural and Agricultural Landscape;

Cultivated Crops and Animal Husbandry.
3.1 Cultivated Crops..............................................................................28
3.1.1 Cereals...............................................................................28
3.1.2 Vegetables and Fruits........................................................29
3.1.3 Oleaginous Plants and Herbs & Spices.............................32
3.2 Animal Husbandry...........................................................................35

3.2.1 Cattle.................................................................................35
3.2.2 Sheep and Goats................................................................36
3.2.3 Pigs....................................................................................38
Chapter IV An Overview of the Foods inside the Hittite Texts...........................40

4.1 Cooking Terminology in the Hittite Language................................40
4
4.2 Breads and Pastry............................................................................43
4.3 Cheese and Dairy Products..............................................................49
4.4 Stews and Soups..............................................................................51
4.5 Broiled Meats...................................................................................54

4.6 Kabobs.............................................................................................55
4.7 Beer and Wine.................................................................................56
Final Conclusions........................................................................................................61
Bibliography................................................................................................................64
Figures and Maps........................................................................................................71
5
Chapter I
Introduction
The aim of my thesis is focusing on the diet of gods and humans of the Hittite world based on
available textual and archaeological data. I shall make an attempt on describing main traits of
the cuisine in reference to vocabulary present in the Hittite texts, and at the same time
presenting available cooking methods and confront these with material objects, such as
kitchenware and cooking structures to check literal credibility. Furthermore, I want to try to
answer the question, if the data in our disposal is ample enough to determine differences
between what humans and god ate. My work focuses on the whole period of existence of
the Hittite kingdom, thus from midst of seventeenth century BC until the beginning of twelfth
century BC. Occasionally, I will also refer to so-called Neo-Hittite period taking place
between the twelfth and seventh century BC. The territorial focal point should mainly lay on
the region of Central and Eastern Anatolia and Northern Levant, therefore the lands within
and around the bands of Marasantiya river along with south and south-eastern coast of todays
Turkey and northern Syria.
The development of food production within a history, cultural and religious aspects of cuisine
belong to one of my main interests. In my opinion, ancient diet reconstruction is still an
underestimated tool for explaining societies of the past. Shedding a light onto possible
discrepancies in eating of divine and terrestrial classes would give a deeper insight onto
understanding the character of the Hittite society, such as authority and spirituality.
However, to have a better understanding of the contents examined by this work,

an introductive chapter must be given to make outline onto food as a culture-building
phenomenon, Hittite ethnicity, history and religion. The finishing section shall be devoted
to the history of research and major works on the Hittite food along with historical and
archaeological data I have chosen for my scientific investigation and underline the advantages
or disadvantages of their use. This will give a broaden perspective for understanding of the
following sections.
6
1.1 Food and Culture
Food belongs to one of our basic needs; it provides us with nutritional elements crucial for
survival, such as fats, carbons, vitamins and microelements but food is also an important
element of our culture. The influence of food on the creation of identity is invaluable. And
eating, like every other component of humans life, creates habits. Just when we look on our
eating habits today, we can notice a division between everyday food and sacrificial food,
which sometimes gains floating character.
Eating together, called commensality, is a common social act. It binds groups, starting from
family, along with civilizations and religious groups. At the same time, eating together
frequently creates memories that we recreate in our minds while having the same or similar
food next time. We know that a tradition of communal feasting was an important component
of many ancient communities, such as Mycenaeans1, Minoans2 or peoples of Mesopotamia3
and that it was meant to be a connecting factor and the ritual act. Generally, food and religion
seem to go side by side. At the times, ritual or sacrificial foods could be represented
symbolically by meals especially created for these acts and having no other, than ritual, use,
but it also can be something common for the households, or both these traditions could mix.
What peoples eat is undoubtedly dictated by geographical, geological and soil morphological
properties of their lands, but not entirely subjected to it.
Different civilizations have been executing their dietary habits in different ways and these
ways are what makes their heritages separate from one another. We can observe, therefore, on
what extent foods that we are eating shape our culture. We can see, although, that this isnt a
one-time motionless creation, but a process of a constant motion directly connected with
ethnical map changes. Under this statement and afore mentioned phenomena, it is too narrow-
minded to maintain, that our diets determiner is mainly the climate and available resources.
1
J. Wright, A Survey of Evidence for Feasting in Mycenaean Society, Hesperia vol. 73 (2004), 133-178.
2
E. Borgna, Aegean Feasting: A Minoan Perspective, Hesperia vol. 73 (2004), 247-279.
3
L. Romano, Banqueting in a Temple, [in:] R. Matthews J. Curtis, M. Seymour et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the
7th International Congress on Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume 1: Mega-cities & Mega-sites. The
Archaeology of Consumption & Disposal Landscape, Transport & Communication, London 2012, 269-281.
7
1.2 History and Ethnicity
Using T. Bryces system, the history of the Hittite kingdom can be divided into two main
periods called Old Kingdom and New Kingdom and as the political entity it lasted from ca.
1650 BC until ca. 1190 BC.
Entering the midst of the seventeenth century BC, we enter the beginning of the Hittite
kingdom, called the Old Kingdom period. It comprised of fourteen rulers, whose reign lasted
around 250 years, spanning from ca. 1650-1400 BC. It was rather time of building political
stability and slow attempts of broadening territory. The most prominent events of this period
are the formation of the Kingdom of Mittani,4 the Hittite attempts on their control over Syrian
states5 and resettlement of attua by attuili I.6
The following period, called New Kingdom, was the apogee of the Hittite civilization. Within
this period lasting from ca. 1400-1980 BC, overlapping the reign of fifteen rulers, we can
distinguish a phase of so-called Hittite Empire that spanned from 1350 BC until the end of the
Hittite existence. The importance of the imperial phase is reflected in the religious revolution
that came from Hurrian-influenced Kizzuwatna7 and the uppermost influence of the Hittite
culture. The Hittites manage to become a regional superpower as a result of their success in
destroying the Mittani, skillfully built military power and the talent for diplomacy of their
rulers. The downfall of the Hittite Kingdom is still an object of discussion, although, is
ascribed to the Sea Peoples.8 Short period between 1180 BC and 700 BC, called Neo-Hittite,
was a revival of the Hittite culture in the South-Western Anatolia and Northern Syria.
The high level of culture syncretization will be one of the most prominent traits of the Hittite
civilization. This might be caused simply by the phenomenon of already syncretic society
inhabiting the kingdom. The term Hittite citizen never applied to the ethnicity, but to
inhabitance. Despite its short history, the Hittite empire was a mosaic comprising different
cultures and traditions. Starting from a small kingdom in the Marrassantiya River, they
4
T. Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, New York 2005, 104.
5
T. Bryce, The Kingdom..., 97.
6
7
8
T. Bryce, The Kingdom..., 333-334.
8
incorporated the vast majority of Asia Minor, Mittani, Alasiya and Syria under permanent or
temporary control. It comprised of peoples of Hatti, Semitic (Amka, Amurru), Indo-European
(Luwians, Lukka and Arzawa people) and Hurro-Urartian (Kizzuwatna, Mittani) origin and
had political or trading contacts with the Assyrians, Babylonians, Egyptians and Mycenaeans.
An entity encompassing such diverse cultural channels must have created its exclusive
understanding of taste and cuisine in process of adopting foreign ideas, but primarily, by
creating their own ones.
1.3 Religion and Society
The Hittite religion represents same syncretization as its ethnic composition; it should be
perceived as an amalgamate of the Hattian, Indo-European, Mesopotamian, Luwian and
Hurrian beliefs. Adopting new gods could often be linked with the political interest of the
ruling king9 and religion was a tool for peoples unification, therefore we can assume that the
devotion was socially demanded. Furthermore, the Hittite gods had a human nature and needs,
therefore, they felt hunger and thirst which had to be fulfilled by the worshippers. Thats the
starting point for researchers to reconstruct the human food based on the gods food. Though,
it seems that there was a differentiation between the holy and mortal meal:
What is Holy to my god and is not right for me to eat,
I have never eaten and I did not thereby defile my body .10 (CTH 373, 3.13-14)
The fragment quoted above might either refer exclusively to foods that were produced inside
the temples, which compels me to unshed the function of the temple. To start with, the statue
worship was intended solely for royals and the temple personnel. The temples had cella or
cellae for divine statues, the central courtyard and many surrounding rooms forming the
temple complex.11 The surrounding rooms consisted of spaces designed for workshops,
storages, ritual food production and the residential space for the priesthood and temple
workers.12
The royal couple also played an important role in religious ceremonies as the king was the
Hittite chief priest.13 The libations or offerings could take place in various areas of the sacred
9
B.J. Collins, The Hittites and their world, Atlanta 2007, 158.
10
I. Singer, Hittite Prayers, Leiden 2002, 32.
11
B.J. Collins, The Hittites..., 158.
12
ibidem.
13
T. Bryce, Life and Society in the Hittite World, New York 2012, 38.
9
structure, but primarily in front of the divine sculpture, by hearth14 or by the offering pit.
The temple wasnt the only place where the appetite of the gods could be appeased. Nature
played a very important role in the Hittite religion and the offerings to the gods could take
place by the open-air sanctuaries established in places with a significant projection of the
natural world, such as ponds, rivers, rocks or mountains.15
The priesthood and temple personnel was obliged to fulfill very itemized rules of purity to
satisfy their gods; they are all defined in KUB 13.4 tablet and Gregory McMahon16 suggested,
that their validity could date back to times before the imperial phase. They state very carefully
what should be the temple inventory, the etiquette and means of hygiene that should be abode
by the temple personnel and their families, list of the festivals and rules for keeping temple
complex clean. Often, penalization for not keeping up with these rules was very severe.
Often, the rituals would be followed by feasts for the royal, aristocratic and priest class,
when a part of the offering would be shared within them. It stretches the idea of the divinities
sharing their foods with mortals suggested by Y. Heffron,17 who based this concept on the
Hittite god-drinking. We can assume, therefore, that the representatives of these three
classes enjoyed same dietary elements to some extent.
The lifestyle of different Hittite social groups could be another determiner for dietary clues.
It is hard to give a full synopsis of the Hittite society because of the abundance of cultures
and languages representing it. H. Gterbock18 attempted on making a division of the Hittite
society into two classes; the nobles and the slaves. Whereas, nobles would be the land owners,
and slaves would be people attached to the lands possessed by the nobles. The laws
differentiated between penalties or compensations towards the free men and slaves. However,
14
C. Zimmer-Vorhaus, Hittite Temples: Palaces of the Gods, [in:] H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.), Insights into
Hittite History and Archaeology. Colloquia Antiqua 2, Leuven 2011, 208.
15
16
G. McMahon, Instructions to priests and temple officials (1.83), [in:] W.W. Hallo (ed.), The Context of
Scripture. Volume 1: Canonical Compositions from the Biblical World, Boston 1997, 217-221.
17
Y. Heffron, The Material Culture of Hittite God-drinking, Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions, nr
14 (2014), 164-185.
18
H. Gterbock, Authority and Law in the Hittite Kingdom, Journal of the American Oriental Institute, nr 17
(1954), 16-24.
10
the division could be made according to the type and character of residence inhabited by each
of classes. We therefore can not assume that the royal court members sustained from the same
diet as farmers; both could base on three staple products, that is bread, cereals and meat,
which, however, would occur in totally different versions determined by wealth, cultural
horizons, abundance or shortage of certain products or other factors. Speaking about the state
constantly in war, we shouldnt forget about warriors and their migratory lifestyle which
should have its reflection in the dietary provisions.
The aim of my work lays in explaining types of foods available for gods and men that are
existent in the Hittite texts and in face of archaeological data and modern experimental
approaches. Nevertheless, fortified with the cultural, historical and sociological data given in
this introductory chapter, the image of the cuisine would become fuller. In the forthcoming
chapter, I shall give a short history of research covering an issue of the Hittite cuisine
followed by description of sources available for data reconstruction and how can they be used.
11
Chapter II
The History of Research,
Historical and Archaeological Sources
2.1 The History of Research
The research on the Hittite cuisine is a branch of science that is still open for much debate.
Two major study booms fall on the 50-70s and early 2000s-until now.
The first one of them was caused by the development of flotation and isotopic methods for
archaeodietetics, as well as, development of studies on the Hittite language and intensified
publication of corpora such as Catalogue des textes hittites by E. Laroche or stanbul
Arkeoloji Mzelerinde Bulunan Boazky Tabletlerinden Seme Metinler. The most
significant piece representing this period is Alimenta Hethaeorum, a study in a form of
collected monographs written by Harry A. Hoffner and published in 1974.19 However,
the author invokes the results of analyses anteceding Alimenta..., such as excavation
reports from Korucu Tepe, Alacahyk or Beycesultan. Therefore, the fascination with what
inhabitants of Central Anatolia ate, reaches earlier to 30s to Hamit Zbeyir Koay
and his excavation reports of the first findings from Alacahyk. Hoffners work deals with
all aspects of food culture within the Hittite kingdom; from animal husbandry and plant
cultivation to food processing methods and kitchen personnel, howbeit the author devotes
separate sections to bread production which is completed with a chapter describing bread
types intended for humans or gods. Hoffners interest in the Hittite foods revealed itself again
in 1997, when he wrote an article devoted to appearance of oils in the Hittite text, titled Oil in
Hittite Texts. The paper itself deals with linguistic values and types of oil that werent solely
used in food production, although, comestible oils make majority of all listed.20
The recent sixteen years have given us many interesting publications and increasingly
constitute of attempts on the experimental approach. In 2006, Gngr Karauuz from Konya
19
H.A. Hoffner, Alimenta Hethaeorum; Food Production in Hittite Asia Minor, Chicago 1974.
20
H. A. Hoffner, Oil in Hittite Texts, The Biblical Archaeologist, nr 58 (1997), 108-114.
12
Seluk University published a book titled Hittitler Dneminde Anadoluda Ekmek which
investigates the entirety of the sacrificial bread production in the Hittite era.21 This work aims
at finding the connection between the bread eaten in the Bronze Age Hittite Kingdom and in
the modern Turkey at the same time. Furthermore, Karauuz discusses all kinds of cooking
installations used for bread-baking. One year later, Ahmet nal from the Hitit University in
orum, announced Anadolunun en Eski Yemekleri Hititler ve ada Toplumlarda Mutfak
Kltr, the book in a similar overtone as Karauuzs work, but describing all the facets of
the Hittite cuisine.22 This book written by one of the best-known Hittitologists nowadays,
contains reconstructed recipes that are meant to be adaptable to house conditions. Finally,
nal same as Karauuz tries to observe on what extent the Bronze Age culinary traditions
have their continuations in todays Turkey, which makes both works controversial in eyes of
todays science. Unfortunately, both above mentioned pieces have been published exclusively
in Turkish, thats why their range of use is mostly within Turkish scholars. As for A. nal,
some of his ideas unveil to the Western scholars in food-concerned chapter from his The
Hittites and Anatolian Civilizations published in 1999.23 Furthermore, his experimental
approach found its continuation in the most recent collective work by the next generation of
scholars. A book by A. Albayrak, .M. Sokak and A. Uhri titled Hittite Cookery. An
Experimental Archaeological Study, has been published in 2009 either in Turkish and in
English language versions.24 The authors have used ethnoarchaeological approach to some
extent likewise. Their recipes are matched with the ritual text and archaeological material
references. The foods presented in the recipes consist of assorted meat and bread dishes only,
excluding the vegetable dishes or soup descriptions. On the other hand, the authors give a
short description of the entire Hittite food culture and explain the lack of attempts on
experimenting with above mentioned dishes caused by linguistic limits regarding most
botanical terms. One of the authors, A. Uhri, based his MA thesis on the Early Bronze Age
examples and usage of stoves and ovens, that he gladly shared with me.25 Finally, has also
supervised a cooking show hosted by Wilco van der Herpen, a chef popular in Turkey
21
G. Karauuz, Hittitler Dneminde Anadoluda Ekmek, stanbul 2006.
22
A. nal, Eski Yemekleri Hititler ve ada Toplumlarda Mutfak Kltr, stanbul 2007.
23
A. nal, The Hittites and Anatolian Civilizations, stanbul 1999.
24
A. Uhri, Bati Anadolu Erken Tun anda Mutfak Kltr Asndan Ocak ve Frnlar, zmir 2000.
25
A. Albayrak et. al., Hittite Cookery. An Experimental Archaeological Study, stanbul 2009.
13
for his cooking shows, that aimed in presenting the Hittite cuisine. The program has been
broadcasted in 2012, however, it presented some very controversial methods, such as cooking
inside the animals horn, having no analogy with cooking methods used in Anatolia of any
time.26
Mentioning again Koays grain reports from Alacahyk, it is needed to underline the
importance of studies indirectly connected with cuisine reconstruction, literally pottery, as
well as, floral and faunal analyses. The zooarchaeology and archaeobotanics are media that
still have remained underestimated by the Hittitologists, whereas utility pottery has a
moderate recognition. The standing out researchers in this field to mention are Winfried
Orthmann, Franz Fischer, Dirk Paul Mielke and Ulf-Dietrich Schoop; all four are German
scholars. Orthmann and Fischer were one of the pioneers on the topic of the Hittite pottery.
Both of them worked on the findings from attua and published their works in 1963;
Orthmann focused just on the early pottery from the northwestern slope of Bykkale,27
while Fischers work dealt with attua pottery as whole.28
The latter ones represent the modern wave of the pottery research. In 2003, Dirk Paul Mielke
has published an extensive work devoted to the pottery he and his colleagues had found
during their project at west slope of Kuakl-Sarissa site.29 Three years later, he supplemented
the previous work by writing about the pottery finds from the site nr 2 at Kuakl.30 Schoop,
that cooperates with Mielke occasionally, has written a chapter to a collective work, edited
among others by Mielke,31 giving a summary of the Hittite pottery as whole. Also, his earlier
pottery studies contributed to our knowledge about the pottery production at the verge of the
Hittite empire and the Hittite pottery as a medium for typological dating, respectively
26
W. Van Herpen, Hittite chefs risk death to feed goods, Hurriyet Daily News, December 12, 2012,
<http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/hittite-chefs-risk-death-to-feed-
gods.aspx?pageID=238&nID=37626&NewsCatID=379>
27
W. Orthmann, Frhe Keramik von Boazky. Aus den Ausgrabungen am Norwesthang von Bykkale,
Berlin 1963.
28
F. Fischer, Die hethitische Keramik von Boazky. Boazky-attua. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen des
Deutschen Archoligischen Instituts und der Deutschen Orient-Gesselschaft, Berlin 2009.
29
D.P. Mielke, Die Keramik vom Westhang der hethitischen Stadtanlage Kuakl-Sarissa, Trkei, Berlin 2003.
30
D.P. Mielke, Die Keramik vom Westhang Kuakl-Sarissa 2, Rhaden 2006.
31
U.D. Schoop, Hittite Pottery: A Summary,[in:] H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.), Insights ..., 241-275.
14
published in 200332 and 2006.33 Eventually, the latest great piece by Schoop to mention,
is the chapter devoted to different forms of daily use of pottery in chosen life aspects included
into a collective work edited by M. Doan-Alparslan and M. Alparslan.34 Latest, for it was
published in 2013.A solid portion of the text is devoted to the kitchenware and vessels as
storage objects in a rather generic scope, however, full of pictorial references.
As mentioned before, the floral and faunal analyses belong to tools poorly fathomed by the
Hittitologists and the scope of such analyses often refers to Early or Bronze Age along with
Early Iron Age. The significant works to list here should be those at Kinet Hyk(1993)35
Kaman-Kalehyk (2005-2008) ,36 Tell Atchana (2006),37 Arslantepe(2006-2008)38 and
32
U.D. Schoop, Pottery Production in the Later Hittite Empire. Problems of Definition,[in:] B. Fischer et. al.
(eds.), The Transformation from Bronze to Iron Ages in Anatolia and its Neighbouring Regions, stanbul 2003 ,
167-178.
33
U.D. Schoop, Dating Hittites with Statistics. Ten Pottery Assemblages from Boazky-attua ,[in:] D.P
Mielke, U.D. Schoop and J. Seeher (eds.), Strukturierung und Datierung der hethitischen Archologie:
Voraussetzungen Probleme Neue Anstze. Internationaler Workshop Istanbul, BYZAS, stanbul 2003, 215-
239.
34
U.D. Schoop, Objects of Daily Life, Objects of Distinction: The Study of Hittite Pottery ,[in:] M. Doan-
Alparslan and M. Alparslan (eds.), Hititler. Bir Anadolu mparatoluu, stanbul 2013, 356-371.
35
. izer, Archaeobotanical Macro Remains from Late Bronze Age Kinet Hyk and Tell Atchana (Alalakh) in
Southern Turkey: Economical and Enviromental Considerations, Tbingen 2006.
36
A.S. Fairbairn, Archaeobotany at Kaman-Kalehyk 2005, [in:] Anatolian Archaeological Studies. Vol XV,
Tokyo 2006, 133-138; A.S. Fairbairn, et al., Archaeobotany at Kaman-Kalehyk 2006, [in:] Anatolian Studies.
Vol XVI, Tokyo 2007, 151-158; A. Fairbairn, K. Bradley, Archaeobotany at Kaman-Kalehyk 2007, [in:]
Anatolian Archaeological Studies. Vol XVII, Tokyo 2008, 195-200; M. Nesbitt, Ancient Crop Husbandry at
Kaman-Kalehyk, [in:] H.I.H. Prince and T. Mikasa, Essays on Anatolian Archaeology.Vol II, Wiesbaden 1993,
75-97.
37
. izer, Archaeobotanical....
38
L. Sadori, et al., Archaeobotanical Data and Crop Storage Evidence From an Early Bronze Age 2 Burnt House
at Arslantepe, Malatya, Turkey, Vegetation History and Archaeobotany nr 26.2-3 (2006), 205-215; C.
Perisiani, Chemical Analysis and Time/Space Distribution of EB2-3 Pottery at Arslantepe, [in:] J Ma Crdoba et
al., Proceedings of the 5th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Madrid, April 3-
8 2006, Madrid 2008, 753-776.
15
and Kltepe (2014) ,39 when archaeobotany regarded.
Speaking of zooarchaeological analyses, it is certainly not possible not to mention the earliest
of this kind done by J. Boessneck and A. von den Driesch40 in attua between 1958 and
1977 that served for many researchers, such as often mentioned by me A. nal41 and B.J.
Collins,42 as a groundwork for their publications. Nonetheless, this was the threshold for the
further zooarchaeological analyses dealing with the Hittite civilization. In the last twenty
years we can see a growth of archaeological interest in this field, especially in the face of
abundance of original Hittite texts depicting animal slaughter. This is a good prognosis for the
future of the Hittitology. Such recent significant zooarchaeological projects shall be those
from Acemhyk (2012-2013),43 Kilise Tepe (2013)44 or Tell Achana (2014) .45 Among the
afore mentioned, Popkins work builds a very interesting pattern of confronting the bone finds
with a possible ritual Hittite passage and with the cultural flux between the kingdoms
heartland and remote minor settlements.
39
L. Atici et al., Archaeobotanical evidence for trade in hazelnut (corylus sp.) at Middle Bronze Age Kltepe
(1950-1830 B.C. Kayseri Province, Turkey, Vegetation History and Archaeobotany nr 23.2 (2014), 167-174;
A. Fairbairn, Preliminary Archaeonotanical Investigation of Plant Production, Consumption, and Trade at
Bronze Age Kltepe, [in:] L. Akici, et. al., Current Research at Kltepe / Kanesh: An Interdisciplinary and
Integrative Approach to Trade Networks, Internationalism, and Identity, Journal of Cuneiform Studies
Supplemental Series, nr 4 (2014), 177-194.
40
J. Boessneck and A. von den Driesch, Reste von Haus- und Jagdtieren aus der Unterstadt von Bohazky-
Hattua: Grabungen 1958-1977, Mann 1981.
41
A. nal, Bertrge zum Fleischverbrauch in der hethitischen Kche: Philologische Anmerkungen zu Einer
Untersuchung von A. von den Driesch und J. Boessneck uber die Tierknochenreste aus Bohazky-Hattua ,
Orientalia nr 54 (1985), 419-438.
42
B.J. Collins, Pigs at the Gate: Hittite Pig Sacrifice in its Eastern Mediterranean Context, Journal of Ancient
Near Easter Religion nr 6.1, June 2006, 155-188.
43
B.S. Arbuckle, Pastoralism, Provisioning, and Power at Bronze Age Acemhyk, Turkey, American
Anthropologist nr 114.3 (2012), 462-476; B.S. Arbuckle, Zooarchaeology at Acemhyk 2013, Ankara
University Journal of the Archaeology Department nr 39 (2013), 55-68.
44
P.R.W. Popkin, Hittite Animal Sacrifice. Integrating Zooarchaeology and Textual Analysis, [in:] G. Ekroth and
J. Wallenstein, Bones, Behaviour and Belief: The Zooarchaeological Evidence as a Source for Ritual Practice in
Ancient Greece and Beyond. Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae, Series IN 4`, Stockholm 2013, 101-114.
45
C. akrlar et al., Provisioning an Urban Centre Under Foreign Occupation: Zooarchaeological Insights into
the Hittite Presence in Late Fourteenth-Century BCE Alalakh, Journal of Eastern Mediterranean and Heritage
Studies, nr 2.4 (2014), 259-276.
16
To sum up, the recent investigation on the Hittite diet and cuisine has changed its form from
its linguistic and traditional pursue to a branch of study, that scopes mostly around the
ethnoarchaeological and experimental approaches. Trend towards implementing analytical
remain studies breaking through into a widespread use is another growing phenomenon, that
can be noticed. Archaeologists concern has grown mainly around bread and meat
identification and reconstruction with a moderate implication for the trade routes. This narrow
spectrum leaves a huge niche for the future research withal, that probably will roam around
the dairy products, vegetable dishes and the Hittite production of beverages. In the following
part of this chapter, I shall present historical and material sources, that I will be using for
unveiling an answer to my thesis. They give a direct insight into range of foods cultivated by
the Hittites and how these were processed into different dishes, the cooking methods used by
them, the ritual and sociological meaning of foods for the Hittite society. I have chosen to use
the data ranging from The Old Kingdom to the Neo-Hittite there, where they manifest
continuation.
2.2 Historical Data
This category of food reconstruction data contains texts of various characters collected in
following corpora characters. The standard composition of a Hittite text would be tripartite.46
At the top of a clay tablet lies preamble that states an outline of what is the topic of a text and
sometimes name of an author is given. Next part belongs to proper text itself; expansion of the
outline from preamble. At the bottom we find colophon, which has the number of tablet and
information previously stated in preamble. Furthermore, shelves where the tablets were stored
had clay tablets serving as labels47 to ease search for a wanted text. Usually, Hittite text would
be written in the cuneiform script, however, there were also numerous texts in hieroglyphic
script.
46
M. Popko, Magia i Wrbiarstwo u Hetytw, Warszawa 1982, 22.
47
T.P.J. van den Hout, The Written Legacy of the Hittite, [in:] H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.), Insights..., 47-85.
17
Texts that I have chosen for my investigation are grouped in the corpora given below:
a) Catalogue des textes hittites, Paris 1971; texts known by the abbreviation CTH and
inventory number.
d) Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazky, Berlin, 1921-...; texts known by the abbreviation KUB
found in Hattua.
b) stanbul Arkeoloji Mzelerinde Bulunan Boazky Tabletlerinden Seme Metinler, stanbul
1944, 1947, 1954, Ankara 1988; texts known by the abbreviation IBoT and inventory number,
found in Hattua.
c) Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazky, Harrassowitz Verlag, Lepizig, Berlin, Wiesbaden 1919-
2010; texts known by abbreviation KBO and comprise of texts found in Hattua.
e) A. Gtze, Verstreute Boghazki-Texte, Marburg 1930; texts known by abbreviation VBoT
and found in Hattua.
f) Hittite Texts in Cuneiform Character in the British Museum, London 1920; texts known by
abbreviation HT.
2.2.1 Religious Texts

I have grouped the text into the main division between the religious and secular texts. The
predominant are of course, the religious ones. This group of text comprises of tablets stored in
the archives located within the temples and administrative buildings. Within them, we find the
following sub-groups: ritual descriptions and personal prayers. First factor in favor of them is
the frequency of food products and the description of their processing for ceremonies. This
choice is not only caused by my personal taste but rather by a vast dominance of the ritual
texts in the Hittite literature as whole. H. Genz and D.P. Mielke48 brought up a humorous
anecdote connected with Gterbocks excavations in Hattua, when each subsequent text
fragment applied to the ritual ceremony.
Term ritual descriptions may refer either to everyday procedures held at the temple or the
rituals connected with festivals organized throughout the Hittite kingdom. The Hittite
religious calendar consisted of 165 or more different festivals,49 therefore it is impossible to
48
. Genz and D.P. Mielke, Research on the Hittites: A Short Review, [in:], H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.)
Insights..., 1-31.
49
T. Bryce, Hittite State and Society, [in:] G.R. H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.), Insights...,85-99.
18
mention them all in a short chapter, but some most important ones would definitely be
connected with nature. The Hittite religion was a manifestation of earth powers. Undoubtedly,
two most important religious festivals are connected with agriculture and such propitious
nature forces; these were spring festival called AN.TA.UM and autumn one called
nuntarriyaa.50 During nuntarriyaa, clay barrel would be filled up with grains to be re-
opened during AN.TA.UM and used for sacrificial breads.51 Another important festival
was called purulli, it was venerated during spring as well. During purulli king and queen
would take series of processions held in different cities.52 Also one of important groups of
religious texts describe rituals to tutelary deities hidden behind a Sumeogram LAMMA. They
were guardian spirits for people, households, certain activities and natural elements, such as
ponds, rivers or mountains.53
Into the category of religious texts we can include also personal prayers. Those, that I chose
refer mostly to royal prayers. They seem to be composed in the most vulnerable moments
such as plague,54 death of a spouse55 or hostile raids56. Just like ritual descriptions, they have
standardized formulas of invocation and similar divine epithets. However, unlike ritual
descriptions, they occur in a similar form throughout all periods of the Hittite kingdom. They
often refer to sacrificial foods and those responsible for maintaining their production, such as
bakers or shepherds.
2.2.2 Secular Texts

The second, a much smaller, category of texts shall be collectively gathered by their secular
content. And within this category we can mark out any sorts of inventor or provision texts,
therefore, documents containing names of products listed in a compact set. Despite the fact,
50
T. Bryce, Life and Society..., 194.
51
M. Popko, Magia i Wrbiarstwo..., 41.
52
T. Bryce, Life and Society..., 194.
53
ibidem.
54
CTH 377; CTH 378.II; CTH 378.I; CTH 378.IV; All four referred texts are so-called Mursili IIs Plague
Prayers that describe kings anxiety over progressing disease that had taken over the Hittite kingdom after his
fathers, uppiluliuma Is aggression towards the Egyptians.
55
CTH 380; The prayer referred here also had been composed during the reign of Mursili II and here, the king
begs for healing his wife, Gassuliyawiya, one of the victims of plague described in prayers above.
56
CTH 375; The prayer composed under the reign of Arnuwanda I and his wife Amunikal tells us about the
raids of hostile Kaka people; tribes inhabiting the Black Sea area during the Bronze Age.
19
that majority of them are connected with temple activities and temple inventory, their content
seems to be more material. Furthermore, within this group I have chosen also texts holding
individual names of people and goods assigned to them, that had not been written for the
sacred purpose but serve as legal acts. The secular text could also be law codes.
To sum up presentation of my selected written sources it is needed to bring back the meaning
of Assyrian Colonial period for development of scripture. As a result of the encounter of the
Hattians, Indo-Europeans and Assyrians, the Hittite language could be written either in
hieroglyphic scripture and cuneiform. The benefit of it is that the majority of words used for
food description have the same ideographic form as they have in the Akkadian and their
decipherment within the original or transliterated texts becomes much easier. There are
certain drawbacks that need to be marked out. Firstly, the ancient written data consists of
a very narrow range of textual themes, where to a huge extent, food occurs reduced to ritual
texts. Therefore, we see food mostly in the ritual context as a part of very meticulous
ceremonies. Secondly, while interpreting religious texts we should apply particularly critical
approach, because as some descriptions show ways of mixing products and cooking them,
that can be related to already known methods or matching material objects, some others sound
fantastic and should be rejected for a more coherent study. Thirdly, many terms connected
with food are still not deciphered which results in a wider knowledge of only some aspects
of the Hittite cuisine, while the others are waiting for the future research. We do not know
if they refer to shape, method or biological names. Finally, they must be fulfilled by material
findings, to draw the possible conclusions, which takes us to the next part of this chapter
devoted to objects and structures from archaeological context.
2.3 Material Data

The second category of sources available for food reconstruction encompasses food- and
cooking-related archaeological artifacts and structures. My thought behind organizing them
into groups is according to the two following categories: food-related iconography and
cooking-designed kitchenware and structures.
20
2.3.1 Food-Related Iconography
The first group encloses artifacts, where we notice food production at every phase; starting
from the pre-cooking stages, like the slaughter to proper cooking. Such depictions are
emphatically rare but not non-existent, therefore, I have chosen artifacts representing periods
spanning from the Old Kingdom to the Neo-Hittite period. Here, as well as, in the previous
discussed data, we deal with ritually-associated objects. However, I ruled out objects such as
zoomorphic vessels, for their connotation with food preparation is rather obscure.
Although, further parts of my thesis will be mainly focused with the scenes from the Hittite
relief vases found in Hseyindede (fig. 1.a-c)57 and nandktepe (fig. 2.a-d)58 from the Old
Kingdom period, I will also mention libation scenes from stag-shaped vessel from Norbert
Schimmels collection (fig. 3)59, and fist-shaped vessel from Boston Museum of Fine Arts
(fig. 4)60; both dated to the XIV cent. BC, as well as libation and offering scenes from
Alacahyk (fig. 5.a-b)61 and Kayalpnar (fig. 6).62 In indispensable cases, I shall refer to
artifacts from Pre- and Neo-Hittite periods, such as beer-drinking scene presented on the
vessel from mmamolu Tumulus near Malatya dated to Early Bronze Period (fig. 7.a) ,63
or stele depicting wine merchant and his wife found in Kahranmara and dated to the
7th cent. BC (fig. 8) .64 Nevertheless, each such case shall have its acknowledgement in textual
or material data from the Hittite time.
57
T. Yldrm, New Scenes from the Second Relief Vase from Hseyindede and their Interpretation in the Light of
the Hittite Interpretative Art, [in:] A. Archi and R. Francia (eds.), Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici. Volume L-
2008. VI Congresso Internazionale di Ittitilogia, Roma 5-9 Settembre 2005. Parte II, Roma 2008, 837-850.
58
ibidem.
59
B.J. Collins, Hero, Field Master, King: Animal Mastery in Hittite Texts and Iconography, [in:] D.B. Counts
and B. Arnold, The Master of Animals in Old World Iconography, Budapest 2010, 59-74.
60
H.G. Gtterbock and T. Kendall, A Hittite Silver Vessel in the Form of Fist ,[in:] J.B. Carter and S.P. Morris
(eds.), The Ages of Homer: A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule, Austin 1995, 45-61.
61
B.J. Collins, Hero, Field Master,59-74.
62
A. Mller-Karpe, Recent Research on Hittite Archaeology in the Upper Land, [in:] F. Pecchioli-Daddi,
G. Torri, C. Corti, Studia Asiana-5. Central-North Anatolia in the Hittite Period. New Perspectitives in Light of
Recent Research. Acts of the International Conference Held at the University of Florence (7-9 February 2007),
Roma 2009, 109-119.
63
A. Uhri, History of Beer in Anatolia and Near East, Turkish Cultural Foundation:
http://www.turkish-cuisine.org/drinks-6/alcoholic-drinks-92/beer-94.html
64
E. Akurgal, The Hattian and Hittite Civilizations, Ankara 2001, 260-261, fig. 178.
21
2.3.2 Kitchenware and Food-related Structures
The last paragraph of this chapter contains material data chosen by me, that represent
functional use, thus pottery and any kinds of appliances that were used for processing foods.
In favor of them it needs to be said, that they bear crucial information about cooking methods,
biological residue and remains, technology of production, social strata differences and are
indispensable for combining textual and iconographic data. Furthermore, they have a great
influence on triggering experimental approaches.
The pottery, I have assorted, comprises of different functional use, such as storage pithoi,
cooking pots, tripod pots, stewpots, kettles, baking plates, vessels for milk processing,
braziers, and cookers.
Pithoi, that are large storage vessels designed for naked cereals,65 have been found in several
sites of the Hittite world, such as Boz Hyk, Dereky Hyk,66 attua,67 Maat Hyk
(fig. 9.a)68 or Ortaky (fig. 9.b) .69 They were evenly fired and their clay composition had
been changing with beginnings of the Hittite state, as the big organized political entity
required bigger and more sophisticated storage vessels. Their were kept free-standing or half-
dug in the ground to ease filling them and access to goods stored.70 They werent limited to
the ritual structures (Temple 1 in attua), but could be seen in the administrative buildings
(Maat Hyk), militaryfortresses (Boz Hyk) and settlements (Dereky Hyk). Pithoi
were often replaced with smaller jars found in domestic context and adducing, their function
could be to preserve liquids and dry cereals and pulses71.
Hittite cooking pots (fig. 10.a) have two varieties; one of them has rims thickened internally
65
U.D. Schoop, Hittite Pottery..., 256.
66
. Harmanah and P. Johnson, Springs, Caves and the Rural Landscape in Hittite Anatolia: Yalburt Yaylas
Archaeological Landscape Research Project (Ilgn, Konya). Preliminary Results of the 2011 Season, submitted
to the Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture and Tourism.
67
D.P. Mielke, Hittite Cities: Looking for a Concept, [in:] H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.) Insights..., 153-195.
68
D.P. Mielke, Maat Hyk and..., 212.
69
D.P. Mielke, Hittite Cities...
70
71
ibidem.
22
and the second has rims thickened or folded externally. The latter one is a variation of the first
one.72
Clay used for their manufacture contained a coarse stone grit73 to make them more durable.
They were supported on tripods or cookers, while some Early Hittite cooking pots were
produced already with clay tripods attached to them (Tosya) (fig. 10.b). Speaking about
functional typology, some cooking pots (Alacahyk) have strainer lids (fig. 10.c) ,74 which
indicates they were used for simmering. These ones have been interpreted as stewpots or
saucepans and having an abundant textual evidence for stew-preparation, this hypothesis
shouldnt be discarded. There is also one more type, a kettle, with a spout placed on the
frontal side. Wider spouts tend to have filters. Representatives of both kinds have been found
in attua (fig. 10.d)75 or Kuakl.76 Although, we dont know the exact function of this type
of pot in the Hittite context, having many unidentified beverage names and knowing that
certain herbal infusions would be used for the medical purposes, this could be a clue for
another scientific exploration.
Baking plates have been found in several places, such as attua (fig. 11.a)77 or Kuakl
(fig.11.b) ,78 and they are characterized by their huge size; Schoop gives an example of their
diameter reaching 80cms79. Their chemical composition is based on clay mixed with
limestone and it was fired in the way to make a plate resistible to changing temperatures80.
Their surface could be used for bread-making and supporting portable ovens, as it was found
attua81.
orum Museum has some very special vessels in their collection that havent received enough
attention. These are the cheese-making vessels found in Ortaky (fig. 12). Although, I havent
72
ibidem.
73
74
A. Albayrak et. al., Hittite Cookery..., 56.
75
ibidem.
76
D.P. Mielke, Die Keramik...Kuakl-Sarissa 2, 50.
77
U.D. Schoop, Dating..., 223.
78
D.P. Mielke, Die Keramik...Kuakl-Sarissa 2, 126-133.
79
80
ibidem.
81
U.D. Schoop, Hittite Pottery..., 247, Fig. 2.
23
found any papers dealing with chemical analysis of any possible residue or a broader purpose
explanation, the Hittite texts have mention of both cheese and cheese-making products,
e.g. rennet. This set of cheese-making vessels consists of two containers; the first one is an
ovoid jar supported on a leg, while the second is a triple-sized ovoid vessel with two pairs of
perforations that ease hanging it and a perforation at the bottom used for draining. It could be
used for substance that is already curdled and needs to drain the very last liquids and form
into a cheese. Another dairy product mentioned in the Hittite texts is butter, however, the
possible evidence of butter churns comes from Chalcolithic Yarkkaya excavated by
U.D. Schoop, Kuakl and Iron Age objects from Kaman-Kalehyk (fig. 13), that according
to the analysis, had been used for processing animal fats for a long time.82 Such vessels would
have a bulbous shape, narrow necks and bottoms, often pair of handles and most importantly,
few perforations to let the pressure out when the mix is being churned.
The last group of utilitarian pottery discussed by me are braziers and cookers. Braziers have
been found in Kltepe,83 Alacahyk (fig. 14a) ,84 attua (fig. 14b)85 and Kuakl86 among
others. They are cubical or cuboid objects with a single or few perforations on three sides, a
bigger hole on their tops and a handle on their fourth side. Even though, their real purpose
isnt certainly known, they have been interpreted due to finding chaircoal in the oldest among
all, from Kltepe, dated to krum period (20th 18th cent. BC) .87 Furthermore, the example
from attua was found lying on the baking plate. All braziers were found in the kitchen
context. Therefore, it cant be dismissed, that they could serve as food-heating devices.
Cookers, on the other hand, were used to support cooking pots exposed to the direct heat from
the hearths. They would be cylindrical with open top and base and openings on their upper
parts to provide air inlet. Such a cooker has been found in attua (fig. 14c) .88
In the end of this chapter, I would like to discuss food-connected structures found in the
archaeological context. I have divided them into storage complexes and cooking structures.
The first one does not have a strictly religious context. Storage installations have been found
either inside the palaces, storage buildings per se, the temples, the military buildings or,
83
K. Powroznik, Vessels for Milk Processing from Kaman-Kalehyk, [in:] Anatolian Archaeological Studies
XVII, Tokyo 2008, 225-233.
84
D.P. Mielke, Die Keramik...Kuakl-Sarissa 2, 144.
85
orum Museum Collection.
86
orum Museum Collection; U.D. Schoop, Hittite Pottery..., 247, Fig. 2.
87
D.P. Mielke, Die Keramik...Kuakl-Sarissa 2, 144-145.
88
orum Museum Collection.
24
on a much smaller scale, inside the living spaces. Therefore, their context could be
administrative, ritual, military and domestic. The huge storage installations connected with
administrative and ritual uses are hidden behind ideograms .SAG, where stands for
house and SAG stands for front or head. They could take forms of pithoi or silo; the first
for medium-term storage, while the second for much longer periods. Storage complexes in
form of pithoi usually were usually arranged into elongated and narrow series of adjacent
rooms with vessels lined along, like in case of the palace complex from Maat Hyk (fig.
9.a),89 or into square or rectangular rooms as in a complex of administrative purpose from
nandktepe (fig. 9.c) ,90 or finally into courtyard-like zones, like we can observe in the
Building B in Ortaky (fig. 9.d) .91
Whereas properties of pithoi have been previously discussed in this chapter, silo pits had
a square or rectangular shape and were situated rather in high and dry places.92 They could
take forms of either completely subterranean or semi-subterranean pits built-up around with
earthen walls. They were meant to be granaries used to supply big numbers of people and
according to Mielke93 they were used in the times of famine or war, therefore, they needed to
be administrated. The storing needed to be undertaken in the oxygen-free conditions and to
achieve this, the base had a stone bedding and a drain in the middle to remove the possible
humidity, the walls had to be isolated with straw and in the end pits were covered with a soil
layer.94 Examples of silo pits have been found on Bykkaya in attua (fig. 15a)95,
in Kuakl (fig. 15b)96 or in Kaman-Kalehyk.97
To complete this chapter, I need to take up the archaeological remains of cooking appliances;
hearths, ovens and tandirs. Starting from the most basic ones, thus hearths, they are brick-
or stone-paved fireplaces that serve for open-fire cooking and heating, withal they could
also support ovens. Because of their simplest form, they occurred commonly in all types
89
D.P. Mielke, Maat Hyk and..., 212, fig. 4.
90
91
D.P. Mielke, Hittite Cities..., 177, fig. 7.4.
92
ibidem.
93
ibidem.
94
ibidem.
95
W. Drfler et al, Enviroment and Economy in Hittite Anatolia, [in:] H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.) Insights...,
99-125, fig. 5.
96
D.P. Mielke, Hittite Cities..., 176.
97
A. Fairbairn and S. Omura, Archeological Identification and Significance of SAG (Agricultural Storage Pits)
at Kaman-Kalehyk, [in:] Anatolian Studies, nr 55 (2005), 15-23.
25
of contexts and mostly had circular, oval or horseshoe shape. However, we also find examples
in square or rectangular shape. Circular, oval and horseshoe shapes had been dominant from
the Early Bronze Age (Demircihyk (fig. 16.a) ,98 Karata (fig. 16.b)99) into the Late Bronze
Age (nandktepe (fig. 16.c)100 Ortaky101). Hearths were located in the centre or placed by
the wall, yet very rarely. Central positioning of hearth inside the room does not define the
character of place; hearth was placed in the middle either inside houses and inside the ritual
structures.
An example from Stele Building in Kilise Tepe (fig. 16.d)102 shows that hearth, where the
food of gods had been prepared, was the most important of all in the ritual context. Most
importantly, all the sacrificial texts that include food preparation refer to hearth and use of
more specialistic terms, like ovens or tandirs seems to be rather scarce.
To proceed further, ovens, similarly with hearths, appear in circular, oval, horseshoe and
square shapes. Ovens found in Bronze Age Anatolia from Karata (fig. 16.e),103 Elazi,104
Mahmuthisar,105 Ortaky,106 nandktepe (fig. 16.f) ,107 Kinet Hyk,108 of which three last
ones come from the Late Bronze Age. Especially, the installation from Ortaky looks
intriguing with two ovens adhered to walls and crossed by a hearth between them. They
function as earthenware chambered appliances used for cooking in thermally insulated
conditions with an opening at one of its sides to insert dishes that needed baking or roasting.
Examples from the Early Bronze Age109 and before, had been domed, therefore, it should be
expected that the Late Bronze Age ones followed the same pattern. To properly bake a loaf of
bread and avoid carbonizing it, such an oven would be firstly preheated with burning woods
98
A. Uhri, Bati Anadolu..., 135, plan 26.
99
ibidem.
100
101
M. Sel, Ortaky/Sapinuwa antik kenti, ailn blgesinde yeni alimar, [in:] A. Archi and R. Francia (eds.),
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici Vol. L-2008. VI Congresso Internazionale di Ittitilogia, Roma 5-9 Settembre
2005. Parte II, Roma 2008, 721-727.
102
P.R.W. Popkin, Hittite Animal Sacrifice..., Fig. 2.
103
A. Uhri, Bati Anadolu..., 157-159, plan 48-50.
104
Z. Kkl, Eski Erzurum Mutfanda Tandr: Yapl, Kullanm ve Dou Anadoludaki Yeri zerine,
Anadolu University Journal of Social Sciences, nr 5.2 (2005), 155-178.
105
. Harmanah and P. Johnson, Springs...,33.
106
M. Sel, Ortaky..., 721.
107
108
109
A. Uhri, Bati Anadolu..., 105.
26
and while reaching the right temperature, chaircoals would be removed and bread baked due
to internal heat. Unlike baking plates, this kind of oven could be used for making thicker and
leavened breads, but also for roasting meats.
Tandirs known from Anatolian archaeological context are cylindrical underground ovens
made of clay fueled by woods, coals and any sort of waste, that could prolong and control
heating, such as pottery shards. Foods that could be processed in such an oven were thin
breads stuck to its hot walls and meat skewers inserted inside or supported on tandirs edges.
It is hard to estimate its spread throughout Asia Minor, however, we have ovens fitting this
description in the Early Bronze Age Troy (fig. 16.g),110 as well as in Late Bronze Age
Kltepe111 and Ortaky.112 The evidence I have presented comes from domestic context,
however, because of its widespread and simplicity, they might occur in wider contexts as
well.
110
ibidem.
111
112
M. Sel, Ortaky/Sapinuwa antik..., 721.
27
Chapter III
The Natural and Agricultural Landscape;
Cultivated Crops and Animal Husbandry.
The lands occupied by the Hittite Empire can not be considered climatically homogenous.
From Anatolian Plateau characterized by cold winters and dry hot summers to mild
Mediterranean coastline, the empire offered different weather conditions for cultivation
and husbandry of alternating plants and meats. In this chapter I address them and their
incidence in the Hittite written sources described in the previous chapter, as well as,
confront them with analytical and material data that I have spoken about previously.
Such comparison will shed a light on reliability of the Hittite texts and the state of modern
Hittite translations, when diet components are concerned.
To keep my study consistent, the terminology used by me in chapter III will be primarily
divided two main subchapters; the first devoted to plant species and the second devoted to
domesticated animals. Naturally, each subchapter shall respectively have its own bisections
dedicated to more detailed study. Thus, the first subchapter has following bisections: cereals,
vegetables and fruits, oleaginous plants and herbs, and the second: cattle, sheep and goats,
pigs.
3.1 Cultivated Crops
3.1.1 Cereals
Cereals have been staple foods of most of civilizations. Same goes for the Bronze Age
Anatolia, where they were used for beer and bread production, stews and different variations
of porridge dishes. Naturally, cereals cultivated back then had different structure, yet still they
had similar nutritional functions, that they have today. They are one of the main sources of
energy, contain beneficial vitamins, phytochemicals, antioxidants and fiber. However, at the
same time they are responsible for abdominal bloating or constipations.
28
Neolithic inhabitants of Anatolia might have veen the first ones to domesticate wheat,113
which has been the most commonly used type of cereal. It occurs in the Hittite texts quite
often. Notwithstanding, most likely ideogram ZZ was used to describe either free-threshing
or glume wheats (einkorn, emmer),114 texts also give us types that havent been explained yet:
-kara- ZZ115
-aranil-ZZ116
-eppit- ZZ117
The benefit of free-threshing cereals over the glume ones is that the first one do not require an
extra activity of chaff-removing. Unsurprisingly, collected archaeobotanical analyses from
sites described in the previous chapter mention evidence of free-threshing (Triticum aestivum,
triticum durum) and glume (Triticum monoccocum, Triticum dicoccum) types, with an
advantage stressed on the first type.
The second cereal usually found in the Hittite texts is barley (Hordeum vulgare) described by
E ideogram and here we also see a variety of different terms related to it:
-E aarnanza118
-E znanta (autumn barley)119
Barley has been frequently found in many archaeological sites, which could be explained by
its resistance to cold or droughts, and ability to grow even on poor, saline soils.
3.1.2 Fruits and Vegetables
Reliable archaeobotanical reconstruction of fruits and vegetables is much harder than it is

113
S. Sagona and P. Zimansky, Ancient Turkey, Abingdon 2009, 67.
114
ameuna/e-, emeuna, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of
the University of Chicago. Volume . Fascicle 1, Chicago 2002, 119.
115
KUB 24.10 ii 3-7, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago. Volume . Fascicle 2, Chicago 2005, 308.
116
KBo 10.34 i 12-14, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago. Volume P, Chicago 1997, 149.
117
KUB 7.1 ii 1,[in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2002, 106.
118
KBo 4.2 i 9-11, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago. Volume P, Chicago 1997, 172.
119
ibidem.
29
with cereals, because seeds that are not charred by humans, will decay within some time and
the identification of fruit and vegetable species from such remote periods often takes place
based on remains of stalks. That is why, the advantage of fruit- and vegetable-related names
in the literary tradition against the archaeological one should not be a surprise.
Fruits in the Hittite cuneiform texts are preceded or followed by a determinative GI and
vegetables by SAR.
Below, I have arranged the table with ancient names of fruits (tab.1) and vegetables (tab. 2)
found in the Hittite texts matched with Bronze Age archaeobotanical references of their
occurrence:
Archaeobotanical occurrence
Plant name Ancient name Exemplary text
EBA LBA IA
occurence
Fruits
apple(malus domestica): GIAUR KBo 10.34 i 15-18

not found
foreign apple GIAUR.KUR.RA KBo 10.34 i 15-18
date (phoenix dactyfilera) GIZ.LUM.MA HT 42 rev. 15 not found

By, KH
fig (ficus carica) GIPE KBo 10.34 i 15-18

By, KS KK
grape (vitis L.): GIGETIN KBo 10.34 i 15-18

MA KH, KK, KK
TA
grape vine (vitis vinifera) not found
KH
olive (olea europaea L.) GISERDUM KBo 10.34 i 15-18

KK
pomegranate (punica granatum L.) GINURMA KBo 10.34 i 15-18
tamarisk (tamarix gallica) GIINIG KBo 5.2 i 59-61 not found
(prunus species) not found KK
Tab. 1 Table presenting fruits known from the Hittite ritual texts and their distribution with the archaeological
context. Letter codes represent as follows: By-Boazky, KH- Kinet Hyk, KK- Kaman-Kalehyk, KS-Kuakl-
Sarissa, MA-Malatya, TA-Tell Achana.
30
Plant name Ancient name Exemplary text
EBA LBA IA
occurence
Vegetables
By, KH,
KK, KS,
bitter vetch (vicia ervilia L.) G.E KUB 12.26 iii 17-19
TA
KH, TA
broad beans (vicia faba) G.GAL.GAL KUB 29.4 ii 64

MA KK, KH
chickpeas (cicer arietinum) G.GAL KUB 12.26 iii 17-19

MA KK, KS,
By, KH,
lentil (lens culinaris) G.TUR KUB 29.4 ii 64
TA
pea (pisum sativum) not found MA KK, KS
KH, TA
cucumber (cucumis sativus) KU KUB 7.53 49
bitter garlic (allium sativum) AZZANNUGI KUB 29.7 rev. 30-32
leek (allium ampeloprasum) GA.RASSAR KUB 24.7 ii 5 not found
onion (allium cepa) ANDAU KUB 29.7 rev 30-32

Tab. 2 Table presenting vegetables known from the Hittite ritual texts and their distribution with the
archaeological context. Letter codes represent as follows: By-Boazky, KH- Kinet Hyk, KK- Kaman-
Kalehyk, KS-Kuakl-Sarissa, MA-Malatya, TA-Tell Achana.
Based on the data given above, we see, that not in all cases the direct matching between the
ancient terminology and archaeological context occurs. It emerges from the deficiency of
archaeological data and no apparent parallels. Furthermore, not all of the listed plants were
indigenous to Central Anatolian Plain; Hoffner120 claims that dates- GIZ.LUM.MA were
imported fruits. There is also one very problematic term of mountain apples- GIAUR.
KUR.RA, that hasnt been yet understood but as a ritual ingredient, this fruit (?) was used
moderately frequent.
Fruits served the Hittites with its primary function, thus the source of sugar. They could be
kept in sweet brine or be an ingredient of sweet breads or porridges. At the same time, fruits
could also be a part of meat stuffing and used to produce alcoholic beverages.
120
H.A. Hoffner, Daily Life Among the Hittites, [in:] R.E. Averbeck, M.W. Chavalas and D.B. Weisberg, Life
and Culture in the Ancient Near East, Maryland 2003, 95-118.
31
Vegetables, on the other hand, were parts of stews, soups and the porridges.
The accumulation of legumes, therefore chick pea, all kinds of beans, pea, lentil and
omnipresent vetch is no surprise, as they contain big amounts of fiber, proteins and starch.
They are an excellent source of energy for people living on the huge altitudes, such as the
Hittites; the fact strengthened by legumes easy cultivation and their rapid growth.
Some fruits and vegetables, such as tamarisk or bitter garlic, could be used as spices.
Tamarisk fruit has a sweet-sour taste and are rich in vitamins, the taste properties of garlic
are well-known commonly anywhere in the world today.
3.1.3 Oleaginous Plants and Herbs and Spices
The last group of botanical terms chosen by me are plants that could be used for oil
production and herbs that served the Hittites for seasoning; whilst I am excluding here herbs
from medical texts. The kingdoms range made it possible for the Hittites to enjoy a big
prosperity of ingredients fit for different types of oils; a phenomenon clearly seen inside the
texts. The basic ideogram used for all kinds of fat, also those of animal origin is . In most of
cases, the vegetable oils can not be distinguished from the animal fats; all were used as fats
for frying, flavoring and fattening the main food. The fattening aspect is crucial for those,
who live on the high altitudes, as a source of energy, growth and cell functions and a source
of many crucial vitamins. Thus, we can observe, that their existence in the ritual foods reflects
also the needs of the sacrifice appellants the inhabitants of the Central Anatolia.
Below, I have arranged the table with ancient names of oleaginous plants (tab. 3) found in the
Hittite texts matched with Bronze Age archaeobotanical references of their main component,
where it applies:
Oil/ plant name Ancient name Exemplary text
MBA LBA IA
occurence
black cumin (nigella sativa) kappani KUB 12.59 ii 11-15 not found
cedar (cedrus libani) GIERIN KUB 43.58 ii 36-38 not found
32
By, KH,
Kp, KS
flax (linum usitatissimum) _____________________ _________________
KH
olive oil (olea europaea L.) SERDUM KBo 39.8 iii 29-30
KH
sesame oil (sesamum indicum) .GI KBo 15.24 ii 41-44

BN .GI KBo 14.142 iii 31-34 ________________________________
vegetable oil
Kp By, KH,
GImutaya KK
nuts
(corylus avellana) GIamama KBo 10.34 i 21-25
(juglandaceae) GIKN KBo 10.34 i 15-18
(anacardiacae)
Tab. 3 Table presenting oleaginous plants known from the Hittite ritual texts and their distribution with the
archaeological context. Letter codes represent as follows: By-Boazky, KH- Kinet Hyk, KK- Kaman-
Kalehyk, Kp Kltepe-Kane, KS-Kuakl-Sarissa.
According to presented data, we see that the archaeobotanical evidence that we have for
oleaginous plants is much scantier than what has been registered in the literary data; the
majority of textually-attested plants have only a partial reflection in archaeological findings,
while cumin hasnt been found at all. . izer121 mentions cumin only in relation with Late
Bronze Age Jordan. Flax, the most occurring one-did not have to be used for comestible uses
at all.
As for herbs, we only know some of the variety of those, that the Hittites used; problem
clearly caused by the lack of linguistic decipherment. Some herbs and spices were mentioned
within another categories of plants, such as garlic, cumin or tamarisk, therefore I shall not
bring their data back. Nevertheless, herbs and spices appear in the literary sources in relation
with their primary role, thus seasoning; they are used for stews, roasting or as a flavoring
ingredient for some types of breads. There is no uniform determinative sign for herbs and
spices as whole, because their use was based on the prehistoric understanding of the botanical
world, however, one can accept that most commonly spices would be assigned to the
ideogram SAR. The words for herbs and spices could occur without a determinative as well.
The Hittites valued medicinal properties of spices and made a great use of them, therefore,
it cant be dismissed that they included them into the divine diet to keep the gods in good
shape, as well as for their seasoning properties.
121
. izer, Archaeobotanical Macro Remains..., 101.
33
Spices and herbs below can be found in the Hittite texts:
Spice/herb name Ancient name Exemplary text
EBA LBA IA
occurence
herbs
coriander (coriandrum sativum) E.LSAR KBo 4.2 i 9-11
crocus (bufo crocus)122 AN.TAH.UMSAR ________________ not found
garden cress (lepidium sativum) Z.A.LISAR KUB 29.4 ii 64

spices
asafoetida (ferula asafoetida) NU.LU.A KBo 14,142 iii 31-34

not found
salt MUN KUB 1, 13 ii 26-28

Tab. 4 Table presenting herbs and spices known from the Hittite ritual texts and their distribution with the
archaeological context.
Unfortunately, none of the above listed positions has been found in the archaeological sites
that I took for my case study. Furthermore, I have decided to add one non-vegetal entry,
which is salt, but my decision is caused by a will to avoid creating futile additional sub-
sections.
Coriander and garden cress are both rich sources of vitamins, while the first one is valued for
its fresh and lemon notes, the latter gives dishes a peppery-like and sharp taste.
Crocus, used today for the saffron production, has edible flowers and stigmas. Nevertheless,
I would suggest that crocus which is hidden behind the ideogram combination
AN.TAH.UMSAR is not crocus sativa that flowers in autumn but one of spring-flowering
types. In many cultures, crocus is a symbol of springs reborn; we can observe same in the
Hittite. Thus, correspondence of AN.TAH.UM, the Hittite spring festival and flowers name
is not accidental at all.
Asafoetida is a bitterish spice which enhances the digestion process. Hoffner,123 on the other
hand, suggests that the Hittites could have used asafoetidas roots to prepare a narcotic
substance.
122
H.A. Hoffner, Alimenta..., 110.
123
ibidem.
34
3.2 Animal Husbandry
The Hittite texts often give us a very specified information of animals present in the sacrificial
rituals. We do not only learn about their species, but often there is also a suggestion if an
animal had been deliberately fattened (ideogram E124 added to the animals name),
the indication for gender, color or age of the sacrificed animal and a very complex
terminology of the body organs, limbs, parts and their position (frontal, back, left, right).
It brings us to conclusion that the Hittites were skilled butchers and underlines the vast
complexity of their beliefs.
3.2.1 Cattle
The cattle in the Hittite texts can be attested by two ideograms: GUD for cow or ox, and GU4
for bull. Their occurrence within the Hittite texts is quite frequent, however incomparably
smaller than of sheep and goats. This discrepancy could be resulted by the fact, that the cattle
requires more care than the goats; they eat more, take much more pastoral space and are much
harder to reproduce. On the other hand, cows milk is naturally much more creamy than the
goat one and therefore, it is much more suitable for the butter production. The cow also
produces much more milk. Thus, except of their ritual killing purpose, the cows were bred
for dairy production.
Two of the rare animal-involved rituals depictions can be observed on the Early Hittite vases
from Hseyindede (fig. 1.a,b);125 they might show cattle being carried or brought up to
the ritual killing site, Yldrm126 follows same idea. And the Hittite ritual texts are very
specific regarding the cattle sacrifice, thus such meaning of these descriptions should not be
discredited.
124
(All the countries) from which they drove the sacrificial animals: (namely,) fattened bulls (GUD.[MA.]I.A
E) , fattened cows (GUD.B E) , fattened sheep (UDU I.A E), and fattened goats (M.GAL.I.A E),
KUB 17.21 ii 18-19,[in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago. Volume L-N., Chicago 1989, 392.
125
T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., 839.
126
ibidem.
35
The body parts that were favored by the Hittite divinities are ribs (UZUTI GUD),127 double
bone(?) (UZUdanati GUD.ZAG)128 and haunch (UZUrapaltum GUD-ya).129 Although,
it shouldnt be entirely rejected, that other parts played an important role; the body organs,
especially kidneys (UZULLAG),130 heart (UZU)131 and fat (.A.DG.GA)132 were
highly valued god foods. We witness many mentions of the sacrifice of body parts of
unidentified source, which could be our missing point here. At the same time, it is indicated in
moderate number of texts that the animal is sacrificed;133 it is given without providing more
detailed and anatomical descriptions which brings me to conclusion that such reverent and
pragmatic people as Hittites, would not waste any eatable chunk. The example from Kilise
Tepe,134 where the entire skeleton of goat is buried, while the bones bear an evidence of
meticulous butchering to remove all valuable parts, seems to confirm it.
3.2.2 Sheep and Goats
Sheep and goats are the most recurrent livestock present in the Hittite texts. Sheep can be
identified by UDU ideogram, while goat appears with M ideogram. Their regularity might
be an effect of their easy keeping; they are perfect for arid conditions as they can practically
eat everything and their feces works as a fertilizer. They are the source of meat, milk and
furthermore sheep provides fleece. Sheep and goats are model animals to keep a nomadic
pastoral lifestyle practiced by the Bronze Age inhabitants of Anatolia. During the Hittite
times, though, this lifestyle was performed based on local divisions rather than mass
migrations; local groups would roam through nearby settlements in search for the grasslands.
Furthermore, goats milk is much more beneficial to humans than afore mentioned cows;
it is much closer to human milk, which makes it more digestive to us, however it doesnt
cream and has a specific taste which may displease some. Sheeps milk is the creamiest of all.
127
KUB 40.101 obverse 41, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State Cult of the Tutelary Deities, Chicago 1991,
126-127.
128
KBo 11.40 obverse i 13, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 120-121.
129
KBo 11.40 obverse i 15, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 120-121.
130
KBo 11.40 reverse vi 43.26, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 131-132.
131
KBo 11.40 obverse ii 43.26, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 122-123.
132
KBo 22.1:7-12, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 74.
133
KBo 22.6 i 14-16, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 11.
134
P.R.W. Popkin, Hittite Animal Sacrifice....
36
The easier digestion comes from a fact that either goats and sheeps milks are naturally
homogenized, thus the fat proteins are dispersed evenly.
According to texts, goats meat was fit for sacrificial stews135 or its blood and fat could be
used to make NINDAiduri,136 a type of bread or a mash. By an example of use of blood we see
again, that what was favored by gods, reflected natural needs of people living in harsh
conditions. The consumption of blood might not be easily digestive but it provides proteins
and impacts well on the immune system. Most of the descriptions associated with goat
sacrifice suggest that the whole animal would be sacrificed and butchered, thus no part would
be wasted. Whats more, it seems that when goat concerned, gender played a really important
role; the ritual texts scrupulously determine billy-goats (M.GAL)137 from nanny-goats
(UZ)138 and kids (M.TUR.E).139
One of the Hittite orthostats of the Southern Gate in Alaca Hyk (fig. 5.a)140 shows
a group of animals being carried to possibly a ritual killing, as they are heading the altar
where the king and queen await them. We see there horned animals that might be ibex and
other representatives of capra genus, that what I believe, resemble goats.
Sheep appear in a much broader context; their culinary use comprises of the sacrifice of a
limb,141 an organ142 or extensively butchered carcasses,143 the meat could be stuffed,144 used
for a stew145 or broiled.146 It also should be mentioned that in case of butchering and sacrifice
descriptions of sheep, we find a very detailed description of the position of all parts, such as
frontal and rear thighs147 which only underlines the ceremonial complexity of the Hittite
135
KUB 56.45 ii 13-14, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 359.
136
137
KUB 9.32 rev. 10-12, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 265.
138
KUB 35.135 rev. 27, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2002, 82.
139
KUB 20.22 i 1-5, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 400.
140
T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., fig. 4.6.
141
Bo 3298 + KUB 25.32 + KUB 27.70 + 1628/u, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 72-73.
142
KBo 11.72 ii 44-45, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2013, 445.
143
KUB 40.107+IBoT 2.18 obverse i 2 10, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 116-119.
144
KBo 19.142 iii 42-45, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 475.
145
KUB 32.49b ii 16-18, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 234.
146
147
KBo 11.40 obverse i 19-20, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 128-129.
37
religion. The undeniable depiction of sheep being a part of the sacrifice hasnt been found in
the Hittite iconography yet.
3.2.3 Pigs
Pigs are the least recorded livestock animals within the Hittitte texts; they are also one of the
most complex to determine. On the one hand, they appear as unclean animals in KUB 13.4;148
the temple provisions mentioned in the introductory chapter. On the other, they also appear
as the food served ritually to gods and in archaeological data as skeletal remains. Anatolia is
in general the land, where pigs were domesticated the earliest149 and it could be due to a fact,
that they are inexpensive to keep as they are omnivorous but they are not fit for the pastoral
life as they need a lot of monitoring. This could be the reason, why we do not have bone
remains of pigs from the rural areas.150 According to B.J. Collins,151 pigs as sacrificial animals
were involved in special rituals addressing utniyanta (local cult deities), Hannahanna,
Gulses or Arinniti and in her opinion, these rituals were undertaken to appease those human-
propitious divinities. Furthermore, their needs could be those of simple humans, thats why
they consumed pork. Pigs could also be the symbols of fertility,152 then Arinniti context is
understandable. I see Collins concepts very convincing and I feel that pork could be a much
common food for the lower class urban-dwellers than estimated, as these people did not have
to abide the purity provisions to the same extent as the priesthood or royals and would not
visit the temples as well.
Pig in the Hittite texts is hidden behind A ideogram and according to available data, either
flesh, fat and blood of this animal could be used. As I mentioned blood-consumption benefits,
while discussing use of goat. Blood could have one benefit other than nutritional, thus
magical. Blood is often connected with life as a liquid flowing in our veins, then it must be
148
Moreover, let a pig (or) a dog not enter the doorway into the soup kitchen- KUB 13.4 i 20
Let the kitchen be swept and sprinkled by you. (Let no pig or dog pass over the threshold.)- KUB 13.4 iii 59-60
G. McMahon, Instructions to priests..., 217-221.
149
B.J. Collins, Pigs at the Gate..., 155-157.
150
ibidem.
151
ibidem.
152
ibidem.
38
highly valued for any kinds of rituals. Accordingly, we see priests using breads for dipping
them in blood.153
Furthermore, whole pigs were sacrificed154 and we also know the price of pig lard within
secular texts:
(The price) of 1 zipattani of lard was 2 shekels silver155
Sevgi Dnmez156 claims that shekel, one of the basic Hittite unit of weight, was equal to
11,75g, and zipattani-volume unit, was equal to 0,5L. Silver was a most popular means of
payment. In this context pig lard must have been a valued item, and furthermore, a severe
crime of stealing beehives was penalized only three times higher157 than lard was valued.
Based on this example, we see that pig breeding was rather a lucrative activity and that lard
was, on assumption, product that was attainable for all, not divinities exclusively.
To finish this chapter, I am inserting the table (Tab. 5) presenting all kinds of livestock that I
have discussed throughout it. This decision is caused simply by organizational grounds, as
before we dealt with plants used for purposes much compound than we have, while speaking
about animal products.
Animal name Ancient name Exemplary text
EBA MBA LBA
occurence
herbs
AH AH AH, By,
TA
cattle (Bos genus) GUD, GU4
AH AH AH, By,
TA
goat (Capra genus) M
AH AH AH, By,
KT, TA
sheep (Ovis genus) UDU
AH AH AH, By,
OK, KS,
pig (Sus genus) A
TA
Fig. 5 Table presenting oleaginous plants known from the Hittite ritual texts and their distribution with the
archaeological context. Letter codes represent as follows: AH- Acemhyk, By-Boazky, KT- Kilise Tepe,
OK- Osmankayas, TA- Tell Achana
153
KUB 43.56 iii 11-17, [in:] B.J. Collins, Pigs at the Gate..., 161.
154
ibidem.
155
KBo 6.26 ii 44-45[in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 39.
156
S. Dnmez, Hitit Dneminde Deiim Aralar ve l Birimleri. Basic Mediums of Exchange of
Measurement in the Hittite Period, International Journal of Social Science, vol. 6.8 (2013), 813-832.
157
39
Chapter IV
An Overview of the Foods inside
the Hittite Texts.
The fourth chapter plays the crucial part in answering the question signalized in the
introduction of my thesis. I shall present here an overview of the dishes found in the ritual
texts and compare them with data known from the secular texts, as well as make references to
artifacts and archaeological data that I have presented throughout the previous chapters. After
that, I shall be ready to make any decisive conclusions. Before the proper dishes part, I will
also devote a suitable amount of text to the Hittite verbs describing cooking actions in order to
build a clear basis for the final part of the chapter.
4.1 Cooking Terminology in the Hittite Language
Before the proper discussion, we shall have a look on the table below (Tab. 6), where I have
amassed the Hittite verbs describing activities connected with food preparation and
consumption.
Cooking activity Hittite verb Exemplary text occurence
to break, crumble
(about cheese or bread) par-, pari-, pariya- KBo 15.36 iii 4-5
to brew, to ferment [ma]ranuwamman (?) KUB 1.13 ii 26-30
to butcher, cut up, divide,

separate mark- KBo 15.31 i 4,8
to cook with the fire (broil, grill) zanu- Kbo 15.10 iii 59
40
to cook under tender fire (stew, marra-, marri-,
dissolve, melt down), boil marriye-, marriya- KUB 1, 13 ii 26-28
to drain, to release over tarna- KBo 15.10 iii 64-65
to drink eku- IBoT 1.1 iv 20-22
to form pp(a)- KUB 55.43 obverse iii
to knead alk- KUB 7.1 ii 1
to libate ipant- KUB 32.49a ii 3-4
lauwai-,
to pour liquids lau-
KBo 15.10 ii 2-3
to roast with fire paur- KUB 11.35 v 16
sprinkle pappar- KUB 43.58 ii 36-38
to stuff a- KBo 19.142 iii 42-45

Tab. 6 Verbs describing cooking and eating connected activities.
We see, therefore, that the Hittite ritual literature represents a range of specialized terms
describing the kitchen activities. We may say that appetite of the Hittite gods was quite
multifarious and the humans had to pamper them by cooking many various dishes, although,
the question is if these dishes were a reflection of an ordinary empires inhabitant. I shall
hopefully, clarify this question shortly.
At present, I do want to compare the verbs from the left column of the table with their
matching counterparts in the archaeological record, where it is applicable.
Many Hittite meat dishes would be grilled or roasted, that could take place either on the
hearths (fig. 16.a-d), ovens (fig. 16.e-f) or inside the tandirs (fig. 16.g); all mentioned in
Chapter II. When hearth or oven concerned, they would be grilled on the open fire, probably
supported on andirons, while grilling meats inside the tandir requires putting the skewers with
41
meet perpendicularly inside the oven or if a bigger piece of meat or whole animal is about to
be grilled, then support the skewer on tandirs edges. Two verbs describing actions related
with maintaining a fire paur- or zanu-; both also appear in a relation with food-making.
According to Albayrak et al158, it contained cooking in all meanings, thus frying, boiling,
frying or blanching. While, he and co-authors mention paunit wahnu159- as a verbal
combination much closer to in meaning to grill; revolve over fire.
Verb a- is a very intriguing one; it appears only in one passage regarding foods, which is
the thigh stuffed with pomegranate seeds and the meat chunks. Apparently, stuffing was not a
frequent procedure, when the gods hunger was a thing to worry about.
Another worth mentioning relationship is between the verb marra- with all its variations and
the pots with perforated lids interpreted by scholars as the stewpots (fig. 10.c). Just like all the
other references given previously, this object has been firstly mentioned in Chapter 2. The
adduced pot is, according to me, perfect for simmering, thus cooking foods in hot liquids and
with a reduced temperature. The temperature reduction could be simply achieved by keeping
a perforated lid, which at the same time could serve as a strainer too. Furthermore, foods
prepared in this method do not harden or break up, the factor which is extremely important
for a proper meat preparation.
The last verb discussed by me in a broader context is [ma]ranuwamman with an obscure

meaning, usually translated into brewing or fermenting. It occurs in texts connected with
beverages preparation and could evolve from a previously mentioned marra-, therefore it is
also linked with an action of melting. We do not have this verb in a direct relation with beer-
making, as it neither appears combined with the ideogram KA meaning beer, nor with
BAPPIR meaning bear bread. Yet, hence we see it appearing together with DUGNAMZITI,
a fermenting vat160, we can treat the possible meanings of brewing or fermenting for more
adequate one.
To sum up, the Hittites were familiar with abundant ways of processing foods, which is
158
159
ibidem.
160
Salt is being dissolved (in water) on the brazier. Crushed malt (is) brewed (?) in (!) the fermentation vat (Then
he gives them one cup of salt water and one cup of crushed malt KUB 1.13 ii 26-30
H.G. Gtterbock, H.A. Hoffner et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 182.
42
reflected by their ritual literature. Some of them can be matched with archaeological findings
that brings promising results for the further study of lingual-artefactual connection.
Although,my main goal behind presenting this list at the opening of the Chapter IV was to
give a broader image to this most crucial part of my thesis.
4.2 Breads and Pastry
As mentioned previously, bread and cereal dishes were one of two most crucial foods of the
Hittites, based on the Hittite gods diet. While different scholars162 give different numbers
expressing the total amount of bread types produced by the Hittites, we can clearly say that
this number evidently exceeded a hundred. Henceforth the importance of bread is obvious in
this context, however it even gets underlined when we look at some of the kings prayers
composed during some very dramatic events throughout the kingdoms existence. Lets have
a look on the passage from the Mursillis Hymn and prayer to the Sun-Goddess of Arinna:
The plowmen who used to work the fallow fields of the gods
have died, so they do not work or reap the fields of the gods.
The grinding women who used to make the offering bread for
the gods have died, so they do not [make] the gods offering
bread any longer.163
A similar formula occurs in most of the Hittite prayers composed on the kings command164
which shows the accentuation of bread as a part of gods menu, especially when multiplied so
many times. It emerges the pattern in the linguistic style but the linguistic style needs to have
its etymology somewhere, that is. the necessity of food sacrifice. At the same time, such
passages expose the special relationship between the Hittite gods and humans, which from
the economic point of view shows somewhat barter-like exchange; you give me product A,
I repay you with a product B. The assigned authors of these texts, kings, emphasize the fact
that without the divine intervention there will be no sacrifices due to lack of products and lack
161
Albayrak et al. in Hittite Cookery give an estimation of 180 kinds of bread, while nal in The Hittites and
Anatolian Civilizations gives a number of 140 types of bread.
162
CTH 376.A 6, 10-17 ; I. Singer, Hittite prayers, Leiden 2002, p. 50.
163
We also see passages of a similar undertone in CTH 375 12 ii 8-13, CTH 327 13 iii 18-iv 8, CTH 378.II
3 rev. 2-14and CTH 378.I 8 32-40.
164
KBo 10.34 i 12-14, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock, et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2002, 111.
43
of the workforce. As for the bread and pastry types, different types of classification can be
made according to different factors reiterated in breads ways of production. Naturally, few
different factors can apply to one bread or pastry. To arrange them in a coherent wholeness, I
have made grouped them according to particular features:
a) breads and pastries made of different kinds of flours/paps

b) enriched breads and pastries
c) flavor indicators for breads and pastries
d) structure and shapes of breads and pastries
e) special breads and pastries
f) food items with NINDA determinative, that are not breads and pastries
g) unidentified breads and pastries
a) breads and pastries made of different kinds of flours/paps. Some of the breads mentioned
in the Hittite ritual texts bear the evidence of different ingredients being processed into a flour
for their making. These can be either cereals or grains.
We can acknowledge breads made of: wheat, e.g. NINDA.LL A ZZ165 (wheat honey
bread/pastry), barley, e.g. NINDA ZD.DA.E166 (barley bread), beans, e.g. NINDA.LL
G.GAL.GAL167 (bean honey bread/pastry), lentils, e.g. NINDA.LL G.TUR168 (lentil
honey bread/pastry) and porridge, e.g. NINDA BA.BA.ZA169 (porridge pap/flour bread).
While, we can clearly assume that when it comes to barley and wheat flour, the cereals would
be milled or crushed, in case of breads or pastries made of grains, this is not that obvious.
Using a pap made of cooked beans or lentils makes the pastry have a softer texture, much
more pleasant for pastries. Breads may also be made of several ingredients, such as the one
mentioned in KBo 10.34,170 made of wheat, lentils and broad beans.
b) plain or enriched breads breads and pastries. Hittite bread and pastry culture is
characterized by the profusion of various ingredient blending. We can distinguish here few
165
KUB 53.11 reverse iii 14 85, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 242-243.
166
167
ibidem.
168
ibidem.
169
170
44
Starting from breads and pastries containing fruits, we can notice baked goods containing figs,
groups of such additional ingredients: fruits, vegetables, fats and oilseeds, cheese, and
honey.pomegranate and unidentified fruits. An example of bread containing figs could be in
one kind of NINDA.GUR4.RA,171 and bread or pastry containing pomegranate could be
NINDA.LL NU.R.MA UDUN-an.172 While discussing fruits in the baking goods
context, we rather see the tendency of including them in breads and pastries primarily thought
to be sweet, however the type of NINDA.GUR4.RA I referred to has cheese as well. There
also could be other breads with cheese but without sweet additions, like NINDA.SIG A
GA.KIN.AG.173
Advancing to vegetables, I have noticed only one such type, which is NINDA.KU174
(bread with cucumber), although, I have managed to find only one mention of this particular
bread without any hints how it was made.
Fats and oilseeds appear either as ingredients given to breads in the preparation process
or their addition comes as the final treatment. We are able to recognize breads containing
sesame seeds similar to the one made of wheat, beans, and lentils, mentioned while discussing
multi-flour breads175. We also have cases of breads enriched with: fats- NINDA.176 (literally
fat bread), and sweet oils- NINDA..E.D.A.177
It is very hard to estimate what types of fats were added to bread with no more specific
ideogram indication than ; fact also noticed by Hoffner in his article about the oils known
from the Hittite texts.178 But it is worth mentioning that often, while grilling meats, fat
extracting during this procedure could be used to dip breads in it.179
NINDA..E.D.A is another problematic food to explain. We can encounter several different
ways of its preparation, which denies its uniform and clearly specified character. To shed a
light on it, this type of pastry is made of different types of bread crumbled and then kneaded
171
172
KUB 45.58 iv 8, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2013, 400.
173
174
175
176
177
178
H.A. Hoffner, Oil..., 108-114.
179
KUB 6.45 iv 27, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2013, 388.
45
again180, adding oil and honey181 and in some variations also butter and milk182 or beer.183
Hoffner suggests, that NINDA..E.D.A could be kind of a dessert, similar to modern
Turkish helva.184
Honey is the last additional ingredient found by me among the bread and pastry mentions.
In its simplest form, it appears as NINDA.LL, where LL stands for honey and it could be
made of different types of cereals and grain, as mentioned by me previously, while discussing
the multi-flour breads and pastries. Its preparation method is not mentioned anywhere,
however, I would follow my suggestion, that it was a soft pastry made of pap.
c) flavor indicators for breads and pastries. Sometimes the Hittite texts mentioning ritual
breads and pastries provide us with information about their flavor, which could be done to
underline their prime feature. Thus, we have following ideograms expressing given flavors:
KU7185-sweet, MUN186- salted, marru187-bitter and EM-A188-sour. While, the first two ones
are quite clear, when it comes to flavoring, the sour and bitter ones may seem more
ambiguous. However, my idea was that the sour taste could be achieved through dough
fermentation, just like with the modern sourdoughs. Furthermore, one of such EM-A -sour
breads, NINDA.GUR4.RA.I.A has an ideogram RA, which means moist, and doughs
humidity boosts the bacterial activity. Albayrak et al. follow my way of thinking, also when
word marru189 concerned.
d) structure and shapes of breads and pastries. The Hittite ritual texts are very comprehensive
when describing structure, and shapes of breads and pastries that can
be detected through the detailed study of the ideograms. The two most basic ideograms
180
181
182
KUB 25.14 iv 6-9, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 184.
183
184
H.A. Hoffner, Oil..., 112.
185
KUB 53.11 iii 14, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 242-243.
186
IBoT 2.131 obv. 42, [in:] [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 41.
187
188
KUB 12.26 iii 17-19, [in:] [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 384.
189
A. Albayrak et. al., Hittite Cookery..., 98-101.
46
describing shapes could be SIG190-thin and KUR191-thick, which can be described by two
contraries. Thin means no-yeast bread and thick-yeast bread, as well as, thin bread could be
made on the baking plates (fig. 11.a-c) or stuck to the hot walls of tandirs (fig. 16.3-f), while
thick breads are rather fit for ovens (fig. 16.g), both pottery and cooking structures were
mentioned in Chapter 2. Albayrak et al. interpreted NINDA.SIG192 in their experimental
research as the very thin, lava-like bread.
The other shape-indicators for shape could be purpurua193-balls or parapri194-
puffed/flatulent. As for the bread-balls, the ritual passages mention that they are made of
already existing breads, preferably thick ones,195 as they contain yeast. If it was a typical
puffed bread, I would imagine it being something similar to modern balon ekmek eaten in
Turkey, although, Hoffner196 suggested that the connection between the flatulence and this
bread would be that after its consumption, ones stomach would get flatulent. Thus, it could
have been made of some gas-creating grains, such as lentils or beans. Albayrak et al.197
supersede Hoffners idea. The ritual texts also give us hints on the very bizarre shapes of
bread, such as the one in shape of a tooth,198 but these ones rather do not leave too much space
for a dietetic comparison between the human and divine diet within the Hittite world, as they
seem to be purely ritual ones. They do not seem to be a reflection of everyday life, but also
shed a light on the question that I attempt to answer by this thesis.
e) special breads and pastries. Within this classification I have decided to name one
outstanding type of bread, specifically, NINDA.RIN199- soldiers bread. There is no
information, how this bread was made or what it was made of, but I believe that this bread
actually shows blending of the ritual and terrestrial world. Especially, that it occurs also in the
190
KUB 12.26 iii 17-19, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 384.
191
KUB 55.43 obverse iii 16, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 152-153.
192
193
KUB 9.17 4, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 220-221.
194
KUB 54.94 rt. col. 9, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 138
195
the dignitary [breaks] thick bread [to the god] and [they heap up] bread-balls to the go[d] - KUB 55.43
obverse iii 13, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 220-221.
196
197
198
KUB 42.91 ii 2, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 131.
199
VBoT 24 iii 23-25, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 309.
47
secular texts.200 I would rather imagine it being a simple bread that could stay fresh for longer
and be handy for portioning. Therefore, I suggest that it could be a yeast wholemeal bread.
Yeast breads maybe do not preserve best but can be leavened, while the use of wholemeal
flour prolongs the preservation despite yeasts properties.
f) food items with NINDA determinative, that are not breads or pastries- Some food items, that
are assigned to determinative NINDA seem to be neither bread nor pastries. Two such foods
I want to mention are NINDA.TU7-201 bread pudding, and BAPPIR-202 beer bread. Regarding
the first of two underlined names, ideogram TU7 appears in the foodstuff featuring a liquid
substance, like soups, stews and puddings. Following this information, it is only palpable to
think that NINDA.TU7 would be kind of a pap or pudding made of bread; the idea that has
been already found in either Hoffner203 and Albayrak et al 204 According to the experimental
approach of the latter ones, it could have been a thick flour and water mix, that was cooked
for some time and then left to thicken to consistence similar to jelly and be fit for slicing.
BAPPIR, on the other hand, would be a baked good that was made of germinated cereals,
especially from barley, and then boiled with water and honey and left for fermentation.
The same item has been known since Sumerian times and probably it reached the Hittites
through contact with the Assyrian merchants. However, I will discuss it broader, while
speaking about beer.
g) unidentified breads and pastries. There is no complete acknowledge of much of the Hittite
language, especially that what we deal with, is the dead language. Many Hittite words are
completely alien to us, consequently, a big portion of terms, specifically those food-related
ones, has not been deciphered. For this reason, we do not know, if takarmun205 or
pyantalli206 appearing in bread names are words that determine the structure, shape,
extra ingredient, botanical term or any other feature. And the list of such terms is vast.
200
201
202
203
204
205
KUB 55.43 obverse ii 7 - 8, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 146-147.
206
KUB 51.79 obverse ! 2, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 198-199.
48
Ritual texts vs. secular texts:
Already, after studying the ritual texts, we can notice some traces of diffusion of the human
and the ritual diets; such as with NINDA.RIN appearing as the foods sacrificed to gods.
At the same time, seeing the ritually-exclusive breads, such as those of fantastic shapes,
makes us wonder, where the borderline should be drawn. The law codes and the personal
letters are the best texts of a secular character to gain some information about the daily life.
We know from the law codes, that the households had some NINDAarin (KUR)-207
sacrificial/thick breads, but those ones could be used for the rituals or the consumption and we
know that attempts of appropriating them by the trespassers were highly penalized by the law.
The personal letters208 mention again the thick bread, and BAPPIR- beer breads, thus it
shouldnt be dismissed that beer could be produced within the structures other than the ritual
ones, perhaps at homes, like in ancient Mesopotamia. We also know from the cult inventory
texts about the goods brought to the temples by the herdsmen,209 that could also determine,
what was available at their houses. And furthermore, we shouldnt forget about the
Heffrons210 concept of the gods sharing their meals with the men, which in this case narrows
it to the noble class, because these are people who directly attended the rituals inside the
temples. Seeing what evidence is available related to humans, we do not see a huge
discrepancy in what kinds of breads and pastries were actually available related to data
presented by me, yet the discrepancy could grow much more substantial if all the 180 types of
breads had been presented.
4.3 Cheese and Dairy Products
Dairy products were commonly accessible due to the massive animal husbandry performed by
the Hittites. Even though, here I shall not make any kind of classification, because we seem
not to experience same terminological variety as in case of bread and pastry types. Ritual texts
207
H.A. Hoffner, The Laws of the Hittites. The Critical Edition, Leiden 1997, 132.
208
G.M Beckman and H.A. Hoffner, Letters from the Hittite Kingdom, Atlanta 2009, 218.
209
The herdsmen used to delivery every year 300 cakes of salt, 100 loaves of bread, 2 vessels of beer, 20 sheep,
10 pieces of rennet, 10 cheeses, 3 pariu- measures of alkaline plant- IBoT 2.131 obv. 42, [in:] [in:] H.G.
Gtterbock, H.A. Hoffner et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 41.
210
Y. Heffron, The Material Culture... 164-185.
49
mostly use the ideograms GA.KIN.AG211 for cheese with no further variations but
GA.KIN.AG-kappia-212 which decipherment is still unknown and purpuru GA.KIN.AG -
cheese balls.213 We do not have any indication of the type of milk was used or what could be
the taste of those cheeses, even though we know that either cow, goat or sheep milk were
available and we should recall the cheese-making vessels from Ortaky, that give us
technological hints (fig. 12). As already mentioned, changing milk into cheese decreased
the amount of lactose, and therefore it was much easier digestive than the raw milk.
The other dairy products that can be traced throughout the study of the Hittite ritual texts are
GA-milk,214 GA.KU7-cream215 and .NUN-butter216. Most problematic term here is GA.KU7,
which by some is interpreted as cream, while by the others as sweet milk, as we could observe
ideogram KU7- sweet before, in relation with NINDA. I believe, that both ideas are likely,
especially that butter could be made either of milk and cream and as cattle was domesticated
by the Hittites, their milk could serve for cream-making as it is not naturally homogenized.
The grounds for .NUN are even stronger. I suppose, that the butter used by the Hittites would
be rather a clarified butter, or more precisely a cow fat that is extracted from the butter cream.
I have already mentioned vessels that has been found in Kaman-Kalehyk (fig. 13),217
that could have served for butter-churning and the fourth register of nandktepe vase (fig. 2.a)
shows a figure of a woman keeping an elongated object resembling the stick inside a huge
vase. The scene is characterized by a substantial dynamic, making it looking like suspended
in a moment, while the equipment looks just alike the plunger-type butter churn. Many ritual
texts mention butter churning festivals,218 which could also have a substantial importance for
understanding the role of butter.
211
212
KBo 25.163 v 2-3, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 370.
213
KBO 19.128 i 14-16, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 390.
214
KUB 42.87 iv 4-7, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 174.
215
216
217
K. Powroznik, Vessels for Milk Processing..., 225-233.
218
Some of the texts bearing evidence of the so-called churning festivals are KUB 13.4 and KUB 18.16.
50
We dispose of a text mentioning T,219 the chariot warrior from Kuluppa, whose travel
provisions counted many goods, including five cheeses and five measures of rennet, which
could be used for cheese-making, which already leaves us with a conclusion, that at least the
military class could enjoy cheese. However, cheeses and rennet occur also in goods delivered
by herdsmen to the temple; the text invoked by me previously, while discussing breads and
pastries of the human diet.
The other secular texts enrich this data even stronger; the Hittite laws estimate the price of
one zipattani of butter to one shekel of silver, while two cheeses or three rennets are also
worth one shekel of silver.220 Mentions of sweet milk/cream, could also be found in a personal
letter HKM 84,221 where an unidentified person asks the also unknown recipient to bring five
portions of sweet milk with them. We see then, that dairy products seem to be items available,
especially that they had their fixed prices and summing up the previous paragraph, we know
that one of those, who produced them were the people inhabiting the pastoral areas rather than
the city producers.
4.4 Stews and Soups
Stews and soups have a determinative TU7 and can be divided into two main categories, such
as meat and vegetarian. We already have seen an example of TU7 in the first group of dishes
discussed by me. It is hard to estimate, whether this ideogram defined more or less liquid
foods, thus we cant determine whether TU7 could describe just one of those or generally all
liquid dishes. I shall try to assign them intuitionally.
The vegetarian TU7 could be divided into those based on porridge and those based on beans.
The Hittite gods ate a reasonable amount of porridge; which is reasonable, it has enormous
219
Mr. T, the chariot warrior from Kuluppa, customarly takes these (named individuals), his five provision
carriers (and) one sheep..., one zipattanni- of good lard, five cheeses, five rennets, six PARISU-measures of
wheat flour as food provisions for a journey- KBo 22.1:7-12, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock, H.A. Hoffner et al (eds.),
The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 75.
220
H.A. Hoffner, The Laws..., 144-145.
221
G.M Beckman and H.A. Hoffner, Letters..., 247.
51
health benefits for humans. It is a brilliant source of energy, contains many necessary
microelements and stabilizes the sugar level. It is also a type of food fit for people living on
the high altitudes, because it is relatively cheap and provides with all the health benefits that I
have mentioned above. Furthermore, porridge had a special meaning for the Hittites, who
considered it pure.222 Porridge may either occur in the ritual texts with or without the
determinative: BA.BA.ZA223 or TU7 BA.BA.ZA,224 in which case it is hard to distinguish if
theyre same or two different dishes. We know, though, that porridge was preferably made of
wheat225 or barley226, and that it was advised to cut the groats well to prevent lumps227 while
it would be boiled with water or milk. Porridge could also be sweetened with LL-honey or
with unspecified fruits,228 which not only enhanced the taste but also boosted the energetic
feature of it.
The list of vegetarian stews based on grains is given in KUB 29.4 ii 64,229 where we are
given following stews: TU7 G.GAL- bean stew, TU7 G.GAL.GAL- broad bean stew,
and TU7 G.TUR- lentil stew. There could also be mixed grain-vegetarian stews; using few
kinds of grains and porridge. There are, luckily, some very detailed descriptions of vegetable
stews that give us an idea not only about the main ingredients, but also spicing and cooking
methods and equipment, such as in KBo 4.2 i 9-11:230
Wheat, autumn barley, aarnanza-barley, epit, kara, paruena ewan, lentils, chick peas,
broad beans all of these seeds and coriander they roast in a large bowl. On the top they
extinguish the fire with water.
It is worth underlining that while lentils and cereals are roasted with coriander, the aroma of
the herb is released stronger than if it was added in the boiling process.
222
Let there be no impurity on the deity. (Just as the porridge is pure, so let the deity be pure.)- KBo 23.1 iii 19-
21, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 104.
223
KUB 53.11 obverse i 2, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 238-239.
224
225
KBo 55.94 ii 12, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2013, 400.
226
KUB 12.16 i ? 7-14, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2016, 369.
227
228
229
230
52
Meat stews can be divided into TU7 pittalwan-231 plain stews and all the other stews. It is,
however, impossible to determine what a plain stew was. Because when the meat stews
concerned, we do not have hints hidden in the passages, whether it meant spiceless, meatless
(had only animal fat inside) or had no extra ingredients, such as lentils or beans. Especially,
that in KUB 56.45 ii 13-14232 we have the meat and the stew separated. However, it is rather
a wobbly guess, until we do not decipher what UZUkudur is. We know, however, that except
for a cattle, all kinds of meat were fit for stew-making. We can distinguish: M.GAL
TU7-233 goat stew, sheep stew234 and pig stew.235 These textual evidences also give us a name
of the DUGTUL-236stew pot and reminds us of pots with perforated lids discussed broadly at
the beginning of this chapter (fig. 10.c)
Hittites should be considered good stew-makers. The text says:
They bring forth a sheep and [slaughter] it. They take from it the meat: the breast, thi[gh], the
shin, the front hoof (lit. hand), a set of ribs, one sheeps head, and one sheeps leg(?) (and
they cook it in a stew).237
Putting collagen-rich parts, such as shins, hoofs or any kinds of bones, makes the stew
thickened and strengthens its viscosity. Also the breast, if it is properly cooked, gets very
tender. As for the head, it has eyes and brain that are full of beneficial nutrients. We do not
have the mentions of spicing of any kind, which leaves us with a suggestion, that plain may
simply mean spiceless, while it maintains the mystery, why most of the stews do not have this
word assigned to them, as no details about spicing them are given.
We have no mentions of stews in the secular texts. However, we know that meat was
available, because whole animal and meat prices are known from the law codes, which
231
232
(They cut up a male goat, roast the liver, and cook/stew UZUkudur in a pot)(...) until the goat, the plain stew,
the oil and the cooked meat(?) heat up, (the king goes outside)- KUB 56.45 ii 13-14, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock
et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 359.
233
ibidem.
234
KUB 32.49b ii 16-18, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock, et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 234.
235
KUB 20.13 reverse iv 5, [in:] G. McMahon, The Hittite State ..., 172-173.
236
ibidem.
237
KUB 32.49b ii 16-18, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 234.
53
suggests that sheep and goat meat was the cheapest, while the cattle meat the most
expensive233. Pork prices are not mentioned.
4.5 Broiled Meats
The main cooking method used to process meats for the Hittite gods was broiling. It could
take form of broiling whole organs, body parts or limbs to broiling meat chunks in form of a
kabob. Nonetheless, I will describe the latter ones in the next part of this chapter. Roasting
some chosen parts could be a solution for not wasting those, as the Hittites were practical and
pragmatic people and wouldnt waste any part of the meat, but offer them to gods,
phenomenon could be observed in the given passage:
cut up a male goat, roast the liver, and cook/stew UZUkudur in a pot238
Broiling could be made either on the open flame supported on andirons, which brings back
the mentions of tandirs (fig. 16.g) and hearths (fig. 16.a-c), or they could be prepared in pots,
possibly inside the ovens (fig. 16.d-f)239. Meats used for broiling were: cattle240 and sheep.241
Most frequently broiled parts would be liver and heart, although, legs, ears,242 kidneys, loin243
can be traced and there are also single examples of broiling head and breast.244
It also seems, that meats broiled for gods had a special mixture of olive oil and honey put on
them to flavor them.245 Most of the experimental approaches by Albayrak et al. includes salt,
but it might rather be their interpretation, nevertheless, lack of salt or other spicing methods
than the mixture mentioned above leave us with same questions as we found arising while
speaking about plain stews.
There is only one known example of meat-stuffing within the Hittite texts. It is unknown
whether the sheeps leg described was broiled before, or not, but we know about the stuffing
238
H.G. Gtterbock, Review of J. Friedrich, Die Hethitischen Gesetze, [in:] H.A. Hoffner (ed.), Perspectives on
Hittite Civilization: Selected Writings of Jans Gustav Gtterbock, Chicago 1997, 233-247, table II.
239
240
241
242
243
VBoT 24 iv 23-25, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 14.
244UZU
muarai, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 318.
245
54
of meat chunks and pomegranates put inside of it.246 The rhetoric of the festival text suggests
that it was done on the purpose, as the man, called the client, seems to know the value and
properties of his meal before he receives it, as he kisses it. Therefore, it is hard to imagine that
the Hittites that were devoted to pampering their gods, would on the one side, prepare such
complicated dishes, while on the other, use such a small range of spicing.
As mentioned before, meats were available, as we know their prices, and one comment of
mine that needs to be added related to the use of law codes is that if we find a need of making
a law, means that there is a need for its creation. Then, bringing the meat case again, there
must have been either the problem of understating or overstating meat prices. While the first
one would probably take place much lesser, the second one, I imagine, would be a much
bigger problem, hold some of the poorer classes from buying meats.
There is, however, no mention of any kinds of broiled meats inside the secular texts.
4.6 Kabobs
Kabobs are meat chunks stuffed on skewers and roasted until done. Add to the Hittite food
concept, such kabobs could be made inside then tandir (fig. 16.g), with skewers supported on
andiron on the open hearth (fig. 16.a-d) or in a clay pot inside an oven (fig. 16.e-f) . The
kabobs that were served to the Hittite gods were pieces of fat meat stuffed on the skewers
together with bread pieces. We find an indication for that in KBo 4.9 i 21-24247. I already
have mentioned, that animals fat was highly appreciated by the Hittite gods and it reflected
one of the Hittite citizens biggest dietetic needs.
Albayrak et al. adduce on nals research on some of the Hittite texts mentioning food, and
they reconstruct one of the AN.TA.UM festivals passage, according to which, cold
246
The client kisses the thigh which has been cut open (and) stuffed (with pomegranates and chopped meant-
247
...(and) the aliyami-men line up bread allotments (?); while the cooks stick cooked (broiled) fat (pieces) all
over the bread allotment - KBo 4.9 i 21-24236, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock, H.A. Hoffner et al (eds.), The Hittite
Dictionary..., Chicago 2013, 431.
55
previously-grilled meat-pieces and onion would be placed on the breads and form kind of a
sandwich248.
Here, just like in the previous part, we do not have a data to determine, whether the citizens of
the Hittite kingdom could feast on skewered meat pieces. It naturally, shouldnt be entirely
excluded, as this type of food is not arduous to make, but we do not have enough data to claim
that assuredly.
4.7 Beer and Wine
Beer and wine are two types of alcoholic beverages that always accompanied most of
civilizations within their existence. Prehistoric Anatolia is not an exception to this rule.
The Mesopotamian or Mesopotamia-influenced beers did not contain hop, and were made of
a barley or wheat beer-bread, called BAPPIR; mentioned in the bread section of this chapter
already. BAPPIR would be soaked and germinated, and then mashed, cooked and cooled.
The final step was to leave it for fermentation and place into a huge vat.249 Because of the
sediment, such as sand particles and hulls, beer would be drunk through reed tubes with
double filters, which in the Hittite texts are known by the ideograms GI.A250 or in the Hittite
by GInati or nata-.251 Scenes showing groups of people gathered around the huge drinking vat
and sipping beer through long tubes are known from Sumerian or Akkadian cylinder seals,
but we do have analogical, however very few, scenes from the Bronze Age Anatolian art.
One is painted decoration from a clay pot found during mmamolu Tumulus (fig. 7.a)252
excavations near Malatya, which shows two seated people that apparently drink from the long
248
249
P. Damerlow, Sumerian Beer: The Origins of Brewing Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia, Cuneiform
Digital Library Journal vol. 2 (2012), 1-20.
250
251
nata-, (GI)nati-, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1989, 406.
252
A. Uhri, History of Beer..
http://www.turkish-cuisine.org/drinks-6/alcoholic-drinks-92/beer-94.html.
56
tubes inserted in a beer vat. This image has been dated to EBA. The second scene is from the
Hittite period. It is a decoration of a rhyton (fig. 7.b)253 found in attua, in a form of a
vessel of globular body and a long, wide rim with straws inserted inside of it; a Sumerian
pictogram for beer.
The Hittite gods would await to be offered beer as well. We already know the name of beer-
bread, the half-product used for the beer production, yet I still havent presented more
complex terminology. The most basic ideograms describing beer would be KA or KA.
However, we also have more specified vocabulary that refers to such features, like beers
quality and flavoring additions.
Beer of a lower quality would be hidden by two ideogram combinations; these can be
KA.D.NAG254 or KA.D.A.255 They are commonly interpreted either as cheap, inferior or
thin beer. In my opinion, cheap or thin beer would describe a beer made of poor quality
cereals or diluted with water, as ideogram A has a value of Akkadian m- water.
Nevertheless, this kind of beer would be sacrificed to the gods as well.
Speaking about flavoring beer, the elemental flavoring would be sweetening with honey, thus
making KA.LL.256 Bitter vetch, previously discussed, could be used for flavoring too.
Normally, this grain being so bitter, would need to be boiled few times to remove the
exceeded bitterness and one of infusions created during the boiling, could be used to flavor
beer perhaps.257 In my opinion, they maybe wanted to achieve similar taste properties to those
of our modern beer, which we do today by using hop.
Beer would be a compensation that the offender should pay to the claimant in some cases,
such as impressing someones properties.258
Inside the personal letter from Tarunmiya to Adad-bli,259 his brother, we have mentions
253
A. Albayrak et. al., Hittite Cookery..., 82, fig. 6.
254
KUB 46.30:12, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2013, 355.
255
KUB 35.142 i! 8-9, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2013, 355.
256
iear, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 2013, 358.
257
I libate one small vessel of KA.GAG.A beer [with an infusion(?)] of bitter vetch- KBo 13.101 i 11-15, [in:]
H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 11.
258
H.A. Hoffner, The Laws..., 132.
259
G.M Beckman and H.A. Hoffner, Letters..., 218.
57
of the beer bread being sent to Adad-bli together with other goods, including malt.
Beer should have been a common drink in the Hittite world; the cereal accessibility and ease
of preparation could be some factors behind it. Whats more, beer had been also a culturally-
linked drink in the Mesopotamian area. To give an example, beer, food and love-making are
the attributes of humanity in Epic of Gilgamesh, as well as, beers intoxicating properties
were valued too. It was also a women- and home-linked drink; often, women inhabiting the
areas between Tigris and Euphrates rivers, would prepare beer at home from fixed cereal
ratios. Thus, bearing in mind strong Akkadian influence in period of transition between the
Middle Bronze and Late Bronze Age, the similar idea should not be disclaimed here.
Wine was another alcoholic beverage attested in the Hittite ritual texts. Known by
an ideogram GETIN, it was a common libation drink and libations with wine often included
the direct participation of ritual attendants; a symbolical sharing of sacrifice between gods and
nobles.260 We have numerous scenes of offering and libation either with wine or beer in the
Hittite iconography, such as those from the 3rd and 4th register of nandktepe or Hseyndede
(fig. 1.c) vase (fig. 2.b,d),261 Kayalpnar relief (fig. 6)262 and Alacahyk orthostat reliefs
(fig. 5.b), or Hittite stag-shaped (fig. 4)263 and fist-shaped drinking vessels (fig. 5b).264 They
either show a person or a couple- divine or human, seated and holding their hands in a gesture
of raising cups ready to drink; or they show a person libating wine on the floor, in front of the
deity.
Just as in the case of beer, we also have terms describing wines quality and flavoring. Thusly,
we can distinguish following quality markers: inkatta- good,265 pda- of second quality,266
or prkuin- undiluted.267
Regarding flavoring, I have decided to include two descriptions showing a different range of
additions that could be put into the gods wine. The first one says:
260
261
T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., fig. 3.2, fig. 4.2.
262
A. Mller-Karpe, Recent Research ..., fig. 19.
263
T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., fig. 4.11.
264
H.G. Gtterbock and T. Kendall, A Hittite Silver Vessel..., fig. 3.8.
265
266
267
KUB 36.110 rev.6-7, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 164.
58
And fills it (DUGupuwai) with wine, plain olive oil and honey...268
If olive is added into wine, it would be floating on the top, unlike honey, that melts down,
therefore the first addition seems to be vague to me.
The second description provokes even more confusion:
The practitioner takes a little bit of cedar resin, honey, .GI, and .DG.GA and drips them
into a cup of wine, and then with the gangati-plant she sprinkles wine nine times upward
toward the gods.269
This may illustrate the problem that we have with the interpretation of the Hittite ritual texts,
when it comes to food illustrated in them; sometimes the borderline needs to be made between
what is strictly the ritual matter and what could be real, beforehand thought-out meals.
However, thing that is worth underlining is the use of cedar resin, supposedly for preserving
and flavoring effects, if we assume of course, that we deal here with a realistic description.
Cedar is a very aromatic tree and adding its resin would boost the wine with pine-like aroma.
The texts mention also GETIN.KU7-sweet wine,270 the remaining question is, howbeit, what
was used for sweetening it, as it lacks LL- honey ideogram next to it. Perhaps, the
sweetness was the result of different fermentation by keeping the residual sugar unfermented
or by adding it later. Use of resin as a preservative has strong archaeological foundations;
resin is found in Hajji Firuz Tepe271 wine residues from the Neolithic period or in Bronze Age
Greece.272
One, rarely mentioned, very bizarre term is KA.GETIN- beer-wine.273 Also, there are
many unidentified drinks in the Hittite texts, that, in my opinion, could be either other
fermented drinks or herbal infusions. Some of them are more definable, because they use
determinative, such as KA, but nothing else can be said about them, but the fact that they are
beer derivatives.
Vineyards were protected by the law; the stealing plants or devastating somebodys vineyards
268
269
270
271
P. McGovern, Ancient Wine: The Search for the Origins of Viniculture, Princeton 2007, 69-70.
272
M.K. Jones, Archaeology Meets Science: Biomolecular Investigations in Bronze Age Greece, Oxford 2008.
273
59
were punished by the law. The prices of wines had also be fixed, unsurprisingly.274 Vineyards,
also, occupied a proper amount of lands, according to T.V. Gamkrelidze and V.V. Ivanov,
who support their idea based on the land deeds.275 Wine was undoubtedly drunk at the Hittite
court, by the king and his closest subjects, although, it may not be that clear in case of lower-
class citizens. According to Schoop, large jars found in the Hittite houses, could store liquids
such as water or wine. This alcoholic beverage merchandise was also a lucrative job; high
status of people engaged in it could be attested by the stele showing assumed wine-merchant
and his wife. This funerary stele found in Kahranmara (fig. 8)276 is dated to the so-called
Neo-Hittite period, thus post-imperial, presents man and his wife. She holds a mirror, a well-
known magical object, while he holds a grapes. Not only mans attribute was the determiner
for interpreting it as a wine-merchant but also the fact, that he could afford to build a
memorial to him and his wife.
Finally, wine could also be a significant tribute; in Annuals of Murili II277 we find a fragment
that informs us about good wine being delivered to attua from the cities of Kapperi,
Karauwa and uma. Nevertheless, I would rather exclude a common consumption of wine
among the low-classes, because of its worth and availability. Beer had been a long-attested
alcoholic drink prevailing in all classes, while its preparation was a recipe known and
accessible to everyone due to cereal abundance.
274
G. Hames, Alcohol in the World History, Oxon 2012, 15.
275
T.V. Gamkrelidze and V.V. Ivanov, Indo-European and Indo-Europeans: A Reconstruction and Historical
Analysis of a Proto-Language and a Proto-Culture. Part I. The Text, Berlin 1995, 561.
276
E. Akurgal, The Hattian and Hittite Civilizations, Ankara 2001, 260-261, fig. 178.
277
KUB 19.37 iii 48, [in:] H.G. Gtterbock et al (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary..., Chicago 1997, 255.
60
Final Conclusions
The Hittite society, with most of its aspects, seems to be the entity internally consistent;
it ostensibly seems an image with a clear borderline. However, having a closer look at what
information it provides us, the image gets discrepant. Cuisine serves here as one of the media
for perceiving this phenomenon. Yet, it is still a blurred image.
The ritual literature from Late Bronze Age Anatolia is the main source used for the culinary
reconstruction, although, just like with the Hittite society as whole, it is not consistent.
What could be observed throughout all the textual evidence presented here, is that most of
the descriptions of food of gods pans out into coherent and realistic combinations.
Furthermore, the discovery of the utilitarian pottery and combining it with those descriptions
results in a much deeper insight onto either the nature of the ways of cooking, but also the
nature of the Hittite religion itself. On the other hand, we also stumble upon foods that may
play a clearly symbolic or ritualistic way; ones completely obscure to us. This may give rather
a discouraging message to those, that attempt on reconstructing the Hittite food based on
the diet of gods.
Needless to say, the Hittite religion meeting the society also gives a very uneven model.
Purity played a huge role in the Hittite religion; this statement has been based on the
instructions for the temple staff studied by McMahon,278 although, we see that the rules it
listed seem to have a somewhat fluctuating nature. It is enough to bring here the question of
pigs-animals considered unclean from the religious point of view, however, could they also
be sacrificed to the Hittite gods. Another contradiction is, when we make a retrospection to
the passage from Prayer of Kantuzzili- CTH 373 that has been introduced at the beginning of
my thesis:
What is Holy to my god and is not right for me to eat,
I have never eaten and I did not thereby defile my body 279
The words assigned to Kantuzzili suggest us a strong borderline between what food was
exclusively divine and what food was exclusively human, yet we have observed how these
278
G. McMahon, Instructions to priests..., 217-221.
279
CTH 373 3.3-14, [in:] I. Singer, Hittite Prayers, Leiden 2002, 32.
61
two traditions could blend, for example in a form of NINDA.RIN-soldiers bread, or in god-
drinking tradition introduced by Heffron.280
Whats more, according to archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological reports I have used in my

work, we see a valid compatibility between the textual and biological terms, which indicates
that many of the literature-present food ingredients were available for more than divine or
even the noble class, such as in case of Kinet Hyk inhabitants.281 Same can be observed
while utilitarian pottery and cooking structures concerned. Discussing the foods, I have
noticed that many ingredients, such as pigs lard or wine have their fixed prices, which
means they were available for purchase, also other products occur in another secular texts.
Yet, the problem that may rather be outlined than ever fully responded, is if these products
available on market were same or similar to those used in the temple, as they occur behind the
same name. Mentions of herdsmen delivering some foodstuff to the temple might be a clue,
nevertheless, the temple had its own staff, kitchens and conditions to prepare foods for gods.
Whats also striking, is that in many cases of foods appearing in the Hittite ritual texts, they
reflect the most crucial natural needs of the inhabitants of the Central Anatolian Plain, which
brings me to the question from the Introduction part of my thesis. Despite the discrepancies
noticed throughout the writing process, I believe that the Hittite ritual literature presents real
dishes that were prepared for gods and were a reflection of human diet. The cooking
vocabulary and methods match the pottery and cooking installations described in Chapter II,
as well as, the way most of ingredients are mixed in the Hittite texts invokes the way they
have been mixed till today. The existence of few, yet convincing, traces in iconography makes
my statement more reliable.
However, it is impossible to determine clear differences between the divine and human diet;
substantial prevalence of the ritual texts over the secular ones is the main factor behind it.
The existence of similar ingredients or pottery in disposal is not a factor that could be decisive
to us, until we do not have enough secular data or the firsthand testimonies, such as the letters;
the latter one highly unrealistic, taking into account the fact, that most of the inhabitants of
the Hittite kingdom were illiterate. While the literate ones did not belong to the lowest classes.
Notwithstanding, I believe, that a big dose of quasi-recipes presented in the Hittite texts are
reflection of what was really eaten, but they represent foods of different classes. As written in
280
281
. izer, Archaeobotanical..., 12-18.
62
the Introduction, we cant assume that people who inhabited the Hittite palaces could eat the
same food as the herdsmen. The idea of food depending on classes was in some measure
underlined by B.J. Collins282 in her article about the presence of pigs as the ritual food to gods
patronizing the ordinary people. Foods were shared by gods and representatives of all classes;
aspect noticeable in foods being delivered to the temples, used as a compensation in the
lawsuits or, finally, as soldier payment.
The gods diet could have represented a phenomenon introduced at the very beginning of this
thesis, which is amalgamation. Yet implementing the law of probability to make an interclass
division of those foods is way too risky in presence of lack of enough secular data, and a
further work on the food or cooking terms yet undecipherable.
To sum up, the Hittite ritual data presents factors reliable to use it as source for
reconstruction; it mentions methods, ingredients and the equipment used for cooking,
which combined with archaeological data brings promising results. Nevertheless, in face
of scarcity of the secular data, it can not be used as an undeniable tool for deciphering the
dietetic differences between the foods of human and gods in the Hittite world.
282
B.J. Collins, Pigs at the Gate..., 155-157.
63
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The Transformation from Bronze to Iron Ages in Anatolia and its Neighbouring Regions, stanbul,
167-178.
2011 Hittite Pottery: A Summary, [in:] H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.), Insights into Hittite History and
Archaeology. Colloquia Antiqua 2, Leuven, 241-275.
2013 Objects of Daily Life, Objects of Distinction: The Study of Hittite Pottery ,[in:] M. Doan-Alparslan
and M. Alparslan (eds.), Hititler. Bir Anadolu mparatoluu, stanbul, 356-371.
Singer, I.
2002 Hittite Prayers, Leiden.
Sel, M.
2008 Ortaky/Sapinuwa antik kenti, ailn blgesinde yeni alimar, [in:] A. Archi and R. Francia (eds.),
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici Vol. L-2008. VI Congresso Internazionale di Ittitilogia, Roma 5-9
Settembre 2005. Parte II, Roma, 721-727.
Uhri, A.
2000 Bati Anadolu Erken Tun anda Mutfak Kltr Asndan Ocak ve Frnlar, zmir.
2016 History of Beer in Anatolia and Near East, Turkish Cultural Foundation:
http://www.turkish-cuisine.org/drinks-6/alcoholic-drinks-92/beer-94.html
nal, A.,
1985 Bertrge zum Fleischverbrauch in der hethitischen Kche: Philologische Anmerkungen zu Einer
Untersuchung von A. von den Driesch und J. Boessneck uber die Tierknochenreste aus Bohazky-
Hattua , Orientalia nr 54 (1985), 419-438.
1999 The Hittites and Anatolian Civilizations, stanbul.
2007 Eski Yemekleri Hititler ve ada Toplumlarda Mutfak Kltr, stanbul.
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Van Den Hout, T.P.J.
2011 The Written Legacy of the Hittite, [in:] H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.), Insights into Hittite History and
Archaeology. Colloquia Antiqua 2, Leuven, 47-85.
Van Herpen, W.
2012 Hittite chefs risk death to feed goods, Hurriyet Daily News, December 12, 2012,
<http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/hittite-chefs-risk-death-to-feed-
gods.aspx?pageID=238&nID=37626&NewsCatID=379>
Wright, J.
2004 A Survey of Evidence for Feasting in Mycenaean Society, Hesperia vol. 73 (2004), 133-178.
Yldrm, T.
2008 New Scenes from the Second Relief Vase from Hseyindede and their Interpretation in the Light of the
Hittite Interpretative Art, [in:] A. Archi and R. Francia (eds.), Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici.
Volume L-2008. VI Congresso Internazionale di Ittitilogia, Roma 5-9 Settembre 2005. Parte II, Roma,
837-850.
Zimmer-Vorhaus, C.
2011 Hittite Temples: Palaces of the Gods, [in:] H. Genz and D.P. Mielke (eds.), Insights into Hittite History
and Archaeology. Colloquia Antiqua 2, Leuven, 195-219.
.
70
Illustrations:
Fig. 1 Hseyndede Vases:
a) Animals carried to the ritual killing: unidentified artiodactyl animal, ibex (?), cattle (?).
(source: T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., fig. 3.1)
b) Bull carried for the ritual killing. c)Libation scene

(source: T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., fig. 2.2) (source: T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., fig. 5.3)
Fig. 2 nandktepe Vases:
a) Scene from the 4th register showing butter-churning b) Libation scene

71
c) Scene from the 4th register showing cooking d) Libation scene from the 3rd register
Fig. 3 Norbert Schimmel Collections stag-shaped vessel:
Libation and offering scene showing the seated divinity and the offerants (smaller figures on the right) offering drinks and
bread. (source: B.J. Collins, Hero, Field Master..., fig. 6)
Fig. 4 Hittite Fist-Shaped Vessel from Boston Museum of Fine Arts:
Scene showing king (figure holding kalmu-curved staff) libating wine for the Stormgod
(H.G. Gtterbock and T. Kendall, A Hittite Silver Vessel..., fig. 3.7)
72
Fig. 5 Orthostats from Alacahyk:
a) Relief showing animals carried to a ritual killing: b) Scene of offering the wine to the Stormgod.
goats (?) (two individuals in the upper part and the left (source: T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., fig. 4.6)
one in the lower part) and ibex (?) (the right one in the
lower part). (source: T. Yldrm, New Scenes..., fig. 4.6)
Fig. 6 Relief From Kayalpnar: Fig. 7 Beer consumption:
Scene of the seated deity drinking from the cup a) Scene showing beer consumption
(source: A. Mller-Karpe, Recent Research...,fig. 19) (source: A. Uhri, History of Beer in Anatolia and Near East:
http://www.turkish-cuisine.org/drinks-6/alcoholic-drinks-92/beer-94.html)
73
Fig. 8 Tombstone found in Kahramanmara:
Sumerian beer pictogram Tombstone depicting wine merchant (holding grapes

(source: A. Albayrak et. al., Hittite Cookery...,fig.6) and his wife holding a mirror.
(source: E. Akurgal, The Hattian..., fig. 178)
Fig. 9 Pithoi:
a) Pithoi in the storage room inside the palace b) Pithoi from Ortaky
in Maat Hyk (source: A. Albayrak et. al., Hittite Cookery..., 74)
(source: D.P. Mielke, Maat Hyk and..., fig. 4)
74
c) Storage complex from nandktepe. d) Storage complex from Building B in Ortaky
(source: D.P. Mielke, Maat Hyk and..., fragment ogfig. 8) (source:U.D. Schoop, Hittite Pottery..., 8.4)
Fig. 10 Cooking Pots:
a) Cooking pots with internal rim-thickening and external rim-thickening.

(source: U.D. Schoop, Dating the Hittites..., fig.4 C-D)
75
b) Tosya c) Alacahyk
(orum Museum Digital Collection) (source: A. Albayrak et. al., Hittite Cookery..., 56)
d) attua
(source: A. Albayrak et. al., Hittite Cookery..., 60)
Fig. 11 Baking plates:
a) attua b) Kuakl
(source: U.D. Schoop, Dating the Hittites..., fig.4 E) (source: D.P. Mielke, Die Keramik..., fig. 131)
76
c) attua
(source:U.D. Schoop, Hittite Pottery..., 2)
Fig. 12 Cheese-making vessels: Fig. 13 Butter-making vessels:
Ortaky An example of few such vessels found in Kaman-Kalehyk

(source: own photo) ( source: K. Powroznik, Vessels for Milk Processing..., fig. 2)
77
Fig. 14 Braziers and cookers:
a) Alacahyk b) attua c) attua; teapot supported on the

(orum Museum Digital Collection) (orum Museum Digital Collection) cooker.
(orum Museum Digital Collection)
Fig. 15 Silo Complexes:
a) attua-reconstruction drawing b) Kuakl-reconstruction drawing

(source:W. Drfler et al, Enviroment and Economy..., fig. 5) (source: D.P. Mielke, Hittite Cities..., 177, fig. 8.1)
78
Fig. 16 Hearths and ovens:
a) EBA hearth (ocak) from Demircihyk b) EBA hearth from Karata-Semayk

(source: A. Uhri, Bati Anadolu..., fragment of pl. 26) (source: A. Uhri, Bati Anadolu..., 135, pl.45)
c) LBA hearth from nandktepe

(source: D.P. Mielke, Maat Hyk and...,fragment of fig. 8)
79
d) Plan of the Stele Building at Kilise Tepe, the hearth was placed at the central spot of the Room 3
(source: P.R.W. Popkin, Hittite Animal Sacrifice..., Fig. 2)
e) EBA Ovens (frn) from Karata-Semayk.

(source: A. Uhri, Bati Anadolu..., fragment of pl. 48)
80
f) Ovens from nandktepe
(source: D.P. Mielke, Maat Hyk and...,fragment of fig. 8)
g) Tandirs from EBA Troy.

(source: A. Uhri, Bati Anadolu..., pl. 22)
81

The Food of Gods and Humans in The Hitti PDF

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University of Warsaw

The Faculty of History

The Food of Gods and Humans

Data Podpis kierujcego prac

Owiadczenie autora (autorw) pracy

Owiadczam rwnie, e przedstawiona praca nie bya wczeniej przedmiotem procedur

Owiadczam ponadto, e niniejsza wersja pracy jest identyczna z zaczon wersj

Data Podpis autora (autorw) pracy

Chapter II The History of Research, Historical and Archaeological Resources

Chapter III The Natural and Agricultural Landscape;

3.2 Animal Husbandry...........................................................................35

Chapter IV An Overview of the Foods inside the Hittite Texts...........................40

4.4 Stews and Soups..............................................................................51

4.5 Broiled Meats...................................................................................54

4.7 Beer and Wine.................................................................................56

However, to have a better understanding of the contents examined by this work,

1.3 Religion and Society

2.1 The History of Research

2.2 Historical Data

2.2.1 Religious Texts

2.2.2 Secular Texts

2.3 Material Data

3.1 Cultivated Crops

3.1.2 Fruits and Vegetables

Reliable archaeobotanical reconstruction of fruits and vegetables is much harder than it is

apple(malus domestica): GIAUR KBo 10.34 i 15-18

foreign apple GIAUR.KUR.RA KBo 10.34 i 15-18

date (phoenix dactyfilera) GIZ.LUM.MA HT 42 rev. 15 not found

fig (ficus carica) GIPE KBo 10.34 i 15-18

grape (vitis L.): GIGETIN KBo 10.34 i 15-18

olive (olea europaea L.) GISERDUM KBo 10.34 i 15-18

pomegranate (punica granatum L.) GINURMA KBo 10.34 i 15-18

tamarisk (tamarix gallica) GIINIG KBo 5.2 i 59-61 not found

(prunus species) not found KK

broad beans (vicia faba) G.GAL.GAL KUB 29.4 ii 64

chickpeas (cicer arietinum) G.GAL KUB 12.26 iii 17-19

pea (pisum sativum) not found MA KK, KS

cucumber (cucumis sativus) KU KUB 7.53 49

bitter garlic (allium sativum) AZZANNUGI KUB 29.7 rev. 30-32

leek (allium ampeloprasum) GA.RASSAR KUB 24.7 ii 5 not found

onion (allium cepa) ANDAU KUB 29.7 rev 30-32

3.1.3 Oleaginous Plants and Herbs and Spices

cedar (cedrus libani) GIERIN KUB 43.58 ii 36-38 not found

sesame oil (sesamum indicum) .GI KBo 15.24 ii 41-44

coriander (coriandrum sativum) E.LSAR KBo 4.2 i 9-11

crocus (bufo crocus)122 AN.TAH.UMSAR ________________ not found

garden cress (lepidium sativum) Z.A.LISAR KUB 29.4 ii 64

asafoetida (ferula asafoetida) NU.LU.A KBo 14,142 iii 31-34

salt MUN KUB 1, 13 ii 26-28

3.2.2 Sheep and Goats

4.1 Cooking Terminology in the Hittite Language

Cooking activity Hittite verb Exemplary text occurence

to brew, to ferment [ma]ranuwamman (?) KUB 1.13 ii 26-30

to butcher, cut up, divide,

to drain, to release over tarna- KBo 15.10 iii 64-65

to drink eku- IBoT 1.1 iv 20-22

to form pp(a)- KUB 55.43 obverse iii

to knead alk- KUB 7.1 ii 1

to libate ipant- KUB 32.49a ii 3-4

to roast with fire paur- KUB 11.35 v 16

sprinkle pappar- KUB 43.58 ii 36-38

to stuff a- KBo 19.142 iii 42-45

The last verb discussed by me in a broader context is [ma]ranuwamman with an obscure