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Primary Things. Land. Work. and Sign
Primary Things. Land. Work. and Sign
The Roman Bridge across the Ucero on the way into Osma.
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1 ne cnesterron Keview
which we met for McNabb's anniversary. She had walked to work in Tot-
tenham Court Road across the fields before the church was built, was later
married by Father John Leather, and my parents' marriage as well as our
own was celebrated in the same church. So my own connections, i f not
my memory, went back a long way. An early abiding impression was a
puzzle over the fine lettering of the war memorial in the church, lettering
by Eric Gill and Joseph Cribb, and the fact that so many had died. I also
thought of Father Columba Ryan and Father Simon Blake with their large
wooden cross entering the priory at the end of the peace pilgrimage from
Belgium in 1947; of Corpus Christi processions (with, interestingly for
those days, the local Salvation Army band); of the peculiar rolling gait of
the processions of the Guild of the Blessed Sacrament, seeming as i f they
were composed exclusively of former sailors; of the obscure Sunday af-
ternoon "churching of women," a rite whose obscurity was compounded
by my hearing it as "the churning of women."
It is harder to imagine the English Catholic world of that period, of-
ten a right-little, tight-little mission from the mainland of Christendom,
for whom Belloc's mindless slogan: "Europe is the faith, the faith is Eu-
rope" was still in mind. There is an even larger gap in the earlier part of
the century, where, for instance, plain writing and public speaking, and a
Catholic world of syllogisms and slogans, had a role which is hard to re-
capture now. It might then have been said of McNabb, as it was of his ad-
versary Dean W.R. Inge of St. Paul's Cathedral, that he was a pillar of the
church and two columns of the Evening Standard. Though so effective at
the time, these things leave little record now. But it is not just a recalling
that we should be concerned with, but rather a recovery and learning from
that recent but distant past, an inquiry into what bearings our predecessors
may yet offer us in a new context. Father McNabb once said: " I often ad-
mire the efficiency of the modern world. It does not know where it is go-
ing, but it is going there very e f f i c i e n t l y . T h i s remark represents his
characteristically astringent and penetrating humour, or what Philip Ha-
green called "the icy torrent of his jeremiads." ^ McNabb's sentiment was
shared by Gill and Jones but, overall, their emphases were distinct in their
responses to a world which they perceived and felt to be a world gone
mad and in their attempt to return to, and draw from, what they saw as vi-
tal elements of Christian sanity in the right ordering of Hfe. Given the ex-
traordinary range of his activities and interests, which in areas of ecu-
menism and social justice more than once got him into trouble with the
Vatican, McNabb is now thought of as a controversialist with the fugitive
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Primary Things: Land, Work and Sign
record that such activities leave. It seems to me that his lasting influence
is inextricably bound up with the Ditchling "thing"Kipling's line "It is
not given for goods or gear but for the thing" appears in Hilary Pepler's
dedication of The Devil's Devices (1915) to Chesterton, Gill and Edward
Johnstone. There is the wider context of Hilaire Belloc, the Catholic Land
Association, and Distributisman heroically radical critique of moder-
nity from within official Cathohc social (interesting word, not "political")
teaching (another interesting word). I am not sure that McNabb's work
will stand on its own outside that context.
In their responses to the efficiency of the modem world, for the three
figures discussed here, it is the mark of humanity that we are free and ra-
tional beings insofar as we control our work. What I want to clarify is
what Hilary Pepler called McNabb's "magnificent obsession" with Ditch-
ling. I suggest that the extremism of his focus upon "the Land" as the
basis, at times the sole basis, of such freedom tended to undermine the
lasting importance of his teaching. McNabb's condemnation of the cen-
tralising efficiency of the modern world is consistent, and in line with the
views of Belloc and Chesterton. Replying to critics in 1914, he exclaimed,
"It is quite evident that the existing state of things is substantially what
Socialism is condemned for proposing to bring i n ! A n d in May, 1943, a
few weeks before his death. Father McNabb recounted with great glee to
Harold Robbins, the Editor of The Cross and the Plough, a recent conver-
sation with one of Beveridge's senior aides in planning post-war recon-
struction in which he had urged that there were only two kinds of soci-
etythe free and the unfree. The free society was so in virtue of its highly
distributed property. The unfree could be either Capitalist or Commu-
nistall men worked for wages at the dictation of others and were, there-
fore, unfree. Names were irrelevant; the only test was freedom and prop-
erty.^ In this connection, he never deviated from Belloc's The Servile
State.
For McNabb, it was obvious that "The chief function of the philoso-
pher is to justify the intuition or the common sense of the average man," ^
and he had no doubt what this intuition and common sense had to say of
the primary things of life. Above all, "The Family, not the Individual, is
the unit of the Nation."'^ Family and farm are for McNabb indissolubly
hnked, as they were not for Belloc and Chesterton or for Gill and Jones.
Yet there is an important difference of focus for McNabb and the Catholic
Land Association, who believed that the farm is the unit of production;
and the family is the unit of the farm.^ The pursuit of the small-scale was
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not merely beautiful, since "for purposes of social survival the large,
wide-spread, mass-moulded is not as efficient as the smaller organiza-
tion." 9 A stress upon self-subsistence is another distinctive characteristic
of McNabb's position. Farming is for the family hearth, not for the mar-
ket: pro foco non pro foro agri colendi was carved by Laurie Cribb for
McNabb's memorial stone in the chapel at Ditchling. Thus, "Farmers
should farm primarily for self-support. They should sell as little as possi-
ble and buy as little as possible." These general principles of a return to
the land were seen as peculiarly important and urgent for the almost
wholly urban Catholic population. It was only by land settlement in
groups that the faith could be preserved and from such land settlements
the general drift to industrial nemesis could be averted. Father McNabb
writes:
in our town conditions we are beaten; we are beginning to com-
promise on the moral code, because we are beaten by those con-
ditions. The normal family life is now defending heroic virtue
you should never from the average person demand more than
average virtue, and if, in those conditions, your family life, which
should be average and normal, has now become heroic, you must
get out of them.
This stress upon the self-subsistent family unit combines with other
themes to make up McNabbian economics. Among these I wish to high-
light three; his thinking on production, on markets, and on tokens.
Perhaps the most enduringly radical of all his principles was one that
cuts across nearly all the varieties of modem economics and has a bearing
upon current environmental concerns. Something like it may be present in
Kropotkin's Fields, Factories and Workshops and other anarchist think-
ing, but McNabb is the only person I can think of who articulated it so
forcefully and so often. The use of the family and of self-subsistence as
the yardsticks of everything else led him to give as much emphasis to con-
sumption as to production. I f these are to be kept together as far as possi-
ble in the family farm, then a more general re-thinking of their global re-
lationship is entailed. The consequence is that
The area of population should be as far as possible coterminous
with the area of consumption. The utilitarians were wrong in say-
ing things should be produced where they can be most economi-
cally produced. The true principle is: things should he produced
where they can he most economically consumed.
This principle is one that was missed by both CapitaUst and Marxist eco-
nomics and one that, along with some other Distributist positions that had
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The concerns that I have tried to sketch here need some disentangling
from their context in the 1920s and 1930s, from a too sharp and dismis-
sive contrast between Chartres and "the world of petrol-pumps and the
city of Manchester," 40 or between the ambiguities of fear of "the money
power," and very personal associations. There is such a lapse, it seems to
me, when Jones asserts that "Ruling out all romantic illusions, it is unde-
niable that 'the trenches' are objectively a 'better' life than that to which
vast numbers are condemned by their avocations in the 'peace-time'
world of today." Is there, in a great poem like A,a,a, Domine Deus, a
move from regret to premature resignation as Jones finds the functional
beauty of towers of glass and steel wonderfully impressive but dead, with
no sign of God's presence amongst us, "a confession of failure by one
who tried his hardest?" And now . . . ? The transformation that Gill,
Jones, and McNabb longed for failed. "Of course it has failed," we are al-
most inevitably led to add. But are those central issues illuminated by
them even more marginal than they seemed to the bulk of their contempo-
raries? The Leviathan against which they pitted themselves seems protean
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Primary Things: Land, Work and Sign
and ubiquitous on scales that they perhaps foresaw, but that they did not
experience. To take just two current commonplaces, eighty percent of
food in Britain comes from supermarkets and sixty percent of that from
just six companies. The early form of conglomerate companies which
they detected and detested in L C I . has moved to the world of the trans-
national corporation with budgets and profits dwarfing those of whole
countries and even continents.
Against this state of things, one can set the increased concern of the
churches for justice, a concern expressed in fitful but extraordinary ways,
the communes of the Welsh hills, the greater number of people making
and trading their own products. It is more than saving one's soul with fret-
work; yet there are, at times it would seem, irresistible, forces destructive
of the sense of form in our civilisation. I should like to comment on two
of these, two linked aspects of what David Jones calls the " f i x " that we
are inand not just "in," but which are in us as part of ourselves, our
sense of ourselves. "The Break" that David Jones spoke of was located by
Jacques Maritain (fresh from the monarchism of UAction Frangaise) in
the three "Rs" of the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the Revolution of
1789. But it is from this last that the sense of individual human rights has
moved inescapably and powerfully to be a central pre-occupation of ours.
The Revolution also issued, for the first time in history, I think, in the
conscription of the nation. With citizens at war, the soldier and the civil-
ian are fused, and total war becomes possible. There seems to be some
fateful linkage between the individual, the modem state, and the all-out
warfare against which the attempt to think of persons rather than individu-
als is a necessary but insufficient effort.
Secondly, to think of our own society over the twenty years since
David Jones's death, and the fifty or so since the deaths of Gill and McNabb,
one can see a superficially contradictory combination of atomisation of
experience and centralisation of power. It was a dictum of Margaret
Thatcher that there is no such thing as society; and, at times, it would
seem that this is so in everyday experience with the glorification of indi-
vidual consumption, the flicking from one television channel to another,
the bizarrely fascinating public spectacle of private sex in the cinema. At
the same time, there have been major shifts of power from local to central
government, of corporations regularly switching factories from country to
country in order to save labour costs. There has been a wholesale loss of
intermediate organisations for which the proliferation of self-help groups
is often only a desperate substitute.
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As Owen Dudley Edwards pointed out to me, ironically for Shewring, his
splendidly produced book was printed in Massachusetts and shipped to
England. For myself, I cannot be that life that they longed for and par-
tially lived; but, without it as a bench-mark, a point of reference, we seem
in danger of losing our bearings. What new forms the link of, say, medita-
tion and community, or the hunger after justice and the hunger after form,
w i l l take is unclear. As they said, we cannot but seek the Beauty of God.
Nevertheless, for us these things are not one, not yet, not by any means.
^ This paper is based on talks given at the Fiftieth Anniversary Celebration of Fr.
Vincent McNabb at St. Dominic's Priory, London, June 1993, and at the Dominican
Peace Activists' Summer School, Keswick, July 1993.
^ "Voluntary v Compulsory Co-operation," The Cross and the Plough 1/3, 1935,
p. 7.
3 Robert Speaight, The Life of Eric Gill, London, 1966, p. 142.
4 The Tablet, 3.1, 1914.
^ The Cross and the Plough, 15/2, 1948, p. 16.
^ Frontiers of Faith and Reason, London, 1937, p. viii.
Francis Thompson and Other Essays, London, 1936, p. 74. I have made the
twelve point thesis here a focus for what follows.
^ Vincent McNabb, "The Family," in Flee to the Fields, The Faith and Works of
the Catholic Land Movement; a Symposium, London, 1934, p. 100.
^ Ihid,^. 104.
Francis Thompson, p. 7.
"Voluntary v Compulsory Co-operation," p. 8.
Francis Thompson, p. 74.
"Mass-production in Agriculture," Nazareth or Social Chaos, London, 1933,
p. 83.
Francis Thompson, p. 74.
Letter to Hilary Pepler, 26.5, 1931, in Pepler's "Handwork or Landwork," the
"Father Vincent McNabb Memorial Number" of Blackfriars, vol. 24, August, 1943,
p. 307.
"A Ditchling Jubilee," ms. Dominican archive; this article, c.1941, was for The
Weekly Review. I have not traced the exact publication details.
^'^ In Pepler, "Handwork or Landwork," p. 307.
Philip Mairet, Autobiographical and Other Papers, Carcanet, Manchester,
1981, p. 125.
Hilda C. Graef, ch. 13 "Back to the Land?" From Fashions to the Fathers, the
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