ART AND THE STUDY OF EARLY ENGLISH DRAMA” Lawrence J, Ross (Howard University) Tam glad to have the opportunity to speak to this group about a relatively neglected class of studies involving the varied and com plex relationships between art and drama, Those can, I think, be of importance to historical consideration of the early English drama. For various reasons, a literary emphasis has dominated studies of this rama, The result has been an insufficient attention to the visual aspects of the theatric art, and also a delayed recognition of the considerable importance traditions evidenced in art are likely to have for criticisn of plays composed in periods which assumed and cultivated @ close interrelation of the arts and the habit of seeing the intelligible in the visible. This afternoon I should like to present a modest series of examples fllustrative of some of the kinds of relationships between art and drama discoverable in the materials, By means of these, it may be possible to suggest their potential usefulness in scholarly investi- gation of the early drama, I should say in advance that most of these examples are relatively simple, and that my selections and development of argument about them have necessarily been dictated by our inmediate Purposes and limited tine, I will not be able to pursue very far the implications of any one or illustrate methodology in any detail. Prefatory comment is also required by the preponderance of medieval and Shakespearean illustrations. This is largely due to the emphasis of my om recent work. But for the medieval material there is additional justification worthy of note, Renaissance problems of dramatic toonography have, I believe, to be understood against the back- ground provided ty the continuity of the English native dramatic tradi- tion; and certainly the medieval situation is prerequisite to an adequate understanding of the complex transformations of iconographic traditions in the Renaissance, As students of drama, wo turn to art perhaps first in the hope of discovering direct or oblique theatrical document, Art historians * In presenting hie remarks at the Washington meting, Professor Ross had the benefit of a slide projector, as references in the text indi- cate, The Editor regrets that, owing to the circumstances of publica~ tion, it has not been possible to furnish the illustrations which should properly accompany a paper of this nature. =35-~%- encourage us by their having had to reckon with the fact that at vari~ ous times the theatre unquestionably did influence art.! Among the sorts of evidence leading their inquiries in this direction are patent breaks with earlier iconographic tradition correspondent with contemporary theatrical representation, as in this tenth century ivory of the Resurrection, where costune and properties have been affected ty the Liturgical drama (fig. 1); the conflation of episodes of a shared narrative without precedent in artistic tradition underlying the work but commonplace in the drama, as in this English alabaster which con- bines Nativity and Magi scenes (fig. 2); or the occurrence of non= scriptural elaboration strikingly parallel to that in surviving plays, as in this table of the Nailing to the Cross (fig. 3). The cruel stretching of Christ's arm to position the hand over the incorrectly bored nail-hole is reminiscent of the similar scene in the York (and Chester and Townsley) play, and so vividly realized as to suggest in- fluence of the stage rather than mere dependence on a common pootic source, the Northern Passion.? Clearly, examination of the plays and external dranatic docu- nents such as accounts and inventories, careful study of iconographic tradition, the chronology of the art, the character and limits of the medium, and comparison of the geographical locations of manufacture and dramatic production can help us discover reflections, of various degreas of directness, of staging in art. Thus, it seoms likely, we are afforded invaluable glimpses-at~a-remove of stage structure and the use of sym= bolic attributes in the double-leveled stage and saints’ costumes of this carving of Saints Peter and Michael adnitting souls of the blessed into heaven (figs 4); of costume and properties in this hell mouth table (fig. 5); even of grouping and make-up in this alabaster of the Betrayal, in which some of the original coloring survives (figs 6). Such attempts to find distinct reflections of drama in art are of course beset with complex difficulties. Common literary sources raise problens, and it is sometimes very hard to determine whether art influenced the theatre, or whether the theatre affected art. Not in- frequently, a changa in iconography resulting from the drama becomes conventional, so that it becomes uncertain what drama is being reflected and at what Temove in the scattered and sparse surviving works of art. W. L, Hildburgh, who did invaluable pioneer work in English alabaster carvings as records of the medieval religious drama, thought the odd pockstelike supports for elevated figures in certain tables reproduce, "in at least soma degree," such "Pulpits for the Angels" as are called for in the Coventry 153) Doomsday Play accounts (fig. 7).? Unfortunately, T have found such angel-pockets with heaven or cloud symbols decorating the margins in sculpture antedating these alabasters by a century, and in illuninations in aristocratic books of Hours contemporary with them. What we are probably dealing with here is a convention in art utili~ nately deriving from early medieval stagecraft and perhaps receiving fresh infusions of direct influence from the theatre in fifteenth- century alabasters produced in locales close to important centers of3 cycle play production, Basically, the angel-pockets (in this Annuncia- tion, for example) are like the draped curtain used to symbolize an interior; we can most safely regard them as evidence of a convention shared by art and drama, ‘The whole idea of shared convention opens out our field of interest in the relations of art and drama, For wo inevitably are led to concern ourselves with analogies, based on the sama presuppositions of representation, which with propor safeguards can be made to illuminate style, modes of organizing narrative, juxtapositions and doublenesses of tone, and the ways in which significance is discovered and manifested in the literal, Instead of looking for records of the stage in art, our attention is directed to what we might find in art which might help us better to comprehend the drama. For example, a student of medieval English art considered the odd unseaworthy ark in this misericord at Ely suggestive of possible direct influence of a Noah pageant (fig. 8). There are other ways for us to be interested in it. We note the three castellated towers and, recalling that the ark symbolized_the Church, realize they must represent the idea of Trinity in Unity.5 The decora- tive supporters on either side of the central subject bolster this con- ception, for the raven satisfied with carrion, on the sinister side, conventionally symbolized those who refuse to Join the Ark of the Lord, while the dove with its olive branch on the right signified those who share in the Church's covenant with God. The relevance to our under= standing of the drama becomes evident when we try to see the popular comic episode of Noah's recalcitrant wife, who refuses to leave her gossips to board the ark, as something more than the farcical. irrelevance or survival of a Roman comic turn it has usually been considered. What I suggest is that a work of art originally of interest as a merely possible record of the stage turns out to be mainly of value as a guide to interpretive awareness, enlightening us about principles, in tha religious historical drama, governing incorporation of comic non- scriptural matter and the management of material to achieve simultaneously pertinence to thems and to audience. Undoubtedly the most important convention shared by art and drama was the idea of the cosmic building. The church, the original theatre for the religious drama, was conceived as a model of the cosmos; it was both an "abstract imitation of the order of the visible world" and an “intimation of the perfection of the world to come, (Fige 9) This is ‘the nave of Norwich Cathedral. If we look up at its ceiling (fig. 10), from the crossing of the church to the West Door, we see at the inter= stices of its exquisite lierne vaulting a series of bosses depicting episodes in the history of the world from the Fall of the Angels to the Last Judgment. The roof of the cosmic structure embodies the passage of ‘the day of human history as it marks the course of the day's sun from east to west. In this aspect the cathedral is a speculun historiale, and the history it mirrors is one virtually reducsd-to that of the elect, the chosen people./ It is the same as in the cursus of the Liturgical year and in the religious drama which grew fron it, It=38- hardly surprises us that the episodes selected for illustration in these bosses for the most part are identical with those shared in comon by ‘the surviving cycles. Yet the implications for the drama of the fact that a theologic logic largely determines their selection and treatment have scarcely received tho careful consideration they deserve. Indeed, A. Pe Rossiter went so far as to assert that “The huge theologic pattern Wiuich scaffolded the cycles has no counterpart in the design of the episodes or tpageants' which it orders." let us make a start at reconsidering an instance. Professor Craig has written that the choice of the great Abraham and Isaac subject for the Chester plays "was merely formal, or accidental, since it was in the story of Abraham's life in Genasis; but once chosen, its compelling interest caused it to spread widely." Traditions evidenced in popular art urge a reexamination of the Abraham and Isaac plays to try a different conclusion, Illustrations in the blockbooks such as this (fig. 11) pair the story with the Passion and broadcast the ancient interpretation of Isaac as a type of Christ, The kind of double vision of the literal engendered ty such a conception may be illustrated by this misericord at Worcester (fig. 12), where (in accord with the parallel emphasized by Augustine)10 Tsaac is made to bear the faggots in the shape of a cross. Are there counterparts or analogies of such methods in the cycle plays of this subject which, on examination, prove to enforce allegorical and ‘tropological significances in the compelling human action? The art of ‘the period can guide us in redressing our gross neglect of the typologi- cal and allegorical mentality operative in the medieval "cosmic drama coterminous with Time's full extent. Shared conventions — starting with those affecting detail and organization — can also help us to have @ more critical understanding of what has been called "the strangely comprehensive two-way facingness which brings together" in medieval (and later English) drama as well as in art the remote, transcendental, and noble with the vulgar, brutal, gross, and base. Instances of such complexity invite misconstruction, Rossiter wrote of the Secunda Pastorum: Clowning and adoration are laid together, like the mystery and boorishness in Brusgel's Adoration of tha Magi, or mystery and surrounding nescience in others of his pictures. We are left to wrestle with the uconbinable antinomies of the medieval mind: for these immiscible juxtapositions constantly imply two contra- dictory schanes of valuas, two diverse spirits; one standing for reverence, ave, nobility, pathos, sympathy; the other for mockery, blasphemy, baseness, meanness or spite, Schadenfreude, and derision, Above all, it is the fact that the ‘other spirit! is comic that compels reflection and analysis; for the evaluated effect of the ambivalence reaches out towards a searching irony.12 There is critical danger, on the one hand, in projecting sixteenth- century ambivalence or modern skeptical irony on medieval dualities~39- of tone, and, on the other, in ignoring characteristic medieval modes of resolving or comprehending such dualities, We had best wrestle with ‘the antinomies by medieval rules before deciding, in a particular case, how uncombinable they are, Let us, however briefly, consider how study of shared conventions may uncover the presence of one such mode of resolution by reaxamining the details of a crucial tableau in The Second Shepherds Pageant. The shepherds! hunble giits to the Christ Child are in this in- stance, you will recall, a ball, a bird, and a "bob of cherys." Our illustration is an English alabaster table of the Tree of Jesse, roughly contemporary with the composition of this play, preserved in the Victoria and Albert Museum (fig, 13). The Child's attributes (detail: fig. 1h) as tho ultimate fruit of this tree are an orb (yet called a "ball" in Macbeth, and sometimes represented as a toy ball in the humanized ¥adonna and Child groups appearing from the early fourteenth century) and a bird, The oi is the symbol of Christ's Kingship and sovereignty; the bird, a symbol of more complicated usage, apparently signifies His spiritwil primecy. The Infant with thesa attributes can be shown to be & commonplace of Yowthern art. of the poriod, and makes its appearance in English graphic ars as carly as 1500 in this Wynkyn de Worde woodcut (fig. 15). The chorriss, sometimes later coupled with the bird (as in ‘this painting of the Madonna and Child by Garofalo [fig, 16]), seem first to occur as an attribute of the Christ Child in the central panel of the triptych by Lorenzetti at the National Gallery here in Washington. Associated in medievai legends with wonders of midwinter fertility at the Christmas season, che cherry alse is treated, in poetry and picture, as the fruit of paradise, properly accompanying Christ as the exchange for the forbidden fruit of Eien purchased by the Fruit of the rood tree and His blood "rede as ripe chervess. In other words, at the symbolic level the gifts of the Wakefield Master's shepherds are deliberately quite different from the simple rustic offerings found in earlier English Shepherd Plays; they are as symbolic as the idealized pastoral gifts in the French plays, or those of the Nagi, which we find explicitly allegorized along traditional lines in other English cycie pageantc. Like the gifts of the Magi (to parallel whom the adoring shopherds evidently were made three in number), the bird, ball, and cherries serve as attributes which designate the Child as Christ by manifesting the divinity, kingship, and manhood in Him. At the same time, they probably also suggest those things owed by Christians (in the persons of the sheprerds) to Christ, and those won by Him for them.li The shepherds’ speeches charmingly treat the gifts as humble and simple offerings, but they are intended simultaneously to bear significance according with Christ's role in the spiritual history Granatized by the cyclo ~- the very role glorified in the Hail Lyrics, to which the shepherds? speeches have been shown to be indebted.1° Although I cannot here set before you the requisite argunent to prove the assertion, I believe it can be shown that the way transcendent maan- ing is discovered in the homely and realistic in this tableau provides-ko- ‘the clue to the solution embodied in the play to the main problem posed by it: Is there a deeper unity of the realistic farce ~~ accounting for fiveesixths of the action -- and the elaborately paralleled, and to sone minds displaced and travestied, religious subject716 The Renaissance challenges the dramatic iconographer with problems of special complexity and difficulty because of the new freedoms of the artist, the numerous fresh confluents in the iconographic stream, and the variety of presuppositions which might underlie representation, But the opportunities are as great as the problems are formidable, Surprisingly, however, in spite of the widespread evidence of an ingrained emblematic habit of seeing, and also the implications of the general theory of ‘composition and exornation for that art, only partly literary, in which an important number of the concretions are visual, little has been done with art in the interpretation of Renaissance English drama. Certainly, valuable work has been dons on the masque, symbolic persons, stage structure, and some instances of ecphrasis in the plays. But the poten- tial importance of iconographic traditions for interpretation has been ignored, even though problems obviously inviting their use are everywhere An evidence, One thinks offhand of the transformations of traditional imagery in Webster, the emphatic changes of symbolic costume in Jonson, the imagery of action turning upon emblems of the heart in Ford, That Little has been done along these lines is partly due, one suspects, to inhibiting effects of scholarly preoccupation with sources rather than demonstrably relevant tradition. It is possible enough ‘that whoever wrote the passage in Pericles which seems to have drawn on Paradin's Heroicall Devises for three of its five heraldic conmonplaces actually knew the book,.17 But we need not insist on the possibility to use Paradin in interpreting the passage. As Miss Freeman remarks of ‘the most important of the early English emblem books: It is as likely as not that Shakespeare was acquainted with the work of Whitney, but to maintain that there was necessarily always direct influence is to make peculiar to the emblem writers themes and images which were the common property of the ags.1! More often than not, the common property of the age is what we need to repossess, and for that purpose the fact that Alciati's emblems went through ninety editions in the sixteenth century alone is more signifi~ cant than that any particular playwright my or may not have known it @irectly, How a dramatist came by his material generally is very unsafe to assert and not always necessarily important to inquire, What is essential is that we become aware of a rich hoard of potentially dramatic "vocabulary" available to the Renaissance English playwright —- a "vocabulary" to which visual and related traditions can provide the key. For example, thers appears to be an interesting parallelism subsisting between the "Enperor" in Holbein's Great Dance of Death-l- (fig. 17) and the passage in Richard IT which similarly describes how, within the hollow crown That rounds the mortal temples of a king Keeps Death his court; and there the antic sits, Scoffing his state and grinning at his pomp, Allowing him a breath, a little scene, To monarchize, be fear'd, and kill with looks. (III. iis 160-65) The woodcut in question was a member of the original series in the first edition (Les Simulachres & historises faces de la mort, lyons, 1538), and it appears in all the many subsequent editions; moreover, it is, known that Holbein’s series was to be seen at Whitehall until 1697.19 In writing the passage, Shakespeare might wall have been influenced by menory of the "Hnperor." From an interpretive point of view, however, it is more useful to notice that the tip of the Enperor's sword has been broken off, and to be led by this fact to more precise understanding of a line in a different Shakespearean play: © balmy breath, shat dost siimost persuade Justice to break her sword! (Qthello, Ve it, 16-17) When the symbolic svord is broken and pointless, it is no longer that of Justice but that of Mercy; called the curtana, it is still ceremonially used in English coronations. That it would not have been a recondite symbol to an Elizabethan popular audienca we may surmise from its appearance in a stage direction in Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay (Ve iii). Visual traditions are likely to be important to the precritical phase of interpretation even where the playwright may have imoediately depended on literary sources shared by the art and drama, Art often reveals a major source of interpretive transmission, The idea of the Nking's two bodies" was not merely a fiction of political theory, but a way of looking at the identity of authority concretely embodied in many funerary monuments across the country (fig. 18); and these by their very nature emphasized the consonancs of the conception with that of de casibus tragedy.20 Art often provides supporting evidence of the wide ‘availability of a motif, The Elisabetban need never have seen a morality play to recognize the so-called Image of Prostration: it was conventional in art and stamped on one of the coins in his purse (fig. 19). Knowledge of visual traditions is valuable if we are to understand how certain images became emphasized by selection and iteration, or had coma to bear a considerable burden or suggestiveness. But the basic reason for our concern with iconography, that is, for our gaining ii formed “insight into the manner in which, under varying historical conditions, thenes or concepts were expressed by objects and events,"@1 is that it 43 Tequisite to our repossession of basic elements of the playwrights! expressive resources. Often the full range of unique expression achieved by the dramatist can be grasped only in terms of such a background. Fora2. example, here is a well-known passage in Richard IT where the dying John of Gaunt responds to the king's threat against his lifer 0, spare me not, my brother Edward's son, For that I was his father Edward's sont That blood already, like the pelican, Hast thou tapp'd out, and drunkenly caroustd. (II. i. 12h-27) The reference is to the motif from the Physiologus most popular among modioval English earvers, tho Pelican in for Piatys who restores her dead young to life with blood pricked fron her own breast. This image of life-rendering self-sacrifice remained popular throughout the later Middle Ages and the Renaissance as a synbol of the Redeemer (fig. 20). In the emblem books, other significances are developed. Anong these, the most frequently occurring 1s the secularized application of the basic value to kings who are obliged to sacrifice themselves pro lege ot grege (fig. 21): © « for people, for law, it is right that a king should die and by his own death restore life to the nations. As by his om death Christ did restore life to the just, and with life peace and righteousness.22 That is the reason why, in this portrait of Elizabeth as Queen, she wears a jowal at hor breast in the form of the Pelican in her Piety; it symbolizes an ideal of the sovereign with which she would be identi~ fied (fig. 22). The original recasting of the image in Caunt's speech, which makes the tapping out of the pelican's blood due not to its self sacrifice but rather to the vicious hostility of its young, glances back to the reason for the young pelicans' being dead offered in the Fhysiologus: it was their punishnont for having attacked their parent, ne Gt tho background of wage for this pleco of dranatie vocabulary enables us to see what Shakespeare complexly expresses by means of it. The bitter reference to the murder of Gloucester is made possible by inverting an image of the very kingly role Richard has irresponsibly perverted, an image implying the royal Christology he will belatedly and futilely recall. What is ultimately uncovered by this sort of research is, I think, a pervasive mode of erblematic seeing and imaging among the Elizabethan dramatists which allowed impingenont of visual traditions on (and their usefulness in interpretation of) theatrical structure, staging, grouping, properties, costume, characterization, action, and dmagery. It is a way of seeing which can profoundly affect our sense of the experience which the early drama yet proffers us. When, for the first rendezvous of Vittoria and Brachiano, Webster gives us a stage direction: "Zanche brings out a carpet, spreads it, and lays on it two fair cushions" (White Devil, I, ii), we see the cushions in our mind'soie eye not merely as literal objects but as particular instances of the game conventional symbol of luxury and idleness to be found in Chaucer, Donatello, Shakespeare, and Bronzino (fig. 23). When Shylock appears for judgment with a knife to cut his pound of flesh and a balance to weigh it (fig. 2h), we see not merely the particular vengeful money= lender, but, because of these details as attributes, a figure who symbolically represents the travesty of Justice he would enact.23 Monentarily Shylock performs as what wo may torm a “virtual symbolic person," who is thus made to enact the idea of what he, as verisinilar character, is doing, This is an example of an important and neglected aspect of Elizabethan characterization demanding further investigation if we are to deal critically with so-called "hybrid" characters without falling into error, either by allegorizing then or by seeing them as mere assemblages of archaeological layers, Iconography is essential here in helping us recognize the attributes which produce the symbolic elabora- tion and extension of the characters! significance. Inevitably, our conception of the actions in which they partici- pate must also be affected. For example, we tend, as we read the play, to perceive in OtheJlo's observation "Pale as thy smock" (V. ii. 273) only the affecting liveral stroke. But the "smock" must be the “nightly Wearing" (IV. iii. 15) which Desdemona has had on from the beginning of tha long last scene. And in a dranatic tradition where the "symbolic use of black and white is very noticeable,"24 in a play where black= white and light-dark imagery is insistently iterated and emphasized, in ‘a scene which begins by exolicitiy calling attention to these particular ordering oppositions (V. 1i, 2-13), i is virtually impossible to avoid ‘the conclusion thet the costume was intended to have symbolic value; that it was meant to keep before the audience a visual representation of ‘the innocence the hero is blind to; that the realistic white "snock" was used, suggestively end enllargingly, to present the individual doomed heroine as though she were clothed "in pure white robes, / Like very sanctity" (Winter's Tale, III. iii, 22-23). And that she was so "costumed" Obviously must nave profound consequences for the dramatic meaning of the murder which the hero performs, Our interpretive situation in such matters often is very much like that of the art historian confronting a painting like this anonymous Portrait of a Noble Lady in the Borghese (fig, 25). The surprising Little unicorn she holds in her ams makes him reconsider other details of the realistically presented gracious setting and then he realizes the columns behind her are instances of the conventional attribute of Chastity, and the pendant jewel and pearl at her breast is identical with those similarly worn by innumerable Renaissance Madonnas. In Renaissance English drama there is often a unicom to lead us to suspect, and then to guide us through, symbolic depths in the verisimilar repre- sentation. Not infrequently, however, the symbolism is insufficiently arbitrary to urge us bayond the surface, and we are apt in consequence to settle for less than we are being offered. When the blinded Gloucester asks only clothing for the "naked soul" who is to guide himube (Iv. ds bul5), we do not need an iconographer to tell us that his suffering had induced in him a charitable consciousness analogous to Lear's for "poor naked wretches." But Gloucester's gesture should be seen by us as something more than an act of charity, Clothing the naked, as in this woodcut border from A Booke of Christian Prayers, 1590 (tig. 26), ie one of the cofinitite Moria of orgy at Chore was a tradition, already centuries old, which singled out this partie- ular work of charity, as in this relief at Amiens (fig. 27), as the symbol of the idea of Charity itself. Problems of recognition profoundly affect our awareness of the frequent synbolic force of the last aspect of drama impinged upon by visual traditions and emblematic modes of picturing which I wish to emphasize: group arrangement. Miss Bradbrook remarks that Elizabethan “audiences were trained by their whole dranatic tradition to feel, an allegorical significance behind a formal or rhythmic grouping."25 There is a great number of such groupings in the plays, and many of thom — like that in the deposition scens of Richard II (fig. 28), where Richard directs Bolingbroke to "seize the crown" so he may develop the image of the well with two buckets —» announce their own symbolic purport. In such instances it is apparent that, beyond realistic as- pects of the action, what is being presented visually to an audience is an enblenatic image, while the accompanying verse, like that in the emblem books themselves, serves to interpret what has been placed before the eye. "The picture and the word or poem” are quite as "closely interrelated" as "Bargagli, one of the Italian exponents of the art of emblem writing," said they ought to ber "'so strictly united together, that being considered apart, they cannot explicate thenselves distinctly the one without the other.'"26 But many symbolic groupings are so incorporated into the flux of the literal action that, unless We bring prepared awareness to them, we are likely to miss the enlargenent of the dimensions of expression which their emblematic qualities make possible. How many of us, when we read at the start of Richard II, "Enter Richard, Duke of Gloucester, solus,” visualize the moment es a symbolic grouping adumbrating the conitral dranatic contrast between Richard's view of his role and the view that the world of the action affords (fig. 29). For Richard alone is not all we see. ‘The solitude of the apparently self-sufficient villain-hero is ironically defined by his placement before a facade which symbolizes the provi- dentially ordered world in which he will dramatically prove heaven's scourge and not an independent bustler. In closing, I should like to stress that the use of visual and related traditions in study of the drema, although involving a complex and demanding methodology, must not be supposad a "method" or independent "approach" to interpretation, It must be considered, I think, as but one requisite instrument of an historical criticism sufficient to answer to the demands upon it which the early drama itself makes. I hopa that I have been able in this short time to suggest, however superficially, the vastness and complexity of the materials, problems, and opportunities-ls- in this area of study, and to persuade you of the importance of such study not only to treatment of the early drama as drama but also to its interpretation, Ultimately, it may not be too much to hope, further examination of the drama along these lines would allow its historical critics to contribute to iconography in the higher sense, by furthering our grasp of the transformations which the symbolic imagination under- went, from the late Middle Ages to the Renaissance, as the cultural presuppositions underlying representation themselves altered.2? NOTES 1. For a recent sumary discussion of the thesis, see Louis Réau, Iconographie de l'art chrétien (Paris, 1957), I, 262ff, 2. See W, L, Hildburgh, "English Alabaster Carvings as Records of the Medieval Religious Drama," Archaeologia, XCIII (19)9), 8. 3. bids, pe 676 4. M.D, Anderson, Misericords (Penguin Books, 1954), pps 23-2h. 5. As Francis Bond, Wood Carvings in English Churches 1.—Misericords (London, et al., I910); p. 130, observes. a 6. See Otto George Yon Sinpson, The Gothic Cathedral (New York, 1956). 7. Sea fnile Male, Liart religieux du XITI° siécle en France (Paris, 1925), Livre IV. 8. English Drama from Barly Times to the Elizabethans (London, 1950), Pe 52. — % eran Graig, English Religious Drama of the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1955) Pe 185. 10, Soe Augustine, City of God, XVI. 32. LL. Rossiter, p. 52. 12, Tbid., pe 72. 13. Soe Festivals of the Church, XX, 219, in R. Morris, ed,, Lagends of the Holy Rood, EETS, 0.5., 46 (1871), pe 2176 ly. Seo Winifred Sturdevant, The Misterio de los Reyes Magos, The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Romance Literatures and Languages, X (Baltimore and Paris, 1927), pp. 80-8h.ors 18. rs 20. 21. 22, 23, 25. 26. ate 6. See George C. Taylor, "The Relation of the English Corpus Christi Play to the Middle English Religious lyric," MP, V (1907-8), p. 18. ‘The argument will be fully set forth in a forthcoming article devoted to the Secunda Pastorun. See Rosemary Freaman, English Emblem Books (London, 1948), pp. 62663. Bids, ps 63 n, 25 See Edgar I. Fripp, Shakespeare Man and Artist (London, 3938} I, 133with reference to Douce, The Danca of Death (London, 1833), T5ft., 12h-26. On this subject, see for discussion and iNustration, Ernst Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton, 1957). Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology: Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance (Oxford, Day Pele Nicolaus Reusner, Avreolorym emblematym liber s: ‘is (Argentorati, 1591), pe 73, trans. Henry Green, Shakespeare and the Kublem Writers (London, 1870), p. 395. First observed by Samuel C, Chew, The Virtues Reconciled: An Tconographic Study (Toronto, 1917), Pe 48. Our illustration is of at this moment in the role, Muriel C, Bradbrook, Themes and Conventions in Elizabethan Tragedy, 2nd edn, (Cambridge, 1952), Pp. 16. See also Craig, P» 297; and the related pictorial evidence treated by Hildburgh, pp. 76-77; 80, and figs. XV, b and XVI, c. P, 28, Freeman, p, 18, ‘The illustrations in this paper are to be more fully treated by ‘the present writer in a volume of studies in dramatic iconography now in progress,