Goo Musuim, Bap Mustin
tians or Jens oplitof from “bad ones. The presumption that there
‘out ova failure to
are such cateories masks a zefusal to a
rake political analysis of our times. My hopes tha his book
will coaebate to such an analysis asa prelude t framing real
choices
6
Chapter One
CuLTURE TALK;
or, How Not To Tax
Apour IsLAM AND
Povitics
his moment in history afer the Cold Waris fered to as the
ra of globalization and is marked by the ascendancy and
rapid poiticizng ofa single erm culture. During the Cold Wa
we discussed sociosconomie or political development, such a8
pporerty and wealth, democfacy and dietatorship, as mainly oct
rents. This new understanding of clare les social than polit
cal ied less tothe realities of patiula counties than to global
politcal events ike che tearing down ofthe Berlin Wall ora.
Unlike the cultare studied by athropologits—face-10-face in
mate local, and lved—the talk of eahze is highly politicized
and comes in large geo package.
CCluce Tall ossumes tac every culture has tangible essence
thae defines ig and it then explains plies as consequence of
thae esence, Cleure Talk after gl, far example, qualified! and
explained the practice of tezoiam” ae Islamic.” Islamic teot-
0Goon Musiim, Bao Musuim
ism is thus offered as both description and explanation of the
‘rents ofr Itai longer the matket capitalism), nor che sate
(densoceney), but culture (modernity) thatissid co be the dividing,
Tine benweenthove in favor of «peaceful ci existence and those
inclined to teror: ei sid that our word is divided between those
who ate modem and thove who are premedern. The moderns
make culate and ate its masters the premodezns ae sid robe but
conduits. But tis tre that premodera clare no move shan
rucimentary tvich, then surely premodeen peoples may not be
held esporibl for ther actions. This point of view demands that
they be cestained, collectively if no individual —if necessary,
he captive, even unconditionally forthe goodof civilization
In pose cy Cultute Talk focuses on Islam and
-Masims who presumably made cultore only atthe begioning of
creation, as some extraordinary, prophetic act. After that, it seems
‘Muslims just conformed to culture, According to some, our eu
tue seems to have no history, no pits, and no debates, so that
all Muslims are jst pain sd, According co others, there is his
rosy poliie ven debates, and thee are good Maslims nd bad
Masts. In both versions, history seems to ave pettifd into @
lifles custom ofan antique people who inhabit antique lads, OF
Jee Am
could tbe that culture here stands for hab, for some kindof in
stinctve activity with euls tha are inscribed in exely founding
tents, usally cligious and muminsifed ia ealy artifacts?
‘We need to distinguish between two contrasting narratives of
{Galt Talk. One thinks of premadetn peoples as those who ate
not yet modern, who ar either Inggng behind or have yet co em
bark on the road to modernity The other depicts the premodern
eas the former conception encour
bao the antimodern, Wh
tages relations based an philanthropy, the later notion is produc
tiveof fear and preemptive police of military action.
The difference is clear if we contrast eadier depictions of
8
Calter Tale
Afticans with conterporaey tlk about Muslims, Duc the Cok
Wr, Aicans were stigmatized 2s che prime example of peoples
not capable of modernity With the ci ofthe Cold War, Isla
and the Middle Eas have dlsplaced Africa athe hatd premodern
core in a rapidly globaliing wold, The diference in the conten
porary perception of black Aftiea and Middle Eastern Islam is
this: whereas Afica is seen a8 incapable of modernity hard-core
Islam seen as not only incapable of but alo resistant ro moder:
nity Whereas Aticans are said to vctmitethemelies hard-core
Muslims re said to be prone to raking other along to the world
beyond. Thete is a interesting parallel between the pre-isx de
bate onrerrorism in Afica andthe post-rdebte on global ter
rorism, Asin che cutrene global debate, Afican discussions, 00,
looked matnly or exclusively for internal explanations forthe
spread of tertor In a ave bat signifeane example that lumped
Atican “tribalists™ and Muslim “fundamentalist” together a8
the enemy, Aryeh Neier, former president of Human Rights Watch
and now presiden ofthe George Soro-funded Open SoieryIn-
stitute, argued in an op-ed piece inthe Washington Post that dhe
problem is larger than Ila: ites with baits and fundamen
taliss, contemporary countesparts of Nari, who have ideatied
smodetnism asthe enemy.
Premodem peoples are sud tohave no creative bility and ant-
modern fondamentalists are said to havea profound ability to be
destructive, The destruction is taken as proof sha they have no
Appreciation for human life, including thei own, This i autely
why Cultuee Tallhas become the tuff offeont-page ews storie.
(Calture is now said to bea matter of life snd death, This kind
of thinking is deeply reminisce of tracts from the history of
‘modein colonization. Ths history stigmaties those shut out of|
‘modernity as antimodern because they resist beng shut ou. eas
sumes cha peoples public behavior, partially thee political
9Goon Mustim, Bap Musi
bhavion canbe read fom their abite and customs, whether el
ious oF traditional. Bu could itbe that a person who takes his or
her religion iteally is « potential terots? And that someone
wha chinks ofa religious text as metaphorical or figurative is ber-
ter sited to cv life and the tolerance alle for? Hows one may
tsk, does the Hera reading of sacred texts transac into hijack
ing, murdes, and terocis?
Two Versions of Culture Talk
Contemporary Caste Talk dates from the end ofthe Cold War
and comes in gwo versions, claims to interpret polities fom cul
‘re inthe present and throughout history, but neither version of
(Galtuze Tallis substantially the work ofa historian. If there isa
founding father of contemporary Cakure ‘Talk itis Bernard
Lewis, the wel known Orienalst at Pinceton who has been an
advises to the US, policy establishment, The celebrated phraze of
contemporary Culize Talk—"s dash of civilizations” is taken
from the tle of the losing section of Lewis's 1990 article “The
Roots of Mslim Rage-” Lewis text provided the inspiration for
sssecond and ctuder version, writen by Samuel Huntington, apo
involvement withthe US. policy
Tica scientist at Harvard, whose
etablshment dates from the era of the Viensen We, Whereas
‘Lewis confine his cess to historical relations beeween two civil
rations he cll “slamic™ ae “Jceo-Chritian,” Huntngron’s
reach was far more ambitious he broadened Lewis's thesis 0
cover the entice world
“Itis my hypothesis,”
Aled "The Clash of Civilinstons?™ (299) in Foreig Afrs,
ington proclaimed in an article
thac the fundamental source of conic inthe new world
will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic.
Culture Talk
The geat divisions among hunankind and the domin
Ing source of confit willbe cultural, Naton-tates wl
remain the most poweeful actors in wold affais, but the
principal confets of global politics will scar between
nations and groups of differen civilizations The dash of
civilizations will dominate global pois. The faut lines
between civizations willbe the bt lines ofthe fut,
Hatingco’sargament ws bil coud to eas tha
teed of the Cold Wat “thei
replaced by a“velver curtain of eltue,” and that the velvet cu
tain ad been drawn across “the bloody hordes of Islam.” Hunt
ington cas Islam in the role of an enemy civilization From thi
point of view, Masti could be only bad
“Huntington was nt alone Several others joined in translating
his point of view into a vision broadly shared in hawkish cites
of the policy and intellectual establishment. The thrust of the
new vision was that the ideological wse we have came to know
as the Cold War was but a parochial cuttin-aiser for a traly
lobal conflict for which “the West" will ned to marshal the
entre range of is cultural eésoures, For William Lind, the Cold
‘War was the asin series of "Western civil wars” that stated
in sevententh-ceatury Europes withthe end of the Cold Wat,
he argued the lines of global conic become east in culewal
ms Régie Debra, himself an ative participant in the ideolo
cal strugales ofthe Cold War, saw the new ea as sharply defined
by a ‘Green Peril" the color green presumably standing for
Islam-far more dangerous than the red scaces of yesteryears
because i lacks rational slfsesrsint: "Broadly speaking, green
thas replaced red athe rising force... . The naceat and rational
"North deters the nuclear and rational North, uot the conventional
and mystical South.”Goon Mustim, Bap Mustim
ing trough hisory ke armed bation either igi
‘cei! des opin cpr ben oy
Siete, Eagar Sith le Plein ery shale
iowa Uniersty Profesor at Coan, rfl aged for
tnoehioreal and kas punching of cre, oe
ferme by teenth dah so inside clone than
‘between them: "To Huntingron, wha he calls ‘csilizational ide
tity’ iva stable and undisturbed thing, like a room fl of furitore
inthe back of your house,
kis Bernas Lewis who has provided the more durable version
‘of Culture Talk, Lewis both gestures coyatd history and acknowl
1h within civilizations, Rather than cai an ahistorical
¢lobal vision of coming Armageddon, Lewis thinks of hitory as
the movement of lage eukaral bloc ealled cvliztions. Bu
Levi wets of Islamic civilization as if ic were vence with its
essence an unchanging doctrine in which Muslims are said vo ake
here i omething inthe religious cub
refuge in times of exis
ture of llaro,” Lowi noted in "The Roots of Muslim Ra
which inspired, in even the humblese peasant or pele,
4 dignity and s courtesy toward others never exceeded
and rarely equaled in other civilisations, And yet, in mo-
mente of upheaval and disruption, when the deeper pas:
sions ae stired, this dignity and courtesy coward others
can give way to a explosive mintuee of rage and hated
‘which impels ese the government of an ancient and eivi-
lived counteyeven the spokesman ofa great and ethical
sclgion-to espouse kidnapping and atsasination, and
‘ty € Bind in the life of thee Prophet, approral and ia-
eed precedent for uch ations.
Culture Tate
Lows elaborated his notion of the dati core of slam in
book that “was alten in page proofs” by scx but was published
S000 afer provocatively tiled Wht Went Wrong? Paraphrasing
"Hegel old claim chat freedom isthe distinctive attribute of Wes.
mn civilization, Lewis wrote: “To a Western obseeet, schooled in
‘the theory and practie of Western freedom, tis precisely the lack
of fcedom. . hat undedie so many of the roubles of the Mis
Jin word.” To this he added the absence of secs asthe se
‘ond explanation forthe yawning gap between contemporsey Ila
sand modernity: unt the influence of French revolutionary ideas
began percolating into the Middle Bae inthe nineteenth center,
Levis argued, “the notion of a non-cligious society as something
Adesrableor even permissible ws totally alien co Isam
Ikis Bernard Lewis, not Samuel Huntington, who provides the
inzllectual support for the notion that chete are good” a3 op
posed to “bad” Muslims, an idea that has become the driving force
‘9f American focegn policy Keen a deaw an unambiguous conch
sion for the policy establishment, Lewis begins by recognizing th
fundamentalism is not the only Islamic tadiion” and that
“sere are others” and tha "before this tse is decided there wil
bea hard struggle.” Warning che policy estslishinen that inthis
stcuggle “we ofthe West can do ile ar nothing... for these are
issues that Muslims must decd among themsches," he counsls
‘hat “in the meantime”that i, while Muslin stl thence.
nal accounts—the West nods “to avoid the danger of anew ea of|
religions wars.” Wheieas Huntington had issued a clarion cl oe
the West to yet realy for a cach of civilisations, Lewis has di
ferent points the West must remain a bystander while Moslins
faht their inteanal war, pitting good against bad Muslims. In spite
‘ofthis difference, one cannar help but nate shat both stands rep
reseneatives ofthe ffl *Wes.”
33Goon Musuim, Ban Mustia.
1 Rernatd Lewis provides itllectusl support for the Bush
‘dministeation’spost-gf poliy che return ca roughshod, Cold
‘Way foc on “rolling back” history is po
line with Huntington. Rather than wait far “good” Mislime to
tsiumph over “bad” Mosims, as Lewis counsels, the Bush aduin-
‘station isdetermined to hasten such cil war, f necessary. an
Iragy i s prepared to invade and bring about 4 regime change
incended to iberste “good” Musins from the political yoke of
“bad” ones
(Caltae Talla also wired religion iat apolitical eatery
Deeocracy lg in the Muslin world, coneides «Freedoms House
seody of political systems nthe non-Western world. Asif aking a
‘ue from Bernat Lee, Stephon Schwarz, dicetor ofthe lla
and Democracy Project forthe Foundation for the Defense of
Democracies, claims thatthe roots of terrorism realy ie na sec-
tarian branch of Islam, the Wahhabi, ven the pages of the New
York Times now ince replat account distinguishing good
from bad Muslims: good Muslims are modeen, secular, and West
cened, but bad Maslin ae doctsnal,antimedern, and vieulent
“The sel-appointed leaders of “the West” George W Bush and
Bish prime minister Tony Bai, have visibly stepped back from
4 Huntington style embrace of a war betwen civilization
Lewiestyle caution apainst taking on an entire cvilization. Afr
‘Bushs early public firtation with the idea ofan ani-Muslim erie
side, both hea Bla have taken to warning audience about the
eed to ditnguish “good” Moslins fom “bad” Muslims. Theim-
plication is unmistakable and ndiguised: whether in Afghani
stan, Palestine, of Pakistan, Mam must be quarantined and the
evil exotcized from it by» Muslim itil war
Lewis opens Wat Went Wrong? with reductive discussion of
the thirteen hundred years since the bith of Slam in the seventh
4
Culture Tale
century: "theft thousand years so afte the advent of Islam”
were followed by “the Tong stale forthe reconques,” which
“opened che way toa Chistian invasion of Affica ad Asi.” In
‘the begining, there was "conquest" and then followed "eon
quest." The conquest vas Islamic, the rconguest Christian, No
period in history fits this model of *Chrsians” confronting
"Muslns” beter han the time of the Causades
‘Oncof the bes studies of the Crusades ie by the Slovenian his
torian Toma Mastnak, who points out that it yas at that moment
in history thatthe Muslim became the enemy. When “Chesian|
society became conscious of itself through mobilization for holy
war «am essential moment inthe atealation of selEawareness
ofthe Chistian commonwealth ws the constuetion ofthe Mus
fmm ene," Mastnak is careful to point ove that his was nt rue
of easier centacies “When, wit the Arab expansion i the sy
tenth and eighth centuries, the Muslims reached the Earopean
peninsala, they became inthe Latin Christians eyes one among,
those pagan, o€ infidel, barbarians. Among the host of Chistian
enemies, they were atsigned no privileged place.”
Miliane Christian animosity was initially simed at all non=
‘Christians only late did it become focused on Muslin: “Ie was
with the crusade that Palestine ceased to be the Promised Land
(tes repromissions of the Od Testament and became the Holy
Land tere sancta.” Only with te Crusades di Christendom de-
fine 4 usrersal enemy and dedlare a “state of permanent wae
against the athen.” No longer just another earthly enemy, the
Crusades demonized the Muslim a ei incarnate, “he person
‘ation ofthe very religion ofthe Antihris.” Thee why the poi
of the Crusades was not to convert Muslims bit to exterminate
‘hem: "The Muslims, che infidels, id no have freedom of cho
they could nor choose berwen conversion and death because they
a5Goon Mustim, Ban Musiin
were seen at inconverible.” Their exterination “was preached
‘oki
bythe Popes” and aio by St. Bernard, who "declared that
2 infidel was not homicide but “malicide’anniilation of evil
and that a pagan’s death was a Christian’s glory becouse, in it
(Chae as glorified
Bernard Lewis tests what is actualy a seis of diferent hs
torical encountersthe Craiades,
482, Bacopean colonization
26 i they were hallmatks of a single clash of civilizations ot
fourteen hundred yeas, Rather than recognize tha each encounter
wat faeled bya specific politcal projet—ehe making of a polit
cal entity called "Cheistendom,” the Catlin mnonarcly's desire
10 build nation-t of
neighboring tericris, modein Baropean imperial expansion,
and so on-—Lews claims that these “lashes” were driven by ine
called Spain following its con
compatible civilizations. And he assumes that the dashes take
place between fixed tettril nits char sepresent discrete cv
zations ove the fo
political agenda chat deve such civilizational histories, we should
weston the presumed identity between cultural and politcal
history
To avoid Lewit's distortions, ane needs moce details a key
points, Can one, for example, speak of Judeo
(Chvstian Gilzation over two millenia as does Bernard Levis?
storie
The Israel cultural histovian Gil Anide eminds us hat Jewish
culture in Spaia is beter chowght of a8 "Arab Jewish”—rather
than Judeo-Christian—and that the separation of "Jews from
Arabs" did not occur until 142. Moses Maimonides (1135-1204)
wrote The Guide of the Peplesed, “the most important work of
Jewish philosophy ove wri
possibly writen in He
brew sript, but speaking’ to us in Arabic andlor Judco-Arabic'
Jnal-Andalus. And i was the lous of al-Andalus in r4ga that ro
26
Culture Tale
duced the major text of Jewish mysticism, the Zohar and also
marked the beginning ofthe second Jewish diaspora,
Te does not make sense to think of cule in politcal—and
therefore ceritovial—terms, States are teritoral cule isnot.
Doct it make sense to wits politcal histories of Ilam that sead
like histories of places ie the Middle East? Or to write political
histories of states inthe Middle East asf these were no more than
political histories of Islam there? We net to think of cult in
terms that ate both historia! and nontrivial, Otherwise, one
{is harnessing culkural resources for vty specific national and in
pedal poical projet.
Modernity and the Politicization of Culture
Culture Tal doesnot spring from the tation of history writing
but tather from tha of the policy sciences that regularly service po
lca establishment: Bernatd Lewis is an Orientals and Samuel
Huntington a politcal scents, Oriaalie histories of Islam and
the Middle Fase have been consistently challenged since the 19605
bya diverse group of such intellectual a Matshall Hodgson and
Edward Sad, Cheikh Anta Diop and Martin Bernal, Sami Arn
and Abdallah Larou. These thinkers came out of the ranks ofthe
antivar and anec-iperialst movenents of the 1960s, and they
were followed by a whole gencration of historians Bu even if dis
credited as an iotllectal anachronism by ewo generations of
scholarship, the Orientals histories have managed to rebound.
Thekey reason ies inthe elation between history wetng and
foxms of power, and there are two broad oem of history writing:
nationalist and metanationalist. If nationalist history writing has
‘been mainly about giving che nation
porary politcal subject—an identifiable and often glovios pas
avery modern ao
27Goon Mustin, Ban Mustim
metanationalst writings have given us eal glorified civliza-
tional histories, locating the nation in elobal context
‘When the sineconth-eaturyIaian missionary Meteo Rice
brought a European map of the workd—showing the new disor
‘exes in Ameriea—to China, he was surprised to find thatthe Chi-
nese were offeaded by it. The map put Europe inthe cewer of
‘the word and split che Pei, which meant that China appeared
at the right-hand edge of the map. But the Chinese had slays
thought of China a lierally the "Middle Kingda," which obvi
‘ously should have been inthe center of the map. To please his
hosts, Rieci produced another map, one that epic the Atlantic,
‘making China seem more ceael. In China, maps at sll draw
thar way but Barope as hi
10 the fstype of map. The most
commonly used map in North Amerie shows the United Statesat
the center of the wot, sometinses even eplitngthe Asian conti-
nent in two, Today the most widely used world aap has westen
Europe it its centr. Based on the Mercator projection i system
tically distorts out inage of the worlds eventhough Rurope haa
appsoximately the same area a each ofthe other two peninsulas
of Asia—preprtition India and Southeast Asia Eutope scaled
‘continent, wheseas India is but a subcontinent, and Southeast,
Asia is not even accorded that satus atthe same time, the acca
‘most deasticaly reduce inthe Mereator pioiection is Aftca
The civitstional history of the West” came toa teiumphane
climax inthe nineteenth cencary along with Batopean imperial
ism. Witten fom che vantage point of « mdern power that had
global dominance in che entre following the Re-
naissance, civilizational history gave “the West” an identity that
he
West” occupied the center of the global sage and “the Orient”
‘was ts periphery Not surpsingl inital eri of Eu
history came ftom scholars whote main focus was the “on
exploded in
marched through time unscathed, From this point of view
Culture Talk
Inthe traditional story a eecounted by the University of
ago historian Marshall Hodgson, “history began in the
Bas "and “the torch wasthen passed successively wo Greece and
Rome and firally co Christians of northwestern Europe, whete
medieval and modern life developed,”
Hodgson should have added that the division of the wodd
into "he West” and “the East," “Europe and Asia" lfc out a think
part—in the words of che Yale historian Christopher Milles, a
lank darkness"—that was sid to lack history or civilization be
‘cause laced either great texts or gree alongments, This blank
darkness comprised Aftics, the pre-Columbian Ameen, and the
lands of the Paci, excepting, of cours, Eeype and Ethiopia
Which for this purpase were classified as belonging to Asa. fa
‘other words, the notion of “the West went alongside tw periph
ties: whereas “the Oriene” was vile, Alia and the others were
simply blanked out int a hsesial darkness,
Marshall Hodgson made i lifelong projet to count the
‘Westcentered studies of Islam. He began hisclasi three-volume
sud, The Venture of Islam, by showing how throughout history,
the notion of “the West" had changed atleast thee times. "The
West” referred “originally and propel tothe western of Latin.
using half of che Roman empie; that i tothe west Mediterranean
la” Aft the first change, the tee cate ro refe to “the west
European lands generally" Bu this was nota simple extension for
it excluded "those west Meiteranean lnde which turned Mus
lim.” The second shife was from West European lands to people,
‘thus incorporating their overseas seeements, The, there was the
hid shift as the definition of “the West” was further steeched 9
indude “al Ewopean Christendom.” Whereas the second shift 1
feted oa global westem Europe the third extension refered toa
slobal Europe, westeen aad ester, Thus dd the notion of “the
‘West develop fom a geographical location ta racialzednovion|
9Goon Musiia, BAD Musine
sefering tll peoples of Baropean origin, no mater where they
liv ad fo
Can there bea sel contained history of Western civilization?
how long,
Historians have been chipping away at chis dam in a number of
Sel, ranging fom the development of science to that of society.
Hodgson had earlier remarked thatthe equation of “the We
with “science” had given sse roan absuedity whereby it was pr.
the classical age of Islam
sumed that Araic-witing sien i
were simply masking time: Rather than making any original con
sbution to scence, they were peesumed simply to be holding up
the torch forcenturies—untl it soul be passed on o “the West.
“Te notion chat the main cole of Aabic-wriing sient was to
preserve classical Greek science and pas i onto Rematsance Fs
rope was fosied by ‘Thomas Kuhn's caim that Renaissance si
ence represented a paradigmati beak with medieval since and
= Kuhn aso
sisted the paradigmatic break withthe work of Copernicus, 1
cent works in the hstory-of science challenge cis presumption.
With the advantage of accumulated Gndings, Otto Newgebauee
and Noe! Swerdon, to dstingsished historians of
plored the influence af “astronomers associated with the observa
tory of Marigha in northwesters Ian,” whose work, writen in
yin paticula, in ce ifteenthcen-
eck imermeivis." They concluded in
a teconuection with the scence of antiquity Wher
Aeabic, “reached Europe,
tary through Byzantine
their now-cassc 1984 work on the mathematical astronomy of
Copernicus: "Ina very eal ease, Copernicus canbe looked upoa
asi tthe las, surely the most noted follower ofthe Marga
Schoo.’ * The contemporacy history of science shots similar re
thinking in other Gels, och a anatomy (he planar cecal
tion of blood) and mathematics (decimal factions."The lace in
the history of scence points co lege historical gap the place of|
0
Culture Tale
Andalusia—Acabic-weting Spain—in the histonical study ofthe
Renaissance,
We have seen hat Eurocentric history consrcted «wo pe
"ipheris: one visible, the othe invisible. Pae of the invisible pe
riphery was Africa, The same polities! projet that praduced a
setttanding history of the West also preuced a seltstaning his
tory of Alia. Like the notion of "she West,” that of Africa was
also tutnedincoaracialized object. The difference was that Africa
was dcbase rather shan exaed, redefined asthe land south ofthe
Saha, coterminous with that pat of the continent ravaged de
ing the slave cade. The scholars who questioned the ccialzed
Aegiadation of Avia atthe same time further eroded the produc
sion of Bacocenti history.
The reconsideration of African histouy beyan with the Sene-
glee savant, Chih Anta Diop, who wrote his major work, The
African Origin of Civilization, inthe 29608. Diop questioned the
racist tendency to dislocate the history of pharaonic Egypt—in
‘which oughly one quater af the African population ofthe time
ived—from its surcoundings, particulary Nubia to the south,
thereby denying the Aftcan historical idenety of ancent Egy.
Diop targeted the cherished heart ofthe Enrocentic tadition the
lasses, which not only cast Gree and Rome as eternal com
ponents of “the West" but also stripped Egypt of is historical
Identity. nthe sud of cassie, Egypt faced a daublelose es com-
nection with Grace in ancient times was seduce o being exter-
‘nal and incidental, and its location in Afcea was denied hstosical
significance,
Diop’ work provided the foundation on which the British
scholar Martin Benal based his monumental two-volume work,
Black Athena: Affoasatc Roots of Classical Civilization. Bee
ral showed the ways in which the main tradition of Egyptology
arGoo Musuint, Bap Musiim
had been shaped by a metanationalist Western way of thinking
rooted in the ninetenth-century impecal, particulary, German,
imagination. Bernal conteased thie innpesil imagiation wich
what Greek had to say abou themselves, partieaasy abou their
tet historical and civilizational debe to pharaonic Egypt. In
pariculas, he showed how the Greek” image of themueres as
the product ofan invasion from Egypt in th south was reversed
inthe European impesial imagination to portay classical Greece
as the product of an Aryan invasion fom the north. Bernall
also made it clear that Greece, orginally a colony of Pgypt,
wis an amalgam of diverse inflences, initially Afican, Phoea
cian, and Jewish, later norteen European If early classical Egypt
ie beter thought of as an Aftian civilization, dasscal Grose is
beter thought of a8 a Mediteeanean-—rather than Buropean
civilization
dad Ssid summed up “the principal dogmas of Oriental
ism in his mejesceil study
thatthe same Orientals histories that portray “the West” a8 “ra
tional developed, humane (and supecor,” caricature “the Orit”
a5 “abettant undeveloped fan] inferior.” Another dogina is that
“the Orient lives according to st rales inscribed in acted texts,
‘notin response ro che changing demands of life. The third dogma
preter “that che Orient is tena, aniform, and incapable of
efi ieelftherefore ite assumed tata highly generalized and
systematic voeabulay for deserting the Oxient from a Western
standpoint is inevitable and scienically “objective” And the
final dogma ie “thatthe Oren is atthe bottom something either
to be feared (the Yellow Pri the Mongol hordes, the brown do
minions) ort be controlled (by pacfatin, research and devel
‘pment outright occupation whenever possible.”
these nae, The fist dogma is
Theres reason tobe hugely skeptical of cams that describe
3
Culture Talk
iuilcations discretely and identify civliratonil histories with pat
ticular geographies and polities. One has to distinguish between