Offprint from: MUQARNAS: Annual on Islamic Artand Architecture Volume 10 (1993) EIDEN J BRULL 1993SCOTT REDFORD THE SELJUQ In the 1250's the Nicaean Emperor Theodore I Lascaris passed through the city of Pergamon. In describing it he mentions thal the ancient structures still on view there were the work of the Hellenes, but he does not dwell on this point, Rather, what most impresses him is the quality contemporancous buildings found there Theve are walls reared up, their construction as variegated as that of the brizen heavens, In between flows a iver Dridged by tall arches whieh (hy the Maker of Hewen!) you would not think to be composite, but rather to have Brown up naturilly a8 single block of stone. Ifa sculptor like Pheidiss were t0 sce them, he would admive their fexacteveniese an! lack of inclination, Metieen the build ingsare low hovel, which appear, ait were, to be the rem nants of the houses of the departed, and the sight of thet ses cl pain, For, as miseholes are compared to the houses of taday, so one might say are the later compared to those that are Deing strayed! The medieval inhabitants of Anatolia must often have been stuck by the extensive standing remains of dhe Hellenistic and Roman periods, yet they left fev testime nial like the one just quoted, either for the Byzantines bors, the Selug Turks, When one ened sources dealing with the Turks in Anatolia, they ave in anecdotes dealing with treasure, oF with talismany or other sciences, These stories offen center on the inter pretation of signs or knowledge of the language found fon inseriptions in those ruins, In these accounts, the il lea remains ring of the past are chiefly uselul for finding buried treasure. However, they are also a source for the homilies of which medieval Muslim authors were so fond, Some of the selfsame stories are heard in Anat Tia to the present day ALHi, in his earlythirteenth-century: Baedleker for Muslims, mentions, in addition to places of pilgtiny- aye and worship, curiosities worthy of a sisi, One of these, located in Konya in an apricot orchard, was. ligh ral surcophagus.” [n addition to this one bterary appre: ation of antique remains from a medieval Islamic source there are countless built testimonials to the adi OF RUM AND THE NTIQUE ration the Seljugs had for the architectural and artistic achievements of antiquity in Anatolia, Al the cities occu pied by the Seljuqs had had long histories, and there were still extensive standing remnants of walls, temples, churches, and other public buildings Even stich new founcations as the Seljuq pakice complex ansaais,dhonygh not baile at Kubadabaul andl Seljug ¢ ‘on ancient sites, reused building materials from ancient sites nearby: Reuse is, of course, the easiest and most efficient method of building quickly, and therefore need not nee cesarily bespeak regard for architectures past. It does, however, underscore the ubiquity of ancient stone-built structures in Anatolia. Even outside the cities, the major highways of Anatolia had forts and waystations at regular intervals; monasteries andl pagan sanctuaties were found in more remote locations, Carved stones, whether inscriptions, ornamental of figural reliefs, or statwary, had awed the medlieval Byzan: tines before the Seljugs." For some sculpture, the Byzantines seem to have found Christian ral relief and associations. More populatly, however, certain columns and/or statues were endowed with talisiianie power Others were believed to be inhabited by demons, tis probably these latter two associations that led Byzantines to incorporate extensive figural and inscriptiona into their city walls. Most of the time, dese consisted of spolia funerary art: antique reliefs, stelae, and sarcophagus panels, Although the practice wa turbed examples remain, The best known and best pre- served of these instances is at Ankara, where figural lel were part of 1 that also included evosses carved ‘on those towers facing south toward the Arab threat, As with the crosses, these figures may have b wopaically, could be in Tine with the classical display of wephies on widespread, few undis: reliefs near the south entrance to the ¢ a decorative progra although their placement on their sides tity wall, ‘ The nunber of spoia found in Seliug Datfings in 1c. Only one scholar has attempted catalogue and classification scheme for the Seljug reuse of architectural elements, She diel not, however, attemptFig Ata derive meaning from this practice, despite the display of highly carved pieces in or around portals, minarets, mosque interiors, city gates and towers, and other archi tecturally prominent locations on Seljug buildings.® fn this brief essay, I would like to considera few aspects of this topic, centering on the construction of, anid use of spolia in, thirteenth-century Seljug city walle at Abanyae Sinop, and Konya, This subject seems appropriate to a volume dedicated to Oleg Grab scholarship so fruiifully explos with pre-tslamie pasts ALANYA The walls of Alanya and an account ofthe city’s taking by the Sel i provide clues relating 10 the issues of til: el apotropaisin raised above. They also return to that quality of ancient constructions — thir fineness ancl solidity of construction ore Lascavis, Alanya, on the south coast of Anatolia, scat Hellenistic fortress, When the Set had once been a jug Suliany Alzeddiny Keykubad set out te conquer AL PE SELJUQS OF RUM ANDTHE ANTIQUE Fig. 2 Alanya, Gath, Deal of the tusuce sheng pated pases i init 1 pil fn the aie ina, then named Kalonoros, in I22L. he was unable to do 80. The lord of the eastle, an Armn Fard, was bought off, Extensive rebuilding of the Helle nistie fortifications in and around the main en the fourth sector of the eastle? and the Ehmedek, Ja he presence, even inthe pre Sefjug, niedieval ward citadel, point te vio, of defenses that would have cress dificult made a siege of th The account of the siege given’ by the Seljug chron ler Ibn Bibi contains one passage associating a talis ani quality with one particulir kind of The sultan ordered that the mangonels of the besieging army be furnished only with projectiles of marble because, a8 he maintained, no other stone cou fly a fa, This in thes 1 seems eave eased a considerable delay ine, Hn Bibi wally on that eas ble occurred a rock.” Indeed, the Hellenistic snl Ronan iatabitan had imported all the marble used in their cities, the vast150 SCOTT REDFORD, ‘jority oF it by bout from quatties on the Sea of Mar tnara, By definition, then, the marble used for Seljug beajectiles, and subsequently in the Seljug walls of Ane tala and Alanya, was spolia Micr he acquired Alanya, Sultan Keykubad devoted and resources to the reconstruction considerable e and expansion of the town, which he renamed alter hine self Inscriptions bearing his name and dating from the hhext decade are found on various parts of the walls The combination of the tismanic qualities of marble with those of the written word are made evident in another Passage from Ibn Bibi. Before departing from Alanya Feports the Seljug chronicler, Sultan Alaeddin Keykubsd ‘ordered that it he built with marble so that it could have bestowed! upon it the honor of his name (nda o aga)? The paucity of marble at Alanya a ‘marble found in the city walls is used almost exclusively for inscriptional plaques containing his name suggest that Alucddin Keykubuad’s name and marble were liter Fig. 4. Alanya, The Ki Kate ‘erin imitation of ashlar masoncy ally to be conjoined in the building of the new Sel sl ith siting walls. A talisinanic quality widely associa in Islam was joined with those extraordinary qi sociated with marble and spolia. In this manner the walle would have been doubly protected and ennobled Parts of the wall beayeen the second and fourth sece ors of the castle retain stretches of the original Hellenis tie masonry. The contrast between this solid construe tion of massive ashlar blocks Seljuq wall above is stiking (fig. 1), There are two surviv. ing indications on the fortifications of Alanya that this difference in solidity of construction was noticed by the Seljuq builders who set out to rebuild and extend its for Lifications in the 1220's, The frst of these iediately uphill from the main entrance to the apist. Here, the rorlyhly mor tared courses were plastered over, and finely dratted Hines painted on the plaster in imitation ofashlar (ig 2) The more solidly constructed! Kizal Kule was the hy nd the roughly coursed is found on the fouifications, the KaleTHE SELIUGS OF RUM AND THE ANTIQUE u orside anchor of the Seljug expansion of the walls of Alanya (lig. 3). Yet, elespite the greater attention ta its construction, evident in the more even coursing, thicker walls, reuse of larger blocks of stone, and use of column einforee its walls, the Kial Kule, traces of rectangular lines painted on plast masonry, as if to regulatize its appe This practice of masking hete terials by painting thent over ance (fig. 4) ing the finely cut and evenly laid courses of ashlar masonry remains only in the to architecturally promi- hhent sections — adjacent 10 the main ygate andl on its langest defensive feature, the Krall Kule — of Alanya’s Seljug fortifications. Lassociate this practice with an imi tation of ancient masonry still fond at Akanya, One has only to venture fifty miles orso west of Alanya, to the classical city of Aspendos, for the directness of this conneetion between the Seljugs and the ruined past of Anatotia to be demonstrated. At Aspendos the Seljuqs converted the stage building of the second century a.0, Roman theater into a palace. To the outside of the staxe building, Seljug builders atached an arched portico imacle of brick, reused stone, andl rubble (fig. 5). A tal, batiresstike support was also attached to the stage build: Roman theater: Seljug adios tothe aside of the sage ing to the lef of this entrance (ti vided a belvedere for the inhabitants of the palace 6). This aeldition pro. Uwhich was built into te southermuost stairtower locted behind this structure. Both of these strictures, so hap: whieh was then carefully painted in imitation of the soliel Roman masonry directly behind them masonry of the stage building was in turn outlined with havardly constructed, were covered in plaster The secondecutury 1e drafted lines of red paint. sivor k Sea coast fur hishes another example of an encounter between the The city of Sinop, on Anateia's U Seljugsand impressive remains of the classical pastin the form of city walls. This city was conquered in 12H by Sul tan Lzzeddin: Keykawus, who embarked ona major build inng campaign to strengthen its walls. To aid hiny in his task, he called upon the supervision and financial re sources of amirs and the professional expertise of archi on th walls of Konya, with brackets and other earved elements yes wonle turn up ki placed symmeticatly near or on the comers of the tow rs, found at Konya,Fig. Aspendos. Roman theater: Selugperid belhedlere plastered anal painted wit lines i initaton of ath ma Unfortunately early-twentieth-e {die one hand, and a thirteenth:-century reoccupation (ea, 1254-65) by Trapesuntine Greeks, on the Tobbed these walls of much of their iconographic pro ‘gram. The period of the Comne have resulted inthe disa from the ti in Keykayus exept those on the citadel walls." In addition, much of the spolia affixed to, the walls — including sculpture, reliefs and Latin inscrip- nice of all inscriptions of Lee jas been taken (0 the Sinopy Museum. The iconography the Byzantines and Seliuqs shared with respect to the city walls cannot be determined at Sinop, justasit cannot be determined whether the place- ment of the figural spolia just mentioned can be ature buted to the Seliuqs or to the Byzantines. Be that as it may, a source relating to Sinop under Izzecldin Keykavus underlines a shared understanding between these 180. cultures of the meaning of city walls The capitulation of the city gf Sinop in 1214 was pro: claimed, as was the Seljuq custom, by planting the sul lan’s banner on the heights of the walls. Then there ensued a ceremony in front of the walls, The troops of the sultan lined up to either side, and the Trapezuntine lord whose capture had preeipicated de capitulation of the city led forth the sultan’s horse, with the sultan om i aand bestowed the keys to the city on the sultan’s retain crs. The notables of the city then kissed the ground, pre sumably in front of the sultan,” The subsequue ing of money, paralleled in Sultan Alseddlin's departure from Alanya, recalls the ancient practice of largess, just as the imperial triumph is recalled by the earlier part of the ceremony: These were rituals understood and prace ticed by both sides."* That the symbolism of city walls was a shared one is un derstood also by one of the surviving inscriptions on the exterior of the east wall of the citadel at Sinop, facing the city and adjacent (0 the main entrance to the citadel (ig Fig 7. Sinop. Citadel. Bilingual insexiption on dhe east walTHE SELIUQS OF RUM ANDTHE ANTIQUE 158 7). It is madane in content, being the building inser. mrs with that stretch of tion crediting one of Lzzeddin d tower" It is, however, extraordinary in forin, of the text not only in Arabic, th stage of the Seljugs, but alse in of the inscription in the year fol due tod official inscrip Greek." Given the ¢ lowing the conquest of Sinop and its p! the main cityside entrance to the citade rhew mosque and prestinably also his inseription had other than a talismanic or apowopaic funetion; it was a specific mark of authority and its pur Nearby, also adjacent to the citadel entrance, is an ‘other Seljug inscription, 11 is eight lines long and cone building inseription, but mn poetry. Despite the Fact that only snatches ott sn read, itis clear that it consists of epic verse ect ebrating the victor of Sinop, the sultan *...conqueror [who] conquered Sinop with the tor over the enemies of Reykavus. KONYA, Nothing remains ofthe walls ofthe Rum Seljug epi Ko vellul of reliefs and inseriptions in the Museum of Turkish and Iskaniie Att in Istanbutl ancl in the Ince Minareli Medrese Museum in Konya.” Yer thanks co numerous eighteenth and ninietecnthycentary Visitors to Konva, several of whom lefia vishal record of their visits!" we have am ides of wally unparalleled in their richness of decoration, Classical spolia included a colossal heaaess statue of Hercuiles placed next to one gate, aswell as many finerary veliefs and carved sareoph: agus panels (figs. 8-9). In addition to the many figural and nonfigural spolia, there were many original thir teenth-contury Seljug figural reliefs, including angels ‘ons, sphins, 2 double-headed e gle, a dragon. fish, and a relict showing to chain-mail-clad footsoliers grasp ing broadswords.”” These walls were erected by the order and under the supervision of Aleddin Keykubad inv 1219-21." TheyFig 9, Konya. City walls (From Leon deka Borde, Naagede sie combine that extension of personal imperial authority ‘exemplified by the walls of Akmya with the richer materi als and iconography hinted at in the walls of Sinop, For, along with the wealth of spolia and Seljuq carving dis played on the walls, there were also many inscriptions, both the surviving building inscriptions and inscriptions quoting hadith, the Quran, the Stakama, and wiselom Titerature This profusion of sources, both artistic and literary can be explained by recourse to the epie verse on the walls of Sinop. Through hisactions as well as his building program at Sinop, Sultan lzzeddlin Keykavus seems to have placed himself in a mythic context, keeping com pany with the king The walls of Konya extend this mythic age to include the of yore, whether Caesar or Khusraw. hon-lslamic antiquity of Anatolia as well as the sayings of wise men, deeds of heroes from the Petsian princely tr dition, and sayings and deeds of Muliammad and the word of the Iskamie God, The walls of the Seljuq cities mirrored the structure of Seljug government, with different amirs competing to Finish different sections of wall, and marking, theit sccomplishnient, under the royal name, on tower and curtain wall, More specifically, this homiletic world Tefleets another Islamic topos. The mirrorofprinces genre which, like the walls of Konya, drew on waditions Istamic and Arabic. The importance of city walls for eeremonies of triumph and largess has been mentioned, but more pre-Islamic, secular nd religions, Persian commonly walls constituted the backdrop for cere, nies of official welcome Were met before the wallsand then conducted into town istighal — in which guests In the city walls of Konya, the mirror of the state is inyth, The commingling of historic and mythic time evident in extended 10 include the domains of religion a the Persian inscription at Sinop is found in Konya in only lief, that of the two footsoldiers.” By \d armor, these can be said to be represent tions of Crusaders. The passige of Crusader soldiers (perhaps as part of the armies of Brederick Barbarossa that sacked Konya in 1190) through Se marked and inserted into a visual universe that is other. wise popu jug domains was «l with beasts oF scenes or fi world of myth and legend. As Diez long ago noted, antiquity did inspire the deve ‘opment of stone relief carving in Seljuq Anatolia, but not directly Divect inspiration seems to "hae taken place in western Konya, the epic world of the Shafnamawas evoked by the {reauures carved by Seljuq artisans, A past for these city ain the fourteenth century: InTHE SELJUQS OF RUM AND THE ANTIQUE walls ws nvented and umished with sayings dha mas have been similar to the tag lines for tales tokd about see tque ruins —with wise men, books aval net ban The Seluqs seem to ave participate! at Konya in the reds pas of Anatolia asexemplifed thee byte Figural spotla — by means ofthese rice andl of te Shahnama, More specifica vided a norvitamie fineage that lanked the worl of the tlasle Greeks an the ruins they let behind wih the world of Firdavsi's summation. Although later tet Sika higony furnishes us wth proof ofthis In elatng story told 10 the bey af Karama by tro Jews wi nen, he presents potted history ofthe Creche The Greeks lormulatedrnany apele (ia) Alexander the Great pro- In par ceniperor reeks’ knowledge of geometry and Tarsus, Silifhe, Misi, anid Antalya. From Ptolemy's ineage came four Inandred Basedl on the ¢ tronomy they built Konya, Larende doctors, according to nd emperors, the last of whom unt, was Alexander The names of the Sefjug sultans, almost all ofthem he oes of the Shahnama,as wells the constant evocation of the heroes of that epic in contemporaneous sources like {hn Bibi, allowed the Setjugs of Rum to expand their field (ola that in the thirteenth century they were rebuilding reference to include the antique past of the An: Na massive scale for the frst time since antiquity Is possible that, like the inhabitants of Dark Age fous Anatolian civilizations a series of stories that, given time, would have cohered into a mythology like tht of the Hellenes, the preexisting model of the Shatinama seems to have subsiimed alternative pasts dur + the Seljugs made of the colossal ruins of previ However ing the Seljuy heyday when these city walls were built e century: alter the Seljug defeat by the Later in the si Mon and inevitability of myth must have grown artificial, tis ‘o this period of the later thirteenth cenit Ana Iv plunged Anatolia into disorder, the ecrta that we ean Turkish wine andl the Danishmeniduame.? I ascribe the growth of homemade Anatolian pies like the Salt them, the mythic past cedes to the heroie, and the super nanural deeds of their protagonists depart the inser tional and constructional present for a Turkish heroic age, the pe Jeventh and ¢: id of the conquest of Anatolia in the late y wselfth centuries Goongetown University Washington, D.C r Notes Authors note: Part af te research for this papers supponted by a ‘eavel grant fom the American Resear Inte ne ebay Thheadore Ducas Tasetis, Api. XNNM a 6 espotan, in 91H Mang, These ofthe Bheantne fps 513.1183 oop 18, Toronto, HG), 2 Eg. ML Mes’ Roman, ed, Site Aan (Konya, 1845), pp. 135, 13%, Fin Hayes Rum soo ca. §. Akan, vol 2 (Ankans: ISR) pp. IT7AE For the ea ties cemumy see FW, Haste, Chatty and bn oe Sidi (Onto 19 Tos Panty (Anka, 1987, Altar Kida eat ite Mi Ale-Thomine (hamaseas 1987) rit Mango, “Antique Staiay and the Byzantine Behoklen” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 17 (163). 35-75: ML Dain he tique Statsanyin Medieval Constantinople” Fon 19 (hat Clie Fas ane Davie Wintel, tain Potions (Prete OR) 2 mess” Aart 12 (168) 17-88, See Lowland 1.8 Rive, i for this and other terminology relating to Alana Mh hb), Mubheser ed. M.J le Conger in MET. Masha, ¢ AWA Saline Mm (Teh, 184) [105.p 00 init. 103 the city alls of Sino, see Anton yer a David Wi fill, “he Brsontine Mont Tipogaphy of the Pra Washington D4 HS) 1-38, HAA, Ut, Sino iat (Sop, 1 (1221, p. 1 Wit, Auth Useantne impera rmphs conned ta be practic 1261 see M. MleConmick, ting" in the Ojon ‘yumi (New York, 19), 2-2 E. Mlachet, “Neve sur apse inscriptions arabes Ase Mineute et sur quatre insertions di Sultan mamslouk ka has” Rene mitt (1998) 7; M Beet Siurp Reae ley Ne Sink Tan Ee Tago) 44 For the Greck text of thi istsiption, see N. Bees, Die Px velit he Mara Spe Mele, “Sinop Kitaheleri (1).” pA Aedu Modem (stan 1988) Kony Ava Ath Acs Mula Pn 3. lS, M, Ys edie’ stant 180). pp Chief among these are L de a Marte, Lede se Mir (Pars, 886), ane C. Tevien, Deseo de hue Mine es Tei, M, Onder, “Kunya Kalas se Fig Esesleri= 7 ak Pi Konges)Tbigir (Ankara, 1167), H, Ts Bi, Muse pp 104 Alesses Rombaci, "Die Mancrinsc lien son Kosa” in O, Aslaapa and. Nausnann, eles Foch Sr Rosas Jn Meneraam Kit Erne (Uta, 148): yy Anat Medeniveis? 3,81 DSK, For dhe Cavsader ates tion a Mendel, rasttinopley E.Dier and 1 Glick, Dienst evn, 1 Nam pty156 SCOTT REDFORD, 2AM. Scytct and A. Tophas, Ankara Yes Fiche Maar 9 For the continustion ofthe Sk fan (Istanbul, nat), ad KO Down, “Titische Grab Aaedain, sce O, Taran, Srukluler Lamaniude Thskoe tea sing tie Fgurenelief aus Kleine,” clr Oren 8 (lanbul 1981) pea (0989): 69-76, 27. L-Melikol, 1a Gaede Mott Danignend (Pats, 1960), 14 25. Roman, Shan rin sna Oars Tap. 138