Introduction ‘The world has already become, whether for good or for bad, one small village in which no independent closed culture, if there is any, can survive, Cultures have to negotiate, c give and take, to borrow and deliver, a phenomenon thar is not new or invented in the mod: cern context of globalization, The history of the world culture els us that the wave of civilization was probably born somewhere around the basin of rivers, probably in black Aftiea, Egypr or lag, before it moved co Greece, then returned to the Middle East in the form of Hellenism, With the advent of Islam, a new culture emerged absorb ing. and eeconseructing the Hellenistic as well as the Indian and Iranian culural elements before it was handed to the Western New ‘World via Spain and Sicily ‘Shall | menvion here the name of the Muslim philosopher thn Rushd, known as Averroes ithe Latin environment and the impor «ance of his writings in consteucting synthesis of borh the Arstorelian and the Islamic legacies, chu, cranssing new inellectual light che European dark ages? T would like to take the opportunity to express my gratitude 10 the Humanist Foundation “Socrate’, the Humanist Development Organization, HIVOS, and the Board of Governors of the Universiey ‘of Humanistics for the very significant inative co establish an [Academic Chair for Islam and Humanism in the Atabic name ‘Ibn Rasha! instead of the Latin Avertocs. [am so honored to be the frst scholar to occupy the Chait, and in che vein of Ibn Rushd’s thought hope not only to present my lecture roday, bur more to contribute co the process of building solid bridges beoween Islam and Humanism. 7NASR ABO ZaYD) ‘Why sit now so vital for Muslims to rethink the Quin? Besides che present contexe of Westetn Islamophobia, especially after the erauma of September L18 and the aftermath tervrism operations every where in the Muslim as well as the non-Muslim World, which reduced Isla to be radical, violent and exclusive, one should mph size the importance of this invitacion to ‘eethink the Qur'an’ for ‘Muslims in general, and for Muslims living in Europe in particular. am not here claiming, any missionary task to formulate a specific Islam, bur rather situating my hermeneutical positon. ‘The process of ‘rethinking tradition’ as well as negotiating the ‘meaning’ of the Qur'an in the Muslim World has been, however, an ‘ongoing development since the cighteench century I would like to argue not only forthe continuation of this process of rethinking but for moving it further toward a constructive method for Muslims, wherever they are, 10 be actively engaged in formulating the ‘mean- ing of life in the world in which they live Tn the year 2000 I vas honored with che Clveringa rotated Chair of Law, Freedom and Responsibility, especially Freedom of Religion and Conscience by the Chair's curatorium atthe University of Leiden. Tn my inaugural lecture on Monday 27 November 2000, exactly theee and a hal years ago, I presented the concept of the Quin asa space ‘of Divine and Human Communication. Under the tile "The Qua God and Man in Communication, | atcempted rereading, and there- fore re-inexpretat in the clascal disciplines, known as ‘the sciences of the Quen, “uli al-Quriin it. Arabic, especially those sciences which deal wich the nature ofthe Qur‘in, its history and is steucture, In such rereading, and reinterpretation, 1 employed some methodological apparatus, such as semanti torical criticism and hermeneutis tha are not generally applied, nor appreciated, in the traditional Quranic studies in dhe Muslim World. 1 focused in my analysis on che Vertical dimension of revelation, sway in Arabic, ie the communicative process beeween God and the Propher Muhammad that produced the Qur. As these vertical communications, which lasted for more than 20 years, produced a multiplicity of discourses (in che form of verses, passages, short chap ters) these discourses had a chronological order. ‘of some basic principal asumprions contained semiotics as wel as hisETHINKING THE QUAN: TORARDS 4 HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS In the process of canonization, from which the canonized scripeure ‘emerged as muthaf. this chronological order was not preserved it was replaced by what is now known as the “recitation onder” while the chronological is know as the ‘decadence order. According to the “orthodox view; the Qui'an was perfectly preserved in oral form from the beginning and was written down during Muhammad’ lifetime or shorcly cheteafier when it was “eollcred” and arranged for the time by his Companions. The complete consonantal ext is believed co have been established during the reign of the third caliph, "Uthman (644-56), and the final vocalzed text in the eatly 4/10 ceneury. I itcally adapt to the Orthodox view, realize another human dimension present in this process of canoniza- sion, which entailed the eaey rearrangement and the late application is important, even if we ‘of signs of vocalization to the only consonantals Today, I would like to develop my thesis about the human aspect of the Qur'in one further step, moving from che vertical dimension cowards the Horizontal dimension of the Qur'an. By the horizontal dimension [ mean something more than the canonization, ‘or what some other scholars identify as the act ofthe prophet’ grad ual propagation of che message ofthe Qur'an after recevingit or the spread of the message through the ‘interpretive corpus, according to IM, Arkou, Ido mean the horizontal dimension that is embedded in the sructure of the Qur'an and was manifest during the proces of communication itself. This horizontal dimension could only be real- Jaed if we shift our conceptual framework from the Quran asa "ext (othe Qur'an as discourse 1. The Qur'an as "Discourse! Recently, Muhammad Atkoun and others! rightly distinguish bbeeween the phenomenon af the Quin, che recited discourse, and the Mushaf which contains what Arkoun identifies as the “Closed Compas’ or Seripcute through the process of canonization explained 1 See Muhammai! Adoun, Reinking Mam. common qucstons uncommon ner ted by Robert Dy Le, Wein Pes, 19 pp. 3840. The Unihagh n Contemperey lame Tho Say books She Tse of Ima Stas, London 200, 9.9. Se fre ews of Hasan Haat my Na 2 Kb Di (ig of Rls Dacor), Car, second eon p18 9NASR ABO 24¥D above, which transformed the recited dicourse int srpnue ora ‘cet. Today I would ike bypass this historia moment of eans- formation known inthe history of every religion. Since that histori cal moment Mastin schoas ofthe Qurn, though theoretically aware ofthe impact of this transformation and ocaionlly return back othe pretext sructure ofthe Quin, never were able ep sure the living phenomenon, the Qurin a ‘discourse Moder schol ofthe Quran share dhe conespe of the Quin a att’ despite the diferent paradigm of meaning each re 0 rasp and deduce fom the Qurén, Dealing withthe Qurin as only 2 tet enhances she poses of interpretation and reimerprea- tion but allows aswell che ideological manipulation not only of the meaning but aso of che ‘structure, following the pattern of polemic imerpreation of theologians 1 was one of che propagators of the textualty of the Que'én under the influence ofthe literary approach initiate by the modern, and sil appreciated, literary approsch2, [recently started to realize how dealing with che Qurin as a text alone reduces is status and Jgnores che fact tha csi functioning a ‘discourse’ in everyday Iie? The volume entitled “The Qur'an as Text’ which presents the proceedings of che symposium held in 1993 in the Oriental § of the University of Bonn, enjoyed so many reprints, because it introduces the shift to which Stefan Wild refers, a least in the Western Qur'inic scholarship, from the paradigm ofthe ‘genesis of the Quin, whether Jewish oF Christin, co the paradigm of txts recep. Te is ue thatthe Qur'an texrusrecepeus, the Que'én asa text «contained in the musa shaped and shapes the religious convictions ‘of Muslims and i, more the ental cultural text in so many Islamic 2 Sef emp my Mah aNd alm Qua (The Cones of ‘he Tee stay inthe Qurn scence Revs and Canblan, Fst pte 190, rh erin BE and rer es plcaton Fo mre boa he er any appouch ce ny The Det of he Lary Apoich tthe Qu ‘Aih oura of Conpaatve ue, he Arsen Unters Cine AUC), No 2 Litre and he See 2003 pp 8-7 435 Lowe thi reion othe rach for wing. og are bout the Quin in Beta Lieto the Eoeopacli of the Quem Beil Leiden (beers BQ) vel? 2002) pp 8058. 4 Sein Wild ed), Er Bel eden, prin 1996, 10RETHINKING THE QUR'AN: TOWARDS & HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS cultures.’ But this i true only when we limit our definition of eon- vietions and ‘cultures’ co the high level, the ‘convictions’ nd ‘eul- tures ofthe elite, On che lower level of ‘cultures’ and ‘convictions, on the level of che masses, itis mote the recited Qur'in, the phenome non ofthe Qui'an as discourse, that plays the most important rule in shaping the public consciousness. For Muslim scholars the Quan was always a text, from the moment ofits canonization till now: Ie is ime now to pay cose atten- tion to the Quen as discourse of discourses. Iris no longer sufficient to e-contextualize a passage or some pasages when itis only needed to fight against lteralsm and Fundamentalism or when itis needed co wave away certain historical practice chat seems unfit in our mod cern context, Its also not enough to invoke modern hermeneutics in onder to justify the historicity and, therefore, the relatviey of every mode of understanding claiming in the meantime that our modern inerpretation is the more appropriate and the more valid. These insufficient approaches produce either polemic or apologetic hermeneutics Without rethinking the Quin, without reinvoking its living, status asa ‘discourse, whether in che academia or in everyday life no democtaic hermeneutics can be achieved. Why ic has to be demo- cratic? Because iis about “meaning of if’ it has to be democraical- ly open hermeneutics, IF we ate sincere in freeing religious thought from power manipulation, whether political, social, oF religious in ‘order to return the formulation of meaning’ back to the community cof believers, we need fo construct open democratic, humanistic hermeneutics ‘The empirical diversity ofthe religious meaning is pare of our human diversity around the meaning of if in general, which i sup- posed o be a positive valle in our modern living context. In order so ‘connect the question ofthe meaning of the Quy’ ro the question of the meaning of life i is now imperative to indicate the face that the Quan was the outcome of dialoguing, debacing, augmenting, accepting and rejecting, no only with pre-tslamic nots, practice and cultute, bur wih is own previous assessments, presupposition, 55 id pin ee tnodacton ulNash AB zav0 |i might be surprising co claim that «in the easly Muslin era, before the Quy’an was flly canonized, and definitely before Islam was lly institutionalize - the differentiation between the Quai, the sill alive discourse, and the mushaf. the silenc rex, was explicated against an invitation co politciae the Quen, This moment necds robe remem bere 2 The Qur'an versus the Mushaf: the spoken and the silent 1 would like hereto stare with a statement related to the Fourth caliph, ‘Al, the cousin of Muhammad and his son-indaw, in which he described the mushafas sien; ie des not speak, but humans speak ie ‘ou. The context in which this sstemene emerged is imporant, because it could shed a lor of light on che present situation in which the polix- cal manipulation of the meaning of the Que‘ i hardly cancelled, Teas inthe context of “Ali, the legally chosen Caliph, fighting against Mu’ Swiyya, the governor of Syria who did nor recognize Ali’ authority in he battle of Sffin in 657. Mu swiss star seemed to be sinking, when his collaborator “Ame b, al-*As advised him to have his soldiers hoist copies of the Que'an on their lances. This ges ture, famous in Muslim history, did not imply surrender; by chis means Mu’ wiya invited the combatants co resolve the question by consultation of the Qur'an. Weary of fighting che ewo atmicsIsid down theie arms. “Ali was forced by his partisans to submic che dif ference t0 arbitration, as proposed by Mu°awiya, and further ra choose the arbitrator for his side ftom among the “neutrals”. So sure were his followers that they were in the right! In these decisions the 4qurrd those who memorize the whole Qar'in by heart and are the profesional rectors, played a lage part. The mission of ch tors was 10 consult the Qur’in “eom the fist to the last stra” and, in default of clear indications in the sacred Book, the sunna of the Prophet, excluding what might give rise co divergences. In the absence of a clear definicion of subject of consultation, cream is viduals had protested agains recourse co arbitration with the ery dé Iuka ile tli, literally “no arbitrator but God". The phrase implied thac it was absolutely improper to apply 10 men for a deci- sion since, for dhe ease in dispute, there existed a divine ordinance in bite 12RETHINKING THE QUICAN: TOWARDS 4 HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS, the Queinie verse 49:89: “IF ewo partis of the Believers ight with cone another, make peace between hem, but if one rebels (ght) aginst the other, then Fight against that one which rebels (ala tabgh, anti retuens ro obedience 10 God." The dsident main- tained thas it was Aliso continue co fight against Muy 8 rn new fact ad intervened to alter the station. © In response fo sich a ery “Alt made the differentiation been the silenc mushaf the text, in one hand, and the voclized Quan by the people on the other hand. This statement of “Al, which is heavily ‘quoted by modernise Muslim scholars merely to indiate the multiple posibiles of incrpretaion, as well as the possibilty of politcal Tranipuasion ofthe Qunic meaning, has more implications than hasbeen realized. The vocalization ofthe Qur'in, whether in Kur in everyday lif in any soca, politcal or ethical dispute, carries with itcertain mode of incerpretation and reinterpretation by ways of nso" nation and appropriation” The Qur'an isa living phenomenon, like the music played by che orchestra, wheres the mashaf he writen text is analogous fo the musical nore: itis silent. A humanistic hermeneutis of the Quin must take eiosly the living phenome- rom and stop reducing the Qu to the stars of rey a ext. “The modem political blamist movements whether radical or moderate agree on Goals absolute authority in determining and stp tulaing the regulations of the detailed behavior ofthe indvidal as wll the laws that govern the sciryas 4 whole. In modern polit- ical hermeneutics such a cam ofthe absolue Divine source of legis lation is based om the sini claim of she protestors against arbi tion, While the protestors of the seventh century cred ‘no arbitrator bur God! by interpreting che Qur'inic vocabulary yabhum asco judge or abieate the modem political protestors understand the same sword asco rule by way of legislation. This poi and ideological manipulation can alo be found in the clas ra of Iam. Based entirely on an explicit asertion that the Qu'in is only text, its manipulation concnued, (6 CE anit, ADA Til the Ensclopi om, EB hens BD, iden, son, nlp 3808 7 For enupls of ifn wae ination and apropitions of the Qui tes he rile veya ey Qurbn Eva 1, op ce 13NASR ABO zarD 3: The “Text? Reconstructed and Manipulated When I sated to examine the different methods of interprétation applied to the Qur'in asa te first book (1982). | investigated the emergence of the concept of “metaphor” that was intoduced to Arabic shetori a dhe beginning ‘of the 9% century by the rationalist school of theology known asthe ‘Mu’taziles, through thie effore co explain the anthropomorphic images of God in the Qur‘an, on the one hand, and the verses that, seem to support a doctrine of “predestination”, on the other, The -Mu'talites employed the concept of “metaphor” a a linguistic ro! to interpret those «ypes of verses ofthe Quy‘ thae they considered ‘ambiquous", This forged a powerful instrument to interpret the Quranic tex according to the Mutat ranscendeealist stan dards: where it suited tei des, the Quranic text was labeled “lear” and, therefore, nor in need for metaphorical interpretation; where i Aid not, it was considered to be “ambiguous” and need to be inter- preed metaphorically The main conclusion I have reached, after comparing. the Mu'taites” and the anc-Mu'tailites discourses, was that the Quran became the site of a Fece intellectual and polccal bat ‘That batle was sted at one of the most important junctures of the seructure ofthe Qurinic text (Quen, 3:7). Both the Mu exits and their opponents agree on the principe char the Quin includes ambiguous verses as wll a clear verses, and thatthe “cleat” should Furnish the norms for dsambiguating che ambiguous. However, they Alsagree when it comes to practical implementation; thus, the con © in taditional Islamic theology in my 8 ALJith aesgh 8 ae Diss Qatar aE Me 6 “LOQurn nd“ ‘Mu tari (Te Rona Ted in Qurni aces inveigcon of the emp ofmeaphor inthe Quen caine te Mie he Arabic Cala ener Caan and Bert, in pub in 3982 ad se any erin al lowed 9 Heit is wio assent down he she Book in iat er, wl lied ve they ate the fase ofthe Book: ethene sbiious Thain he Treat i pereiny flion the part theresa wari secing tid nd seachng fo i hidden mean bs noone knows iden mening cep Aluh a hove wh ate Rly roundel in knoe y=" belie the Bool he whale of itis om out Lon and aon wil gp the Mose sce men of undestnding Reference o Quin ion neat aay is pipet y the ehapers numer acrding tat snn flowed bythe ve “eso! numer For lun Yan “Als ad aon ging keene 4RETHINKING THE QUI'AN, TOWARDS 4 HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS, troversy docs not only revolve around the meaning of the Qur'an, it also involves its structure. What the Mu’azltes consider as “cleat” is considered as “ambiguous” by their opponents, and vice versa Such intellectual disputes aboue the structure and the meaning ofthe ‘Que‘in constituted the first hermencutial principle a the dichoto- ry beeween clarity and ambiguity. ‘The intellectual opponents of the Mu'taziies were the tradi sionalists, who upheld the literal interpretation ofall Quranic vers to the extent thae they alicmed the existential reality of ll divine artributes, all the xchatological images, and even the idea that God ca be seen by human eyes. The Mu’taltes abjected to thei idea that the literal interpretation of the holy text was a religious duty regarding ic as an obstacle co the fulfillment of mankind's destiny. They believed that God himself imposed on mankind the dury 10 acquire real knowledge by using his rational facul Later | will explain chat this conjecture declaring ‘clarity’ and ‘ambiguity’ in che Quen is part of the dialogue discourse of the Quin, the dialogue withthe Christians of Arabia, che Nasir. For the thcolagian to assume an establishing rule ora principle of hermeneu- ‘ics require the assumption ofthe textuality’ of che Quin, |As for the jutss, their approach is based on another structural principle chat differentiates herween the ‘early’ and the ‘late revela- tions. According so chis principle, there should be no contradiction in any preseription or proscription, because the ‘ate always abro- ‘gates the ‘erly ‘Though they seem 10 ascertain awareness concerning the (Quin as ‘discourse’, ie presented them witha problem that needed to be solved. They did not understand thatthe different rulings of the Qurin could be a postive phenomenon, a diversity that should be kept open as options For the community of believers to be able co compete with the ever-changing social order; instead they aimed at fixing the meaning by considering the gradual process of revelation as gradual development in the content of the message. Considering the later revelation to be the final and the previous ro be provisional they applied the concept of ‘abrogarion’, thus, eliminating all the pre- vious options in favor of the las revealed articulation. According t0 this concept of abrogation the Qur'an is divided into four categories: 151 Verses and passages that are enctely deleted from the present ‘Closed Compus, ie they once belonged tothe Quen, but now they no longer belong ro the Quin, ‘Verses and passages whereby their rules and stipalations are no longer valid, bur stil exist in the Quin to be ecieds seit legal Power is deleted bur nor their divine taus as God speech Verses and pasages whereby thee rules and stipulations are valid though they are deleted from che Quin: the stoning penal for fornication committed by maid people belongs to his category 4 Of course the verses and passages that were not subject eo abro sation.10 “The Sufi hermeneutics might be the posible ingredient for an open democratic hermeneutics in the Islamic culture. Mubyé ‘Din Ibn “Arabi, che great Andalusian Sufi who was born in Spain, wrote his, paeatest treatise in Mecca (The Meccan revelation, Al-Fuiiit Al ‘Matkiypa) and died in Syria (6381279). His hermeneutics of the urn formed the topic of my second book (1983).!" and planted the seeds ofa possible open democraie hermeneutics. Ibn Arab’ hhermeneuical project is based entirely on emphasizing the inclusive nature of the Qur'an, meaning bringing together, versus the Furgin, another name of the Quy'4n meaning the separation and diferentia- tion.2 By such emphasis he constquted an acempt co integrate al knowledge existing up to his time (fom Plato to Averres) in the ‘Quran; his hermeneutics opens che meaning of the Qur'an, and the meaning of Islam, eo be very conclusive meaning that integrates, (Christan Jaca, and al ther eligions Ib “Arabi slim religion of comprehensive love as Ibn "Arabi terms it in his poet! ‘The hermeneutics ofthe Sufi in general, and of tbo “Arabi, fllows it oe mote dei eaplnaton se acme By J. Baan in El. Vi 1s 101 Sx hse iors aise oan 0 Leiden vol Bho. pp. Li Fall 37h ids ell "Quin “in Mebip! Din ibm “Arb (The Pint of Hermeneutic: ad of Avs Hest he Quin The Arc Cala Canc, Cables ant Bi sph in (983 and 2 many teins foe Scare tama Ea pp 3178 3. °My heat as come apable af eery Frm cps rps and ‘sen For Cran monk rnd empl ns sta he ps Kea nd >RETHINKING THE QURAN: TOWARDS & HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS in general nor in deuals, depending basically on the notion of four semantic levels applicable to every verse: the outward (edhin, the Snward (bitin), the limitation (badd), and the upward (marl). This ‘multi-semantc structure of the Qur'an enabled the Sufis to avoid the dichotomy of clarity and ambiguity employed by the theologians, because every’ level leads to he upper and contains the lot with no contradiction nor dichoramy. Ie alsa keeps the Quin accesible tal the believers regardless of dei education othe intellectual capaci Ibn Rush critically developed che Mu tazilite system further in ‘order to open up the meaning ofthe Qur'in to the findings of philos- ‘phy. According to him, the Quoin, being intended 10 address and reach all humans, regardless of color, ethnicity or level of knowledge, includes thee modes of semantic expression. The fist, and most com- mon, isthe ourwand poetic (Hiab form addressing che masses; the second isthe argumentative (jada fen intended to address the the cologians; the third and mose refined is the philosophical (burhinf form intended for the philosophers." The difference berween Ibn Rushd and the theologian, against whom he lunches a severe attack accusing them of destroying the mas’ convictions by propagating thee inter: pretation as the only valid understanding, i thar he does nor consider the poctic meaning, addressing the masses, a inferior to the philo sophical. He asserts the difference nor the hierarchy. His being a jurist, a physicist as well sa philosopher mighe explain his unique position Alehough he quotes the conjeccure verse (3:7), always invoked by the ‘theologian to rconsteuct the Qur'in in tems of ‘larity’ and 'ammbigu ir’, he only used i sa justification, alongside other legal principles such as legal syllogism, the right of the philosophers to be engaged in hermeneutics. Ibn Rushd hermeneutics have not yet been studied probably because his theological weatiss did noc go beyond these gen- eral outlines, A thorough study of his hermencutics would need co invesigate his toal writings, including his commentaries; he was after all deeply i olved in a heavy interpretative task the bles Tah and the ok fhe Kean allow ee eigen of lone: wh (etm Local ike chat any lig nd my ih” Se A A Tarjuman AAs, colon of ysis (The Inept of Desi. tne By Reynld Nicolo, London 1911, 967 1 CE'On te Harmony af Relion and Philosphy randion Tb Rah a sl Magi by George Horan Beil, Leen 1992, Chap 3 v7So far the Sui hetmeneutics, which emphasizes the semantic mui plicit in accordance with the recipient engagement in producing the ‘meaning, seems closer to recognizing the nature ofthe Quen chan ate the theologians, che philosophers (except Ibn Rushd perhaps) and the juris, They were able, according o the notion a individ cngagement with the Quin, to develop the concept of sama (lis tening arentively) and so present the other side of the coin, the Quen, meaning vocalization and recitation. Dealing with the (Quin a tee alone wold find incerpretatin? to be the other side ‘ofthe coin in this ease the mushafnot the Qur'an Now; the question is, ‘could any hermeneutics ignore the fet thae the Qur'an is noc only tex” So fat, the history of exegesis shows that the Quen has been dele with a text thar needs only a struc tural and philological analysis to uncover its meaning, This is obvi ous inthe theological as wells the philosophical approach, which i buile on the assumption of the ‘larty-ambigity’ dichotomy, and which survived unt today. As we have sen already such a dichoto ry facilitates the semantic manipulation of the Quranic meaning Dealing wich the Quen as discourse’ would present araherdifer cnt paradigm chat might enhance our proposed hermeneutics. ‘What follows will only offer some examples of the some char acteristic of the Qurinie discourse: a comprehensive and detailed projection needs «book. I hope that he following examples will res enc only the skeleton of a broader proc. 4. Polyphonic not Monophonic, Who Speaks and Who Listens? Because the concept ofthe Qui as only ‘exe’, predominates in both castand west there isa difficulty in presenting an accurate typology of the Queinic structure ‘The Encyclopedia of Islam’ categorization of te ‘Literary Form’ of the Que‘, for example, is based on a mixture of Siylé-structure and ‘content? norms, thus the terry forms are rnumerated as: a. Oaths and related forms: b Sign- passages Say-pas- sages: d. Narratives: e, Regulations ,Leurgical forms and Others! 15: Soca Qu E, vl, pp 400 ton 7 18[RETHINKING THE QUR'AN: TOWARDS & HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS Muhammad Arkoun, though emphasizing the structure of the Qur'an asa discourse following Paul Ricoeursrypology ofthe Bible, which is based on the oriented definition of text, distinguishes five types of discourse utilized in the Qur'in, ‘prophetic, legislative, nar- rative,sapiential and hymnal (poeti)'.!6 However, he maintains a notion of one structure of ‘grammatical relations’ and one ‘realm of grammatical communication’ defined in all Quranic discourse!” Here the diversity and the mulplicigy of the grammatical relations and the grammatical communications are reduced to one singular dominating steuctre “The Qui‘ is the speech of God's there i no dispute about this Alocerine, but the discourse structure ofthe Quein reveals mnuliplicty of voices noe only one. As a discourse the Que'in is polyphonic not monophonic; there ate so many voices in which the T andor ‘We’ spsaker is not always the Divine voice. Sometimes the Divine voice is presented in the form ofthe third person ‘He’ or sometimes in the sec- ‘ond person You'. The He’ manifestation ofthe Divine preceded by the imperative "say" enunciated by another, probably unknown for certain, voice addressing Muhammad is o be found, for example in chapter 112, one ofthe early chapters revealed in Mecc Says Heit Alla rhe Ones Alla the Eternal Absolute: He begets not nar is He begotten And there is none lke Him According to the Islamic believe this unidentified voice should be the voice of Gabriel, the mediator and messenger ofthe Divine to reveal His message to Muhammad. As messenger he is explcating Gods speech through his own voice acting on behalf of the Divine Afterwards the implicit Divine voice, which became explicie ‘Muhammad via the angel’ voice, has to be announced tothe people, the target group of the mesage, via Muhammad’ human voice. With all the involved thrce voices the mode of discourse in the chap ters the ‘informative. 16. Rshinking Ma, op ce 938, 1 id pp 38-59. 19In the chronotogicall isc revealed verses of the Que'én (1-5, chap 1er 96) where the addressee is obviously Muhammad, the voice ofthe speaker is che voice of the Angel who appeared to him atthe cave of Hird, for firs ime, or may be for dhe second time, introducing ‘Muhammad to the Lord. The Lord is intcaduced in the titd person, Tn this fst enunciated discourse che angel voice does not seem expli- cating the Divine Voice: i is rather providing information about Him co Muhammad the mode of discourse is “informative. Recite, in the name of your Lord who creates Creates man fr a clot Recite: your Land isthe Most Bounteons Who teaches by the pen, Teaches man tha which he knew not ‘The report in the “biography of che Prophet’ chrough which we learn that Muhammad was hesitant t0 comply with the angel strong and repeated demand 10 ‘recite’ suggests that Muhammad might had Deen already involved in a certain recitation’ in the name of cerain livinity; the anges voice demanding Muhammad to ‘recite seems to be aiming at convincing Muhammad to redress his recitation to che Lord presented. The seruccure ofthe discourse where the imperative “recite repeated tee supports this suggestion. Moreover, in the hymn orland the licutpical passages the voice of ‘he speaker is the human voice and the addressee is the Divine being. The best example isthe opening chapter ofthe Quan tobe recited in the five daily prayers which ate obligatory For every Muslim, Prise be 10 Allah the Lord ofthe World ‘The Companionate, the Mercfi Master of tbe Day of Judgment 114s You whore we worship and itis You from Whom we sek belp 1 Acconing o dhe eps ara ana eae othe prophet on the acount hs ‘eds, sbo the Bin enconterBerwsen Matra nd the Hol Spins (abv ee, The Lit of Mamma (ramlaton ofl hig Sot Ral AI) silk inodseton and nor by A Guilume, Pakstan Branch Oxford Unive Pre faba Bn publi 195. eping 1967p 108 20RETHINKING THE QUITAN: TOWARDS A HUNAMISTIC HERMENEUTICS Guide ne tothe right conrte, The course of those whom You blesed, Not he course of whom provoked Your anger neither those who got cauray Interestingly che recitation of this chapter is considered as invoking God's response, but while the recitation is explicie the Divine response is implicit. In other words, the rector has to slowly recite the verses pausing co receive che answer. In other words, recication of this chapter contains both vocalization and artentve hearing, sam ‘The following tepor is narated asa (gua) hadith where God says: alii vided beroen Me and My servane into egual shares When he say, praise be 10 Gad, the Lord ofthe whole word, say, My treat praed Mes When he ays, The Compasionate The Merciful 1 say, My sereant exalted me: When he say, the Master ofthe Day of Judgmens, say, My sean glorified me When he sat [er You whom we worship and iis You fom Whom see sek help aay. this is berween Me and My servant all what My servant asked for is guaranteed: When he says guide us tthe right course, the course of hase whom You blesed, nos the course of whom provoked Your anger neither hose who gor astray sy, these are fr my sereans and all are guaranteed for him? “This type of implicit dilogue between man and God, where man, 1g Gods speech, becomes the speaker, and God, the clefaule Speaker of the ‘recited’ Que'én, becomes recipient, is very explicit i she structure of the Quan, Within the polyphonic struc ture of the Qurnic discourse ‘dialogue’ is another characteristic 10 be presented. although reci 19) SocAlMut by Mil. Ans kit ali Ilo. 174 Sah asin Tle abst mo, 388, Sir CD prota Na al adh alan Capri at Sac Co 193 215- Dialogue Ta mention frequented examples of dialoging is suciene to rfer to what is categorize 8 che ay passages Where the structre “they say «you say’ exist, A ‘dialogue’ could be polemic, apologetic but ie could be ako inclusive or exchsvs i ould be aswell productive cor destuctve. We confine our el here to present thee types of di logue lassie in tems ofthe addresice, che dialogue with unbe levers that wich che Jews and the Christians of Arabia and the dia logue with the livers ‘The dialogue with the unbelievers. the polyheits of Mea scart calms an sof, bat gradually was hardened, When the pagan of Mecca started to negorate with Muhammad, suggesting a way for exchange of recognie~ ing his Lord, it seems in che context of the sof calm dialogue tha Muhammad accepeed. This brings the curious story mentioned in ancient historical soutces which relates that Muhammad was reciting chaper 53 in the presence of a number of Meccan Polthess and when he came to the names oF thee oftheir fivrie deities mentioned in verses 19 and 20 rw short verses were pronounced by Muhammad, they are the high‘ying cranes (gharini) I whose ineercession (vith God) tobe hoped for’ Wh the prophet reached in his eciation the lsc verse ofthe chape, so prostate youre before Gd and serve Hin’ the posthiss prostrate with Muslims ina signal of recoil atin beeween Muhammad and the Mecca ‘Muslim scholars eject the story as alter invention while most European biographers of Muharnma accep it as historia. eis not ‘our concern hereto get involved in tis debate, because the Que'én itself alludes t the story in chapce 22, verse 52, devaluating the salty of chose ewo verses by atbuting chem to satanic intrusion ‘on Muhammad tongue, an intrusion ro be deleted ‘Muhammad to show respect for their dtes Never did We send an apostle or a praphet before the, but when te famed a desire, Satan threw some (vanity) into his desire: but God will cancel anything (vain) hat Satan throws in, and God sell confirm (and exablsh) His Signs for God is ful of Knowledge cand Wider (verse 52),RETHINKING THE QURAN. TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS ‘Whether this devaluation reflects process of negotiation or not the Fact remains tha cere is Queinic evidence ofthe historical éxistence ‘of the event, and this devaluation might be considered the first step of absolute demarcation berwecn ‘monotheism’ and ‘polytheism’. But this demarcation has toe set gradually. Firs step was expresed in one ofthe early chapters, chapter 109, ‘where Muhammad is advised, by the unknown voice - dhe angel's voice + not to negotiate with the unbelievers, the polythests any more, but in the meantime to distance his conviction from thers. Say: O you who reject to believe! T worship not thar which you worship Nor will you worhip shat which I worsip. And I will not worhip that which ye have been worsipping [Nor will you worship shat which I worship. To you be your Way and 10 me mine, Repetition ofthe phrase'T worship not thar which you worship’ rwice signifies the existence of strong opposition on the side of che unbe- liewers, accompanied with a strong repeated counter invitation to ‘Muhammad for an exchange of worshipping. In other words, the style structure of that short chapter reveals the existence of dialogue in which the chapter is engaged, ‘But when an attack is launched against Muhammad and his prophetship is questioned the Qur'an defends Muhammad. The peo- ple of Mecca concest the isue of che authenticity ofthe divine source of the Qur'in, and therefore the issue of Muhammad's sincerity, hon- sty, trustworthy - his credibility ~ is challenged, The allegation shat Muhammad forged and fabricated the Qur'an is disputed and responded to notin the style form of hey sa’, bur it is understood from the refutation that i isa response. Tis is very characteristic of the ‘discourse’ structure, ic. its involvement and engagement with another implicit, or explicit, discourse. “The Arabs tied every mean to explain the Qur'nic unusual effect ‘on them by explaining it in terms ofall pes of discourse known to them, discourses lke 'soothsaying’, poet and even performing witch- craft All their explanacions were mentioned and refuted, When the 23SASH ARO 24¥0 Arabs explain the nature of the Que’in as ‘poetry’ and accuse the pro- pher of composing tthe answe given ta such an explanation and accu sation is "We have not taught him poetry: ic is noc seemly for hit (chapter 36:69). When they say chat Muhammad is nothing but a soothsayer the Que'in replies: “By your Lond blessing you ate not a soothsayer neither possessed” (chapter 52:29) In che content of that debate the nonbelevers claimed tht the Qur'in was nothing bur series forged by Muhammad who claimed tha they were revealed ro him by God. They chimed chac they were able to produce similar discourse Facing such a challenge, the Qur'an made its own counter challenge ask- ing them to bring forth ‘ten forged chapters like i (chapter: 11:13). When the nonbelievers filed «0 respond to this strong chal lenge, the Quran, pretending to make ie easier for chem, dressed the challenge fom ‘te’ chapters co only ‘one’ (chapter 10:38). The Jast step was eo indicate the absolute failure ofthe Arabs in challeng- ing the authenticiey of the Qua “And if you are in doubt concerning that We have sent down on Our servans (Mubammad), then bring a chapter like it, and call your wieneses, apart from God, if you are rrushfi. And if yon do nnotand you will nor shen fear the Fre, whose fuel is mon and idols prepared 10 unbelievers” (chapter 2: 23-24), ‘This dispute and debate with the polytheist Arab grounded the development of the doctrine of, the stylistic and neray incom= patibility, oF supremacy ofthe Que’ Another common foe ofthe dialogue isthe dialogue with the believers in the form “They will ask you (Muharamad] ... you say” whieh is attested 15 rimes in the Quen. These questions to which the Qurin responds cover different areas of interest. Questions were tnised about wine and gambling (chapter 2:219), about che orphans (chapter 2:220), menstruation (chapter 2:222), dietary lave (Chapter 5:4) chatty (chapter 2:215,219), prohibition of fighting dusing che sacred month (chapter 2:217), and spoils of ware (chapter 8:1) Providing answers 10 such questions, much ofthe legal aspect of the (Quen was gradually articulated, ths reflecting the dialogical nature ‘of che Qur'in with the human interest. 24RETHINKING THE QURAN. TORARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS Would the answers provided in the dialogical context be considered Final egslation? What about diffrent answers given ro questions relat- xl ro ane issue? Les take che example of intermarriage, which is one always provoked in any discussion about Human Rights in Islam. While in chapter 5:5 Muslims are allowed co marry non-Muslim females, such permission seems to be revoked in chapter 2:21. The «question is which rule will prevail? The second question, which is only provoked in the madera age, is whether this permission is guaranteed only to male Muslim or should it be extended co the female as well? Tn Rush tells us about (wo postions held by the jurists; the position of those who hold the permisibilty considers 2:221 as pre- senting the general, dhe preference to marry a Muslim female, while 5:5 parciculries the general. The position of those who prohibir inter rmatriage is grounded on ‘abrogation chat 22221 abrogated 5:52 If we deal with the Quin as discourse we can go far beyond the jurist’ outlook that is motivared by lave Formulation that needs a tain mode of fixation. Each of the two verses is an independen di course; while 2:221 efleets the non-negotiable stand with the poly theists, a position we earlier referred 10, the verse of 5:5 is about togetherness in social life, It is out ‘waking good things lawful’ it starts with ood’ indicating not only thatthe ‘the food of the people of the book’ is lawful to Muslims but thatthe food of Muslims’ is lawful to the people ofthe book as well. ‘This day are Call) things good and pure mde lawful nto you The fod of the People of she Book is laf nso you and yours is a= ful uoto them. 20 “The maj (ofthe uss) pel che pei of mariage wich the ipa (women he pple hak wh are ee (ot save) ough nits the prin v9 care (by exemption) te parc fo te {ener (cone of epipolar). The wor othe Ele crngpermision to mary moon ofthe pple af be ok 55-1 pati tle wl swords fin 229 nt to wed la ily Bebe ener Tove (ts who intial owas pais, which he opm of Someone igh jis considered th pect mening 53) 40 at ao fat he prc Gin 2201" Tho Ras Bip al Mujahid wa Nika a lugs (A gain for wo iso bean Specs jist ad 2 stint (ots ar we ej sein orn nto Beam expen, Vol Up. 25NASR aNO 2avo. ‘This is a discourse about, ist of good! things being lawful’ the frst ‘eample of chese ‘good thing is sharing food. Incermarriage is intzo- duced here as pare of parcel of ‘good things’ which emphases the ‘mplicic call for socal togetherness Lawl unto you in marriage are caste women who are belioers 1 well as chase women among the People of the Book revealed ‘before your time when you give som their due dower und desire chastity not leweess nor secret intriguer. If anyone reject faith [tess bis work and in the Fereaier he will bein the ranks of ‘hose who have loa.2! Addressing the modern question abou equality in intermartage, it sulfices here co emphasie that the addresses of the Qu ‘course in matters of marriage and divorce are males; itis afer alla discourse which emerged in a patriarchal envionment. Since the addresses are males, its understandable cha permission is voiced to ‘men to marry, divorce, and marty off their relative females. If we rc ‘ognize thar, we are in a etter position to enunciate that, accoeding (o paradign-shlt of meaning where equality i essential component, cxquality in intermarriage is posible22 The justification provided by modern ‘ulama co sustain the clascal positon could be easily negotiated. Addresing the modern ‘question about equality in intermartage, i suffices hereto say that they sil bliin the superiority’ ofthe male in che Fly fie and accordingly they argue thar the faith of non-Muslim women married to Masi men wil be respected. fa Muslim woman is macied to nic dis- [Chapter 55, and compat wth 2221 whee athe mate of dour of nox epson with he phn avin "Dy noe mary belong meme (oli unl hey eee seve woman who Beles eter an an ne Tsing woman ever though be allure you. Noe ny (our gl) to abs uni they blew + man ve who ie eter than ute eve tah hele you Unters do (ut) beckon yout the ie. Bat Alas Behn by is cee the Garden of Bl) and frien nd makes is Signs le 4 ‘manking: hathey may celebrate pra 22 The gl oinon provided bythe Europe Counc of Far allow he on Cuan ofthe mariage Fr newly comer Mason a her ao ‘Masi hasband, which cert Fue fecon inthe Mass Word, was eda ail eay cand ied om he wih expo tha de ‘sil pte he hound wo conserRETHINKING THE QUR'AN: TOWARDS & HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS, ‘non-Muslim, they fear that the non-Muslim husband will nt respect the faith of his Muslim wife. They also invoked that Islam, béing the las of God’ revelations pays espect to both Judaism and Christian- ity; thetefore, the faith of «non-Muslim woman martied ro a Muslim rman is protected by the husband's faith, The reverse positon is not possible, because Christianity does only recognize Judaism while Judaism secognizes nether Christianity nor Islam, Tes obvious that the “xdama' are sll imprisoned in the parti archal ‘world vision’ in one hand, and in the religious vision of the world on the other hand. Marriage decision is, or should be, the decision of the individual: eis her oF his decision co sec che condi- tion she ore wants foe the Future life with spouse. The issue at stake is not so much intermarriage; itis rather the individual freedom ebat entails freedom of religion and belie. There is no time or space co adaress this issue here, It suffices ro mention chat shere sno one sin- se verse in the Qur'an stipulating world punishment. o legal penal- ty, for apostasy Freedom of religion in che form of ‘no coercion’ is widely quoted even by the traditional ‘ulama’, but in an apologetic 6 Negotiation [As we have already shown the non-negosation position withthe polythess brings abou an exclusive mode of discourse; the only pos- sible way of communication is dispue, debate and ejection. The ds- course with the believers varies according tthe way they handle their problem, aconting to thei success hey are praised when they fil they are Blamed and even condemned. This is aso ere forthe Prophes himself. When he was busy preaching che rich people of Qaraysh hoping that they would strengthen the newly formed com- tunity of livers, he did nor pay attention w a poor blind fellow, identified as tho Unim Make by the erly eegete, wo came ake ing for advice. The Qur'an strongly blames Muhammad’ acieude addressing ims a he beginning by che tid person a sign of negli sence. 7NASR ABO Za¥D He frowned and turned away When the blind mam came to bim Whar would make you know that he might eleoate himself if you sindly veponded tobi) (Or be aware and such awsarenens brings him benefit Bur as for whom who conden: himaef fee from any need To him you pay much artention No blame on you ifhe would not elevate himself As for who came ta you striving (for knowledge) While in fear (fiom God) You did not pay artenton robin! (Chapter 80:1-10) ‘The Qurnic discourse with che people ofthe book, the Jets nd the Christians, or the Nardi nepoicediscoutse par excellence, I is well known thatthe prophet Muhammad and his wife Khadijah sought advice from a Christian Arab priest Waraa b. Naw, who happened 0 bea cousin of Khadijah The mater of consultation was the first encounter with the Holy Spirie during the vision Muhammad had when he was medicaing on mountain Hint2> Ie is ao important to mention thatthe frst Muslim migrasion ‘nj was to Abysna. In onde w escape being persecuted by the poo ple of Mea, the Prophet ordered the Mushms to go there where, acconling 10 a sotement reat co the Prophet himself, “there isa huisian king who never does injustice o anyone.” Muslins enjoyed his proceton and hospital il they earned hak af the migration £0 Medina, Dung the period of thet say in Abyssinia, «deletion from Mecca vised he Emperor persuading him eo send Musins back to Mecca. The envoys of Mecca tld the Negus that chose who were enjoying his protection and generosity were only some rebels who protested agaist the eigon of chee own peopl’ and converted to an unknown religion eather chan to Chaistnity. Is order ro earn the ‘Negus agaist Mastimshe was told hat hey he Musi) blasphemed against Jesus Christ. When the Emperor asked the Maslin refuges about cher belief concerning Jes chey read im this pase ofthe Quen fom dhe chaper called "Mary of Maryam in Arabic (19).24 23 Se the deal scout The Lio Muha op ip. 1067, 24 hid pp 146132 28RETHINKING THE QUR'AN: TOWARDS & HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS ‘Son of Mary’ is ane of the commonest titles given 10 Jesus in the (Qu? in order co emphasize his human nature. Nevertheless, the Quin also speaks of Jesus asa spit fom God’ and "His word cate into Mary’ by the Holy Spirit, More than that: Te was Jesus, accord: ing o the Quen, who prophesied ‘Mhmad’ - Muhammad - be the ‘coming prophet. “And rementber Jeru the son of Mary said: °O Children of lrel! 1am she apostle of Allah (cmt) so you confirming the Law (which cme) before me and giving glad Tidings ofan Apostle so come afer ‘me whose name shall be Abmad.” But when he came so them with (Clear Signs they said "This evidene sorcery!” (61.6) Ie was only after migration to Medina that Muslims stated actual contact with the Arab Jewish tribes who had long before come from Yemen and setdled in Medina. The wel known ‘Medina Covenant’ bbeewcen the Prophet and both Jewish and pagan cibes clearly ind cates an essential equality berween all the peoples who lived in Medina. Liberty of religious practice was guaranteed on an equal faoting as long as all che partes defended the security of the ci against any outside attack or intrusion, Conceening different rypes of religious faith, equality was essendally guaranteed unless a wari ini- siated against Muslim, then che war conditions as historically prac- siced come into force? In this context the Qur'an prescribed sim, fasting, for Mus Time and in this also Muslims directed ther prayers inthe same ditec- tion as Jewish prayers, Jerusalem, But the relationship between the Muslim community and the Jewish community didnt continue as smoothly as it had started, Polemic dispute fared, engaging, the Quin which started to subsite the previous ‘one religion’ called Tala’, that of all the prophets since Adam il Jesus: 1. The who belived (in Mubaramad), and shoe who became Jewith, andthe Christians and the Sabian, any who believe in God sand the ast day, and do righteouses, shall have their reward from their Lord (11:62, als0 5:69.) 25 id, she illexc ofthe dame pp. 231-288 29ask ABC’ ZavD 2. Those who believed (in Muhammad), and sase who became Jewish, and the Sabian, Chriians, Macions, and pli, God wil jude bere thm on the Day of Judgment (22517) 3- Say (Mobemmed),the truth comes dew from God: Let hin soho will belive, and ler him who wil ee: for the wrong der We have prepared a fire (18:29. 4 Hewho wil wr bak fom bis faith son will God bring about (other) peaple whom He wil ove and she wil love him 54.) ‘5 These who res fit afer they acceped it, and then goin adding m0 ther dfance of fith, never will ter penance be accepted: for they are thie who have gone astray (390, also 4137) ‘The change ofthe praying diretion for Muslims from Jerusalem co Mecca may indicate the fist sign of demarcation between the wo communities. The polemic dispute sometimes reaches the level of harsh condemnation. However, occasionally it is a rype of quiet reminder of Godls grace on the sons of Isiel. This polemic dispute with is quiet 28 welts harsh manifestation can he fllowed in chap- ter 2, called ‘the Cow’, because it conta the atrogance of the sons of Isacl in complying with the simple demands of their prophets. There isa remarkable frequency in the use of the imperative ‘remember’ (some 19 tims in chaprer 2 alone), addressed dicectly tothe sons of Istacl preceding different narrative units of their history of reluctance and rejection to follow the right path, Nor being able ro appreciate che ‘discourse’ structure it is key ro extend the discourse tobe addressing all the Jews unl the present. I Js not only 2 question of contextualzation, which is pivotal in ds course analysis, but more than that its what che discourse els about the context and how. Now; the question is which is historial and ‘whch i universal, a question that keeps all the modern liberal Muslin scholars of the Qur'an busy. Being confined co the Quran as ‘exe! alone, the conservatives win a che end ofthe day. Wren the liberals, for example, emphasize “ogethernes' asthe universal eliminating the ‘hostile’ limiking its meaning to the negative past the conservatives, will apply the principal of ‘abrogation’ to historize ‘rogethernes as certain natrative reflecting 30[RETHINKING THE QURAN: TOWARDS & HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS abrogated and will universalize‘hostiig’ a the abrogat. In the pres- cent context of unsolved Palestinian-Lracli trauma, whose hermenew- ties or meaning i valid? The winner issue robe the meaning of ghet- to, separation and isolation, dhe meaning of Mr, Sharon's wall “The same is true bout the polemic dispute wth the Christians, the Nasita, about the nature of Jesus. We have shown already cha the Quen rendered Jesus prophesizing the coming of a prophes named Alimad. And we have ao seen how the chapter named Mary (19) was recited in the court ofehe Negus and in the presence of the bish- ‘ops A quick reading ofthis chapter and comparison with Macthew’s Gospel will easily revel common ground. Nevertheless, there is non- ‘negotiable isu that maintains the boundaries between Muslims and (Christians to che excent thatthe concept of togetherness is almost forgoten “The firs issue is that ofthe human nature of Jesus according 10 the Quen and the divine nature according co the shared dogma of the Churches. As we confine ourselves co the second chapter project- ing the Qurnic discourse, or the Qurinic disputation with the ows, we would also be beter co confine our presentation 10 the Quranic dispucation with the Nasird co chapter three, which in its very opening, vere 3, advocates the credibility of all the revealed sctiprares, [eis He Who emt down to she (ep by sep) in erat the Book con firming what went before it; and He sent down Law (of Moses) ‘and the Gospel (of Jers) before this asa guide ro mankind and He sent down the Criterion (of judgment beswven right and wrong) In verse four, however, it presents the posibiley of misunderstanding as 10 keeping the shared ground as solid as posible, But we have co see the disputation contest, While the Qur'an eecognizes Jesus a a wor! fom God (verse 45) and presen the Apostles as Muslims (52), it was cleatly indicated in the earlier chapter of Mary, by way of relating co the child Jesus the statement ‘am the servant of God” (19:30). This seems ra have caused certain confusion for the Christians of Najntn who came to Medina to debate with Muhammad.2° The discussion 26 i, pp. 270 31NASR ABD ZA¥D became heated, probably afer it was explined thae the miraculous birth of Jesus, tom a mother who had not had intercourse with a male, makes him no different than Adam; the ewo cases ae alike This smiled of Joss before Allah is a that of Adam: He erat ce bom fom de then said toh: "Be" ana be wat (3:59) Then the Qur'an made serious religious challenge that seems to cause fear among the delegation. Here we can realize the ‘power of dis course, or the discourse as ‘authortaran’s such a powerful discourse ‘ould not emerge in Mecca simply because Muslims were a smll per- secuted community. As the sources tell us the members of the Chistian delegation withdrow preferring to pay annual collective amount of money jizy than face a posible curse as provoked by the Quin, If anyone dispuses in tis master with you now after (fll) know: edge as come ro you say: “Come! le us gather sogeer our sons and your sons our women and your women oureles and your selves: then let us earnestly pnay and invoke the curse of Ala on ‘hose who li!” (3:61) ‘The non-negotiable issue for the Que'in was che divinity of Jesus, whether God or che Son; ics absolucely unacceptable just as there was no possible negotiation with the polytheist, hence the Quin sometimes calls those who believe in Jesus divinity either polythest ‘or unbelievers. So the only possibility of coming «0 terms wi (Christians is or them to celinguish ther claim about Jesus, this being an impossible demand. The Qur’én Farther cites the Ch arguments about things they do nor know; the final truth is revealed to Muhammad. The claim of both the Jews and che Christians of being the only irs of Abraham is shown to be false. The evidence shows this to be file: he was neither a Jew nor a Christian because bboth the Torah and the Gospel were revealed after his death (se 3: 64-67). Now, the poine I would like to indicate is that che Quin never repudiated the Jewish and the Christian Scriprures; they are both ristiane false 32IETHINKING-THE QUR'AN: TORARDS A HEMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS revealed through the same channel as the Qur'in: why Whar is always disputed is che way the people of the book understood and explained these scriprures: the ise at stake is the wrong hermenes tics, and here comes he significance of the verse 7 in the same chap: ter 3, which was caken by Muslim theologians as setting hermeneu- tical principal. [treads “Hei is Who has sent down to you the Book: in it are verses that are clearly expres: they are the findation af the Book: others are ambiguous For hori whose heats is pereersity they fallow (lit cvaly) the ambiguous seking discord anc searching for its Pdeden meanings but no one knows is Biden meanings except Alla and ‘those who are firmly grounded in knowlede say: "We belive in the Book the whole of iis fom our Lord”: and nome will ep the Mesage except men of understanding”? My assessment here is that inthe context of repudiating the Christian misunderstanding the verses in which che Qur in describes sus as the ‘word! and the spirit’ from God were declared ‘ambiguous whereas the ‘verses emphasizing his humaniey as only a prophet and messenger were declared the ‘leat, the backbone of the book Anocher disputed issue between Muslims and Chri doctrine of ceucfixion, which Muslims believe thar che Quin denies ‘Muslims se no confit benseer normal death and ascension, both are asserted in the Quin, Muslims see no conflict berween the normal death of Jesus and his ascension; both are asserted in the Quen. The context in which the isu of crucifixion is mentioned isnot the con 1 is the text of disput with the Christians iis the context of argumentation and disputation agains the Jews in defense of Mary and Chris (153 158). In this context the Jewish blasphemous alleation of adultery againse Mary is strongly repudiated and condemned by the Qur'an. ln 27 For dco dnc bouche wy thie speci verse aoa ad he Fes) manipulated tc sn ics panna lon i the ening of ts vos and fer mre och oop pte se Leah Kinde a. ambiguu® EQ. val pp 70-7. Ao me Ale al Agh 6 “ubie ica mae alae fabri ind Mirra Ratna Hendin Exe dy ofthe Masai onc of echo cd. 180.5 Nath aN op ha pe TPE 33Sas ARD za the same context the claim of the Jews that they slew Jesus, 2 claim implies a threat that they an also slay Muhammad, ws also robe pu diated, ‘The people of the Book aik you ro cause a book t0 descend to them fiom heaven: indeed they aked Moses for an even greater (miracle) far the said "Show us Alla in public" but they were dazed for ‘heir presumption with thunder and lighmnng. Yes they worshipped the calf even afer clear signe had come to them: even so We forgave them; and gave Moses manifs proof of authoiey And for their Covenane We rated aver thers (he towering height) of Mount (Sinai: and (om another occasion) We sid: "Enter the gate with Iumility’s and (once again) We commanded then: “Tranigress notin the matter af the Sabbah,” And We tok from them a solemn Covenant. (Chey have incurred divine diglearure): in that whey broke their Covenant: that they rejected the Signs of Alia: shas they slew the ‘Mesengert in defiance of right thas they said "Our hearts are the urappings (which prserve Alla’ Word: we need no more)’: nay Alas basse the seal on their bears for their blasphemy and hale iit they believe That they ejected faith: has they utred against Marya grave fb charge That they said "We killed Chee Jesus the ton of Mary the Apostle of Allah’: but hey illed him not nar crucified Dim but soit was ‘made to appear to them and chose who differ therein are fill af doubts with mo (certain) knowledge bus only conjecture ro follow for of a surexy they killed him not ‘Nay Allah raised hin up unto Hinslf and Alla is Belted in Pawer Wise (4153-158), Ifthe issue of crucifixion was as important to the Qur'an a8 the issue ofthe narute of Jesus, ic would have been brought again and again in diferent comers. Since it exists only in the context of responding co the Jewish claim, the discourse sructure suggests it was denying the capability of the Jews to have done this depending on their ow power, and by implication telling Muhammad that sheir implicit 34RETHINKING-THE QUKUAN: TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS threat ro slay him, as they slew Jesus, i not feasible, as God will not permit it, Now: once again the question is which meaning will pre- vail cogethemess or isolation? This duly brings the clationship ofthe ‘West and the Muslim World into ou discussion. How does relation- ship affect che way Muslims ‘rethink’ their own tradition $0 36 «0 modernize their lives without rlinguishing thei spiritual power, par- ticulatly in view of Americas coloniving projec [Now ler me present che possibility of rea reformation in the domain of shar i the concept af che Que'in is accepted. 7- Deconstructing Shari'a Would desing with the Quin as discourse, deply involved in dia- logue withthe believers as well as with the non-believers, help us tack- le the burning unsolved legal issues considered divine revelation by the me ric groups may sill be exying and fighe- ing for the restoration of Caliphate, but the well-established national state in every Muslim country inthe post-colonial era has made ashi towards the question ofl, The obligation to establish an Islamic state ruled entirely by shar is now the dispurable issue between the wo basic trends of modern Islamic discourse, That Tsk sche official eli tion ofthe Sate and the principles of sharia are the source of legisla ‘ion’ isan arti in the Constitution oF all Muslim stares "The conflce sometimes taking the form of a severe and violent seruggle berween state and radical groups is not so much about whether oF not sher'a ie ra be implemented in both social and in individualistic life, [is much more about the degree of implementa- sion and, so, i the political system is westernized of not and hence antilslamic, majority of Muslims? § IF itis enough for the individual wo confess Islam and ro perform the other four pillars, praying five times a day, fasting the month of ‘Ramadan, paying the annual prescribed alms, and performing hg if ic can possibly be financially affonded, for the communi enough. IF an Islamic sate is not established, every individual Muslim is responsible before God fr such a religious ilures so preach the representative of the radical Islamic groups and the rep- resentative ofthe so-called ‘moderate’ Islamic discourse 35NASR ABO 24¥0. ‘Muslim intellectuals, who hold different view about the relationship between Islam and polities, are condemned as ‘westernied’s not real Muslim thinkers. The views of the non-taditional, nor radical, ‘Muslim thinkers are not well known beyond the boundaries of the ‘Muslim World, especially of those who prefer to address their read- cs in thee own regional language. As for the highly adc, provocs tive preachers, the Western media is wery keen to present thei ideas, so creating the impression in che Western mind that Islam has but ‘ne face: the face of Ben Laden, Let me present now briefly my scholaey view concerning the concept of sharia, The Qui'énic verses which seem to contain legal connotation and which ate considered the bass of chara are about 500 verses according to the traditional sources. On these verses, Which amount ro one out of sx, or 16% of the whole Que’an, che jurists built a system of ples of legislation’, “ibm wail al-figh. According to these principles, they’ added a second source to the Quy’, ie. the Prophetic tradi tion, al-suma al-nabawinya. They categorized the senna the second source of legislation and considered i as divine asthe Qui'in. As 140 divine sources were not enough to regulate the increasing political. social, economic as wel as criminal problems, the jurists had to adopt third principle based on the aleeady agreed upon practiced legal rules called ‘consensus, jm of the earliest Muslim generation. the ‘companions of the Prophet (alsuhibal). A fourth principal of rational inquiry, jth, was urgently needed in order tobe able wo solve the problems that were not solved in the other three soures. But this principle of jtihid was practically restricted to apply the technique of ‘analogy’, gids, which is to reach a solution toa certain problem by only comparing its position @ a similar problem previ ously solved by any of the three sources. TThe whole body of shri‘ liceratute, as expressed in the major four sunni schools, madihabs atleast, i built on the aforementioned principles, which means chat shar'a is a man-made production: nothing is divine about it Ie is neither possible to claim its validity regardless of time and space. IH we contextually examine some of the Que'anic legal seipula- sions, such as the penalty of fornication, 2ind, robbery rarigah, ot wduction and deduction called ‘the princi 36RETHINKING THE QUR-AN: TOWARDS 4 HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS, causing social disorder, bindbah, as well as slaying, qatl which are called fade, pl. of badd, the question is: are these penalties asical~ ly initiated by Islam, and, therefore, Islamic? The answer is definite ly ‘nos all these penalties were generally pre-slamic, some of chem belong tothe Roman law and adapted in the Jewish tradition, while others were even older tradition, Ie is not likely in our modern age of Human Rights and respect of the integrity ofthe human being «© consider amputation of the members of the human body, or exec tion, as obligatory religious punishments binding by divinity (Other aspects of sharia suchas those dealing withthe rights of tcligious minorities, women’ rights, and Human Rights in genera. have to be revised and reconsidered as well, Contextualization of che (Quen stipulation, and examining ts linguistic and stylistic struc ‘ure -as discourse- would reveal that the jurists! work was basically © ‘unfold the meaning of such stipulation and to e-encode such mean- ing in their different social contexts. The Que'in is notin itself a book of law legal stipulations are expresed, as we have already proved. in discourse syle, which reveal a context of engagement with Jhuman needs in specific time, which, in tens, opens up the appro- priaton of the ‘meaning’ intended inco every paradigm of meaning, As discourse it provides mult-options, various solutions, and ‘open gate of understanding, The conclusion is that to claim that che body of shar literature is binding for all Muslim communities regardless of time and space is simply ascribing divinity to human historical production of thought. IF this is the case, there is no obli gation to establish a theocrati sate claimed Islamic. Such a demand Js nothing but ideological call co establish a theo-poitical ungues- ‘ionable authority; its the recreation of the most devilish dictaor- ship political regime on the expense of the spiritual and ethical dimension of Islam, 8-The Challenge of Modernity: confusing context Muslims so far have been rethinking, redefining and modifying the sources of Islamie knowledge. Traditions such as Sunna, consensus and legal sllogisms have been under deep and controversial discus sion and debate since the eighteenth century. The meaning of the a7ase ABO Z4¥D Quran, and subsequently the meaning of Islam, has been the subject of investigation, research, appropriation, re-appropriaion and nego- siaton since the late nineteenth century. This type of rethinking’ was cesencially and intially motivated by a strong commitment ro devel ‘op Muslim societies in che direction of modernization on one hand, and co keep the spitcof Islam and its forces alive on the cher hand: modernity was, afterall, a foreign power imposed from above by the colonial European domination of the entire Muslim World afer deconstructing the Ottoman Empire By the end of the nineteenth century, the British Id suocess: fully colonized much of India. The French, under Napoleon Bonaparte accupied Egypt in 1798, France then went into Algeria in 1830: occupied Tunisia in 1881, and Britain marched into Egype in 1882, The Dutch were already there long before that in Indonesia. ‘There were many other excursions as the Wests program of the col- coniration unfolded throughout che Muslim World. Here one can mention at least thrce challenging powers that motivated and constructed the way Muslims rechoughe their tad tions, First of al, twas the challenge of scientific discoveries and che advanced technology. The second challenging question was the ques tion of rationality and rationalism whereas the third was the political challenge, Needless co say these chce challenging questions, present ced here independently, were always mixed in each one ofthe exege- sit trends we are going ro present 1 Modern science and technology were introduced 10 the Muslim world in the form of strange unknown miliary equipment thar caused their defeat against the empirical Western powers and lead co the occupation of their land by non-Muslim invaders. When the French army reached Alexandria in 1798 the Mamlik worriers were ready to fight in man-to-man combat. However, they were shocked to see che poswerful artillery machines tha killed dozens of soldiers with one shor, from a long distance. Napoleon Bonaparte brought with his army a number of natural and social scientists. AFJabart in his history cells of the seaction of the Azhar “ulema when they were invized to watch some chemical experiments peeformed for them in the laboratory established in Caito, They were terrified, some of 38.RETIRING THF QUICAN: TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENELIICS, them ran away whispering the jade formula (Seeking God's pro- tection from devil), because they peresived these experinients as witchcraft. That was the fist encounter of Feyprian inellecruals with moder technology courtesy of modem scientific investigaion and rescarch. Their response was to learn in order to gai the power ro be able to fight back. Learning modern sciences, by sending missions of | students to acquire the sciences in Europe, and importing modern technology especially military weapons - this was the basic response by both Turkey and Egype. 2. Within the miliary power there was an intllecual weapon hold- ing Islam responsible forthe weakness of the Muslim worl. In cis context che Muslim World was perceived, apptoached and addressed by the colonizers mentality as Muslim, with no other sub-identty actached, lke Indian, Indonesian or Arab, The macter became moze complicated when the colonized unquestionably accepted the identity imposed on them by the colonize, and by way of internalization teduced thei iene, thus, creating an identicy criss le was explicitly advocated thar i was necessary to neglect and even abandon Islam, if this pact of the world was ro make any progress toward catching with modernity. Ie is enoug the French philosopher Ernest Renan (1852-1892) and the French politician and historian Gabriel Hanoraux (1853-1944)°8, who served as Minister of Forcign AMfits from 1894 10 1898, Renan posited the absolute incompatibility berween Islam and both sciences and philosophy. Whatever is labeled Islamic science or Islamic phi- losophy is, according to Renan in his doctoral thesis, Avevds et VAverrotoe (1852; “Avertods and Averoism”), mere translation from the Greek. Islam, like all religious dogmas built on revelation, is hos- tile to reason and frethinking. Hanoraux 0 held Islam responsible forthe backwardness of the Muslim world, His allegation was based fon the theological difference between Islam and Christianity. 28 A snciman,dptomic and bran who diced a major Fench eal ‘aqunion in Acad whe championed a Franco Rusia lance a proved import in he evens ding co World War LA French nana ews Smit op f clo expanon. Dating is munis Pretch dom ‘aon wa ele in French Wer An, Magar, aT ico sere aden Ali 39NASR ABO ZA¥D According, to him the dogma of incarnation in Christianity has its ‘consequence in building a bridge betwcen man and God, thus free ing man from any dogana of determinism. Islamic pure monotheism, tawhid, on the other hand, has created a non-bridged distance herween man and God, leaving no space for hur theological reason Hanotoux explained the political despotism chs acterizing the Muslim Woeld2” Jamal al-Din al-Afghini (1838-1897) and Muhammad Abdu (1848-1905) responded defensively, relating the backwardness of Muslims nor co Islam per se, buco the contemporary Muslims’ mis: underseanding of Islam. ‘They both argue, if Islam is understood properly and explained correcdly as was the eat inthe golden age of Islamic civilization, Muslims would not have been easily defeated, and dominated by European power, ‘The basie question that confronted the early modern Muslim reformers was whether Islam is compatible with modernity oF nat, How could a fachful Muslim live in a modern socio-political envi- ronment, without losing hetfhis identity as 4 Muslim? Does Islam accommodate science and philosophy? Second came the question of ‘the compatibilgy or otherwise ofthe divine law (sharia) that const- tutes traditional society, and the postive law that constitutes che modern nation-sate, Were modern political insccutions such as democracy, elections, and parliament accepted by Islam, and could they ceplace the tradicional institutions of sixd, consultation, and ofthe elie ‘wlama (ah! al-hall a al'agd)? five will. By such the author 3- The discussion of such questions are embedded in the question of religion and polis. The issue of political Islam emerged under che colonial occupation of most of the Maslim countries as early a¢ 1798 29. See the tramiton of Hanotux anil into Aric and Muhammad Abd togonse in ALS ml Kia ili Makan “Ay he Comics ‘Work offal Mubanimad Abdo) cf Mhamad ‘Amica, 5 vols, Brae 197s. 20MF Exense tnfotion on Ahan can be found in N. Kei, Aa amic Reson 1 Inara oil and Regios Writings of Sy Jama Din Alpha! (Betiey O83). R. Mathes ara al-Din aPAlphan and che Eytan Nesoral Det MES, Va. 21 (1989), pp 151-16) E Kou ‘Aglantand Aish. An Ey on Regions Uncle and Plc Artin lee an (Landon, 18), 40RETHIMKING THE QUR'AN: TOWARDS 4 HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS in Egypt for example, where Muslims became aware of different lifestyle brought about in shei everyday hfe by their colonize. They look and dress diferently, behave and speak differently. They ext dre food, drink wine, interac ely with women who ate no thei ‘mahram, even thei women ate dressed improperly. In brief, Muslim social and religous identity was extremely violated by the very exis tence of those intruders in oxherwise purely Muslim territory Ironically, oF paradoxically may be, that Bonaparte presented himself to the Egyptian “alam as che protector of faith against both the Catholic Pope and the corrupted Oxtoman Sultan, ‘Then he advanced his claim pretending that he converted to Islam. Nothing, ofthis worked out. The issue of polities emerged after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire with the end ofthe First World War. The dec sion of the new national Turkish movement ro abolish Caliphate raised the question whether Caliphate was an Islamic institution of -vas only a form of political sytem thar could be replaced by ano- ther withous losing the identity of Islam. Amidst such state of stress and unceraingy in such transitional period the Muslim word found ‘itself suddenly stripped ofits identity, namely che Caliphate, Politica figures, sch as King Fuld in Egype and Sharief Husaya in Arabia, tried co restore Caliphate, with each secking co be nominated as Caliph of all Musims. Te was the Egyptian °AIi “Abd al-Réziq (1888-1966) who defended the abolishment of Caliphate proving that these is no such 2 specific political system labeled Islamic. The response of Muham- ‘mad Rashid Rida (1865-1935) was different. He defended Caliphate as an authentic Blamic system that should be re-established, fling which Muslims would suffer the return to paganism, jail. AS 31 Meaning puns sfens the pre sami lel coe in Arabia rll sometines ws gnorance, Ras ws ery ch a oro te Wahab ily hase on he sting Muhammed A al: Wah (@, 1138792) ‘sho wa hms oone the mst Oodoe Ns shin. Tami {los1398) AS Rig wats sional hor he ped Has al an that tis poublew exblsh he Caliphate a The scent enamel stb tat Mh Al Wat and Msn Se’ stabishing a hoe ‘teeta be he Kinglom of Gnd ma ale. The dea of th he lg and the ambson rine bce by ceding the eng in min ody of {sealed hua, Malin Brotherhood Sosy was Fre in ander woe the {Sub of he rare ani eae of Ep 4Nash ABC 24¥0 4 political response the Muslim Brotherhood Sociery was established in Egypr in 1928, Ie basi aim was to re-establish Islamic society in Egypt as an ideal example co be copied everywhere before the re cstblishment of Caliphate, Hence reislamization became thus the anconym of modernization, which was presented a5 westernization. TThe modern polivcal islamist movements, labeled usually as funda imentalism in Western public discourse, are all offshoots of the ‘Muslim Brotherhood Sociery. In such a historical and confusing context, che question ofthe ‘nature’ of the Quran, its ‘structure’ as well a its historical back- ‘ground, was never closely deale with. As the foundational rexe of Islam per excellence it was kepe above any critical investigation; twas the only preserved cardinal and fundamental source of inspiration co hold ons ic is, first and last of all, the verbatim speech of God. Muslims perceived the Oriental’ scholarship about the Qur'in ies history and structure as part of the European conspiracy against Islam and Muslims, 9- Rethinking Tradition “To start with 1 would like to briefly present the other non-violent, ‘more open and probably liberal ice of modern Islam known only 0 the sincere and non-biased scholars, a face somewhat hidden and a voice quite mute in the mass Media of Bast and West alike, From his presentation, che question of ‘rethinking the Qura’ will, | hope, emerge as vital if Muslims eeally wish co follow up the essential basic project of modernization, with more constructive participation, In order to give a brief account of this process one has to out line the epistemological principles of Classical Islam as i eached the modern age and had to be rethought. Lee me clavify thatthe four sources co be outlined here represent only one facet of the multi- faceted Islamic culture, ie the facet of jurisprudence, sharia. They present the epistemological principles called (asl alsigh) from ‘which the normative lav, figh, is deduced. All the revivalist move- -ments were toa great exten directed by the state oF affis in which Islam came to be fixed, chat is Islam as law-oriented (hava) futh. Scholars of Islam know shar is one of the mult-facets of the 42RETHINKING THE QUR'AN: TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS Islamic traditions and cultures, one that canbe distinguished from at least other several facets, such as philosophy, cheology (itm al- bali), Sufism, ec ‘Phe reason behind reducing Islam to the paradigm of sharia is the fact that since the fifth contary of the Islamic era the cwelfth century, Islamic philosophy and Islamic theology as wel as the ere ative philosophy of Sufism have been gradually marginalized. Philosophers and non-orthodox theologians, such asthe well-known Ibn Rush, suffered various degrees of persecution. Indeed, great sufis, such as al-Falla (exc. 910) and Suhrawardi (Shihab al-Di Yahya, exc. 1191) to mention only ewo names, were executed. In ‘erms oftheir hievarchal order the sources of knowledge, according co major schools of law, are aveanged as Follow: First and foremost, the Qur'an and ies exegesis presen the foun- ational reasure of knowledge; i¢ is the Speech of God revealed in [Arabic t0propher Muhammad in the sevench century. Though basical- ly addeessing the Arabs, is message is meant forall humanity regard less of time and space. This isthe guidance, she light, and the final clvine plan for salvation in this world as wel as inthe life to come. Second to the Quran are che sayings and the actions of the prophet Muhammad, including his approval or disapproval of say- ings or actions of his companions. This is ehe prophetic tradition known in Arabic as Suna, It came co be considered equally divine with the Qur'in because both are revelations from Gad, The differ- cence between them was exphined in terms of differentiating beoween the ‘content’ and the linguistic expression or the form’ of both. The (Quin is God's verbatim speech, so its content and ies linguistic expression (form) are bth divine, The content of the Suna, om the other hand, is revealed, meaning divine, bue its form is human; Muhammad put ie into words, Nevertheless its position isnot infe- rior to the Qur'an; itis equal though secondary. Muslim jurists even emphasized that the Que'in is in need of che Suna more than the Sunna isin need of the Quran, The Sunna is not only to explain but ‘more to explicate what i implicit, such as how to perform prayer and fasting, or to know the conditions of purification and the amount of alms (0 be paid ete. Without the Suna the Que to understand the context ofthe passages and chapters ofthe Qur'an, isles cleat. Even 43Nash AB 74ND the historical events that surrounded the revelation ~ process lasting mote than twenty years - only the Sunna can provide such (histori- cal) informacion, ‘The third epistemological principle oF source of knowledge is ‘he ‘consensus of the community of scholars, “ulema As there was ‘no consensus among the scholars on che epistemological validity of the Aocrine of ‘consensus, neither could there be an agreement on its definition and che final formulation limited its scope as well as its implicaion. les scope was narrowed to refer only to whae was unan- Jimously agreed upon among the fist Muslim generation, he Companions of the Prophet, stabs, on the assumption that such consensus should hac! been grounded on certain prophetic tradition that was not transmitted 10 the next generation, Consequently, is implication was limited to issues not mentioned, ether explicitly or implicitly, inthe above two sources." “The fourth and last source of acquiring knowledge is the appl ‘ation of rational syllogism, inferring a rule fora certain non-men- tioned case in the sources above by way of making analogy with a similar established rule. The analogy isto be based ether on similar- ity lke the similarity berween consuming alcohol and smoking hash, fr on the rationale ofthe rule mentioned. The second type of analo sy requires adherence to the theological doceine ofthe existence of “rational logi’ behind God's divine rules, a doctrine that was not accepted by all school of law: Unlike ‘consensus’ qiyds, though was not applied by al the jurists, gained more support by che majority. 10-Rethinking Consensus: the emergence of new “ulama’ I seems that he process of 'teshinking’ tradition, which started as response to the degeneration postion into which Muslim soci were fallin sensu it was easy to break through by demanding a new typeof on sensus. Shih Walt Allah (1702-1762) is considered the godfather of the “tevivalst’ Islam in India. Due t0 the specific orientation of the Indian Islam, his revivalist formula was a combination of Sufism’ and ‘ook is frst step with che died principle, namely con- 32 See Berard M. arte Tm in Evol 11, pp 10236 39 Se erat, Mate gin, vol pp 288 44RETHINKING THE QUWAN; TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS sharia oriented shough. In contast to the Wahabt movernen in ‘Arabia, initiated by Muhammad b. “Abd ale Wahi (1705-1792) ‘which took the dtetion of «highly Onhodox reformation it is pos- sible ro explain the differences inline wich che diferent historical and cultural background of Ila, in both social environments, While Islam in nia was reshaped by ies interaction with pre-Islamic Indian ttadvion, such as Hinduism Buddhism, Islam in Arabia was co 2 great exten rooted in its Bedouin tation and customs ‘hah Wal Alla, heavily influenced bythe breakdown ofthe ‘Mugal authority which led eo he loss of Muslim power, soughe ro encourage she revival ofa strong cena authority by invoking acon- cep of wo complementary authorities, ewo caliphate, ones poi cal and the other is juridical, both are esponsbl forthe preservation Of Iam, For the politi authority he uses the erm ziti, meaning external, and 10 this he assigns che responsibility for maintaining administrative and political order and for applying the Sharia. For the juridical he employs the erm fin, internal, and its responsiil- iny is to give guidance 10 che religious leaders of the community, a role that Shah Wali Allah took upon himself The similarey berween this approach and that of Ibn “Abd al- \Wabhib is obvious, bringing together the politcal authority and the authority of che juris, fag, to work coward the restoration of Islam from is state of decadence. The difference between the to approach- «es remains in this suf one that is characceristc of Indian Islam, ‘Wichin this suf tone, and in order o establish the position ofthe jurist as partner inthe state affai, Shah Wall Allah was able vo be ical ofthe Classical steucare of shar’ he was able ro rejec agli, che tunctitical adherence to the opinions of the “ama of the Clasical schools of law, and revival of interest in the use of personal effort co decide a poine of law, fii by employing gins. By such a revival of the principle of personal understanding Shah Wall Allah was able co bypass the history of stagnation in the field of sharia scholarship. “He emphasize the spire of lat, which is applicable in all imes| and places, rather than the form of law, which is shaped and Formu: Iated in accordance with conditions of ime and place. Not oly does 6 Se own. Dail Reinking Thon in Maer Llane Thoght, Came eis Mille Eas Sn Cambridge Unive Dres UK 1996, pp. 22-3 45asi ao za¥0 he revive the concep of mal. the community ines, fom the Malik choot of law, but he basicly and inaly depends onthe welletablthedSufl dinction berwen sari and bapa, where thes consid isoval and mien ime and pes while the ae ithe Truth tine by spiritual exec that eds vision of Realy ’As jit 8 he red to leans Suna from any chological influence, becse theology presens an imposion of ational eon templaion on matters that ate either ley indicated in the Serine (the Qu’ andthe Taiion ofthe Prophet, Sunn) ot imate that are not mensoned in any. Sanna coring him onthe contrary, the agreed pon practice ofthe Masi commun 6 By sucha dsinction, he succesfllydsocae Sunna fem the logy which, accoding to him, cased the People ofthe ible {Mtstims) to become spate cis and dena fasion beyond thi following the eens of region > While, a esl see, early Indian revivals discourse present cs by Shah Wal Allah encouraged ler development, Wahhibisn has never developed away rom the basi ideas fst formulated byehe founder. The able unity beeen dogma and poll regime cffeed scope for pli opposition, bt avoeated mor ral and fundamen ieolgis. Now in the conten ofthe American prenieoreshope the whee Arab word poiealy and nlc iy there are lt of gatherings conferees, ce. basally aiming represent Wahbism aa Heal open and democratic tem es anattempe ro apply some makeup t he same old ae In Egypr a sila reali, but probably more liberal approach, appeared air the Fst encounter with Europe, Shay Rfi'a Rf aT (1801-1879) was sone to chan nn for the es Fyn mary mison co France au morn mi itary ining). He was very mach np by his teacher Hasan a ‘Arc, the tor of aha or ive yas (1830-1834) who tried 0 inode scr cece to he curl of the oe samc cational inition in Egypt. ab Asha. Padova, che objection 35 Haj Ath liga (The Conve Argument fiom Ge), sae by Hh Der and D, Pings E Bell 1986p 536 i 24 6RETHINKING THE QUAN: TOWARDS A HUNANISTIC HERMENEUTICS, ‘ame from the French director ofthe school of medicine in Caio on the grounds that alAzhar should continue as an exclusively feligious institution, Shaykh Hasan al’ Artis, being himself well versed in sec ula sciences including astronomy, medicine, chemistry. and engineer ing, as wel as literature and musi, found no contradition between religious knowledge and secular disciplines” Inspired by such a master, Taheivi managed to len French and ‘o read some ofthe eighteenth century French thought and literature. Perhaps more importandy he had time to sce and observe everyday life in Pats and eo record his observations in a book that was published afer his return co Egypt, entitled. Takis al: lbric. 8 Talis Paris (Summary of Pais). On his return he was appointed director of the newly established School of Languages (Madnactal-Aln). A bareau of eranalation was attached to the school in 1841. Books were trans Jated 0 and from various (European) languages, covering the fields of geography, history, comeery mathematics, engineering law, ete In addition co all chese duties, he was appointed che chet editor of the First oficial newspaper a Wag” al-Misrpyah2® AlTahtéwi’s contribution to the sudy of Islam and ‘rethinking tradition’. besides being a pioneer in the incllectual awakening proces, relies inthe fact that he gives a new cum to the idea of the ‘aa. I his view; they are not simply gvardians ofa fixed and estab- lished eradtion, Hitmslf well versed inthe religious law, as Shai by legal rt, he believed ie was necessary to adapt shar to new circum- stances and that ic as legitimate ro do so. Very much Itke Shah Walt Allah, he provoked the reopening of the ga of ud. which had been announced closed. He even went one step further to suggest that there wis not mach difference, he suggested, berween the principles of sharia and the principles of ‘satura law on which the codes of mod- cen Europe were based, This suggestion implied that Islamic law could be ceinterpreted in the direction of conformity with moder needs, and he suggested a principle which could be used ro justify this thac itis legicimate for a believer, in certain circumstances, o accept an 37 See "the Rayon on the Relius Condition in Pye Tag balk ak Dini MT Mi abAbrim Cerie fr Pl and Sep Ss, Cro 38 Horan, Abert, Arabic Thought inthe Hera Age (798-1939), Cambridge Unive Pw, London 1983 reprinted 1984.71 ainterpretation ofthe law drawn from a eal code other than his own, Taken up hy later writers, cis suggestion was used in te creation of modern and uniform system of Islamic law in Egypt and csewbere.? eis worth nosing tha the Muslim refrmists were able o break through the principle of consensus by reinvoking the principle of tational ressoning, jthid, wich was quite feable and sucesll, by supporting the fourth principle, ie. legal sllogisms, gs. By under- mining the principle of ‘consensur they were able co navigate ‘through che volumes of ls figh, without limiting themselves to fol- lowing «specific school, which gave thems more frecdom ta choose opinions and 10 build legal sllogsms. This pe of reformation Ibecame instrumental inthe Feld of law formulation and shar co ification in so many Muslim counts. The process of breaking ‘consensus! continued «o present the _nsjoe development troughour the mientieth century. A new clas of incllectuals stated co be engaged, challenging the hegemonic authorcy ofthe raditonal class of dim actos the Misi World, thanks to che age of print and the press, and the incraduction of ‘moxitn educational systems. All dhese were essential clement inthe proces of building the poscindependence nation stats. Now ich the imensve use of Internet the traditional authority of the wlan and even the authority of madera intellectuals has becn Fagmented 1f the tradicional “wma were the ones who challenged and rethought the principle of ‘cansenss thus, opening new space of rational rection on Traivon, ie was For che new emerging class of inllectals co goa step farther inthe proces of ‘rethinking. 11- Rethinking Sunna, hadith criticism: the emergence of new exeges As explained catier Suna encompasses the sings and actions of the prophet Muhammad as wells his approval and/or disapproval of his companions’ sayings and actions. Unlike the Qur'an that was recorded down in written fore ealy; Suna was orally ransmitted 40 See Dale Flan ad Jan W. Anno a) Now Main he Min Ws Indians Uniway Pew 19, epi hc contibtos an heist 48RETHINKING THE QUR'AN: TORARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS, before the compellaton of the colletions of Tradition around che en of seconieghthcencuy- The fat chat al the reports containing cealiion were orally eansmitted with the possibilty of fabrication forvarious reasons and motivations, made che ery schoaes of hadith sho wore very aware ofthe possibile develop certs crcl ules to craluateauthenticiy, and hence what was ro be acepted, and fo avid fabrications entering the collections. This tational hadith eicism approach was r-invoked and even developed beyond irs tradicional etitial paradigm in the most cm contest of “ethinking’. Rethinking the Sunna was sociated igh che efforts o reopen the meaning ofthe Qui vo address od erm issues by way’ of teying o establish a new Quine exegesis, void othe heavy classical clisnce on Teadtion inthe lasicl commen tries ofthe Qurn In other words che exits of Suna was bas- tally one of the results of the Muslim thinkers being involved in Quine exegesis ina rather different way’ chan that ofthe lsc ‘xcpees The strong demand for «new approach in dealing with the Qurin in order open is meaning forthe new challenging ci- camstances made it esental wo distance modern Quine exegesis from the eadtional type hesily loaded with hadith quotations Sir Sayyed Ahmad Khan of India (1817-1898) *, nor «tai tional ‘im, was the fs Indian modernist wo introduce new themes, hitherto unknown in this interpretation. An apologist, he tied t0 js the religious dogmas presented inthe Quin in the light of ‘moder scientific discoveries. The perception thatthe Qui should cccupy the central place in guiding the behavior ofthe Musims, a against the dominant role of the Prophetic traditions geneally accepted by che “ulama’ was apparcnly gaining popularity among. section of Musim inelgentia during late ninetenth and eatly twentieth centuries in India. This was intended primarily to cxeate space forthe interpretation ofthe Que in modeen ters, and also (© eradicate superstitions prevalent in. Mali societies. Sayyed Ahmad was the ist co have raised this issue. He points o anomalies inthe interpretation ofthe Quran and suggests tha these are void of 41 Op Se Sopa Amal Khe Chin We SpA Ke: An Intepean of Mn Thy (Oxf Une Pe, New Deh 978, alse Mak, Sie sara Aad Kin and Muli Maras In ra an (Colts aves Pew: Kew Yorks 980, 49NASR ARD ZA¥D ‘ven general principles on which to base an understanding of the Holy Scripture. Most of what the classical commentators have pro- vided only conceea derivations from the Qur'in of canon law, scholastic theology admonitions and similar acher matters. Nota ew parts of the lasscal commentaries are “worthless and fall of weak and fabricated (Prophetic) traditions" or comprise baseless stories borrowed from Judaism Ieis imperative, thetefore, for him to free the field of Q cxegess from tradition, substiuting instead the principles of ‘reason and ‘nature’. He proposes that che Que'én sands on its own, requie- ing only application of 2 dedicated and enlightened mind for is understanding. The principles of interpretation, according co Ahmad Khin, should not depend on hadith otherwise the eternal and uni ‘erst quality of the Quen wil be put at risk, For him, che great acl of the Quin ists universality which makes it possible for every {generation to find ini the meaning relevant cits situation, despite the constane increase in human knowledge. Hadith-based interpret tion tends to limit che meaning ofthe Quin eo a partieular histor ical station, dhus obscuring its universal? ‘This approach led Ahmad Khan to the critical approach to the second source of Islamic knowledge, the Sunna. Under the influence of Biblical criticism applied ro the wansmision of hadith epore by European scholars lke Carl Pfander (1803-1865) and William Muir (1819-1905) on one hand, and in response to the close-minded, ‘Wahhabi oriented, attcude developed by AhlHadith, on the other hand, he eventually came to teject almost all hadith as unreliable” $® ‘Bu his refutation of hadith docs noc mean tha he rejects Suna alo- gether, hough hadith is considered robe the major carirof Suna Like Ahmad Khin, the Egyptian Muhammad Abéu (1848. 1905) seems to have eitieal,chough more cautious, atirude cowards the materia chat had been handed down in the eanonized collections of Suna, He dd not theoretically elaborate on redefining the authen- ‘ic Tradition; but he occasionally refutes traditions that contradict, cithee the explicit meaning ofa certain Quranic passages or both rea- son and commonsense. This is obviously shown in his rejection of the 42 Reinking Taian ed 44 4G ids p38 50[RETHINKING THE QUR'AN; TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS, traditions related to magic or the stan rouch, a wells those men tioning the angels descending to igh the enemy alongside the Maslin warriors. Aswe wil see his semi-ational interpretation of che Qur'an, necessitates eitical approach to eraditon.4 “The eatly ewentieth century witnesed the emergence of AE-- Qur'an movement in Ina a critical response co the emphasis ad on the author AblicHadieh group, an emphasis which resulted in leaning cowards ritualistic version of reformation. The asi challenge presented by Ahki-Qurin was not the authenticity of Sunna 2s wansmieedchrough hadith reports, but i was basically whether che Suna stands inthe same position of the Quran as divine revelation The Classical postion holding Suna as a form of revelation equal to rhe Qur’n in authority, chough differen in is form, was challenged Similar controversy, though less violen in tone chan in India, vas aso happening in Egypt Just asthe Indian Ahl:-Qui'in were influenced by Sayyid Ahmad Khins emphasis on the Que'énie uni vewalism versus the Sunna historicity, so the Egyptian critics of Sunna developed “Abdus autious attitude toward hadith literature into a more radial attieude raising the slogan ‘Islam is the Qur'an alone’ in a series of articles in al-Manie in 1907.4 There was strong reaction against this claim from several Muslim counties including cone from India. One of the more interesting outcomes of discus- y of hadith has been the emergence of attenps to separate the question ofthe authority of sunnafeom the problem of the historical authenticity of hadith exticism - co acept the results of modetn hadith citcsm, a least in part while in prin- ciple preserving the authenticity of sun “This was the general approach to sunna promoted by che Lahore based Insiute of Islamic Cultures” si mote sophisticated attempe to separate the authority of sunna from the strict authenticity of hadith is found in che work ofthe Pakistani modernist Farlur Rahman (1919-1988), who served as director of Pakistanis Cental Insitute for Islamic Research in ehe 1960s. 4 Thi. 45, Thc icles were wien by Maomad awl Sides Man 7. p51. S25; 1, p08 el pp. 68.697 and 717.79. 46 Wid t81148 a 821-537 47 Rethinking Tso, op ced pp 100 sion around she authentic ilar bac much 51‘This insite was established by the regime of General Ayylb Khan 10 help promotion of modernise interpretations of Iam compatible withthe need ofthe regime. Flue Rahman works on sunna must be understood against the background of religious politics in Pakistan ding the 1960s an in particular gaint the background of the controversy herween Ghulim Ahmad Paewée (one af Abii (Quen group) and his opponenss among the Pakistani “ulmi Pare’ radical rejection of sunna and his particular vision of Islamic state atc heir of Prophetic authorey was ascociated in the minds ‘of his opponents with the efforts of the Ayyil government to bypass the “ulamain onde to promote modems Islan Opponents of the government suspected, quite corrcly, shat Ayyiib oa insent on bypassing the tational sources of religious authority in his formulation of policy. They concluded, probably incor, that Parwét' ideas were exercising an undue eect on government policy. Thus the debate over the clationship beeween religion and stave and the relative rule ofthe “ulna and the gov- ‘roment in forenlatng policy on religious question became Focused on Parwérs ideas, and parcculady on the nse of Sunna. Attention was alo focused on the regime's major voice in religous matters, the Central Insticute of Islamic Research and its director? The story of the Pakistin is worth mentioning: it shows how instrumental the criticism of Suna was forthe proces of formulating modern aw. Ie shows also the flare of the reformation movement when itis too connected £0 the pragmatic policy of the political regimes. The example of Pakistan ‘ould be oud in differen degree in other Muslim counttes where the state is able to manipulate intellectuals a serve the regime ideology. I seems obvious thatthe structure of the Central Instcute for stitute and its eule in che state structure in Ielamic Rescarch wis determined to be semi-sccula, As Masud poinced out, Faslur Rahman, who was a graduate of Oxford Univesity, ane atthe time of esablishing the Institute was teaching. a McGill Universiey, Monteeal, Canada, “gathered cogether a group 48 Tad, pd, $9 Wade p 1, 50 Muanmad Kal Maud, amie Reseach It ns SIM Nes 198[REVHINKING-THE QUR'AN: TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS ‘of scholars who represented not only various disciples bur also dif. ferent Islamic orientations. This group represented different Islamic schools of thought and ethnic and provincial diversity in Pakistan. In addition co thee eaining in eradiional Islamic leaaing, all had tahavea degree in modern discipline, eg. economy, sociology. polit ical science exc. These scholars also had advanced degrees from renowned universities in the West Several were sent t0 USA Canada, ‘As the institute acted as an advisory think tank to asi in leg islation work, it provided research maeral for the drafting of various laws. It assisted the Islamic Advisory Council, which would advise the National Assembly. Pakistan Family Laws, estate in 1962, rep- resented a liberal interpretation of the Quin and Suna ‘The conservatives opposed these laws as they restricted poly- amy and gave rights to women that tadivonal Islamic law did not allow. The insticure found itself the target of hostile propaganda Faslar Rahman was called Abul Fal, the notorious Visi of the “Maghal emperor Akbar who supposedly insiuted a new cligion, Fazlur Rahmaels book Jilim, a general invoduction, essentially written asa defense of Islam against Wester crits, triggered con overs: A population with 25% literacy rook to the streets protest: ing against a book chat most of them could not and had nor sea Political opposition to Ayyub took advantage of the situation. The ‘ama’ declared Rahman a heretic. Agitation started in Dacca, the constituency of Mawlana Ihisharmul Hag Thanawi who was lading this protest against Rahman and Ayyub Khin. Countrywide distur Dances in 1969 caused Ayyub co resign. Rahman was forced co leave the country, and taught a¢ the University of Chicago uncil his death in 1988. 12-Rethinking Qur'an We can briefly divide the orientation of modern exegesis of the Qur'in inco thice basic trends, each of which essentially addresses ‘one ofthe challenging questions mentioned above, ie science, re som and polities, chat modernity brought ra the mind of Muslims, 53Islam and Science le was the Indian Sayyid Ahmad Khan, whom we have already encountered, who looked atthe question of science in his exegesis of the Qur'in, As we have seen, both the criticism of hadith and the consideration of the postion of Suna sere meant to fice the Quen exegesis fram the heavy impact of tradition in order to fail itate the introduction of a rather mote modern understanding of God's message. Ctiticiting classical Qur'inie commentaries in terms of thei sources and their subjects of interest, Ahmad Khin accepts ‘only those parts of the commentaries dealing withthe literary aspects of the Qur'an. He points to anomalies in the interpretation of the ‘Qur'an and suggests that these ate void of even general principles on whieh to base an understanding of the Holy Scripture. Sayyed Ahmad Khin’s major inerest was co bring the meaning of the Quen into harmony with the modern discoveries of the natural sciences. Natural scientific discoveries, he asserts, need tobe taken into account while explaining the meanings of relevant parts oF the Quin, since they do not contain anything against the “law of natute ‘Modern scientific discoveries, explains Sayyid Ahmad Kh, are ‘the manifestations of God's promises in reality while the Quen presents God's promises in words. On the basis ofthis argument he suggests that Scripture has to come ro terms with the law of nacure, which includes scientific discoveries. He therefore rejects miracles and many Que‘inie deseriptions, which he considers “supernacural” in their literal sense, and describes them as metaphors and indieece expressions of eaiey! He sates that Quranic words and expressions should not be understood exclusively in their direct literal meanings: the Holy Scripture often uses metaphors allegories and other indirect expres- sions In order to give his claim an authentic traditional suppor, he explains how the classical ‘ila did not aseays accept literal mean ings of many Qurinic words when such meanings conteadict com: son sense or human intellect. The reason they recognized miracles, 51 See Saye Amal Kin, Te wi ai? (ting om che prise of Pectin) in Tai oun wx baw abd ws Fogin erp fee Quin wich he Guide ae Pro Ks Bldsh Oven ui Taber: Pas Ina, di. 195) yo pe 1-20, 34RETHINKING THE QUAN, YOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS and, cherefors, acepted supeenacural Quran descriptions in their literal sense is because natural sciences were noc suficienly devel ‘oped during those periods. But since very lie is known about pe Islamic Arabic literature, he concludes that i is posible that words and phrases have meanings other than those explained by lexicolo- gist. Ics therefore imperative ako 10 apply other sources and 10 accept such meanings of the Qur’én as are based on them, although these may be absent from dictionaries. Self-evdently the explicit concept of the Qurin as a Text, which has been the wel established coneept since its canonization, i tuncritically accepted by Sayyid Ahmad. Khan. ‘That explains his admiration of that patt of clasical exegesis emphasizing the literary aspect. Although skeprical about the quantity ofthe knowledge aval able of preslamic Culture, he methodologically emphasizes its importance, He concludes that the Quin should, fie and fore= most, be understood, explained and interpreted by che Qurn ivelf iLes by understanding its own ineernal structure. He considers such principle to be derived from the Holy Book’? The second method: logical principle is that understanding the pre-Islamic Arabic litera ture sa pre-requisite to understanding the Quin. Methodological speaking there is nothing new in Sayyid Almad Khin’ presupposition. The iference herve his iterpre tation and the classical commentaries, however, ay in che domain of meaning - the modern meaning ~ that considers scence, specially natural science the new religion of secularism. Fascinated by the new world of scence and discovery he had to find a way to integrate it ino bis holy sripeure. 1 propose here that Sayyid Ahmad Khan’ clone to open the meaning ofthe Quran to accept scientific Findings isthe embryo of the later tobe developed pat of seemingly opposite direcions, namely the emphasis on the scientific inimitabiliry of the Qurin*, and that of slamization of knowledge and science, 52 Wid p15. 5b Ui pp 2and 1315, SH The stent spremy ofthe Quen (i'r ai, cing ean aie pulsed sn de wel apples of abr newpaper, car 27, 200, Pr tvis mot rene some the Are of th anti nd diy of he {arin or the Abs the itera nag to ali te Que nie ill om leagues hr he nom Aras sh explaaton 9 neithe ough wo ssp As fo Weve clare sence the aprme made of 55Nash ano zav0. bs Islam and Rationalism Although Muhammad “Abdu was nih a thelagan nor philoso ther, he admired the philosophic and mysial knowledge of Jami aHDinabeAfghin (1839-1879). Bur while a-Afghan ws more ofan active and provocative teacher “Abd gave up politics and con- entrate his efforts in the arena of though, especially afer he was cried hecatse of his patciparion in Urabe which ended with the Beish occupation of Egypt in 1882, Influenced heavily by _Aghin, who ad brought o Egype the idea of new moder inter pretation of Ma, “Abdu adoped a synthesis of casa ational and msde socio-political awaenes. This made it possible for him eowlage Th aie i scl wren in eps the i dtd the motion of the scent supose ofthe Qr sx uned thaconne ing the Qui wo ae tory hich is change an subject lege 2 Haman kml dep, des int cae mae the dina the stent of the Ques the mond of Gn. Deng the aii oi Fini the mer diingihes berween scenic fe and acetie thee {ering sha the Qui supremacy bull om te omer ot he ae ch Fc ae explo expesedin the Qu, crepes the lida iver proof ok dni. this conten the compat of lam pec Sil he Quin, wth moder ence cme one the concer of ne he eric Masi nla Refrence an be mie co publications ncading 1 Roslng the uniting Quranic sets Comering the Casal and Teva Body, Anal lane and Moa (Kash al ie Nowe Qerinigya Bins Yar lage b iTAjem. Samora we Atl a Hayednat wa "NahiG a "Lawahi"-M dania) by Mohammed b Ahn hand, Cir 129771880, 2 apsing che Divine Sern Panty Meals andthe Spite Charactessis of Lie (by Awan “Rabi Nab wr TM ain Khaw Hawi Sis S071B8S 5 - Computing Some ofthe Arolgil Discoery wit Wh Menoned in che Deine Team (Magis Bed Mobihih aay ty "LWnd Fr Nus Sharia) by Ablh Fk ho was Miner of Esco a Eg, Caio ss 4 The Precious Met inthe Ierpesation of the Qua Jaw ais (Quen! by Tanto aoc (1940), 26 ois ote unknown, 2 {Ci 1380/1971 ei ule volumes ain mich the soe ri hi fo 0 Find veohing reed n sod ence, maerm halo nen cee tern he Quran Sosy, 5327-32 for camp dea itn 29 pgs incl ingany hedge ang wih gun xan, arb bt and end ing vhe one one inthe Qu, ahr ahah 8. Qr! (ch Abd lM al-Sharay at-sam wa ‘bial (lam and Mode), “Tuna 1990, 9969-76. 538. See Amira, Muhanad (ed) Al Al al Kiama Din Api mss Dia Hayidh wa Ataris (The Complete Cllsion of agai ‘Wings wth Sado i Le ae his Wing Cao 168 p29 56RETHINKING THE QUR-AN: TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS to re-examine the basic sources of Islamic knowledge, the Qur'an and the Surina as well as the structure of Islamic theology. thus; prepar- ing the geound for what is known as the il, reformation, move- ‘When he was appointed as the religious councellor, mufi, of Egype in 1899%6, he addressed so many practical socal and culrural issues that needed to be dealt with ftom an Islamic rational perspec tive, He eta program for the rform of Muslim higher education and far the reform ofthe adminisration of Muslim lav. He tried to carry ‘out these practical reforms, frst, when he suggested reforms of duce sion in general and of alAzhar in particular in 1892, and, second, when he proposed so many plans forthe reform of the legal system, * Abd’ efforts o introduce some reforms to alAzhat was partly suc ceisfl, but che resistance from the cadiional "ulema was so strong, that he concentrated more om intellectual reformation, His confidence in ‘reason! is: manifest in all his activities, although he considers chat ‘religion’ provides che basis to protect son! from erting, The question of Islam and modern knowledge, which was fundamental ro “Abdus writings, led him co re-examine Islamic heritage, pushing mote co reopen the ‘door of shi in all aspects of socal and intellectual lie. As religion isan essential part of hhuman existence, he argued that che only avenue theough which £0 launch real reform was through a reform of Islamic thought, He elaborate in his Tir a Mandr the concept of the Que’ as a text by, first emphasizing implicily is ierary struct ‘only, placing is style in expressing its message in che seventh cen- tury in accordance with intellectual level of the Arabs’ menalicy Whatever seems ieational or contradictory to logic and science in the Qur'in must, accordingly, be understood as rellecting the Arabs! vision of the world ae chat cime, All verses referring to superstitions like witcheraft and the evil eye ate eo be explained as expressions of what che Arabs believed in. And literary figures of speech (ike ‘metaphor’ and ‘allegory’ appear in Tir al-Mandr as che bass of a rational explanation fo all miraculous events and deeds mentioned in the Quen, The verses which speak about sending che angels down from heaven «@ fight against che dfn, infidels, are thus S56 “Al, Makar, AEA th op id vol 5. 9p 1S 57cexplined by ‘Abdu as an expression of encouragement: they were meant to provide comfort tothe blievers, to help enable chem 0 sina victory” “This was precisely the Bist explicit for of the ce contenu ization ofthe Quin agains the 7 cencry clr background, a method thar was developed by later Egyptian as well as Arsb and ‘Masti intellectuals. This proces of re-contexuaization led “Abdu ‘0 de-mythologize the Qurinie narative s well ato come cose toa ddemysifiation ofthe Holy Tex ‘While Sayyid Ahmad Khan was eying to harmonize the Quin swith sience, by way’of creating equation beeween them - the equa tion between Divine promise im Action’ and ‘promise in word i vas quite enough for “Abdu co place the Quin in the seventh cen- tury context, hus excluding any atempr of compaison berwcen dhe (Quin and scenes is most imporcant contribution in this ara was his insistence that the Qur'an is noe meane to be a book of history neithee a book of seience: it isa book of guidance. Consequently, any search oF proof for any scientRe theory i invalid. Quranic naratives, on the other hhand, should nor be akon s historical documents. Inded, historical incidents mentioned in che Quranic natatives ate presented ina lt rary and narrative syle, convey lessons af admonition and eshor- tation 58 Abdu was very clear about the difference beoween “histori ography’ and the Quranic stories. Historiography isa scien ik of knowledge hase on inquiry and cial investigation of available daa (epons, testimonies, memories, and geographical or material ‘evidences, for example). In contrast, the Quranic stories ae intend ced 0 serve ethical, sptiewl and rligious purposes. They might be bused on some historical incidents, but the purpose isnot to provide knowledge about history. Ths explains why names of persons, places rif the sory i about a prophet, oF about one of the enemies of a prophet (like Pharaoh), many details are omitted. “Abd is cealy aginst che method ofthe chsical exegctes, which attempted so catify hese -mubbamae (unmentioned: non-explicit). He insisted that the impor and dates are not mentioned in these stories 57 id wo pp. S06 SH ad vol 5p 30 58[RETHINKING THL-QUISAN, TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS tance of the sory does not depend on such knowledge; it depends rather on the lesson of ‘admonition’ that can be deduced from it. Tes important here co emphasize the fact chat “Abdus intelloc- tual liberal discourse presents che intellectual side of che modernizing project initiated by Muhammad “All (1760-1849) co establish a rmioder state in Egypts a project chat was caied our by his grandson Khesive smi (1863-1879), who explicily wanced Exype robe ike any European state. The ideas of “Abdu were very influential during the twentieth century right across the entre Muslim World, thanks 0 journal of a-Mandr (1898-1936) established by Rashid Rida (1865-1935), “Abduis disciple and partner. “Abdus “ational oriented exegesis was noc entircly free of the issue of modern science where it was implicit, neither was the cence oriented exegesis of Ahmad Khin free from rationalism. Like “Abdu, in his effort to fice the ied of Qurinic exegesis from cradi- ‘ion Ahmad Khin placed the principles of ‘reason’ and ‘nature substitute forthe classical heavy dependence on quotations from tr- dition, His proposal is thatthe Quan stands on its own, requ ‘only application ofa dedicated and enlightened mind for its under sanding. The principles of interpretation, according 10 Ahmad Khkin, should noe depend on hadith or chs will hazard che eternal and universal quality ofthe Qur'an, For hi Qui ro find init che meaning relevant cits situation despite the constant increase in human knowledge. Hadith-based interpretation tends £0 limit the meaning of the Qur’in t0 a particular historical situation, thus, obscuting its universality? great miracle of the isits universality which makes it possible for every generation & Islim and Politics Political concer is not absent from cither the exegesis of ‘Abdu oF ‘Ahmad Khan. Neither is it appropriate ro suggest chat ‘politcal’ oti= tented exegesis was started by the Pakistani author, joutnais,inter- preter of the Quen, ideologue and political activist Abu ‘Ala 59 Fora delle acouns of Ab von concning the Quranic nara, Tale Man Civ De tpi vl Upp 21, 21011203, 229-0, 2 Ale vol 347-8 ol 4 pp 742.923 (4) Reinking Teadian ped M 59ash 480 24¥0) Mawdtdi (1903-1979). Bucit was Abu li who gave the politcal Islamic movement its qur’énic ground that was copied bby Sayyid Qutb. More chan anyone else he shaped and influenced the further development of ‘orthodox fundamentalism’, also known as Islamism! The leaders of the Shi'ite revolurion in Tran in 1979 ve as their main sources of inspiration for shaping an Islamic sate the publications of theit Egyptian Sunni ‘Brethren! Hasan al-Bann and Sayyid Qutb, and the Pakistani Mawdadi Ie goes withoue saying tha it was in the Indian context under the British occupation, where the relasionship between the Muslims and the Hindus started co deteriorate. Mavi stated his compre- hensive study ofthe doctrine of jd in the mid-1920s, in response to Hindu accusations that Islam was spread by the sword, afer a ‘Muslim assassinaced non-Muslim leader. This work, which was firse serialized then published under the ticle a-ihid film, presented. the basic element of his later thought. In 1932, and in the monthly journal Texoma al-Qurin, which was to be che main vehicle of his ideas for che res of his life, Mawdd? started to formulate the ideal- oy of political Islam. He set forth the objectives of his intellectual ‘mission in che following lines The plan of action I had in minal was thas I should fre break the Dold which Weston euleure and ideas had come to acquire over the ‘Mastin intelligentsia, anal to instill in hem the face that dam bas «code of lif ofits own, is own ealere, ts own political and eco nomic items and a philosophy and an educational sytem sohich sre all superior to anyohing that Western civilization could offer. 1 veanted to vid them ofthe wrong notion that they needed to brow fom oshersin the mater of culture and celeation, 2 {61 Avia Abad, amie Moen in nda and Pakistan 1857-1965, Kars 16, pp 208-36 See al, Bs Tit, The Challeng of Fundamental Poli i an dhe New Word Dore, ped Eon, Bethke. 2002p. 4: eho Trg Ramadan, A sures de enovent maaan dA Hasan al-anns un sled fomisne amiga ari, 198. A ued by Jan Slop. The Pola Eton in AH 7AM of Ab Ale Ma nA Fil Presence, ny Fo Kenn Crag, itl ty David Thora ad Gites Londo 20059. 239 62 SeeF CR Robison, "Mia Evol pp 8720 60RETHINKING THE QUR'AN: TOWAROS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS, According to this ideology, where the West and Islam stand in dichotomy, che complex human societies are categorized in Only tw kinds, either ‘Islamic’ or ‘Jabilt. As long asthe universe, according ro the Mawdidl’s Islamic view, i an “organized stare” and a “otalitari~ an system’, in which all powers are vested in Allah, the only euler, the state of Islam, of the Islamic State, should present the earthly mani= Festation of the cosmos Tf both "Abd and Ahmad Khin sred, in different way 1 con- textualize the Quen in order to open up its meaning by way of alle gotization and metaphorizaton, Maw extended she literal mean- ing of the Qurin to address che modern world. The verses of chapter 5:42.50, for example absolute sovereignty of God - which addressed the people who reject- ced Islam during che time of the Prophet, are taken by Mawedidi to be addressing the Muslims now is meaning isnot only co apply the rules preseribed by God but to establish a cheoctatie sae. Suadying in detail Mawdid’s book on jihad Slomp righty com: iments om his hermeneutics as hermeneutics tha curs the decisions taken in cettain historical moments into eetnal divine law. For its importance [better quote ii is Tenge 1 well known as che verses of hikimia, the (On the basi of Maus own argumenss and examples he read cer concludes, “thar all ratements on jad in he Quritm, Hadith and early demic bisory were extabliced in actual situation, and that they were formated on the bass of decisions concerning for cecample sles, spoils of war, prisoner, the hypocrites, traitors, treatment of enemies and minorities as pare of a bistorical proces. To declare the resale of this process sacrosanct, as Maudual does, reveals thatthe Achilles heel of this [lamism is its way of dealing swith history. For al the events in the life of the Prophet and bis Companions are given the same authority as revelation, Added 10 ‘this, Mawdudtt interpretation of this ‘revelation cum histor’ is presented as authoritative for lam in all eas. (63 un Slop, “The ‘Elica Equation’ ALS FY Abin of Abul A Mano cto. 25, 6NASR ABO aN 1k could be concluded char Sayyid Ahmad Khin, “Abdu, and Mawdidi have furnished the ground for Muslim intellectuals, throughout the rwentieth century 10 open up the meaning of the Qur'in, and consequently the meaning of Islam, to cope with modernity, indifferent ways. As illustrated Sayyid Ahmad was bas cally busy with che challenge of modern science; “Abdu was busy withthe issue of ational” in generals Mawdd was responding to the challenge of Western domination, and consequently the Westernization of the Muslim world. IF Khi’s approach i to be con- sidered the embryo of the late “al-'ée al-iimi as well as ‘the islamization of science and knossledge’ tend, “Abdus approach was carried on in what has been known as the ‘literary approach’ Mav's approach stands alone as the teal source of the following political and ideological interpretation of the Quan. Regardless of their differences in terms of methodology and conclusions, three of them followed the classical assumption that the Qua Now, once again the question is which meaning will prevail togetherness or isolation? Related question to be raised is whether ‘Muslims ate ready to rethink the Quen or not sit posible ro con. sider the open options presented in the Quy’ reconsider che fixed meaning presented by the classical “ulamd? In other words, how far isthe reformation of Islamic thought going to develop? This duly brings the reltionship of the West and the ‘Muslim World into our discussion. How does this relationship affect the way Muslims ‘rethink’ their own tradition to modernize their lives without relinquishing, chee spiritual power, parciculaly in view ‘of Americas colonizing project? Lam afaid the answers not positive, specially with the new American colonization project. Both the new imperial and colonial American project and the building of ghettos jn the Middle Fast are likely to support the most exclusive rype of discourse in contemporary Islamic thought. We have to be aler and {0 join our efforts to fight against that by al possible means. ie discourse and Conclusion Thave argued thar the Qurin i living phenomenon. A humanistic hermeneutics of the Qur'in has to take seriously the living phenom 62[RETHINKING THE QUR'AN: TOWARDS A HUMANISTIC HERMENEUTICS enon and stop reducing the Qur'an o be only a cext. The Que'én was the outcome of dialoguing. debating, augmenting, accepting and rejecting, This horizontal, communicative and humanistic dimension ie in the "structure of the Quen, nor outside it. ‘The invitacion 10 rethink the Quen’ Rows from this communicative dimension, This invitation is of vital importance for Muslims in genera, and for “Maslin living in Europe in particular. Ihave argued noc only for the continuation ofthis proces of rethinking but for moving ie further toward a constructive method for Muslims, wherever they are, co be actively engaged in formulating the ‘meaning of lif’ in che world in ‘which they live and further develop the spiieual and ethical dimen- sion oftheir tadition. ‘But what will prevail togetherness or isolation? Are Muslims ready to rethink the Qur'an or no® Is it possible ro consider the open ‘options presented in the Quranic discourse and reconsider che fixed ricaning prested by the classical “ulam’? In other words, how far isthe reformation of Islamic thought going 0 develop? This question daly brings the relationship of the Wese and che Mustim World into the discussion, Howe does this relationship afece che way Muslims ‘rethink’ their own tradition t0 modernize thei lives without relin- Qushing their spiritual power? Iam aftaid the answer isnot positive, particularly in view of America’s new colonizing poliy. Both the new imperial and colonial project ofthe Uniced State of America and the ‘building of ghettos in the Middle East ate likely to suppore che most ‘exclusive and isolating type of discourse in contemporary Islamic thought. These colonial projects give the people no option but 10 addape to the hermeneutics of Islam as an ideology of resistance; the hermeneutics of the Pakistan Maududi, which divides che world into to adversaries, echoed in Huntingtons ‘Clash of Civilizations. So 1 conclude that we have to be alert and should join our efforts to ight both claims and their consequences by all posible democratic means 63