Boyce, Hacy (964 Puchi pote wn OT IZoaAse INDO-IRANICA MELANGES PRESENTES A GEORG MORGENSTIERNE A LOCCASION DE SON SOIXANTE-DIXIEME ANNIVERSAIRE 1964 OTTO HARRASSOWITZ - WIESBADEN(© otto Marmont, What 1004 ‘Potash al potomecanche Were ‘hr tsk Geigy Se Voge nem Buchrweet Gore At Weal Avant-propos ee ee V.L. Anaxv, O suamenrax ocermexoro suka HLW. Barer, Saka miscellany F. Bauru, Ethnic proceses on the Pathan-Baluch boundary | E, Brxvenisrs, La racine yat-en indo-iranien . . AM. Borce, Tho use of relative particles in Western Mile Iranian G. Buppnvss, Aus dardischer Volksdichtung J. Dvonssxs. Guna, La fixation de Avesta G. Dusan, Balderiana minora... . . MB, Eaxnav, Linguistic desiderata in Baluct I. Grnsuzvrmon, Iranian chronological adverbs ©, Haxsex, Zur Sprache der Inschrift von Surb stan \W.B. Hmoune, Tho survival of an ancient term... 2... MLR. Kanoa, Datistin i Déntk - Parsign T. ‘J.Kunveowrer, L’accentuation en viel iranien |. 'W, Lars, Mithras Verfigung ier die Herrechgewalt (Yasht 10, 09 und ieee Bonen M. Liroaaoex, Altporsisch Ragmats. > | DLR, Lonniom, A Bakhtiari Persian text. D.N. MacKasare, The Xayr ul-bayin . . . - M. Mavnoymn, Uber Kontaminationen der indoiranischen Sippen von ai. tak, teak, *teard. J. do Muwascn, Les données géographiques dans aitistin G. Rupanp, Notas de L. Rexov, Védique aldh-, Ehdd. ot ds. Vestine" P. Tuma, Patanjali dber Varuna und die sieben Stréme RL. Tommmn, Sanskrit buddhisw .. E, Yansuaren, The dialects of Alvir and Vidar ‘J. Buaxpnvb, Bibliographiede G. Morgenstierneaiedeo| ren “The use of relative particles in Western Middle Iranian ‘Tho use of relative pronouns in nominal phrases, which has been traced back ‘to Indo-European, is well-established in both Western Middle Tranian lan- guagest. Here types of construction fall into two main categories, In one (category A) the pronoun is used to relate nouns in a construct state. The ‘pronoun itself appears to have no logical meaning, but to function merely as a ‘connective, like the Persian idafat;o.g. Parthian ordd & Aadift “the song of ‘happiness", Middle Persian kim § pidar “tho wish of the Father”. To interpret ‘these phrases as meaning “the song which (is) of happiness”, “the wish which (is) of the Father” is plainly illegitimate. Whole successions of such phrases sometimes occur (e.g. the passage from M6120, cited below, p. 39), and to interpret each as a noun qualified by a relative cause, with copula understood, ‘would be to create an intolerably clumsy eyntax. In this onstruction, accor. ‘ingly, the historical pronoun can be suid to have lost its pronominal value, and to have a mefely relative use. In the second type of construction (category B), the historical pronoun is ‘used to connect nouns in apposition, orto relate an adjective or an attributive, ‘phrase to a noun. Here again, in such simple instances as Pth, bahr 8 Beldbid “the city B.", or MP. gyig i dar “a distant place”, it would be artificial to understand the relative as having a pronominal function: “the city which (is) B.", “a place which (is) distant”. Where, however, the attribute is complex, some doubt must exist as to how the construction was understood by the ‘speakers ofthe language. Thus one eannot hope to know for certain whether to ‘Parthian ear the words gyn &2 pad tanbr were equivalent to gyin pad lanbir “the soul in the body”, or to gyn &% pad tanbr ast “the soul which is in the ody’ AN three constructions aro well attested. Parallelism even between neighbouring sentences does not help, since for eleganoe an author may have, ‘varied nominal phrase with verbal clause. Yet the antiquity of the usage of relative pronoun with nominal phrase, and the frequency with which this construction appears in WMIr., favour the assumption that, even when joining + Se E, Bonvenine, SL £8, 1957-58, 30-54 Bein ly aby FT, MO 10, 21-20. ortho Tucfan MSS, te by thir members only 300 Boye, A Catalogue of the Iranian MSS in Manihnansript in th Geeman Tra cllocion, Best 1960, 4, for abbreviations he nares of Mancharan publications he following ‘ibioviation ate wed here othe divsooa of Wate: Ph = Parthian, bases MP Manstacan Partin, and Ins ona! Parton MP. Middlo Persian, embracing MA Manacan Mate Pern and Ie: Pati ‘insulin Pin Book Pua hari he oper ro th Patt te (~ snc the eration of 2 hy thn srs nea tet a oven jis unreliable, ee iad ‘en ‘Tho wo of rlative particle in Western Middlo Tranian 29 ‘complex attributes, the historical pronoun was felt to be merely a conneotive. ‘This assumption is strengthened by the fact that, e.g., in Book Pablavi, as in Persian, a prepositional attribute is sometimes treated as an adjective, and can take the comparative suffix, e.g. pad-dad-tar “more luwful” (J. Asana, Pahl. ‘Texts, 05.18, 07.19) Inthe light of this development, it sooms forced to render, e.g. MMP. rdyéndg man pad friyi (Mir. Man. ii 3314) as “our guide who (i) with love", instead of as “our loving guide”. Thero are, moreover, phrases in which iva impossible to take the prepositional attribute as predicate ofthe connective e.g. Pth bietagdn ud andraztagan 8 pad sazean “the saved and the damned by the Word” (Mir. Man, ii g 140-42). Here the attribute is adverbial, and the copula cannot be understood. Nevertheless, some uncertainty must remain for a number of nominal phrases, a8 to whether tho copula is to be understood or not. For descriptive convenience, however, relative constructions without a verb are in general treated here as nominal in the strict sense, Exoeptions are made for the rare ‘nominal phrases where the relative soems to have its full pronominal value, e.g. th, Sadift kan a bun wexibih “the joy which (was) theirs from the bogin- ning” (Mir, Man, ii a 65-6). ‘There aro also cases of a nominal phrase being separated from its anteoodent by another word, where syntactically it some- times seems novossary to treat it as a clauso introduced by a relative pronoun. ‘Apart from these instances, however, for analytical purposes wherever what is historically a relative pronoun appears in a nominal construction without ‘evident pronominal valu, its here termed a relative particle. A simple criterion {for checking the distinction is that in all types of construction examined here the use of what has been called the partile is facultative, as can be established from parallel examples where it is lacking. The particle, in fact, unlike the pronoun, is not necessary either to syntax oF to sense, Yet in some construc- tions (such as the construct state in MP.), the uso of the particle is so frequent that it oan be said to bo in the process of ceasing to be a grammatical con- venience, and of becoming, at part of a regular construction, a grammatical necessity. The completion of this process can be seen in Persian, A. Parthian In what may be termed Chancellery Parthian, that is to say, in the seribal usage of the Arsacid Empire, two ideograms, IH and ZY, are used for relative particles. Tho first plainly represents MPth, éy (22). The second has no equi- valent either in MPth,, or in the Ins. Pth. of the Sasanian period. It may be ‘assumed to represent a derivative from the Old Iranian relative ya, so widely. ‘used in similar constructions in other Iranian languages. ‘The most extensive material for Chancollery Pth. is furnished by the Nisi ostraca of the 1st century B.C.; but the stereotyped nature of their contents seo Benveniste, 1c, with further rforences.30 Many Borer limits the number of parallel expressions available for the control of any ‘particular construction. The only relative pronoun used is ZY, which appears falco as a particle. Once it seems to be used to join nouns in a eonstruct state (though the readings are not eartain), ie. in ostracon no. 17608 : "rik MLK BRY BRY ZY pryptk BRY 'XY BRY ZY 'rhk “King A., grandson of F., ‘sn of the nephew of A.”. Many examples occur of ZY joining a prepositional phrase to a noun, The eormonest phrase is “So-and.so, vintner at such-and- such a place", e.g. no. 113 : ugimok mdubr ZY MN bremytn “O., vintner at B.” This is a recurrent formula, and is never used without ZY. Yet in other apparently parallel phrases the ZY is omitted, which suggesta that in this construotion in general ite use was facultative; e.g. no. 148 : prhk ropn MEN kur “P. tho vineyard-master at K.", but no, 142: wtrgnssn rskr ZY MN kpks . the vineyard-cultivator at K.” The same alternation, with and without ZY, is found with the phrase “to the hand of the satrap”, which is either LYD sitrp (e.g, no. 1708), or ZY LYD zitep (e.g. no. 1673 a). Unfortu- nately here neither the meaning of the antecedent nor the syntax is wholly clear! ZY occurs as relative pronoun with full verbal clause in, eg, ostraca nos 447 + 314, 798, 257. It also appears as a pronoun in what is formally @ nominal sentence, e.g. no. 51: MN KRM *bybry ZY B lowe lit, “from the vineyard to bbe brought? which (is) at K.” Here the occurrence of the main verb between noun and qualifying phrase seems to necessitate understanding the copula. ‘This stereotyped construction alternates with another equally common one where two parallel prepositional phrases are used, e.g. no. 94 : MLN kwer IN RIM’ "bybry lit. “from K. from the vineyard to be brought” Despite the limited range of the material, Nisd thus provides examples of ZY as 0 relative pronoun in nominal and verbal constructions, and as a par- ticle in constructions of categories A and B. In the Ardabin inscription at Susa, A. D.215, the particle ZY again occurs, connecting nouns in a construct state : znsk ZK ZY motk kot zitrp “this stele of H,, the satrap of Susn’. This ocourrence of ZY in Chancellery Pth, of the last decade of Arsacid rule makes all the more perplexing its total absence from ‘Ins. Pth. of the Sasanian period, a8 well a the lack of any equivalent pronoun or particle in MParthian, Only one instance is yet attested of the use of AFH as a particle in Chancellery Pth., and that is in the AwrGman document, A.D. 53, where ZY does not ‘tho examples cited hero are taken from I.M. Diskonov and V.A. Livehite, Dokumenty iz Niky, Moscow 1960 (Preliminary roma presented to the 26th In: ‘ern, Congres of Orientalist).— In general in the present article editor's restora ‘tions of letters or even words aro not indicated, sine in the examples cited theeo are either beyond doubt, or unimportant to a grammatical discussion ‘Seo W.B. Henning, itittaliranich: Hd. der Orientalitt 1, TV i, 1958, 27, 1 Following Henning's reading and translation, ss tid, 28, "See Henning, ibid 41 | | | ‘Tho uso of relative particles in Western Mido Iranian at appear. Here MH joins an adjective of relationship to a noun : KRM. {MA “bykit’n “the ploughland vineyard”. In Ins, Pth of the Sasanian period a numberof instances occur of AZT a a particle, and tho Iranian equivalent & often haa this function in MParthian. With regard to In. Ph, however, itis noteworthy that in Stbue’s inscription on the Ka'be-yi Zardutt, A. D. 283, Hf is found only once asa particle, in one of the usages of Chaneslery Pth, ZY (ee below, p87), whereas in Narseh’s i ‘at Paikull, + A.D. 28, it occurs as patile « number of times. ‘Tho contrast could be explained as due to the different character of the two texts, or to an extension of the use ofthe particle during these decades. Yet some of the Paki constructions with AFH are ofa type rare in contemporary MPih, but very common in Pahlavi; e.g. the Paikull phrase puit&@ yandan the protection ofthe god (ace below, p. 34), against KZ. yazdan pudt (which ‘would be the normal MPth. construction too), is exactly paralleled by Ins. Pahl. puit § yazdén. It is possible, therefore, that the increased use of the particle ICH in Paieli is do, not to the gentine influence of S-centary spo- ken Parthian, but to the growing dominance of Middle Persian by that time among the imperial scribe. In MPth, another relative pronoun, Ki ako used fatly freely as a particlo in Btype constructions, but noverin constructions of type A (construct state). ‘Tho absenco ofa particle from Ins. Pth suggest that even this limited usage ray have been a development of the 3rd century. Tho fact that in Pth. the relative pronouns & and bi are used interchangeably, both referring iniffer- ently to persons or things", makes the wie of hi as a particle, under the in- fluence of & readily understandable ‘The usages ofthe particle, common to Ins. Pth and to MPEh., and of the particle £, peculiar to MPth, can be listed under the following headings: ‘Type A (attested only for &) 1 to join dependent noun to regent noun (construct state) Type B TT to join nouns in apposition {IK to join a prepositional attribute to @ noun JV to join an adjective phrase to a noun V to join a descriptive adjective to a noun VI to join local adverb to a noun As stated above, the uso of a partiole in each of these constructions is facul- tative. * Sco Henning, ibid. 20-90 Tn his Paik gloamey, no. 614, Horzfold explains the froqueney of MIE Pth, and ite rarity in Pabl, ae boing duo to its uso ia Pub, for the idafats fact in most of tho ocourrenees MH roprosenta the rel. pro., not the particle, and parallel to Pahl. Kz, og Paikul 5, 103 LXw MH “ho who”.22 Many Boro [A to join dependent noun to regent noun. In associating noun with noun, Pth enjoys a freedom of syntax remarkable in an uninflested language; and the ‘ambiguities arising from a fluid syntax are increased by a complete licence in ‘the numerical accord of adjective and noun", The presence of the particle & is ‘8 considerable aid to clarity; but, although the frequence of its ocourrence ‘varies from author to author", yet in general its absence is commoner than its use, Tho constructions in which it is employed can be divided into 5 sub-types, between which there is some overlapping. Within these constructions the syntax is necessarily more regular than in similar groups of words without the particle, since the position of é is fixed. It stands always between the nouns, ‘the regent noun preceding, the dependent noun following it. This, with the similar rule governing the position of & in type-B constructions, is one of the ‘very few immutable laws of Pth. ayntax, applying as well in pootry as in prose, ‘The five sub-types of A T 4) when thers a noun in apposition tothe dependent noun (cf. the uso of ZF in the Chancclery Pth. of the Nisbostracon 1700, and ofthe Ardabin iserip- tion, above, p-30): e.g. twem AIH LN, BRY 'raitr MLK YN MLK" (hm € ‘andh, puke A. tahdn 3h) ,the descendants of ws, the son ofA, king of kings” (Paikult 29; barayéd&8 maith, bg krbabhar “the bof Crist the beneficent 0d” (5860, 81-2. ii) when one noun has two of more nouns directly dependent on it, or when there are two oF more nouns upon which a noun oF nouns directly depend. In ‘such constructions (not themselves very common) the use of & is more fre- ‘quent than ite neglect. a) with one regent noun: e.g. Hindagin & ardiw ud nigdiig “tho act of the Sst and the Hearee” (M 48 V 5-4); rowifn 22 Sab ud rZé “tho passing of night ‘and day” (Mir. Man. ii 6-7); adydwarift 8 dhrmizdbag ud brddardn “the help Gf the goa. and his brethren” (hid 44-6); pid & iin harain karin, radu, uardn rSiuin “tho Father of al these forms, Jewels, Powers of Light” (M40 R. =. [against e.g, Jahr ad maran tat “the cup of poison and death” (Mir. Man, iii, 172-3); Mandarbed amdh ud pidar “intermediary of us and tho Father” (W. 1.1 95), similar constructions without &) ') with two or more regent nouns: c.g. LX mz W "hom MH LXwyn"LXYN (06 ranz ud abgim & hain bagin) “that toil and pain of your Majesty” (Pail 35); pot WSMH MET ys (pu ud nam &8 yazan) “the protection ‘and name ofthe gods (bid 1); pnd Wpdye MH LN (pand ud pad & ama) 1 For an illustration of Pth. freedom in thie eepoct, see Boyee, Tho Manichacan, ‘Hiymn-Cyeles in Parthian, 188-89, ¥. rw “Thus in the Pth. hymn-cyeles the partilo is vory freely used. In other texts ‘with a denser syntax, such as M6, it does not occur wt all "oe Henning, Mittelianisch 71. ‘Tho us of relative partici in Western Middle Tranian 33 “out advice and counsel” (ibid 10); wn wit dd & harwin nizmdn “the rain and fame ofa fogs (Cycle, A. RT 28); ae ud gd 2 Barn retin “the house and shelter ofall wouls (HB 144-48); hare band padand ud nisumban bands “every band, ink andshuttr (1) of the prison” (Cycle, A. Te Ta 1) ily when cther noun ina construct state has another now (or personal po- noun) dependent oni Tn Mth or In, Pth, a secondary depentent noun i never joined by second partie, but always stands directly before is regent ‘oun. (Contrast the Nik ortraon n0, 1760, above p. 0, and forthe MP sage to tlow, p38). man dain hrc part "tho tomb of death of Biacknenes' (Gyles, AR. VIL 350); Kar Band 8 man gr Sr “each link of th feof my soul” (Cyeles, A. I 110); wand aid pinata 2 ayer “he doting of the wots and her of friends” (Mit Man. a 9) {ago rf rtaginanjoman “hin day of the assombly of angels” (ibid. m 40-1)) 2 2, ‘With regard to personal pronouns depending on the aordinate noun in this construction, it iv rule of Pah, grammar that thew can never be attached 9 the particle in the sfx form, A Pt. relative pronoun can take esufied pronoun (othe example quot above, p. 30), but the particle cannot. The Contrast with MP. snag is shown by the folowing example MPth. maby... 8 man dast "the eal of my hand” (f 82 a R 6-7), MMP. rust wibign tm gyn "to deciving she-demons of my soul” (LTA TV 9-10); MPth. naw 2 amdh gritn “the ship of our souls” (W. L198), Pal zn Eman zeaddy “tho houte of our Lord!” (Px 124.1); MPth frrah 213 tracery the Fortune of thy greatnea” (Mi. Man, i £ 16-7), Pah. harwiop ‘ist stndagih “al the days of thy le (Ps. 127.8). ie) when citer noun in construct states qualifed by an adjective, or when ‘wth are so qulifed. Tn this construction the position ofthe adjectives is re salar: determining adjective precoe, dexrptive adjective follow the nun Which they qualify. Agreement in number, though common, emans facal. tative. ° wight pidartn hainagin “the testimony of the Buthrs of ld” (air Mant 81-3}; Bare ton dcr “al dion of ell” (Oyle V0); bungah din 2 ahr navy “tho light foundation of the New Aeon” (Mi. Man. ia 132-89); andteag wasary 8 haruin anfieagn “the great ie-giver ofall lieve” (W. Lei 85); dar 3 harwin wiginag “the fury ofall rovagen (Cyole, A. R. VIL 17h); dds tray Bamen #8 pidar rain “the 12 radiant form ofthe Father of Light” (790 116-7. ‘No exceptions have been noted with regu tothe postion of determining adjectives, but inthe following instance the desctiptive adjective prcedce the demonstratives, possesives, and adjectives of number and of indefinite quantityut Many Boor noun : gydnén éamag & 15 “tho spiit-course of thee” (Mir. Man. iii o 12-13) ‘These words come, however, from the beginning of verse g of an abecodarian hymn, and the syntax has evidently boen adjusted to provide the appropriate initial letter. ‘The same word-order is found also in constructions without the particle, e.g yomagin ritnan dé fart wazaryin “the Light Leaders of the two great lamps! (ibid. n 24); but without & this word-order is exceptional, since then the ependent noun usually precedes, e. g- im watan nivaig ramanig “the sweet melody of this voice” (ibid. g. 19-20); talwar bamén narwén pattabag “the ori- ‘ginal splendour of the radiant palace” (M787 V 12). In constructions without, & the position of the adjectives is also freer, e. g. huwidag lahman yasdigird ‘e*addwan “the fortunate, divine Lord of the strong” (Mir. Man. iim 54-55). +) joining two single nouns. This usage is uncommon. One instance is attested in Ins. Pth. i.e. put MH y'2tn (pust & yazdan) “the protection of the gods” (Paikuli 33), on which see above, p. 31. In MPth. prose another example has Deon noted, namely nigéiigan & dén “the Hearers of the Church” (M171, 16). In MPth. verse the usage is better attested. The following examples have been. noted: Gram 8 tarigin “the abode of the dark ones” (M 10 V 20-21); baragin && ‘idmagift “the steeds (2) of the demons of wrath” (Mir. Man. ili 71-2); rst && ‘masihah “the teuth of Christ "(M24 R46); daray 8 mafiha “the community of Christ” (Mir. Man. it k 39); kivrgift €& tbmagin “the skill of the demons of wrath” (M92 R 7b); anjanan & biztagin “tho assembly of the saved” (Mf 92 ‘V 8a); framan & baSdgar “the command of the Saviour” (AM 6860, 126-27); zim 2 razmyBain “the weapon of warriors” (M347 B ii 7); bun & Ziwahr “the baso of lif” (Cycles, A. R. VI 54); yg 8 Biztagift “place of salvation” (bid. 73a); nin &2 rain “the sign of Light" (ibid. 63b). ‘With the exception of the last, all these instances oocur in the second half line of a verse; and it is possible that the use here of the unstressed & met in some way the requirements of metre. Examples ofthe same construction occur in the second half-ines of the Pth.-Pabl. Drasti Asirig, i.e. pad aywin & gaan “Sn the manner of cows”, and & Jahr & Gran to “the land of Bran”, BIT join nouns in apposition, Nouns in apposition are commonly set to- asther without partie; but ocosonally they are joined by &, rarely (in SaPah,) by be 4) with é, with proper nouns :.g.ropry AC myn MEEK’ A. the king of Msene” (Paikali 17) [aguinst feypicer myn MLK" (KZ. 8.18); = Pabl Espey ZY myn MEK (KZ. 8, 23)]; why MH MRTY “A. tho Lady" (Paik 9) (= Poh. 'whyt ZY ARTY); atria 8 belabad “tho city B. (Or Mani 26-7 against, . gr Saher. 39]; rE 6 dombat “this day, Monday” (M137 1, 19-4) [oguna,e. 188 i dStambat (id. 25) * ooo J. Asana, Pablavi Texts, 141° (with variant reading), 1125, ‘The use of relative particle in Wostern Middle Tranian 35 ii) with &, generally: e.g 8&2 pidar w2tbeh “theo, our Father” (M10, R12) against, e.g. yilo' wszébch pidar (M177 V 11)]; wasdn yasdan bagdn wd radnin (2 wahiltSahrdar padwis “many goda, divinities and jewels, the retinue (#) of the Lord of Paradies” (M730 R i 7-9). i) with be. g. hridig wazarg ki *andarbid amdh ud pidar “the third Great One, the intermediary of us and the Father” (W. Li 95); 2amig.is ki dulménin Gram “the land also, the dwelling-place of enemies” (Mir. Man. AMPth, instance with &@ has been discussed! ‘metaphorical, not factual : igpar-um améatigin wd aafeir-um néw 8 vol wd 985, wm 2in padrastagin & hamag wigradanift “my strong shield and good ‘word of speech and hearing, and my ready armour ofall wakefulness” (M 215 vy). In the following complex onstruction, the &¢ probably retains pronominal ‘value: radn haftnisdgén & wizad Jahrdn Ziwahr “tho 7 bright Jewels, which (are) verily the life of the worlds” (Mir. Man. iii g 55-87). For parallel MP. examples, ee below, p. 37. ‘One example has been noted of the copula set between nouns in apposition, here too the &é appears to have its pronominal value: i.e, gil ast &2 wyaban it is a place which (is) a desert” (Cycles, H Va 12), BI to join a prepositional atibate to & noun, In this construction the use of tho particle in common (tthe examples fom Chancellery Pth, above, p31). In MPth, the fanetion i fulfilled indiferently by 8 ork. For the paraliel MP. sage, ace below, p. 37 i) with 2:6. g mrtewmbse MET MIN promym itr (mardhmag 8 af fromén Sar) “pople from the Roman Empire” (KZ. 8. 15) was framan Kirby 8 a {ridtag rien “any pious commands fom the Apostle of Light” (Mir Man. ii © 86-1); née amistad lr “the orginal mixture with Darkness” (bid 36 ». i with Az : 0g. man hamazwand ud Man ké pad wisp razmgih “my comrade and fellow in every fight” (MC 215 V)"; gre Stnday Kp pid ud datg “the Living Self in fe and wood” (Mi. Man. it 89-90); gyn pad {andr “the api inthe body” Gi 122). ii) with RE and & suowsively + 6 gwd wosary ad istwtag, be abar harein weld 8 pod Saran “Great ane praised Wind, above all other wind within the world (M 75 V 8.9); amch dafin Be afpidar, womdndfiean a= ‘adit “our it fom the Father, and our blessing from Paradise” (M327 Te 38). BV to join an adjective phrase to a noun, In MPth. an adjective phrase, in which the qualifying adjective(s) has or have themselves an adverb or depen- dent, is occasionally linked to a noun by B, more rarely by 22. ° Soo Henning, Mitteiranisch 104; for the MP. rendering, woe below, p87. ¥ Seo Henning, ibid; for the MP. rendering soe below, p. 7.36 Many Boyer 4) with Bz : e.g. pidar 2 6 hanw rumbin arian “Father, worthy of praise by all mouths” (M 32 « R 2): griw fiwandag KE harw dgié darubdag wi amiztag “Living Self, everywhere crucified and intermingled” (M6530 V 4-8); aabin pgird K2 purr witmandg “fair form, full of joy” (M32 a V 8-0). ii) with 8: handbér €¢ has wirdi “tho storehouse prepared of old” (M92 R.6a). ‘That this construction is close to that of w verbal clause is suggested by similar nominal phrases where the main verb, or another word, stands between, the noun and the &é or &@,which presumably retains its pronominal value (ct. the similar us of relative nominal phrase after the main verb in Chancellery Pth, above, p.81). E.g. kéom ... paryén widérth & purr tare wd lars & déwin ‘wiginag “Who wil take mo over the moats, which (ate) fll of fear and tremb- ling from ravaging demons 1” (Cycles, H. TV a4). Here the frst &¢ appears to be ‘8 pronoun, the second particle. In the following sentence the ké may be ‘understood either way : Biditin wird éw ki néw argdw ud iékift gui “a garden ‘was prepared, very noble and wondrously spacious” (or “which (was) ...) (47 1 R 10-11). Similarly in the following instance: amrdwo mankag ké at beh Just, a8 andar kif” like a date, soft outside, hard within ” (or “which (is) -..) (a4 171, 56-7), BY to join a descriptive adjective to a noun. This usage is rare; but one can compare the single Chancellery Pth. example with ZT in the Awrémin docu tment (see above, p.31). In Ins. Pth it is attested only occasionally, with pa. ‘tronymios; but invariably in KZ. 8,, and usually even in Paikuli, the patronymic st directly after the noun: .g.whyn'm MH trokn “W. the *Tatarofian” (Paikuli3) (against e.g whyn’m tinwin, ibid. 16); twzm MH s'enkn “the Sasanian house” (bid. 37) Tn MPth. the attributive adjective regularly precedes or follows the noun directly. Only ono instance has been noted of « single adjective joined directly by the particle to ite noun, and this is a doubtful case, namely bizlagift & durzwar (Cycles, A. R. VI 63a). This has been translated as “lofty salvation”; Dut burswr occurs several times as a substantive, and possibly therefore the words mean rather “the salvation of the Height (ic. of Paradise)”, The con- striction would then come imdar AT (above, p.24). Tn this instance too AL belongs to the second half-line of a verse, the caesura coming between Bictagift ‘and Bursar. Rarely, when there is more than one adjective, ké or & breaks the succession. One example, noticed by Tedesoo™, is husihrftnisigén & andag (M75 R 2-8). ‘Exactly parallel constructions are to be found with Fin MMP. (se below, p. 44), from which it seems probable that here the relative is functioning simply as particle; so thatthe phrase can be rendered as “bright, unnumbered beauties”. 1 The samo uncertainty exists og. in tranalating burswir 22dagan in Mir. Man. a3i-32 ‘Tho us of rolativo particle in Wostern Middle Iranian 37 Another more complex case, is with Ki: pidar Siwandag hasinag Bi nazwoén abardar (M40 R. 2-9) “living, primeval Father, original, most high”. Similar constructions occur in Avestan, e. g. Yt. 13.9 2am porsdwcim aburaddtam yam ‘masiméa padlanqméa ‘the broad, Ahura-created earth, great and wide Cases occur, in proso and verse, where the attributive adjective with separated from its noun by the copula : e.g. &f né ast &2 268 (Mir. Man. it b 98-00), cai ir ahend 8 widamasag (ME 6020 II V ii 12-13). The same construe- tion is to be found with i in MMP. (see below, p. 41), but is unknown with Persian idafat. This suggests thut the construction may have disappeared after 4 lost all pronominal value in Persian. Possibly in the Pth. construction the relative is to be understood as still having pronominal value. Admittedly this produces a clumsy rendering: “there is nothing which (i) good”, “there are 4 ‘things which (are) wondrous”; but the fact that Pth. docs not otherwise use the particle with a single adjective seems to support this interpretation. BVI to join local adverb to a noun. ‘This usage is attested twice with &, in -MPth. only; i.e. anéf baginig didan 8 6d “other divine sights there” (M47 EV 9), and hanw dah ud ridistdg & abar “every land and district above (je in the north)” (Mi. Man. ii b 150-60), 1B, Middle Persian Of the three WA. relative pronouns, Hf, # andi, ki is not found as a particle {in MPersian. £2 occurs twice in constructions wher it can be considered to be 1 particle, in that it joins a prepositional or postpositional attribute to a noun, in a nominal phrase. One instanco isin Ins. Pahl. : WZ.NH 'ndy ‘tory WHUE'n MH pron npity (ud én and ddur ud kirdagin & pad nibist) “and these several fires and deeds in the inseription”” (KZ. Kartir 2), The other occurrence is in MMP,, in a text attributed to Mani: wd abar wisp 6-8 andar “and over every- thing within it” (M 6120, 67-8), ‘Since these two examples are isolated, itis a temptation to consider the 2 in ‘each ashaving pronominal value, and ao conforming to the general usage of & in Persian. Yot the fret of thees conatra cof a common Pth. pattern with particle (B IIT, above, p. 35), and this pattern is equally common in MP. with # (below, p. 41), examples actually occurring in the Paalter to render Syriae nominal phrases. If then the ¢ in this construction is accepted as & particle, it seems arbitrary to insist on a pronominal value for the 8, only be- ‘cause it occurs in isolation In the MMP. example, the & can be said to have a grammatical function, in that the personal pronoun is attached to it; and it may be held, therefore, Soo Henning, Miteiranisch 9, * So Sprengling. By a sip tho passage has beon cited with ZY instead of MH, 00 the introduction to Corpus Tnecriptionum Tranioaram, Pt, IKE, Vol. 1, Plates, Portfolio IK (The Inscription of Nagi Rustam), ed. W. 8. Henning,38 Many Boyer at it fais to satiny on of the extra adopted here to distinguish parte from pronccn, namely tha the pertile shoul be grammatically ae vel at Tngeally unneoosry. For MP, weve, this eiterion has toe mode in Sis ans rerpoos ant, ou has bow shun above, ME. ¢ a «petile ening construct nouns (ATi) can and frequently docs take the personal pronoun ts wuts, Infact the MP. partie takes the sfised pronoun in Btype constructions alo (ee Below, this wage being one ofthe ekg diferentes Tetween MP, and Parthian, Thor can e maintained tha the second phrase provide an inferting ample of the partie ein e typically ME. con rutin. Pinly,howorer, the evidence provide by these tro example i oo slight for sound deductions tobe drawn from i. Nevertheless, these two phrases, tether Inter tan A.D. 26, snggst th pomsity tet, jst aa Chancery Ph hed a ypu, ao ME, may have bad patil in tho 3rd cota thud Gat the two languages may have been elosr i thin eect then than bs sequently. “Kpurt from theo to css, only the relative pronoun fg (Pb. ZY, MMP. ‘yy fonction alo ota partie, Even in Sd-entury text ito aa p> such mor frequent than the use of perils in Pts batt uncons trosinilacyandcanbeanalyed under th sathe headings (ne above, 3), with certain motifctions. Only fo the category BI (with local adver) has n0 MP. pecalle! ten found. AT to join dependent noun and regent noun (ef. Pth., above, p32). MP, like Pth,, has the freedom to set noun and dependent noun directly together, and it too enjoys a certain uidity of syntax, although the common construction in such cases is that the dependent noun stands first. In the early MMP. texts a ‘number of complex constructions occur without particle, some of them worthy of Pth.;e. g. drazt iw néw ud barwar thm “the seed of a good and fruitful tree” (Mir. Man. ii 308"); nafeindag ud rBfnazw frazend “children of the Living Family and World of Light” (ibid. 207); én-is abi tan hamg@hr badan payelagih ‘also this revelation of being of one nature with the body” (bid. 209). Tt is probably significant, however, that elaborate instances of construct state with. ‘out particle almost all come from Sed-century texte (versions of the writings of Mani), and seem to bo the survivors of a more archaic syntax. Already in the earliest MMP. texte, and in Ins. Pab, it is common practioe to join even ‘ovo simple nouns in the construct state by the particle (a practico rare in Pth., ‘ee above, p. 34): e. g. hyly ZY SDY'n (kit i diwin) “doctrine of devils” (KZ. K. 14); Me’ ZY yod’n hirdagin§ yaclan) “service of the gods” (KZ. K.1) -2iri yasdan “matters of the gods” (Mir. Man. i 308); dar § aman “the gate of the eyes” (bid. 305%), ‘The particle is also used in all the more elaborate groups of noun with depen- dent noun and adjective for which itis employed in Pth., its use in this way being too frequent and general to be considered under particular headings. A ‘Tho use of relative particles in Western Midale Iranian, 39 {ow examples will suffice: BB" ZY ‘Lilin ‘RXY'n (dar it autitn ban) “the ‘court of His Majesty” (Persepolis I 9); sar wispn wihihin “the head of all wisdoms” (M172 I R 7-8); asian wd azamdn ud apundg nikth§ wahilt “the oundless and timeless and unmixed good of Paradise” (Mir. Man. ii 2078 208%); nihumbagin é ram wd wizidagth ig yazdn “the shelterers of the Flock and tho Elect of the gods” (8 7 R ii 16-18); gdwiin§ éngelyom zindag i faim ud git “the utterance of the Living Gospel of eyo and ear” (M172 I V 16-1); gay Wptaily ZY wall'n (9th ud padiadar i wazargan) “the place and honour of the reat” (KZ K. 8); zrad ud dann ig rasdntinih “the knowledge and under- standing of soul-gathering” (Mir. Man. ii 308"), Te will be noted that MP.,un- like Pth., does not hesitate to join @ secondary dependent by a second particle, ‘This usage is found in the earliest, MMP. texta, asia shown by the following striking passage from a work attributed to Mani: aimah drusendan gikidagin 4g griw zémén, ud abidgaran ig gowitndn wtbardn ig aud ySfdahr, ud wikurdgan 4g Kirdagin ig ott, abdagan ig abar kirbagih “you sinful misbegotten sons of the Wrathful Self, confounders of the true words of that Holy One, disturbers of the actions of Good Deed, aggressors upon Piety" (Mf 6120, 41-0). Clearly ‘there was no feeling that a fre use of the particle weakened the impact of rhetoric. ‘The frequent uso ofthe particle appoars a progressive trait in MP., sinc itis ‘undoubtedly «help to clarity. Further, when nouns in « construct state are ‘qualified by adjectives, certain regular patterns are followed, as in Pth.; these ‘re discussed under B Y, below, p. 43 (particle with adj.) ‘When the dependent i a personal pronoun, threo usages are possible in MP., ‘as in Pth, ono with the partile, to without: 1) The pronoun, in its independent form, precedes the regent noun direct. ‘This, the common Pth. usoge, is not frequent in MP. . g. pad #3 nm “in thy namo” (Mir. Man, i 315%), 4i) The pronoun is often sufixed to a preceding word, the fist inthe sentence, clause or phrase: e.g. wlan pad tshmagin “and to your family (M3, 37-8); su pad 20r “and through his strength” (Mir. Man. ti 307%); Mdn-if gyn “that soul of his” (Mir. Man. i 201), ii) The pronoun may also be attached to the noun by. the particle: ». gail ig amah “our hearts” (BBB 395); bannag i aimdh “your servants” (M3, 39); dni man “my religion” (Mie. Man. ii 205); framdn ig auiSén “thei commands” (ibid. 309%), Often with this construction a demonstrative adjective precedes the noun, or there is © noun in apposition to the pronoun, or two regent nouns (only in similar complex eonstruetions could particle be used with the pronoun in Pth,. IE. g.éd pahikird é 16 “thin thy form” (bid. 3131); 2d nm £1 padan “this thy name, O Father” (ibid. 163°); pad farrah ig t evadwan “through ‘thy Fortune, O Lord” (BBB 360-06); pad kim ud nimésiin fg aud “through his will and prompting” (bid. 319-20), soe Henning, BSOAS 11, 1943, 60; the abovo translation it his,0 Many Bove ‘When the regent noun is qualified by a descriptive adjective, a particle may ve used, to which the dependent pronoun is suffixed, . g. pus im dist “my dearest son" (ibid. 1-2). Historically, in this construction with the superlative, ‘the personal pronoun is presumably to be understood as in the dative, ie. “the ‘0n who (is) dearest to me”; but once the relative had become merely a particle, ‘thon the personal pronoun must have been felt rather to be a genitive or pos- seasive : “doarest son of me / my dearest son". With the simple adjective, aa in the following example, the personal pronoun is presumably even historically 1 genitivo, ic. farrah wazarg/-t brizig “great shining Fortune of thee / thy great shining Fortune” (ibid, 30-40). (On the use of the particle between two adjec- tives, see below, p. 44). ‘The dependent personal pronoun is similarly suffixed to the particlo when tho regent noun is qualified by a prepositional attribute (see below, p. 42) ‘Where the regent noun is unqualified, and the pronoun linked to it by the ppartile, the independent form of the pronoun is invariably used, as in the examples cited above®, ‘When the personal pronoun depends on # noun itself dependent, then it is regularly suflixed to the particle joining this to the regent noun. A number of examples with the 1st and 2nd persons have been given above to ilustrate the divergenoe in this between MP. and Parthian. The following examples show ‘the usago with the rd person : pad adm i pidar burzit “in the name of his Father, the Highest” (Sf 781, 16-7); han 2amdn 1.8 niddndn “that time of his gna” (S 9 V ii 22-8). Occasionally in verse-texts the copula is inserted between # noun in the construct state and the particle :e. g i/pahikirb AE aut Ge rBinazw “the form art thou of that existence of the world of light” (M 738 V 4-5); kimidugar hé§ sind andbapin “the contenter art thou of the three Immortals” (ibid. R 12-2) ‘A postposition may also stand betwoen, e.g. hayyarih rdy ¢ 28 griw “for the help of her own self” (8 9 B i 8-4); or the suffixed agent may intervene, e. g. nasa * marg framéat “it put off the body of death” (8 9 R ii 25-6). It would. ‘spem forced to assume that in each ofthese cates the relative has full pronominal ‘value; and yet it is presumably because the particle is historically « pronoun that such constructions are at all posible (ef. above, p. 20) BIT to join nouns, or a pronoun and noun, in apposition (ef. Pth., above, p. 34). This usage, although common, is not general [ef e. g MMP. hold ahristin (Mir. Man. ii 3020), wahman dabriyar (ibid. 333) ') with proper names: e. g. kyl ZY mgwpt “K. the mobad’” (KZ. K. 1 ‘nhyt ZY MRT" “A. the Lady” (Paikuli 10); Srmizd ig xeaddy “O. the lord” (89 Ril 11-2); mitheddag ig tarkumdn “N. the interpreter” (M3, 1-2), ii) generally : ndg iopasag i néw frazend § wahman “the new Bishop, the good son of W.” (Mir. Mian, i 3808); ... i hamdg 2thr “theo, allie” (bid. 31344), © ‘The form dat ‘yf (SL 90 1 18) isto bo understood a a line-fler for daly, 260 ‘Henning, OLZ 1994, 72. ‘Tho uso of relative particles in Western Middle Iranian a In Ins. Pahl. the ttle MLK'n ALK" regularly follows the king's name directly, but in Persepolis I (A. D. 826) it ocours with ZY. (Tho particle is found earlier with th tile MEK» MLK’), The simple title MEA" usually follows directly unles it occurs with a dependent proper name, . g. y'pky ALR’, but nrary ZY a8'n MLK (2. 8.25). “Examples oocur in MBP. in which the apposition of nouns conveys a meta- ‘hor. It has been pointed out that in thea case thes the forerunner ofthe Safes tabi c.g, magindum Katigan wom ifr nbw §gOwitn ud ainarctn, sem zn hubadrtighamag wigrdsién (M 842 — Pth. M215; for the translation see p. 35, above); aspion ig gen “the whip of speech” (M781, 35). With nouns in apposition, as with construct nouns, a peronal pronoun ‘epending on the second noun may be suixed to the particle: e.g. "wzrmady ZY5 BRH (0.4 pus) “0. bin son” (KZ, K. 4); pid main put abate “O Father, our strong protection” (Mir. Man. i 315%). In construction unknown to Pth, itis common to find in MP. demonstrative ‘pronoun + + noun in apposition, instead of demonstrative adjective + noun ‘This construction is most usual when the noun is qualified by a descriptive adjective: e.g. hin érdom aondn “that lowest heaven” (M98 1 R 3) [apuint, hin érdom samig (M472 V2); aweldn dénuardn hayyarn “those religious helpers” (M475 a V 14). Ita also found, however, without adjective, e.g. hin § dultirdagin “thowe evi-docr(s)” (M470 a V 9); hin f méndgih “hat spi” (Gir. Man. ii 299. In this construction the pronominal origin ofthe particle is very pin Tn some complex constructions with nouns in apposition the relative is rein- forced by sad (ef. the Pth. construction with & wexad, above, p35). Her it seems likely that the has its pronominal valu e.g. nikn i ini § aad oh Sstyiag “to sign of Light, which (a) verily the praised Spirit” (M738 V 12-2); smurdihiswabarignig sad mda siindg “the true raiser of the dead, who (art) verily the life-giving Mother” (BBB 189-00). The construction is rendered in Sogdian by a fall verbal clause BI to join a prepositional or postpositional attribute to a noun, or to a de- ‘monstrative pronoun (cf. Pth., above, p- 85). Thera ix a contrat henn in two respects with Pth., which never uses the particle with a postpositional eom- ound, or after a dem. pronoun. ‘The general construction is common in MP., as in Parthian, ©. g. plyolky ZY MN p'tkus'n sry (fréstag az paygdsin sardar) “messen gers from the rulers of districts” (Persepolis I, 8); Wxtan i az andgih ud madan 6 gyan “being saved from evil and coming to the Soul” (Mir. Man. i 208); ‘dy é andar gabr i zamig “pipes in the womb of the earth” (Mir. Man. i 177); 2K YWM .,. ZY BYN dity (han rie} andar dait) “the day in the wilderness” ooo Hanning, Miteiraniach 104 Sco I. Gershoviteh, A Grammar of Manichean Sogdian, 1678. Andreas" reading (through Professor Henning).2 Many Boros (Ps. 95, 8); awin andar dis “those inthe fortress” (Mir. Man. i 305%); frétag ¢ bar rimiin “messenger for peace” (ibid. 3139-2); Kimjar wd Kimpand § pad twisp razmah “comrade and fellow in every fight” (M842 V) {= Pth. ... ké pad ‘wisp rasmgth, see above, xx; agninst MP. pad wisp rasmah hija ud himeuda (BBB 827-28)]; g'wwky ZY d'twsl'n Udy (oAhig § dadwaran rdy) “thrones for the judges” (Ps. 121,5). ‘The elaboration of some instances of this construction shows that the re- lative must be understood as particle and not as pronoun. Thus it would be ‘very awkward to render the second example cited here as “the being saved ‘which (s) from evi and the coming which (i) tothe Soul”. The Psalter examples farther support the interpretation here of fas a particle. 'f the noun qualified has @ personal pronoun dependent on it, this pronoun is commonly suffixed to the partile (cf. above, p.89). Eg. bdzigt-m az patyar samy saviour from adversity” (Mir. Man, ii 3213); jadag ... iin pad man “your portion through me” (bid. 319"); bannién £8 abig han tis “its binding with that thing” (bid. 3008); dmzzin pad ristagigih “te mixture with mor- tality” (ibid. 299), Historically the personal pronoun in this construction too ‘was presumably a dative (ee above, p. 40), i.e. “the saviour who (ras) to re from adversity”; but once the relative pronoun had become a particle, then the personal pronoun must have been taken as a genitive oF possessive: “the saviour of me from adversity / my saviour from adversity”. In some more complex constructions ofthis type the suffixed pronoun appears to ret dative function, and the ¢ must then be held still to have pronominal value : &. 8, danifn -4 pad béwar ziyién “the knowledge which (i) to it through 10,000 births” (Mir. Man. i:2984 [ct the Peh. example, Mir. Man. i a6, cited above, 20]. - When on the other hand the personal pronoun is historically « geni- tive, dependent on the rogent noun, then i is sufixed to the regent noun, and not to the partile: e.g. rdyéndgemdn i pad friyi (above, p- 20) “guide of us ‘who (js) with love", “our loving guide”. ‘When the attribute teslf contains a personal pronoun, this may be suffixed to the particle, a in the solitary MMP. example with & (above, p.87), and gover- ned by a postposition. B. g. in widahrimyaad if abig “that Wind-raising-God with him” (M472 V 4), This phrase has been understood as a relative clause. “who (a) with him”; but on the one hand, the existence of the postpositional itribute is established by the Psalter example with rdy, and on the other, such ‘an attribute forms a perfetly comprehensible counterpart to the prepositional attributes which have just been considered. Preposition and postposition alter- nate very freely in MP. (another difference between this language and Pth., in ‘hich postpositions are more sparingly used). A striking set of postpostional and prepositional attributes occur together in a series of antitheses in M101, ‘where, as the editor points out™, these nominal phrases, some of them circum. © Bartholomae, Zar. Wb. 88. % Henning, BSOAS 11, 1043, 61°, Professor Henning in this note analyses tho ‘Tho uso of relative particles in Westorn Midale Tranian 43 locutory, have probably been preferred for rhythmic balance. ‘The following ‘quotation contains some restored words, but these restorations do not affect the construction: nd tsb tay, andy 207 tr: ni aif... andy parr 5 abg; né Bahri + al YEE didém +8 pad sar ... nd bar bazag, andy 2ahr %5 andar; ... né bannag gabriyid, andy z*addy *8 pad sar “Not the sharpness of the blade, but the strength of the ox; not the ... eagle, but the wings with him; not the proud ruler, but the diadem on his head; ... not the evil fruit, but the poiso not the servant is proud, but the master over him’ One instance has heen noted with a prepositional attribute, where the copula stands between the noun qualified and the particle, namely rin hé ¥ a: dahr& rofndn (M738 V 10-11). It seems probable, in the light of the instances cited above where the copula stands between regent noun and particle in the con- struct state, that even hero the f can be taken as particle, i.e. “a Light art thou from the World of Light” (rather than ‘which (art) from the World of Light”) BIV to join an adjective phrase toa noun (ef. Pth., above, p-36). As in Pth. ‘this i not'a common construction, and its affinity to the verbal clause seems vvory close, ©. g. én mahrndmag § purr az sazwandn zindagin ul mahrin zabin “this ‘hymn-book, fal of living words and aweet hymns” (M 1, 170-13); datanagi nazd- an§ abarlar mahi ud wekndar az abivigin “the frst Threshold, higher, bigger tnd broader than the others" (Mir. Man. i 1853-180!) BV to join a descriptive, and rarely a determining, adjective to a noun or pronoun (cf. Pth., above, p. 36). One of the most striking differences between, ‘MP, and Pth, syntax is the common use in MP. of the particle to join adj. ‘to noun. A number of rules govern the use of the particle in this construction, of which the most rigid is that it cannot be used with adjectives in the plural form. No exception to this has been noted. In general, the rues differ for the particle with descriptive and with determ- {ining adjectives, and the following analysis is therefore divided under theee hheadings. It is noteworthy, however, that there is one basic pattern without particle which is so general in WMIr. that it is probaly of some antiquity, namely: determining adj. + noun -+ descriptive adj. ‘This construction is ‘common in Pth, with absolute nouns, in singular of plural, and wholly regular ‘when the noun isin the construct state (see above, p83). In MP. itis common ‘an absolute noun in the sg., wholly regular with an absolute noun in the pl., and usual when the noun is in the construct state (for examples, see below). ‘onstruction as verbel, with copula understood; but this is probably only histo- ‘ally trae, He translates with plarasea, > From M 101, 69-89, 00 Henning, Le. 67-8, 61-2,"The tran Honning’s, with Some minor adaptions on in Profersor“ Many Boyer 4. with descriptive adjectives. 4) with absolute noun or pronoun inthe singular, ‘There is complato syntac- tical freedom with deseriptive adjetives qualifying an absolute noun in the singular. A single adj. may precede the noun (the least common usage), follow it directly (common, and the uaual Pth usage), oF follow it with the particle AIL 3 constructions are found in Ina. Pabl., e.g. LB" plsily (wasarg padizkar) “great honour” (KZ. K. 0); dyny madyen (dén masdéan) "tho M. religion” (ibid); mgeOBR ZY mopy (magunard iz) “good priests" (KZ. K. 13). ‘When two (or more) descriptive adje. qualify a ag. noun, both (oral) may procode it, e.g. andbagréén wahitt “ternal, light Paradise" (BBB 68); ot one ay precede, one follow, with or without the particle, e.g. nog zarckd rédnigar “ow, light-giving sun” (BBB 463-64), oF nig zbr i jayidan “new, ‘ternal life” (ibid, 406-07); oF both (or all) may follow, in which ease any one of the 4 following constructions is possible: 4) each adj. takes the particle: 0g. in rani ud abu $b § nandsén “that first light and *boauty of theirs (Mir. Man. 1185-186). it) neither (or none) takes the particle, in which ease the last ad is regularly ‘proceded by ud: 0.g. Jahr wazarg ud itiyidag "great and peaised world” (Mi. dws nd ud forrde “good and fortunate steersman” (ibid. 322"); _prsp frawahrén widen roénin abén ud durin “walls) of ether at, ight, water fand fire" (08 TR 12-4). fil) one only takes the particle, If this is the first, the last regulaely has wd before it :¢. 4. biyig narm ud byag “mild and fragrant scent” (Mir. Man. i 320 id § dakarmigar ud frirod “loving and compassionate Father” (LB 4974 V 18-0) If the last aj. takes the particle, then the first follows the noun diretly : 9. nizag nie’ razmyis "a good, warring spear” (87 Vi9-10); haf dur yalagé Ihubidiges “tho 7 sacrificial, feagrant Ses!" (Mir. Man. i 320°); hin doridtar d6 ‘nar ud méiyagiiagrkirband “those two grevt A's, male and female, ion-shaped” (fir, Man. 1197"). iv) in ono instance, in an early text, both adj. take the particle, and are also joined by ud e.g. émarig nar ud mayag “male and female desis” (Mir. Man, 13104), Hero agin, the influence ofthe historfol pronoun appears to have lent the particle n freedom which it subsequently lost. ‘A dosoriptive adj. may qualify a demonstrative or a personal pronoun, which it then regularly follows, with :e.g. avé-2¥ mdyag “that female one also” (Mir. Man. 19824); éni gydnén “hia spiritual one” (M45 V 2-3); 104 atimén “thee, the wrathfal” (9 V ii 6). ‘A descriptive adj. qualifying a noun may, in verse, be separated from it by ‘the copula, e.g. drazt ht snag “a living Tre art thou” (M738 R 2-3); ns at ‘An excoption to thia complete freedom appears tobe provided by the common descriptive alj- nog “new”, which oeoure preoading the noun, and following it with partici (see examplescited below) bat which eannot apparently follow anoundirectly. "The uso of relative partici in Western Mido Traian 45 4 stbrén “it ia a living Spivit” (ibid,, R. 20- V 1). These instances occur in parallelism with the simple contruction of noun ++ particle + adj., and it seems ‘lain that here too the is only a particle; but ef. the similar Pth, construction, above, p38. >) with absolute noun in the plural. Numerical accord is much more regular between noun and adj. in MP. than in Parthian, Exceptionally, a noun which is formally in the sg is qualifed by an adj. in the pl. e.g. abdrigdn dén “other religions” (Mir. Man. ii 295" [on this phrase see further below, fn. 31]. Lose rarely, a pl. noun is qualified by a sg. adj,, which can then precede or follow directly. The former usage, which accords with Persian, has been noted only in late texte, e.g. néw wazidn “good spieite” (M4 b II V 2); wddén ud paden dwarn “spiritual and corporeal powers” (M4 bI R 15). The latter usage can be found in early texts, e.g. dsriltdrdn nar ud mayag “male and female A.’s (ir. Mian. i195), Two instances only have been noted ofa sg. adj. joined to a pl. noun by the particle (the other Persian usage); one is in an eatly, and one in a late text : Le. druzdin § hakdgén, sScdgen ud tamén “she-demons of drying ‘wind and burning and darkness” (Mir, Man. i 180°"); Bad ¢ Baris “the high- cst gods" (M4 b I V 14) ‘The regular and common MP. usage is that a pl. noun is qualified by an adj. in the pl, which then follows directly : o.g. 2rdhetdndn zirdn, dihirdn néwan “wi preachers, good seribes" (BBB 220-21). Only one instance has been noted ‘that could be interpreted as an example of a plural adj. with the particle, and ‘that isin the following complex construction : awilin déndn deréitardn nar ud smdyag Sagrkirbandn ig dzpaymigin ud duarzigéndn (Mir. Man. i 1954), Here the length and complexity of the phrase makes it probable that the ig has a ‘pronominal function: “those two A.’s, male and female, lion-shaped, who (were) ‘8 garment for Groed, and lustful”, ©) with nouns in the construct or determined state, or in apposition. ‘With nouns in the construct state, or in apposition, the descriptive adj., whether sg. or pl, generally follows its noun directly. (Here MP. usage is the same as Pth,, se above, p. 4, but is, surprisingly, lees regular). E.g. stayin absdri din ySidakr “mighty prnise of the Holy Church” (BBB 126-26); biyiatin {fridag i isprakman rumbdyéndn “blessed garden of fragrant flowers” (Mir. Man, ii 3264), Not infrequently, however, the adj. prooedes: e.g. wdbarigin rin | drédi “tho true Light of Salvation” (BBB 252-63); farrdwn frazendan § wzd 1yoHahr “fortunate childeen ofthe Holy Spirit” (Mir. Man. i 331), Ordinarily, although MP. permits @ second partile to connect a sooond dependent noun (see above, p. 89), a second particle is not used to connect an adj. to either noun, ‘The strictness of tho rulo that the pl adj follows without § makes it Likely that the phrase abarigan din & pidinagan (Mir. Man. i 295) is to be translated as ‘tho other religions of the Anoionte rather than aa “othor former religions”. ‘Two instances have been noted in Into toxta (M6120, 11-12 and M781, 46-7) ‘where the pl. adj. procedes an absolute noun in the plural.46 Many Boor ina construct state. Only two exceptions to this rale have been noted, one in an early toxt and one in late one. Tn the frst, the regent noun is qualified, in the second both nouns. The instances ar = bade gonagyonag yea “the various materials of the palace” (Mir. Man. i 203%); and éildn i haseitd ¢ armas i pak “ehotted dagger of pare adamant” (M781, 39-4) 'With nouns in apposition, no exception is been note tothe rule thatthe adj. stands dreetly by the noun it qualifee; oe the example cited above, under B I. ‘With determined nouns, descriptive adj. proede, even in the pl. : e.g the following example, in which each noun is determined by a relative classe: nin ordain, & mursikénd "tho wie Jot, who are persecuted” (8 0V i 2i- tucdan ablamigin, bf nin ndzénd “iho Intfal heretic, who are now vaing- orious” (8 9 Vi 2-4), 2. with determining adjectives. the pl., or when qualifying a pl. noun, determining adjs, always stand frst. ‘In the ng. they commonly do so. The use of the particle with a determining adj. is therefore comparatively rare. It will be noted that, aa for the descriptive adj, syntactic freedom is greater with tho 9g. form. 4) demonsiratives. In MP., demonstratives precede the noun in sg. and pl, and aro therefore never found with the particle ‘When there is « descriptive adj. qualifying the same noun, this commonly follows the noun directly. This is the invariable construction with the plural E.g. én oth agro ud nidim ig baméw “this noble throne, and briliant seat” (BBB 335-31); éd dés agrdw ud pahikird + husibr “this noble form, and fair shape" (ibid 840-42); imékin batihkin wasaryin“‘these great physicians” (ibid. 172-73) Inthe og. two other constructions are possible. Descriptive adjs. may ‘come between the dem. adj. and the noun, e.g. Min ardigar ud warsigar mind “hat warlike and active man" (Mir. Man. i 3074); ora descriptive adj. may follow with the particle, .g. hn wahist ndg “that New Paradise” (Mir. Man. i 1859, ii) determining adjectives of indefinite quantity. Determining adjs. of inde- finite quantity (hare, hamdg, wisp, was, frahid) usualy precede the noun, but, occasionally, in the sg, follow it directly, e.g. rn frahid “abundant light” (Mir. Man. ii 314); istiyiin ud dfrin was “much praise and blessing” (M315 TR 20-1), Only one instance with the particle has been noted, namely sd ud niwag¢ was “much song and melody” (Mir. Man. i 3051). Tn combination with a deseriptive adj, those of indefinite quantity are to be ound, commonly in the sg, almost invariably in the pl, inthe same pattern as ‘the demonstratives: e.g. hamdg dén yStdahr “all the holy Church’ (BBB 253- ‘4; wiapan wldn basagin i kadag “al the evil sprit ofthe house” (M781, 44~ 5) [ogains, e.g, the irregular wispin zidmén appardn ¢ kadag “ll wrathful robbers of the house (bid. 45-6). ‘Tho us of relative particle in Western Middle Iranian a iif) adjectives of number. Cardinal numbers in the sg. may precede the noun ot follow it directly. They aro nover joined to the noun by i, and no adj. fllow- ing them directly ever takes i. Eg. bannistin éw héstigan “one strong prison” (Mir. Man. 1842); nirdmiin eahdr hOSdgin wd tin ddurén ud din 4 layers, of drying wind and darkness, fire and water” (M98 TV 10-11). This usage survives with the Persian ya-yi eakdat (<< éx), which cannot be construed with the iafat. In MP. the following construction is, however, possible: hin daré- Marin dé nar ud mayag §Sagrkirband (Mir. Man, 197") (e. above, p. 44). The rule applies, moreover, only to cardinal number -+ descriptive adj; contrast, 6.8. priop Bw az r3in zamig “one wall from the world of Light” (M98 1 V 13); paymdy sih t wid db ud dur “8 garments of Wind, Water and Fire” (M 98 1 V 34). Cardinal numbers in the pl. form precede, and are to be found in the usual pattern with descriptive adj.: e.g. panziin andarsin néwein “5 good precepts” (C1747), Ordinal numbers, though they often precede, can also, in combination with a ‘demonstrative adj, follow the noun, in which ease they take the particle. E.g, dodig réz “tho second day” (Mir. Man. ii 304"), but han dslanag ¥ dadig “that second Threshold” (Mir. Man. i 188%), iv) possessive adjectives. Tho possessive adj x#f/2dhal in the sg. either pre- ‘odes the noun (the only usage attested for the rare and archaic bal), or follows it with the particle. It never follows directly, a common Pth. practice with wizdbdh. Kg. dba naf “his own family” (Mir. Man, ii 308); 2948 eahag “their own offspring” (Mir. Man. i 195%); dudridn § 2624 “her own dwelling” (ibid. 1949), In the pl, like all the other determining adjs., it regularly precedes: e.g, sibaién Mimnafan “your own kinsmen” (BBB 387); 2*2Kin thmagdn “your own relatives" (Mf 74 V 10-11) In their use of the relative particles the two WMIr. languages thus show a broad general kinship, together with considerable minor divergences. The latter seem to arise largely from the more progressive nature of MP., in which lan- ‘guage the ambiguities created by loa of inflection have been greatly reduced by widespread dovelopment of the particle. The much greater use of the particle MP. does not, howover, alter the fact that the same types of construction, ‘Particle are to be found also in the more conservative Parthian. This congruence suggests a considerable antiquity for these particular usages in ‘Western Iranian, London Mary Boyce School of Oriental and African Studies