THE LIFE OF MUHAMMAD A TRANSLATION OF ISHAQ’S SIRAT RASOL ALLAH WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY A. GUILLAUME OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESSOXFORD ‘UNIVERSITY PRESS ‘Great Clarendon Steet, Oxford on Gor ‘oxford Universiy Press is a department of the Univerdy of Oxford, Ie furthers the Cniversiy’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, ‘and education by pabliching worldwide in Oxford New York ‘Auckland Bangkok Busnos Aires Cape Town Chennai ‘Dar os Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Isanbu! Karacli Rotkata ‘Busts Lampar Madrid Metbourae Mexico City Murnbat ‘Sdo Puulo Shanghal Talpei Tokyo. Toronto Oxford isa registered trade mark of Oxford University Press ‘in the UK and in certain other countries “This honk is © Copyright under the Berne Convention: “The moral-righta of the author have been asserted intt published 1955 -Keisaed in Pakistan 1967 _Allrighte reserved. 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ISBN 0 19 696038 1 Seventeenth Impression 2005 bi Printed in Pakistan by Mas Printers, Karachi Published by ‘Ameena Saiyid, Oxford University Press Plot No. $8, Sector 15, Korangi Industrial Area, FO Box 8214 ‘Karachi-74900, Pakistan, ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Ir is 2 pleasure to acknowledge the debt that I owe to the friends whom Thave consulted in the many and various dificulties which beset a trans- lator of such a long text as the Sira on which there is no commentary ‘worthy of the name. My thanks are especially due to my old friend Pro- fessor A. A. Affifi of Alexandria, Professor A. Kh. Kinani of Damascus, Dr. Abdullah al-Tayib of Khartoum, Dr. M. A. Azzam of Cairo, and Professor A. K. 8, Lambton of London. Particularly 1 would thank Dr. ‘W. Arafat for his self-sacrificing labour in reading the whole of my transla~ tion ia manuseript, and for bringing its shortcomings to my notice. If, with reference to this book of mine, I am ever able to solace myself with the words kafa'l-mar'a fadlan an in'adda ma'éyibah, it will be in great ‘measure due to his ready help and eagle eye. Last, but not last, I gratefully acknowledge the generosity of the School of Oriental and African Studies in meeting the cost of production. Without this help it would have been impossible to publish the book. I hope that in the years to come it will stand as a modest tribute to the School's great interest in Oriental studies and also help to further co-operation and friendliness between my country and the Islamic world.CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS INTRODUCTION ‘The Author ‘The Stra ‘The Editor Iba Hisham A Pragment of the Lost Book of Misa b. "Ugbs Part I BE ali ‘THE GENEALOGY OF MUHAMMAD; TRADITIONS PROM THE PRE-ISLAMIC ERA; MUHAMMAD'S CHILDHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD Genealogy “The soochtayers Shiga and Satih ‘AbO Karib’s expedition to Yathuib Dhis Nui ‘Chiatianity in Najran “Abdullah b, al-Thimnit and the Christian marys “Abysrinian domination of the Yoran “Abraha's abortive attack on Mecca Persian domination of the Yaman “The descendants of Nici b. Ma'add Origin of idolatry among the Araba Arab taboos ‘The descendants of Mogar "The digging of Zamaam Kinane and Khuai’a expel Jurbum and oosupy the Ka’ba ‘The haji inthe Jahilya Quraysh predominate in Mecca Taternal dissensions The wells of Mecca ‘Atdu'-Mutfalb vows to sacrifice his son “Abdullah father of the prophet Arming mother of the prophet His birth and fostermother His mother's death Death of ‘Abdu’l-Muttalib and legis thereon [Aba Tilib becomes Muhammad's guardian ‘The monk Bahia 45 fetContents ‘The sacrilegious war ‘Mulammad morries Khadija Jews, Christians, and Arabs predict Muhamroad’s mission ‘Salrnin the Persien Early monothei ‘The Gospel prophecy of the sending of ‘the Comforter! Pare 11 MUHAMMAD'S CALL AND PREACHING IN MECCA ‘His call and the beginning of the Quran Khadija accepts Islam Prayer prescribed ‘Alt the first male Muslim, then Abi Bakr and his converts ‘Muhammad preaches and Quruysh rejeet him Aba Talib protects hitn from Quraysh Persecution of Muhammed Kamza accepts Telarn “tba attempes a compromise Conference with Quraysh leaders. The chapter of The Cave ‘Abdullah b, Mas'td recites the Quran publicly ‘Meccans persecute Muhammad’s followers ‘The first emigrants to Abyssinie Quraysh try to get them sent back How the Negus gnined his throne “Umar accepts Islam ‘The document proclaiming a boycott Active opposition to Muhammad His temporary concession to polytheism ‘The return of the first emigrsnts “Urhnin b. Mar'n and Aba Bakr renounce thelr protector Annulting of the boyeott Tufayl b. ‘Amr accepts Tslam. Abi JahPs dishonesty Ruksna wrestles with Muhanomad Some Christians accept Istam ‘Soras 108 and 6 ‘The night journey and the ascent to heaven Allah punishes the mockers ‘The story of Abdi Uzayhie Desth of Abi Talib and Khadie ‘Muhammad preaches in al-T3'if 109 m4 18 130 231 132 333 ur 43 146 150 153 359 s6r 165 167 169 175 8 9 180 18 187 187 191 192 Contents ‘Muhammad preaches to the Beduin 4 yas accepts Islam 107 ‘Beginning of Islam among the Helpers 197 “The frst pledge at at"Aquba 198 Tnaicution of Friday prayers in Medina 199 ‘The second pledge at al-’Aqaba ‘Names of the twelve leaders 204 *Ame's idol 207 Conditions of the pledge and names of those present 208 ‘Allah orders Mohamened to fight 312 ‘The Emigrants 10 Medina 213 ‘Those with whom they lodged. 28 Parr TI MUHAMMAD'S MIGRATION TO MEDINA, HIS WARS, ‘TRIUMPH, AND DEATH 219 ‘Muhsmmed’s bij ‘He builds @ mosque and houses in Medina aa Covenant with the Jews and men of Medina 331 Brotherhood between the Emigranta and the Helpers 2a ‘The Call to Prayer 235 Aba Gays 26 Jewish opponents 239 “Abdullah b, Salim accepts Islam. 249 Jews joined by hypocrites among the Helpers a Disaffected rabbis 246 ‘The chapter of The Cave and Jeuish opposition " Deputation from the Christians of Najran pe "The disaffected an Fever in Medina 279 Date of the hijea Bt ‘The frat raid: on Weddin 8 Hamas's raid to the coast 283 Raid on Buwat 285 Raid on al-Ushayra 285 Reid on al-Kharrar 286 Raid an Safawin 286 ‘Fighting in the sacred month 286 ‘The change of the Qibla 89 Bartle of Badr 289 Zayoab sets out for Medina 314 Aba')-Ag accepts Islart 316 “Umaye b. Wah accepts Islam 38 ‘The chapter of The SpoilsContents ‘Names of the Emigrants who fought at Badr ‘Names of the Helpers who fought at Badr ‘Names of the Qurayth prisoners “Verses on the baile Raid on B. Sulaym Raid called a!-Sawig Raid on Dha Amarr Raid on al Fura’ Amick on B. Qaynug’ id on al-Qarada Killing of Ka'b b, aleAshraf ‘Muhayyiga and Elowayyien Barete of Ubud "Phe Quran on Ubud ‘Names of the Muslim slain at Uhud [Names of the polytheists alain at Upud ‘Yeres on Uhud ‘The day of al-Rak? Poems thereon “Dreachery at Bi'r Ma‘tina B. al-Nagis exiled Poetry thereon Raid of Dhatu'-Rici* Last expedition to Badr Raid on Damoatu'-Jandal Battle of the Ditch Arack on B. Qurayaa Poetry thereon Killing of Sallim “Amr b. alvAs and Khalid b. al-W Areack on B. Libyan “Attack on Din Qarad ssceept Islan ‘Those let helpless ‘Woren who migrated ater the armistice Expedition to Khaybar slAnwad the shepherd Division of the spoils of Khaybar ‘i of Fas ames ofthe Diriyon Return of the secon batch of emigrants —————————————— 27 330 338 342 360 362 303 363 es a4 369 301 4 43 4 46 9 433 437 439 44s 47 “9 436 460 470 82 84 485 336 490 493 499 509 sar 523 523 536 “The fulfied pilgrimage Raid on Mu'ta "Phe occupation af Mecca Khalid followed by ‘Ali go forth as missionaries, Khilid destroys ale W223. ‘Rattle of Hunsyn, ‘Verses thereon Cepture ofa Division of the spoils of Hawézin Ka'b b. Zahayr His ode Raid on ‘Tubok ‘The opposition mooque ‘Those who hung back frotn the raid on ‘Tube Dexeruction of al-Lat ‘Abt Bakr leads the pilgrimage ‘Hiassin’s odea on the campaigns ‘The Year of the Deputations ‘The B. Tarnion ‘Kir b. alPufayl and Arba b, Qaye Deputation from B. S2'd ‘Deputation from ‘Abdu'-Qays Deputation from B. Hanifa Deputation from Tey ‘Ady b: Hitin Deputation of Parwa Deputation from B. Zubayd ‘Deputation from Kinda Deputation from al-Azd Depatation from Himyar Farwa b. ‘Amr accepts Islam B. Barith accept Islam ‘The false prophets Musaylima and al-Aswad ‘The farewell pilgrimage Usima's expedition to Palestine Muhammad? missions to foreign rulers ‘of Muhammad's raids and expeditions “Abdullah b, Unayo’s raid to Kill Khalid b. Sufysin “Uyayna's raid on B. ol~’Anbar ‘Ghilib’s raid on B. Murra ‘Arar b, al'Aa's raid on Dhitu'-Salisil 530 sar 540 sor S65 366 572 387 so 597 508 60a 610 6x5 617 627 68 63 64 635 6536, 637 637 639 6a 642 baz 645 648 Gs 652 652 650 660 662 664, 665 666 667 667 668,xii Contents Ton Aba Hadrad’s raid on Tdam. His raid on al-Ghiba *“Abdu’I-Rabmin’s raid on Damatu'l-Jandal Abii “Ubayda’s raid to the coast Salim b, "Umeyr’s raid to kill Aba ‘Afak “Umayr b. ‘Adiy’s raid to kill ‘Asma Coprure of Thumima b. Athal “Algam’s raid Kore's raid on the Bafits “Ali's mid on the Yarman Beginning of Muhammad’ illness His death ‘The meeting in the hall of B, SWida Preparations for burial Haseii’s panezytic IBN HISHAM’S NOTES ADDENDA INDEXES Proper Names Tend Books cited Subjects Gor 799 Bor 810 84 81s INTRODUCTION ‘THE AUTHOR ‘Munson, on of Ishig, son of Yeeds, was bom in Medina about ‘A. 85 and died in Baghdad in 25x." His grandfather Yastr fell into the hands of Khalid b, al-Walid when he captured ‘Aynu'I-Tasr in At. 12, having been held there as a prisoner by the Persian king. Khilid sent him ‘with a number of prisoners to Abi Bakr at Medina, ‘There he was handed ‘over to Qays b. Makhrams b, al-Muttalid b, ‘Abdu Mandf asa slave, and ‘was manumitted when he accepted Islam. His family adopted the family ‘name of theit patrons. His son Ishaq was bom about the year 50, his mother being the daughter of another freedman, He and his brother “Misd were well-known traditionists, so that our author's path in life was Prepared before he reached znanhood.* ‘He associated with the second generation of traditionists, notably sl-Zuhsi, ‘Agim b, ‘Umar b. Qaida, and ‘Abdullah b, Aba Bakr. He must have devoted himself tothe study of apostolic tradition frora his youth, for at the age of thirty he went to Egypt to attend the lectures of Yaatd b. ‘AbO Habib.’ ‘There he was regarded a an authority, for this sarae Yaatd ‘afcerwards related traditions on Ibn Ishiq's authority. On his return to ‘Medina he went on with the collection and arrangement of the material he had collected, Al-Zuhsi, who was in Medina in 123, is reported to have ssid that Medina would never lack itm as long as Ibn Ishq was there. and Ihe eagerly gathered from him the details of the prophets wars, Unfortu nately Ibn Ishig excited the enmity of Malik b, Anas, for whose work he showed his contempt, and it was nat long before his own writings and is ‘orthodoxy were called in question. Probably it was out cuthor’s fort book ‘of Sunan* which excited Mdlik’s ire, for it would have been in the feld ‘of law based on the practice of the prophet that diferences would be most Keeenly felt. He was accused of being a Qadarl and a Shi. Another man attacked his veracity: be often quoted Fatima, the wife of Hishim b. “Urwa, as the authority for some of his traditions, The husband was annoyed and denied that he had ever met hia wife; but as she was nearly forty’ yeare Ton Ishiq's senior it is easily eredible thet they often met ‘without occasioning gossip. Tt is not known whether Thn Ishq was com- pelled to Icave Medina ot whether he went away voluntarily. Obviously he could not have the same standing in a place that housed his chief © 18. hp. * Gn Mint and Ishiq see J. Fic, Muhanad im hd, Frenkfor . M. 1925, p28. » See Bicerapien von Gevalromdmern der Ton shag ed. Fschet, Leiden, iyo. ‘Wich ll dhe whone death-ates runged from hat. 47 to 458 be wat in somtact pesooaly or at second hand "Wasteafeld i. vi rom Lal-Najitr and Fock, 0, * Haji Khali i, 1008xiv The Life of Muhammad informants as he would hold elsewhere, and so he left for the east, stopping in Ria, al-Jazira on the Tigris, and Rey, finally settling in Baghdad. While ‘Manga wasat Hishimiya he attached himself to his following and presented hhim with a copy of his work doubtless in the hope of a grant from the caliph, ‘Thence he moved to Ray and then to the new capital of the empire. He died in 150 (or perhaps 151) and was buried in the cemetery of Hayzuran. THE SIRA Tis certain that Tbn Tsbiq’s biography of the prophet had no serious rival; but it was preceded by several maghdsi books. We do not know when they were first written, though we have the names of several frst-century ‘worthies who had written notes and passed on their knowledge to the rising generation. ‘The first of these was Abin the son of the caliph "Uthman. Fe was born in ¢. 20 and took part in the campaign of ‘Talha and Zubayr against his father’s slayers. He died about 100. The language used by al Waqidi in reference to Tba al-Mughira, ‘he had nothing written down bout hadith except the prophet's maghdzis which he had acquired from ‘Abin’, certainly implies, though it does not demand, that Ibn al-Mughira ‘rrote down what Abin told him. Ivis strange that neither Iba Ishq nor aL-Wagidt should have cited this man who must have had inside knowledge ‘of many matters that were not known to the public; possibly as a follower Of Ali he preferred to ignore the son of the man the Alids regarded as a tisurper. However, his name often appears in the imads of the canonical collections of hadith. (The man named in Tab. 2349 and LS. iv. 29 is ‘Abin b. ‘Uthman al-Bjali who seems to have written a book on maghdsi.") ‘A man of much greater importance was ‘Urwa b. al-Zubayr b. al- “Awwim (23-94), a cousin of the prophet. “Urwa's mother was Abit Bakr's daughter Asml’. He and his brother ‘Abdullah were in close con- tact with the prophet’s widow ‘AVisha, He was a recognized authority on the carly history of Islam, and the Umayyad caliph ‘Abdu'l-Malik applied to him when he needed information on that subject. Again, it is uncertain ‘whether he wrote a book, but the many traditions that are handed down in his name by LLL and other writers justify the assertion that he was the founder of Islamic history.? ‘Though he is the earliest writer whose notes have come down to.us, [have not translated the passages from Tab. which reproduce them because they do not seem to add anything of importance to the Siva. ‘They form part of a letter which ‘Urwa wrote to “Abdu [-Malik who wanted to have accurate knowledge about the prophet’s career. Much of his material rests on the statements of his aunt ‘Aisha, £ B. Suchau, LS. mt mf 2 Fuck 8 ns yr and eet J, orovite in Islam Cutan, 1927, 538+ [Sp Tab acd Ba, are heal indebted to hi. oy tatay ayer 1284, t634, B64, 167 177% il 2458, CE TH. 754, Introduction. x Like ILL. he was given to inserting poetry in his traditions and justified the habit by the example of ‘A'isha who uttered verses on every subject that presented itself’ He was a friend of the erotic poet ‘Umar b. Rabi‘a, but thought very little of the prophet’s poet Hassan b. Thabit.* Of Shurahbil b. Sa'd, a freedman, presumably of South Arabian origin, lite is known beyond the fact that he wrote a maghdsi book. L.. would have none of him, and he is seldom quoted by other writers. He died in 124, and as he is said to have known Ali he must have died a centenarian. He reported traditions from some of the prophet’s companions, and ‘Mast b, ‘Ugba? records that he wrote lists of the names of the emigrants and the combatants at Badr and Ubud. In his old age he was discredited because he blackmailed his visitors: if they did not give him anything he ‘would say that their fathers were not present at Badr! Poverty and extreme age made him centankerous. ‘The victims of his spleen doubted his veracity, though those best qualified to judge regarded him as an authority. ‘Another important Tabi’ was Wahb b. Munabbih (34-110), a Yamanite of Persian origin. His father probably was a Jew. He is notorious for bis interest in, and knowledge of, Jewish and Christian scriptures and tradi- tions; and though much that was invented later was fathered on him, his K. al-Mubtada’ lies behind the Muslim version ofthe lives of the prophets and other biblical stories. With his books on the legendary history of the ‘Yaman, on aphorisms, on free will, and other matters preserved in part LHs K. al-Tijdn we are not concerned; but the statement of Haj Khalifa that he collected the maghéstis now confirmed by the discovery of a fragment of the lost work on papyri written in 228, Unfortunately this fragment tells us little that is new; nevertheless, its importance is great because it proves that at the end of the first century, or some years before ‘A. 109, the main facts about the prophets life were written down much 1s we have them in the Inter works. Further it shows that, like the other carly tradtionists, he had little or nouse forisnads. Miss Gertrud Mélaméde* has compared the account of the mecting at ‘Aqaba (cf. i. H. 288, 293, 299) ‘with the literature on the subject and her criticism, literary and historical, leads her to some important conclusions which do not concern us here. An interesting detail is that Muhammad speaking to ‘Abbiis calls Aus and Khazraj ‘my and your maternal uncles’, ‘Abbis throughout runs with the hare and hunts with the hound ‘A little later comes ‘Agim b. ‘Umar b. Qatida al-Ansitt (d, ¢ 120). He lectured in Damascus on the campaigns of the prophet and the exploits of his companions and seems to have committed his lectures to writing. ‘He too is quite inconsistent in naming his authorities: sometimes he gives an imndd, more often he does not. He rewmed to Medina to continue his ‘work, and LI. attended his lectures there, Occasionally he inserted verses in his narrative, and sometimes gave his own opinion, Fischer, Asad 46. ) LHe, Takai 2 961 2 Horovits, op. ct ast. + Le Monde Ortotale, xxii 1934, 17-38.wi The Life of Muhammad ‘Muhammad b. Muslim . ...b. Shihab al-Zuhri (51-124) was a member of 4 distinguished Mccean family, He attached himsclf to ‘Abdu'l- Malik, Misham, and Yasid, and wrote down come traditions for hie princely pupils. "He was the forerunner of the later traditionists in that he took ‘extraordinary puns imesrogate people, young aul okt of bath seara, who might possess knowledge of the past. He left a history of his own family and a book of maghdai. Most of his traditional lore survived in the notes ‘of his lectures that his pupils wrote down quoting his authority for the traditions they record. He spent some years in Medina as a young man, LI. met him when he came south on pilgrimage and he is often named as an authonty in the Siva. He was the most important traditionist of his generation, and his influence is to be seen in all collections of canonical hadith. (See further J. Horovitz, Islanie Culture, i. 33 ff.) ‘Abdullah b. Aba Bakr b, Muhammad b. ‘Ame b. Hazen (4. 130 oF 138) was one of L.'s most important informants. His father had been ordered by ‘Umar b. ‘Abdu'l-'Aziz to write a collection of prophetic hadith, especially what ‘Amra d, ‘Abdu'-Rabman ssid. ‘This latter was a friend ‘of ‘Aisha and she was the aunt ofthis AbG Bakr. Already i the time of his son ‘Abdullah these writings had been lost. Though we have no record of a book by ‘Abdullah, its substance probably once existed in the maghazi of his nephew ‘Abdu'l-Malik, As one would expect, the iendd is a matter of indifference to ‘Abdullah; he stood too near the events among many who ‘knew of them to need to cite his authorities. ‘Tab. (i, 1837) contains an interesting note on how I.I, got his information. ‘Abdullah told his wife tell him what he knew on ‘Amra’s authority. ‘Aswad Muhammad b, ‘Abdu’I-Rahman b. Naufal (d. 131 oF 157) left a maghdet book which sticks closely to ‘Urwa’s tradition.” ‘Contemporary with our author in the third generation was Misa b. “Uqha (c. 55-142), a freedman of the family of al-Zubayr. A fragment of his work has survived and was published by Sachau in 1904." As it once rivalled LLL’s work and is one of our earliest witnesses to the Sira I have given a trandlation of the extant traditions.? Although Malik b. Anas, al-Shafi'i, and Ahmad b. Hanbal—an impressive trio—asserted that his book was the most important and trustworthy ofall, posterity evidently did not share their opinion or more of his work would have survived.* LL. never mentions him. One cannot escape the conviction that petty Professional jealousy wes as rife in those days as how, and that scliolars deliberately refrained from giving their predecessors credit for their achievements, Misi leaned heavily on al-Zuhr, He seems to have carried farther the process of icealiring the prophet! He is freely quoted by al-Wagiai, I. $3'd, al-Baladhuri, Tabasi, and 1. Sayyidut-Nis. He gave * See Fleck, 17 * S.BB.A. 3. 3 Stkwhers same doubtu'shout the authenticity of some of them ex ted. * Goldater, MLS: i 207, shows tat i was in ctculon at Ite a8 the end ofthe oth cxnsiry a Fach 22. Introduction awit lista of those who went to Abyssinia and fought at Badr. ‘The latter ‘Milk regarded ss authoritative. He generally gives an ind, though it is not always clear whether he is relying on a written or an oral source. Once at least he refers to a mass of records let by Ibn “Abbas (ILS. v. 2161. Occasionally he quotes poems, ‘Apart from the fragment of Wahb b. Munabbih’s maghtsi the Berlin ‘MS, if itis authentic, is the oldest piece of historical Kteraturein Arabiein existence, and if only for that reason deserves moze than a passing not here. It fs of importance also because it carries back some of the traditions {in Bukhiei (d. 256) more than a century. Other maghdsi works were produced in Iraq, Syria, and the Yaman during the second century, but none of them is likely to have inftuenced LL. and they ean safely be disregaeded.' What is of significance is the great interest in the life of the prophet that was shown everywhere during this century. But no book known to the Arabs or to us can compare in comprehensiveness, arrangement, or systematic treatment, with L.'s work which will now be discussed The Sira ‘The titles The Book of Campaigns or The Book of Campaigns and (the prophet's) Biography or The Book of the Biography and the Beginning and the ‘Campaigns* are all to be met with in the citations of Arabic authors. Al-Bakka', a pupil of I, made two eopies ofthe whole book, one of which mutt hae reached 1H, (4.218) whose text, abbrevite annotate, and sometimes altered, is the main source of our knowledge of the original = ae eee principles underlying ILH.’s revision are set out in his Introduction. Sachau suggests thatthe copy used by’[. was made when LI. was in Ray by Salama b. Fadl al-Abrash al-Angisi, because T, quotes LI. according to I, Fadl’s riwwdya. A third copy was made by Yunus b. Bukayr in Ray. ‘This was used by I. al-Athir in his Usde'/-Ghaba, A copy of part of this reeegion extn the Qarayin mosueat Fez. ‘The et, which cons me important additions to the reecived text, I hope to publish shortly. A fourth copy was that ofthe Syrian Tirin b. Abs'Tsa, ‘These last two copies were used by I. Sad Taetly the Fibritt mentions the edition of al-Nufaylt (4! 254). It must not he supposed that the book ever existed in three separate parts: ancient legends, Muhammad's early ife and mission, and his wars ‘These are simply sections ofthe book which contained T.l‘a fetures, For the Mubtada’ (Mabda’) we must go to T'e Tafar and History. The first quotation from it in the latter® runs thua: ‘I, Hamid said, Salama b, al-Padl told us that LI. said: “The first thing that God ereated was light * See Nékste, Gach, Or. 129,221 Sta oe "Fie, ta, biii The Life of Muhammad and darkness, ‘Then He separated them and made the darkness night, black exceeding dark; and He made the light day, bright and luminous." From this it is clear that ‘Genesis’ is the meaning of the title of the first section of the book. IH. skipped all the intervening pages and began with ‘Abraham, the presumed ancestor of Muhammad. Al-Azragt quotes some passages from the missing section in his Akbar Mecea and a few extracts are given by al-Mutahhar b, Tahir.’ "The Mubtada’ in so far a it lies outside LH1's recension is not our concern, though it is to be hoped that one day a scholar will collect and publish a text of it from the sources that survive so that L.'s work can he read in its entirety as its importance warrants, In this section L1. relied on. Jessish and Christian informants and on the book of Aba ‘Abdullah Wahb }, Munabbih (34-110 of 114) known as K. al-Mubtada’ and also al-Isrd~ ilfyat of which the original title was Qisayut-Anbiya’. To him he owed the history of the past from Adam to Jesus* and also the South Arabian legends, some of which IH. has retained. ‘This man also wrote a maghdst ‘book, and a fragment of it has survived.’ LI. cites him by name only once.* X is natural that a book about Muhammad, ‘the seal of the prophets’, should give an account of the history of the carly prophets, but the ory, or legends, of South Arabia demand another explanation. As Goldziher showed long ago,* it was in the second half of the first century that the antagonism of north and south, ie, Quraysh and the Angir of Medina, fret showed itself in literature. The Ansir, proud of theirsouthern origin and of their support of the prophet when the Quraysh rejected him, smuarted under the injustice of their rulers and the northerner’s claim to superiority. One of the ways in which their resentment manifested itself was in the glorification of Himyae’s great past. LI. as a loyal son of ‘Medina shared the feelings of his patrons and recounted the achievements of their forefathers, and 1.H., himself of southern descent, retained in the ‘Sira as much of the original work as he thought desirable, ‘To this accident that LH. was a Himyari we owe the extracts from stories of the old South jbian kings, LH, devoted a separate book to the subject, the KC. al- sma'rifati mulitki zaman (fi akhbari Qaktan).* "The second section of the book which is often called al-Mab'ath begins with the birth of the prophet and ends when the first fighting from his base jn Medina takes place. ‘The impression one gets from this section is of hazy memories; the stories have lost their freshness and have nothing of that vivid and sometimes dramatic detail which make the maghdst stoties— especially in al-Wagidi—so full of interest and excitement. ‘Thus while the Medinan period is well documented, and events there are chronologi- fanged, no such accuracy, indeed no such attempt at it, can be cally dc and tr Cl Har, Pu, de Pole det lame ne, 4.3, sol avi, ivi, Pais 18g on, i nnmary af the contents is given in Ts See 4 p20. + MS 86-98 6 Figydarsbad 1342 Introduction xix claimed for the Meccan period. We do not know Mukammad’s age when he first came forth publicly as a religious reformer: some say he was forty, others say forty-five; we do not know his precise relation to the Band Naija; the poverty of his childhood if fts the assertion that he belonged to the principal family in Meeca. ‘The story of those years is filled out with legends and stories of miraculous events which inevitably undermine the modern reader's confidence in the history of this period as a whole. In this section particularly, though not exclusively, TI. writes historical introductions to his paragraphs. A good example is his foreword to the account of the persecution the prophet endured at the hands of the Meccans: ‘When the Quraysh became distressed by the trouble caused by the enmity between them and the apostle and those of their people who accepted his teaching, they stired up againat him foolish fellows who called him a Tir, insulted him, and accused him of being a poet, a sorcerer, a diviner, and of being possessed. However the apostle continued to pro- claim what God had ordered him to proclaim, concealing nothing, and exciting their dislike by contemning their religion, forsaking their idols, and leaving them to their unbelie.t This is not a statement resting on tradition, but a concise summary of the citeumstances that are plainly indicated by certain passages of the Quran which deal with this period. (Of the Maghaai history ttle need be said. For the most part the stories rest on the aecount of eyewitnesses and have every right to be regarded as ‘trustworthy. Characteristics “Thecpinionsif Muelim critics on 1.1’s trustworthiness denerve a special paragraph ; but here something may he said of the author's caution and his fairness. A word that very frequently precedes a statement is sa’ama or za‘ami, ‘he (chey) alleged’. T+ carries, with it more than a hint thet the statement may not be true, though of the other and it may be sound, “Thus thece are fourteen or more orrurrences of the caveat from p. 87 t0 48 alae, besides a frequent note that only God knows whether a parti- ‘culer statement ig true or not. Another indication of reserve if not scepti cism underlies the expreseion ff md dhukira F, a8 in the story of the jinn “who listened to Mubaromad a he prayed; Muhammad’s order to “Uraar ‘ta kill Suwayd; one of Gabtie’s visits to Muhammad; the reward of two martyrs to the man killed by awontan.* An expression of similar import is Sim balegharni® ‘Very seldom does LI. make any comment of his own on the traditions he records apart from the mental reservation implied in these terns ‘Therefore when he does express an opinion it is the more significant, In his neeount of the night journey to Jerusalem and the ascent into heaven 2 py e8gy ae ano 187, et penn 2 po. 281,336, 357,308 Fagor age 1 pete. Extrove enationintoauce the Jeger of she Ht at the prophets th foe= The Life of Mukanmad hhe allows us to see the working of his mind. ‘The story is everywhere Inedged with reservations and terms suggesting caution to the reader. He ‘begins with a tale which he says has reached him (balaghani} from several narrators and he has pieced them together from the stories these people heard (dhukira), The whole subject is a searching test of men’s faith in ‘which those endowed with intelligence are specially concerned. Ft was certainly an act of God, but exactly what happened we do not know, ‘Thie opinion of his is most delicately and skilfully expressed in the words hayfa sha'a, ‘how God wished to show him’, I. Mas'id’s words are prefaced by fi md balaghani 'anka. There is nothing in the story to indicate ‘that it isa vision, Al-Hasan’s version is much more definite, for he asserts ‘that when Muhammad returaed to Mecca he told the Quraysh that he had ‘been to Jerusalem and back coring the night and that this so etrained the credulity af some ofthe Muslims that they gave up thei faith in his revels ‘tions although he was able to give an accurate description of Jerusalem. Tt is therefore most surprising that al-Hasan should end his story by quoting Stra 13. 62 ‘We made the vision which we showed thee only for a ‘est to men’ in this context. ‘The whole point of al-Hasan's story is thereby undermined, fr ifthe experience was visionary, then there was nothing at all incredible about it "Then follows ‘Ashes statement, eported by ‘one of her father's family, that it waa only the apostfe’s spirit that was transported; his body remained where it was in Mecca. Another tradi- tion by Mu‘awiya b. Abi Sufyan bears the same meaning. The fact that he had been asked whether it was a physical or a dream journey shows that the ‘subject was debated before 1.1.’s day. Here I.1. makes a profound observa- ‘tion which in effect means that it was immaterial whether the experience ‘was real or visionacy because it came from God and just as Abraham made ‘every preparation to slay his son Isaac in consequence of what he had seen in a dream! because he recognized no difference between a divine command given at night during eleop and an order given hy day when he was awake, £0 the apostle’s vision was just as real as if it had been an actual physical ‘experience. Only God knows what happened, but the apostle did see what de said he saw and whether he was avake or asleep the result is the same, “The description of Abraham, Moses, and Jesus which purports to quote ‘Muhammad’s words is prefaced by sa'ama'l-Zuhri, not, os often, by the ordinary term haddathani, Now as al-Zuhri and S.1. knew each other ‘well and must have met quite often, we must undoubtedly infer from the fact that I. deliberately substituted the verb of suspicion for the ordinary term used in traditional matters that he means us to take this tradition with ‘a grain of salt. Itis a pity that the excellent impression that one ‘of the author's: inclgene and seins perzpionehold be mare by the cochng paragraphs on ts abject of the ssa! in heaven Which incidentally thas had far-reaching results on European literature through the Divine * anim, * pair, Introduction wai Comedy.t Tt rules out absolutely any but a physical experience and ought ‘to have been recorded with its cautionary note before LT. mate ‘observations. Possibly the reason for its being out of place is that itis an ‘excerpt from his lecture notes; but whatever the explanation, it mara the effect of his statement of the evidence." ‘The phrase ‘God knows best’ speaks for itself and needs no comment. Tr js sometimes weed when the author records two conflicting traditions and is unable to say which is correct. Another indication of the author's serupulousness is the phrase ‘God preserve me from attributing to the spostle words which he did notuse’. His report of Muharamad’s frst public address at Medina and his order to each of bis companions to adopt another as a brother ate prefixed by these words and hedged hy ji ma balaghani> ‘The author doce not often give us rival versions of traditions from “Medina and Mecca: thus the account of 'Umar’s conversion in interesting. It illustrates the thoroughness of our author in his search for information about the early days of the prophet's ministry. ‘The first account he says i based on what the traditioniats of Medina said: ‘Umar was heutal to sister and brother-in-law who had accepted Islam, but feeling some remorse when he saw blood on her face from the viotent blow he had dealt her, and impressed by her constancy, he demanded the leaf of the Quran than she was reading, Having read it he at once accepted it as inspired and ‘went to the prophet to proclaim his allegiance, "The Meccan, “Abdullah b. Abii Najih, on the authority of two named companions or an anonymous natrator, gives another version in “Umar’s ‘own words to the effect that his conversion was due to his hearing the prophet recite the Quran while praying at the Ka'ba one night. Zn both srarratives it was the Quran which caused his conversion. In the first ‘version ‘Umar was affected by the bearing of his sister and secured a part of ‘the Quran to read himself; in the second he was affected by the private devotions of the prophet. The first story is prefixed by fi md balaghan®, but this is cancelled as it were by the express statement that it was the current belie of the people of Medina. I. concludes by saying that only God knows what really happened, ‘A rather difficult problem in iterary and historiesl criticism is posed by the rival traditions? collected by the indefatigable 'T. from two of 11's pupils, Yiinus b. Bukayr and Salama b. al-Fadt, the latier supported by another pupil of L.1’s named Ali b. Mujdhid. ‘The fist had attended bis Joctures in Kiifa; the other two his lectures at Ray. All three claim that they transmit what LI. told them on the authority of a certain “Afi. I do ‘not know ofa parallel in L.'s work toa contradiction resting on the authority of the same oricinal narrator. Different traditions from diferent riels from different sources are to be expected in any history; but here the samne Gente ac fn moe he at be? 2 ppage and ea, Ve es. STi rnba, Sennby. 2xl ‘The Life of Mubanvmad ‘man is introduced as the authority for conflicting traditions such as are to ‘be found in the later collections of hadith. “The first tradition is suspect because it requires us to believe that from. ‘the earliest days of his ministry before he bad any following apart from a wife and a young nephew Mubammad prophesied the Arab conquest of the Byzantine and Persian empires in the Near East, Nothing io his life gives the slightest support to this claim, though it was to be made good soon after Wis death. ‘The second contains no reference to later conquests and may be trust- worthy. It definitely fixes the scene at Ming, which is about three miles distant from Mecca. "The first accouat suggests though it doesnot asert, that the prophet was in Mecca, a he turned to face the Ka'ba when be prayed. Would he have done this had he been in Mina? Would he not rather have turned in the direction of Jerusalem, his first gibla? LAL. cxpresely affirms elsewhere! that while he was in Mecca Muhamauad when praying turned his face towards Syria, "The second account says nothing bout the dieeton of his prayer. On the whole, then, the second tradition ts transmitted by Salama must be given the preferene Tis quite easy to see why LH century later omitted both traditions; they were offensive to the ruling house of ‘Abbas as they drew attention to-an unhappy pist which the ruler, now champions of orthodoxy, would fain have forgotien. But why did Ld. report them both, if infact he did? On the whole it seems most reasonable to suppose that he fat dicated the tradition which Yanus heard in Koa, notorious for its attachment to the Alid party, and that he afterwards dropped it and substituted the second version which Salama heard in Ray some year later before be went on to Baghdad. ‘T. with his woul thoroughness reported both traditions. ‘The only alternative is to suppose that the reference to the conquests is an interpolation. ‘There is a subtle difference between these two variants which ought not to be overlooked. At first sight it would seem to be a mere detail that in the frat tration ‘ATif wished that he ad een the third to pray the Muslim prayer. Now there were already three—Muhammad, Khadija, and Ali. in ‘the second tradition he wished that he had been the fourth, If this latter ia the original form of the tradition it means simply that he wished that he had been the first man outside the prophets family circle wo accept Islam, Tut the frst tradition means more than this: by eliminating, a it were, ‘Muhammad himsel from the to it means that Ali was the as¢ond hurman being and the first male to accept Islam and to stand with Khadija at the ‘head of all Muslims in the order of priority. ‘This has alvays been the claims of the Shi'a and to this day the priority of Ali in this respect is hotly disputed. “RD in a Biciha,tese-5, Ce Lib 9 " " Fntroduction aati Intrinsically as we Inve argued, the second tradition has the better claim to authenticity. If that is admitted it follows that either I. or his ‘avet adapted it in the interest of the Alid cause. In view of the accusation Of partiality towards the Shi'a which was levelled against 11.' it seems probable that he himself gave a subtle twist to the tradition that had come Gown to him from ‘Afif, and afterwards played for safety ‘As one would expect of a book which was written in the eighth century about a great religious reformer, miracles are accepted as a matter of course. It does not matter if a person’s alleged power to work miracles takes his early sufferings and failures unintelligible, nor does it matter if ‘the person concerned exprecely disclaimed all such powers apart from the recitation of the Quran itself ‘The Near East has produced an enormous number of books on the miracles of saints and holy men and it would be strange indeed if Tslam had not followed in the footsteps ofits predecessors in glorifying the achievements of its great leader at the expense of his human, greatness. Here we are concerned simply with the literary form of such Stories, the authorities that are quoted for them, and the way in which our author deals with them, ‘To mention a few: the prophet summoned a tree to him and it stood before him. He told it to go back again and back it went, It is interesting to ~otice that the person for whose benefit this miracle was wrought regarded it as sorcery. ‘The author's father, Ishaq b. Yasir, is responsible for the tale. Another tradition from ‘Amr b.*Ubayd, \who claimed to have had it from Jabir b. ‘Abdullah via al-Hasan, is merely a midrash composed to explain Sia s, 4 where it is said that God kept e hands of Muhammad's enemies from doing him violence. ‘The story of the throne of God shaking when the doors of heaven were opened to reecive Sa'd shows how these stories grew in the telling. Mu'adh b. Riff'a al-Zuraqi reported on the authority of ‘anyone you like among my clan’ that when Sa'd died Gabriel visited the prophet and asked him who it ‘vas that had caused such commotion in heaven, whereupon Muhammad, knowing that it must be Sad, hurried off at once to find that he had died. However, more was said on the subject: ‘Abdullah b. Aba Bakr from ‘Amra d, “Abdu'l-Rabmn reported that ‘A’isha met Sa'd’s cousin outside Mecca and asked him why he did not show more grief for one whose arrival had shaken the very throne of God. An anonymous informant claimed to have heard from al-Hagan al-Bagti that the pallbearers found the corose of this fat. heavy man unexpectedly light, and the prophet told them that there were other unseen bearers taking the weight with them and aguin it is repeated that the throne shook, Suhayii has a fairly long ‘passage on the tradition which goes to show that serious minded men did not like this story at all. Some scholar tried to whittle away the meaning by suggesting that the shaking of the throne was a metaphor for the joy ts Smo 96'Am Lanting bra hares mesenger and 3.4 3 bei as8, 63, 698, 1. Honovie, Der Flam, v 19:4, pp. 40-53, tas caiecte ad iss ‘case tei orth and anecedenas in the hagioogy ofthe Bastaxiv The Life of Mukammad in heaven at Sa'd’s arrival; others claimed that the angelic bearers of the throne were meant. But Suhayl will have none of this. ‘The throne is 2 reated object and so it can move. Therefore none has the right to depart from the plain meaning of the words. Moreover, the tradition is authentic while traditions like that of al-Barri? to the effect that it was Sa'd's bed that shook are rightly ignored by the learned. Te goes on to point out that al-Bukbatt accepted the tradition not only on the authority of Jabir but also on the report of a number of other companions of the prophet—a further indication of the snowball growth of the legend, §, finds it most surprising that Malik rejected the hadith and he adds naively from the point of view of later generations that Malik would not have it mentioned despite the soundness of its transmission and the multitude of narrators, and he ads that it may be that Malik did not regard the tradition as sound! The passage is instructive in that it shows how far I could go in the face of one of the most learned of his contemporaries in Medina. Posterty haa sided with LI. on this matter. but Malik clearly had many on his side at the time, men who ould not take at its face value a story which they ‘ould not reject out of hand, as he did, with the weight of contemporary ‘opinion behind it Another feature that stands out clearly from time to time isthe inertion of popular stories on the Goldilocks model. For the sake of the reader have rendered these stories in accord with modern usage, asthe repetition of the same words and the same answer again and again is intolerable-to the modern adult. Such stories are the stock-in-trade of the Arabian gasp and the storyteller all the world over and invariably Iead up to the climax which it is the speaker's intention to withhold until he has his audience on tiptoe. A good example of such stores is the narrative of ‘Muhammad's arrival in Medina and the invitation of one clan after another, always declined with the same words." After giving due weight to the pressure of hagiology on the writer and his Ieaning towards the Shi‘a one must, I think, affirm that the life of Mubam- mad is recorded with honesty and truthfulness and, too, an impartiality which is rare in such writings. Who can read the story of al-Zabir,? who ‘was given his life, family, and belongings but did not want to live when the best men of his people had been slain, without admitting that here we have 2 true account of what actually happened? Similarly who but an impartial would have included verses in which the noble generous character of the Jews of the Hijar was landed and lamented? The scepticism of carlicr writers secms to me excessive and unjustified. We have only to compare later Lives of Muhammad to see the difference between the Distorical and the ideal Muhammad? st 2 p.sgr, 2 Roidce, Ion, 946 fan den nteion to ty een sd chaatestn of she Seah dt Rn be vented ahd whic stow ate ote Introduction ay The Poetry Doubte and misgivings about the authenticity of the poems in the Sira sre expressed s0 often by ILH. that no reference to them need be given here. Nevertheless, one should be on one’s guard against the tendency to condemn all the poetry out of hand, What IH. says about the poetry of those who took part in the battle of Badr, whether or not it includes the verses of Hassin b, Thabit, namely “These verses (of Aba Usima) are the ‘most authentic of those (attributed to) the men of Bad’ (p. 534), casts grave doubt on the authenticity of a large section of the poetry of the ‘Sira, Nevertheless LI. is not to be blamed for the inclusion of much that is undoubtedly spurious without a thorough investigation which has not yet been undertaken. ‘The poems he cites on pp. 284 and 728 he got from ‘Asim b. QatSca, while those on pp. 590,789, and 793 come from ‘Abdullah b, Aba Bakr.! We know, too, that Miisi b. 'Ugba cited verses.? ‘An early critic of poetry, al-Jumahi? (d. 231), though perhaps rather ‘one-sided and ill balanced in his judgement on I.., makes some observa- tions which cannot fail to carry conviction. He says: ‘Muhammad b, Tshq was one of those who did harm to poetry and corrupted it and passed on all sorts of rubbish. He was one of those Iearned in the biography of the prophet and people quoted poems on his authority. He used to excuse himself by saying that he knew nothing about poetry and that he merely passed on what was communicated to him, But that was no excuse, for he ‘wrote down in the Sira poems ascribed to men who had never uttered a line of verse and of women too. He even went to the length of including poems of ‘Ad and ‘Thamid! Could he not have asked himself who had hhanded on these verses for thousands of years when God said: “He destroyed the first ‘Ad and Thamid and left none remaining”* while of "Ad he said “Can you see anything remaining of them?"* and “Only God knows ‘Ad and hamid and those who eame after them.” © Some ofthese poems are quoted by T.7 1. al-Nadim® goes farther by suggesting that J.T. was party to the fraud: the verses were composed for him, and when he was asked to include them in his book he did so and brought himself into ill repute with the thapso- dlists, Occasionally LI. says who the authority for the poetry was.? ‘Obviously at this date criticism of the poetry of the Sira can be based only on historical and perhaps in a lesser degree on literary and stylistic grounds, Some of the poetry dealing with raids and skirmishes, tribal boasting, and elegies scems to come from contemporary sources, and no reasonable person would deny that poetic contests between Meccan and ‘Medinan poets really took place: everything we know of ancient Arab + Cf. dhe coneaponding pangs nT. 1732, 1735. ewes, sri eam er Leelee can mee sang = bane VatRlonstaae + probavi The Life of Muhammad society would require us to look for such effusions. As Horovitz pointed: out, in pre-Islamic poetry these poetical contests are frequent, and it ‘ight be added that in early Hebrew history verses are frequently inserted in the narratives and often put into the mouths of the hetoes of the hour, ‘Thus, apart {rom those poems which undoubtedly were called forth by the eventa they comamemorated, poetry was an integral part ofa racial conven- tion which no writer of history could afford to ignore. Probably if all the ‘poetry Which LT, included in the Sira had reached that standard of excel Jnnce which hie readers were accustomed to expect, none of these charges ‘would have been levelled against him. But when he included verses which ‘were palpably banal, and were at the saine time untrue to. circumstance, ‘uninsoired and trivial. as many undoubtedly are. the develoned aesthetic sense of the Araba which is unost delicate where portry is concerned rejected what he wrote. As akJumnabt atid, he brought poetry itself into disrepute: ‘ny the balderdash he admitted into his otherwise excellent work, Andit did ‘not imprave matters thar much that was goot vas mingled with more that, ‘was bed. I€ ig more than likely that I. himself waa conscious that all was aot well with this poetry, for the general practice of writers ia to put the ‘verse into the narrative at the crucial moment (as TAI. at times docs), ‘whereas after the prose aecount of Badr and Ubud he lumps together a ‘whole collection of verse by various ‘poets’, It is as though he were silently saying “This is what has been handed on to me. I know nothing about puctry unc! you must make your own anthology."" Even so, whatever his shortcomings were, itis only fair to bear in mind that [LH. oftea inserts {note tv the effect that the text before him contains lines or words which Ihave not TI's suthority. “The subject is one that calls for detailed and careful literary eriticsm, The history of the clichés, similes, and metaphors needs investigation by a scholar thorougnly grounded in the poetry of the pre-Islamic and Umay- ‘ad eras, Until this preliminary work has been successfully accomplished st would be premature to pase judgement on the poetry of the Sira axa ‘whole. Ancient poetry has suffered greatly at the hands of forgcrs, plagiarste, and philologists, and the diwans of later ports have not escaped. ‘the dishonest rae, Hassan b. Thabit, the prophet's own poet, has many poems to his name which he would be astounded to hear, and there are: comparatively few poets of whom it could bc scid that the divans bearing theit names contained nothing for which they were not responsible." © And this was precisely his atode if Joma nto be believed + Tihould hardly care to go vo fara 0 assert tat the fith-centary post ‘Amc b, Qani's tas exerted a direct nfvence onthe porry ofthe Sa; but the fact emai at here is ‘geet sinilriy. Ht neal this the themes of Arsh vere should ree constantly Dedun le vara Wale fom generation to geoertion, "Thee bosizon was bounded by deers, apd conseqenly cama and horsey war and it weapons, hoes and bl Pride were constantly mentioned ia song. Te trace thea themes ck to thet Bt singers ‘ould bis ak shat would lave He laure for ore proGable oie; but nevetblesy i worth noting that the following themes recur in ‘Amr and te Sta: the generous am to saughters camels for the hungry gucn in winter when nine deprive cw the rich of Introduction sail Since these words were written two theses have been waitten in the University of London: the first by Dr. M. A. ‘Azzara deals with the style, Innguage, snd authenticity of the poetry contained ia the Sira; the second by Dr. W ‘Arafat with the Dizdn of lassin b, Thabit. A brief summary of sheit findings will not be out of place here. Between the period covered hy the Sira sud the editing of the book itself loom the two tragedies of Karbala’, when al-Husayn and his followers ‘were slain in 63, and the sack of Medina in an. 63 when some ten thousand cof the Angir including no less than eighty of the prophet’s companions. dae ssid to have been put to death, Much of the poetry of the Sira was: facant to be read against the background of those tragedies. Tis aim is to zt forth the claims of the Ansir to prominence in Islain not only as men vehn supported the prophet when the Quraysh opposed him, but a9 men descended from kings. The prophet was the grandson of ‘Abéu'l-Muj- ib, who wes the oon of Hashim and a woman of the B. al-Najr, and so -af Yamant stock. “Your mother was of the pure stock of Khuzwa, .. Ta “the heroes of Saba” her line zoce back’, says the poet in his elegy on ‘Abdu't- “Moggalib.* “Apart from their great service to the prophet in giving him ahome when Qureysh eax him out, the Angi long before had been partners with Quraysh, for was it not Iizah, the half-brother of Qusayy, who came to the aid of the ancestors of Qurayeh from the Yamen? Hed it not been for the “Angir there would have beea no Istamn: hed it not been fur their ancestors, the poet implies, Quraysh would not have been established in Mecca. ‘On p. 28 there is thinly disguised Ansér-Shi'a propaganda: ‘The one ‘you killed was the best of us. ‘Ihe ote who lived is lord over us and all of ‘You are lords’ would be recognized by many as a reference to the kilhng of al-Husayn and the ‘lords’ would be the Umayyads. The account af the: “Tubba's march ggainst Mecca and bis great respect for its sauctity ctands dn clear contrast with the treatment it received from the Umayyads when al-Hajitj bombarded it. wealth, when even Koken refuse their hep; the man who enethics when the camel Ue we dry te enulron fll othe ham an ino the acy tone who devote the (ume of maye'e hospitality, dstbuting the charge szvong themseives ae the arows dice Arey she mil of war, wat ail cel war Geawing blood like buckets fromm well « ‘Morning drug of the rame; the sword blade polished by the armouter; journeys in noon {Dy eat er ven the locust recay the hore that can outrun the will ay the fash of the sun ont heli ofthe warsore the ran armour shining ke aripling pol: However {Mteroing tis cormparion magi pave to be, te prsence of these ele and tery in ‘tice pow males Hazardous tosses tha “Amar had pede ‘ver, wht we srk te poeudo-port of Umayyad time: andere bint thrown out ‘Dit eSbcuve: Des bulla a ayy tbe fee tat the portey af he Stra ad thst in W's Sm lery eas if Slloted wp wos probably en wo Sore fteenting Ui ovens LHL's notes wold be found eteestng in this connerin. On 790 e points Sethe words‘ We ve ght yu het ep we ah Atvine engi’ wore opoken by ‘Amste busi in rctorence t enther bat [Si Sul sothare besotted By “Abdullah bab se song f Mee, beens the ocean beng pegann did not believe inthe Quran, 20 that thers was no question of & val nerpetatio. tps ing influence, Norsav The Life of Muharamad After a careful study of the language and style ofthis verse Dr, ‘Azzam comes to the conclusion that comparatively tle of it dates from the time of the prophet. De. ‘Arafat comes to much the same conclusion with regard to the verse attributed to Hassin. A few of the outstanding arguments will be given here. He finds that the eulogy on the Angir (p. 893) which is attri- buted to Ka'b b. Zuhayr isin the same thyme and metre as the poem of al-Akhfal' which was written at the instigation of Yazid. ‘There we find the words ‘Baseness is urider the turbans of the Ansir’. A careful com- parison of the relevant passages inthe two poems shows thatthe one in the ‘Sra is the answer to the one in the Agha. Abdullah b, Abi Bakr is reported to havo eid: “The Ansir were respected and feared until the batle of Harra; afterwards people were emboldened to atack them and they occupied a lowly place.’ Tt is in these cizeumstances, not those of the prophet’s companions daily increasing in power and prestige, that we must look forthe background of “You will find that none ill uses or abuses us but a base fellow who has gone astray" (p. 626). On p. 474 a poem which LH. attributes to Hassin's son, ‘Abdul-Rah- rin, obviously detes fromm a later generation: “My people are those who sheltered the prophet and believed in him when the people ofthe land were cunbelicvers except for choice ouls who were lorerunnets of righteous men sand who were helpers with the helpers.” What can this mean but thet sorse- ‘one is speaking of the past services of his people to the prophee? Further, itis strange language to impute to Hassin, 1: was he who called the new ‘comer: vagrants jalakib and regarded ther as an unmitigated muisance. ‘He did not house any of the mukdjirin, nor was he a ‘brother’ to one of them, A sil clearer reference to a former generation is co be found on ‘p. 927 (ogain LHL, attributed it to Abdu’l-Rabmin) which says: "Those ‘eopt reve the prophet’ helpers and they ar my peopl: them I come when T relate my descent ‘Dr, ‘Arafat notes that in the Sira there are seventy-eight poems attri= ‘buted to Hessin; the authenticity of fifteen of them is questioned or denied outright. ‘The text of the poem on.p. 738 in ta rival forms iflusrates the ‘way in which verses attributed to Ifaexin were interpolated and additional verses fabricated, Here TT. gives only the first five verses; the Ding tea two verses after the first line and adds two at the end. On the ocher hand, thc last three verses in the Sira are not to be found in either of the other authorities. In the Agidni* the poem is still longer and secording £0 the rietya of Musab but without al-Zuhris authority. ‘The facts which emerge from 2 study of the cicurnstances which surround this “Poem are: 1, Hassia resented the growing numbers and influence of the Muslim refugees. 7150. CE. 159, where the sorter version of T. is given. Introduction xxix 2. After the attack on B, al-Mustaliq a quarrel arose between the Mezcane and Medinans about the use of a well. “Abdullah b, Ubayy said: “They rival our numbers Adthara:’ he called them jalabib and threatened thar when they got back to Medins the stronger a'azx ‘would dive out the weaker. ‘The words italicized are the very words ‘used by Hassin in this poem. From this it is clear that Hassin is ezpresing not onty his own opinion about the Muslims but that of “Abdullah b. Ubayy and his party. je Te was during this journey that the scandal about ‘N'isha arose. 4. Safwan struck Hassdn with his sword. According to the introduction to the poem in the Dindn Safwin attacked Kassin because he had acre him of epening the night wits "Risha. But in the Aghant Safwan w ‘Hassin at the instigation of the prophet becavae This house was the contze of disaffection egainst the Muslims. ‘The ‘other explanation ofthe attack on Hassln is added in al Aghinf aa an afterthought. However, there is n0 reason why both versions should ‘not be correct. Hassin’s most dangerous offence was his complaint against the Muslim intruders; but when he slandered ‘AVisha he provided the prophet with an admirable reason for punishing him severely for an offence which would not engoge the sympathies of the Ansitis. Whether loyal or disaffected, they could hardly support theie comrade in such a matter. “With the further ramifications of the otory we are not concerned sufficient has been said to show that the poem so far as verse 5 is genuine and is directed aolely ageinst the Muslim refugees whose presence had ‘become a nuisance to assis. In this poem he says nothing at all about Safwan, ‘The last three lines have doubtless been added to whitewash ‘Hassin, As poetry they will not bear comparison with the genuine verses and TY, was thoroughly jusifed in discarding them. “Another epecimen of the spurious poetry fathered on Hassin is to be. found on p. 936 which belongs to a later generation. Here it is not the “prophet who is praised bat his ‘house’: “How noble are the people (goun) whose pany (us'a) is the prophet! . . . They are the beat of all living creatures.’ When we remember the resentment with which the Angir in general and Hassin in particular felt when they got no ehare in the booty ‘of Hunayn, the line “Take from them what comes when they are angry snd set not your hearts on what they withhold is singularly inept. ‘Another point which militate against the authenticity of poems stri- buted to Hassin is the prominence which is often given to the Avs. Tt cannot be supposed that a Khazrajte would ignore the achievements of his ‘awn tribe or pat them in the second place as.on p. 48§ when we remember ‘that the hostility between the two tribes persisted long after Islam was sestzhfished. A plain example of a later Anght'a work is given on . 711, “where the poem begins: ‘O my people is there any defence against fate and weal peewax The Life of Muhanenad ccan the good old days return? an impossible attitude fora Muslim to take during the prophets lifetime, ‘Agtin, when HasaBn is seported to have said “The best of the believers have followed ane another to death’ (p. 799), itis sufficient to remember ‘hat practically all the prophet's principal companions survived Ubud, But when this careless forger wrote all the best Muslims kad fong been dead. Hosvever, we have not got to his main point which is to glorify the house of Hishim: “They are God’s near ones. He sent down His wisdora upon them and among them is the purified bringer of the book.’ Here the Alids are the ‘fefends' ox ‘saints’ of God and Muhammad is letle more than a member of their family. Divine wisdom is given to them. “These two studies lay bare the wretched language in which many of these poems are written and incidentally bring out the difficulties which a ‘translator has to cope with when the rules of Arabic syntax and the mor- phology of the language are treated with scant respect, In fine it may be stid that their well-documented conclusions mace it abundantly clear that the judgement of the ancient crities—particularly al-Jurahi—is justi+ fied up to the ilk. The partial restration ofthe lost original Once the original text of LL. existed in at least fifteen ricodyas: +, Ibrahim b, Sa'd, 110-84 Medina 2. Ziyld b. ‘Abdullah al-Bakha'i, &. 183 Kf 4. ‘Abdullah b. Tels al-Andt, 15-92 “ 4 Yainus b, Bukayr, 4. 199 5 ‘Abda b. Sulayrnta, d. 187/8 6. ‘Abdullah b. Numayr, 115-99 7. Yahya b, Sa'td al-Umawi, 114-94 8. Jaric b. Hizien, 85-179 9. Haran b, Ab Isa x0, Salama b. al-Fadl al-Abrash, 4. 191 1 Alb. Majahid, d. e. 180 3a, Ibrahim b, aleMubete rg, Std b. Bazi sq. “Uthmin b. 83) 1g, Muhammad b. Salama al-Herrint, d. 191 It has been my aim to restore so far as is now possible the text of LT. as it left his pen or as he dictated it to his hearers, from excerpts in Tater texts, disregarding the Mada’ section ae LH did and for at least one of * See further A. Gilles, “The Biogrpy of the Prophet in Recent Research’ amie Quarter Revie, 1954 TT have adopted the st gen by Fock in hie admieale monograph, p. 44 where full aie are tobe ound, The towns ae thove at which the individeals named estes biog heard Ee nnn eee Introduction wai his reasons. At first I was tempted to think that a great deal of the original hhad been lost—and it may well be that it has been lost—for itis clear that the scurrilous attacks on the prophet which ILH. mentions in his Introduc- tion ate not to be found anywhere. But on the whole J think itis likely that we have the greater part of what LI. wrote, Doubtless more was said for Ali and against ‘Abbi, but itis unlikely that such material would add much to our knowledge of the history of the period. Possibly to us the most interesting excisions would be paragraphs containing information which LI. gathered from Jews and Chri nut in all probability the Mabda’ contained most of such passages. Still itis unlikely that those passages which have been allowed to remain would have excited the annoyance that some of his early critics express on this score. Thnu'l- Kalbt’s K. al-Asndm gives a warning against exaggerated hopes. Yaqit had made copious extracts from it in his Geographical Dictionary, s0 interesting and eo important for our knowledge ofthe old Arabian heathen- jam that the great Néldeke expressed the hope that he would live to see the text of the lost original discovered. He did; but a collation of the original ‘work with the excerpts made by Yaqit shows that practically everything of value had been used and nothing of real significance was to be fearned from the discovery of the mother text. However, in a text of the nature of the Sira it is just possible that a twist may be given to the narrative by an editor such 35 LH The writers from whom some of the original can be recovered are: 1. Muhammad b, ‘Umar al-Waqidi, d. 207 ‘Abi'l-Walfd Muhammad b. Abdullah al-Azragi from his grand father (d.¢. 220) Muhammad b. $a'd, d. 230 ‘Abi ‘Abdullzh Muhammad b, Muslim b. Qutayba, d. 270 or 276 Abmad b. Yaby® al-Baladhuri, d. 279 9. Aba'l-Hasan ‘Alb. al-Athir, d. 630 10, Yaisuf b. Yahya al-Tdall known as I, al-Zayyat, d. 627 a1, Tsma‘il b. ‘Umar b, Kathir, d. 774 12, Aba'l-Fadl Ahmad b, ‘AI. .. b. Hajar al-'Asqalini, d. 852/1449. Por our purpose one of these has the importance of T. whose text rests on the rizdya of Salama end Yinus b, Bukayr. Besides the important textual variants which will be found in the translation from time ta time, he ic is who reports from Ll. the prophet's temporary concession to poly- ‘theism at Mecca (1190 f.) and the captore of ‘Abbas at Badr (1441). raqidi. Only the Maghdzt has survived from the very large number of his writings. A thied of it was published by von Kremer in 1836 from a poor manuscript, and until the work has been edited its valuexaxii The Life of Mubammad eannot be accutately assessed.” "The abridged translation by Wellhavsen” sgives the reader all the salient facts, but his method of epitomizing enabled him to avoid difficulties in the text which call for explanation. Wigit makes no mention of I. among his authorities. The reason for this ddoubeles in that he did not want ta refer to a man who already enjoyed great reputation as an authority on maghdet and so le it seem that his own ‘book was a mere amplification of his predecessor's. Tt is by no means certain that he made use of L.'s book, oF traditional iore, for he quoted his authorities, .g. l-Zuhrl, Ma'mar, and others, directly. On the otber hhand, he did not belittle 1]. of whom he spoke warmaly as a chronicler, ‘genealogist, and traditionist, who tranemitted poetry and was an indefit sable searcher of tradition, a man to be trusted.? Te follows that strictly WAgid! ia not a writer from whom in the present state of our knowledge we can reconstruct the original of the Sira; but as his narrative often runs parallel with L.'s work, sometimes abridging, sometimes expanding, his stories itis a valuable if uncontrolled supporter thereof. Not until his Maghdzi has been published and studied as it deserves to be can a satisfactory comparison of the two books be made. (One thing is abundantly clear, namely that Wagidi often includes stories Which obviously come from eyewitnesses and often throw valuable light fon events which are obscure in II. Indeed it ought to be said that the ‘ira is incomplete without Wagidi- 2, Al-Azragj's Akhbar Makka is of great value in matters archaeological. His authority is “Uthman b. 8 3. I. Sal's Abibdr’l-Nabt is more or less as he communicated it to his pupils. This was afterwards combined with his Tabagat in 300 by I Ma'rif, Volumes Ia, 5 and Ia, b in the Berlin edition deal with the former prophets, Muhammad’ childhood, his mission, the hija, and his ‘campaigns, ending with his death, burial, and elegies thereon. 1S. has sch more to say on some matters than LI. eg. letters and embassies, and the prophets ast illness, while he shows n0 interest in pre-Islamic Arabia, For the Maphsi Wigidt is his main authority. ‘The Zabagét deals with the ‘prophet’s companions and the transmittors of tradition, including the Labi ans 4. 1 Qutayba's K. al-Ma’érif contain a few short and inexact citations, 3. Al-Balidhur?’s Furdiu'l-Buldan adds very litte to our knowledge. De Gorje's index gives twelve references. ‘The first two! which De Gorje, followed by Noldeke,? notes as not being in the Sira would never * medion from fro MSS. tn the BM. a being prepared by mycazague Mr. J.M. B. 7B Ytahonmod in Mating, Basin, 883. i See further Horovitz, op. et, and Oma Lawn, Dax Clartenbuch des Ibn Sa'd, Lipa, Mp, Tora taof nonin fm TH weal, GAC as pte 1 G.Q.it 19. i Introduction. wail have found a place there as they obviously belong to I.L’s lost book on Jig. They deal with the question of how much water a man may retain ‘on his land before he lets it ow down to his neighbour's gronnd. ‘The last five citations belong to the age of the caliphs and need not concern us. ‘The remainder have a slight value for textual criticism, Sometimes they lend support to ‘T's version, and once at least a citation proves that the tradition was not preserved orally because the variant readings could only have come about through a transfer of a dot from the first to the second letter with the consequent misreading of the third. ‘The citations are brief and concise: they tell all the truth that the writer needed for his purpose but not the whole truth, which would have been irrelevant, 6. Tabari. A list of the additions to ILH.’s recension has been given by Nildeke! and enough hae been oaid about his value as a witness to ie original text of the Sira. No attempt has been made to recover the lost Patt of the Mabda’ from his Tafsir. Where his variants are merely stylistic and do not affect the sense of the passage I have ignored them. Practically all of them will be found in the footnotes to the Leyden edition, He wa familiar with four of the recensions, numbers 4, 7, 9, and 10 on the list given above, much the most frequently cited being Yénus b. Buks ‘one occasion (1074. 12) he remarks that I.I.’s account is ‘more satisfactory than that of Hisham b. Muhammad’ (al-Kalbi d. 204 or 206]. LH. he ignores altogether and he omits 2 good deal of the poetry now in the Sira. ‘Whether his selection was governed by taste, whether he thought some of it irrelevant, or whether he regarded it as spurious I can find no indication, He often gives the ind which is lacking in LI. (ef. 1794. 12). On one oceasion at least (cf. W. 422 with ‘T. 1271) it looks as if the narrative has been deliberately recast. T. frequently omits the tasliya and tardiva as ancient writers did.* LH. omits Ka'b’s poem and the mention of its pro- voking a killing, ef 651 with TT. 1445. AlsStraft contributes an inceresting addition to W. 882. 8, Al-Mawardt has nothing of importance to add. 9. I. al-Athir in his Kamil is prone to throw his authorities together and produce a smooth running account from the sum of what they all said, dropping all subordinate details. However, he quotes 1.1, ten times. 0. I. al-Zayyat, see on p. 640 (W.). 1. I. Kathir sometimes agrees with LH. verbatim, Sometimes he quotes Ibn Bukayr where he offers what is in effeet the same stories in different words. 1 propose to devote a special study to this rimaya. 12. Ibn Hajar. Again little of importance 160. i 108 che autograph MS. of a-Shat's secretary. ‘The oceurrence ofthe daa sven ‘ut in fal ten tines oF more om wsingls page oa modern edidon snmeke of serlitysathet ‘han reverence, and is en innovation? a seta eaterion {or Gating a MS. bute vars Wa 0 ‘header of @ modern puted test, 26.0.4 “ Froirsor Krenkov sald in a ter thatthe Mustadrak of ab Hakim al-Nayraba con- ‘wins exacts fom ILL vin Vos b. Bekaye, but at this enormous work isnot indesed 1 aoaThe Life of Muhammad Tm lope rojutation “TUnforminately for our purpose which is te sevord the oninina of our author's co-religionists on hia trustworthiness as a historian, their judge~ “ment is affected by his othe: writings, ane of which called Sunan is men~ sioned by Haijt Khaltfa.‘ This was freely quoted by Abu Yusuf (4, 382),* ‘but failed to hold it own and went out of circulation comparatively carly. Tf we knew more about the contents of this book, which hy reason of ita ‘early date presumably would have had 2 omsidersble influence on the daily life of Munlims had it been allowed t continue to challenge other reporters of the apostk’s deeds and words, we should be the hatter able to saves the value and relevance of eatly Mustim criticism on LI, whea it Wwas Tmnst definitely hoetile, It is not always his book the Sira which is ‘bur the man himself, and if his sitina watk ran counter to the schools of Law that were in process of development the author could not ‘hope to escape strong conderonation, It is most important that thie fact should not be overlooked. In the paseage Wustenfeld quoted? from “Abo'L-Path M. b. M. b. Sayyidw'l-Nis al-Ya'mari al-Andalunt (1. 734? 11934) the distinction between teaditions of « general nature and twadifions about the prophet's sanna ia clear and vnmistakable. Abmad b. Hanbal's stated that his father included I.L's hadith in his Mumad, Sut refused ‘to regard him oan anthority on sunan. ‘While it is trae that there are a few stories in the Sira which report the prophet’s practice in certain ‘matters anil so provide an authoritative guide for the tuture behaviour of ‘the faithful in simila: circumstances, and while its ako trae that n one oF ‘two instances the principle underlying these actions is in confit with the findingo of lates lawyers, they form an insignificant part of the Sira, and it may safely be concluded that I, Hanbel’s objection to Li's authority applies almost exclusively to his lost work, the Suan. “Apostolic uadition in Istam, as Goldziher showed long ugo, is the ‘battlefield of warting sects sziving for the mastery of men’s minds and the contzol of their behaviour with all he weight var Muhusamad's presumed or fabricated example could bring to bear, ‘The earlier the tradition, o collection of traditions, the Jess this tendency i in, evidence; but we have already secn that IJ. occasionally succumbed to the temptation to glosify ‘Aliat the expense of “Abs. ‘This would veem to be supremely unneces- ‘sary when one ean read exactly what ‘Abbis's position was: at first hostile; ‘secondly neutral; and lastly, when the issue was no longer in doubt, ‘professed Muslim. Obviously since no attempt is made to conceal or ‘Biminish the affectionate loyalty of Abii Bakr or the staunch championship ‘of "Umar, our author was no unbalanced fanatical supporter of the claims of Ali Ali appears as the great warrior when zival champions fought not Been ele to ena the paasagen ith oe txt of the Sire, Sce sso what hes Seon Shout enaneps fn Snore RausUL-Ung under LH. 7 inant, rpys 1008. 3 See Fic, 18. Introduction wee etween the opposing tanks, but the inestimable services of his wu senior contomporaries are never thrus: into the background. ‘In the history of tradition in the technical sense, that is to eay“in the corpus of hadith venerated by Sanus everywhere, Ll. takes a minot position in spite of his great and obvious merits 23 an honest, stright- Forward collector uf all the informatioa that was known about Muhammad. “There ate several reasons for this: the principal reason is that he had na information to give on all the everyday matters which fill the canonical ‘books of tradition, or when he had he pat them in bis Suna. If he reported ‘Muharnsnad’s words it was in refereace to a particular event in the narrae tive he recorded; they were evoked naturally by the circumstances, ‘Thus al-Bukhar, though he often mentions LL. in the headings of his chapters, hardly if ever cites him for the matter of a tradition, unless that tradition 4s supported by another dnd. Mustim, sho cnwsifes traditions ws gemuine, ood, and weik, puts TL. in the second category. ‘To anyone with an “historical sense this was 4 monstrous injontice, but it must be remembered ‘that by the middle ofthe thi century the forme of a hadith mattered. ‘han its substance, and provided that the chain of guarantors was un- exceptionable anything could be included. ‘The best and most comprehensive summary of Muelim opinion of LT. is ‘that of T. Sayyidu’I-Nis in his “Uyin al-Athor ft fanéni'-maghisi wa'l- sham wal Leiyar. We collceted all ve seferenees to our author that he -tould find, both favourable and unfavourable, and then ansered the stecks that had been made on him, ‘The relevant paseago will be found in [We with ons in German. ‘The following i a short summary of ‘this account: {a} Those favourable to Lf, were: “The best informed man about the pophee LsacZaish Koomedge wil remein sm Meine ax Shuts, 8-360: Truth in tion the em of rons because Sufyin b. “yzyna, 107-98: T sat with him some seventy years? and nioté of the Medinans suspected him or spoke dieparagingly of him, Aba Zur’, d. 281: Older scholars drew from him and. professional traditionists tested him and found him truthful. When he reminded Duhaym of Malik’s distrust of 1.1. he denied that it referred to his veracity as a traditionist, but to his qadarite hereay Aba Hatim: His traditions are copied down (by others). I, al-Maumi: Apostolic tradition originally lay with 6 men; then it ‘became the property of 12, of whom LI. is one, al-Sbafi't: He who wants to study the maghdai deeply eas shit: ws leeply est consult 11, ‘Aim b"Umarb, Oud: nose wl remain unig eas ng 8 "a west, As Medd (as wae npoebleoxi The Life of Muhammad ‘Aba Mota: A grat eumory: others conde het tedton fo his memory for safe keeping, al. Bokhari: Al-Zahri used to get his knowledge of the maghde# from LI. *Atsdullah b, Idris al-Audt: was amazed at his learning and often cited dim, ‘Mus'ab: He was attacked for tessons which had nothing to do. with tradition, ‘Yerid b. Hain: Were there supreme relator of tradition it would be I ‘Ali’. al-Modint; His ahadith are sound, THe had a great reputation in ‘Medina, Hishiit b, ‘Urwa's objection to him is no arguroent against Jwim, “He may indeed have talked to the later’s wile when he was @ ‘youne, man. His veracity in hadith js self-evident. I know only of {wo that are rejected as unsupported which no other writer reported. “Tih: Trustworthy. Yahya b, Ma‘ta: Firm in tradition, ‘Abmad b. Hanbal: Excellent in tradition. (6) The writer then goes on to state all that has been said against LI. Omitting details of litle significance we are left with the following charges which T. Sayyidu'lNas goes on to discuss and refute. Muhammad b. “Abdullah b, Numayr sai that when LI. reported what he had heard from well-known persons his traditions were good and true, but he sometimes Teported worthless sayings from unknown people. Yahya b. al-Qattan ‘would never quote him. Ahmad b. Hanbal quoted him with approval, and When it was remarked how excellent the stories (giz) were he smiled in surprise. His son admitted that Ahmad incorporated many of LI’s traditions in his Mumnad, but he never paid heed to them. When he was asked if his father regarded him as an authority on what a Muslim most oor must not do he replied that he did not. He himself would not accept @ tradition which only LI, reported. He used to relate a tradition which he gathered from a number of people without indicating who had contributed its separate parts. I. al-Madint suid that at times he was ‘fairly good” AAL-Maymiini reported that I. Ma'in 156-233 sad he was ‘weak’, but others denied that he sgid so. Al-Diir said he was trustworthy but nat to be used asan authotity i fig like Malik and others. Al-Nasi’ sid that he was not strong. Al-Daraqutnt sad that a tradition from LI. on the authority of his father was no legal proof: it could be used only to confirm what was already held to be binding Yahya b. Sa'id said that though he knew LT. in Kifa he abandoned him intentionally and never wrote dawn traditions on his authority, Aba Da\id al-Tayalst (x32~203) reported that Haramad b, Salima seid that unless necessity demanded it he would not hand on a tradition from LL. When Malik b. Anas mentioned him he sid, ‘he is one of the antichrsts, When Hishim b, 'Urwa was told that LI. reported something from Fayima he sad, ‘he rascal ies; when did ie see may wife?” * Thee probably belong to the Sinan. ee Introduction xxx ‘When Abdullah b. Ahmad told his father ofthis he suid that thie was not to be held against [.1.;he thought that he might well have received permission to imerview her, but he did not know, He added that Malik was a liar. 1. Tdris said that he talked to Milik about the Maghési and how LL, had suid that he was their surgeon and he said, ‘We drove him from Medina’. ‘Makki b, Dbrihim said that he attended lectures of his; he used to dye his hair, When he mentioned traditions about the divine attributes he left him and never went back. On another occasion he ssid that when hie left him he had attended twelve lectures of his in Ray. Al-Mufacidal b. Ghassin said that he was present when Yagtd b. Haran was relating traditions in al-Baqi’ when a number of Medinans were fistening. When he mentioned II. they withdrew eaying: ‘Don’t tell us anything that he said. We know better than he.’ Yazid went among them, ‘out they would not listen and so he withdrew. ‘Abii Davi suid that he heard Ahmad b. Hanbal sav that LI. was a man vwatha love of tradition, so that he took other men’s weitings and incorporated them in his own. Abii ‘Abdullah said that he preferred 1.1, to Masa b, “Ubayila al-Rabadhi. Aismad said that ke used to relate traditionsas though from 4 companion without intermediaries, while in Thethim b. Sa'd’s book vwhen there isa tradition he said ‘A told me’ and when that was not 60 he said ‘A said. ‘Abi ‘Abdullah ssid that LI. eame to Baghdad and paid no attention to those who related hadith from al-Kalbt and others suying that he was 10 authority. ALFallis (6, 249}. said that after being with Wahb b. Tart reading before him the maghdzi book which his father! had got from TT. ‘we met Vabyii b, Qatyin who said that we had brought a pack of lies from him. ‘Almad b, Hanbal said that in maghdsi and such matters what LI. said could be written down; but in Jegal matters further confirmation Was necessary, In spite of the large number of traditions without a proper dimad he thought highly of him as long as he ssid “A told us, ‘B informed sme’, and ‘T heard’. T. Ma‘in did not like to use him 23 sn authority in legal matters. Ab Hatim said that he was weak in tradition yer preferable to Afb b, Sa'ld and his traditions could be written down. Sulayanin al-Taymi called him a liar and Yahya al-Qattin ssid that he could onty abandon his hadith to God he was a liar, When Yahya asked Wutiayb b, ‘Khalid what made him think that LL, wae a Siar he said that Malik swore that he was and he gave as his reason Hishfim b."Urwa’s oath to that effect, “Th later’s reason was that he reported traditions from his wife Fatima, ‘Abi Bakr al-Khatib said that some authorities accepted his traditions as providing proof for legal precedent while others did not, Among the reasons for rejecting his authority was that he was a Sh, that he was said ‘to hold the view that man had free will, and that his fondds were defective, ‘As for his truthfulness, it could not be denied, * See No. 8.seni The Life of Muhammad Al-Rukhiri quoted him as an authority and Muslim cited him often. _Abu’L-Hasan b. al-Quttin relegated him w the clan ‘good’ (eran) because people disputed about hima. As to the tradition from Fétims, al-Khatib gave we an dev running back through LL. and Fagima tu Asa? d. Abi ‘Bakr: ‘T heard a woman questioning the prophet and saying, “I have a nnval wife and I pretend to be satisfied with what my husbane has notin face stiven me in order to anger her”. He answered, “He who affects to be satisfied with what he has not been given is like one who dans two false garments”" Aba’-Macan said that this was the tradition from Fatima ‘which injured 1.L’s reputation, so that her husband Hishim called dim a liar. Malik followed him and others imitated them. However, there are other traditions on her authority. ‘One camot bat admire the way in which I. Sayyidu'l-Nas discmsce thes: attacks on the credibility of our author. He goes atonce tothe root of the metter and shows what litle substance there is in them. ‘Though, like the speakers he criticizes, he tacitly assumes that carly writers ought to Shave furnished their traditions with twads which would heve met the ‘igorous demands of later gencratione who were familiar with a whole sea ‘of spurious traditions fathered on the prophet and his comoanions. bis ‘common sense and fairness would not fet hira acquiesce in the cheese of tad which, by omitting a link in the chain or by citing the original ‘necrator without further ado, suromutically invalidated a hadith in later dduvs, Thus he ssid in effect that thourh IIs traditions. at times tack ‘complete documentation there 1s no question of his truthfulness in the subject-matter he reports; and as to the change of shi“lem and qadarite eanings, they are valid in another field altogether and have nothing to do- “with the Siza. Again, what if Makki B. Torahim did abandon bis kctures. ‘when he heard him relate tcaditions about the divine attributes? Many of -the ancients failed to go the whole way when such problems were discussed, ‘80 what he says is of liule significance. ‘Yarid's story that the Madinans would not listen to traditions on T-1.’s authority does not amount to ranch because he does no tell us whi. ad so ‘we can resort only to conjecture, and we have no right to impugn a true tradition because of what we think is a defect. We have already explained why Yahya al-Catjin would have none of him and called him Har oa the authority of Wuhayb from Malik, and itis not improbable that he was the ‘cause of the Medinans’ attitude in the foregoing account... Abmad b. Banta and 1, aleMaclini have adequately replied 20 Hishiim’s accusation, ‘As to Numayr's accusation that he related false hadith on the authority ‘of unknown persons, even if his trustworthiness and honesty were not a matter of tradition, suspicion would be divided between him and his ‘informants; but as we know that he is trustworthy the charge Hes against ‘the persons unknown, not against him, Similar attacks have been made ‘upon Sufyin akThautl and others whose hadith differ greatly in this way 1 This pais has nothing Go with the Sire, ee Introduction sani ang what they base on unbzown informants i tobe ected while ha “oming from known people is accepted. Sofyan D, ’Uyayna gave up Janie Siguitiafter he had heard more than a Wousand eadiiane from him, and Jet he narrated traltions on hin authority. Shuba related many traditions ‘from him and others who were stigmatized as ‘weal’. ‘As 10 Alunad’s complaint that he recorded composite traditions without assigning the matter of them to the several contributors, their words agreed however many they were; and even if they did net yet the meaning ‘was identical, ‘There isa tradition that Wathila b,alsAsqa’ said:“M€T give [you the meming of a tradition (notin the precise words that were used) hat ie sulicient for you’ Moreover, Muhaumad b. Sia said that he “used to ea traditions from cen different people inten different words with the same mesning. Abmad’s complaint that I. wook other men’s writings and incorporated them in his own account cannot be regarded as serious until itcan be proved that he had no licence to repeat them. One must look ft the method of teansmistion: if the words do not plainly necessicae an ral communication, then the accusation of zai ies. But we ought nat to accept such a charge untes the words plainly imply that. If he expresely says that he heard people say sommetbing when in Zact he did not, that is a downcigh ie and pure invention. Its quite wrong to say such a thing of 4.1. unless the words leave no other choice.? When Ahmad’a son quoted kis father as saying thet LI, was not to be regarded 23 an authority in legal matters though he saw how tolerant he was to non-legal masters which make up the greater part of the Maghasi and the prophetic biography, he _applied this adverse judgenaent on swan to other matters. Such an extene ton is excluded by his truthful reputation, wAs 9 Vahya'e soyung that he wae trastworthy but not authoritative in Tegal matiere, itis eufficent for ue that he is pronounced tustwarthy. Tronly men like al-Umarl and Malik were acceptable there would be precious few acceptable authorities! Yabyi b. Sa"id probably blindly followed Maik because he heard from him what Hishim had said about LI, His eefasal to accept hie as an authority in legal matters has already been deal with under Ajmal. YahyS mace no distinction between them and other traditions in the way of complete acceptance or downright weection, ‘Other aitacks on his reputation reet on points that are not explained and for the rtoar pare the agents are unfair, Even in legal matters Abs ‘Tsk 21-Tirmidtiand AbUHatim b, Hibban (4.354) accepted him as an authority. “The refutation of his uppogents would not have been undertaken were “it not for the favourable verdict and praige that the leamed gave him, Bet for that a few of the charges would have sufficed to undermine his “Tle saaming of his technical term it clear frm she content, W's fiche Nomen tcuhihon i mak ace corer uiggessnon fsb fais noe lo ungontin ot atore1 The Life of Mubatranad stories, since but a few attacks on a man's good faith, explicit or aot, are ‘enough to destroy the reputation of one whose former circumstances are fot known when an impartial evitic has not done him justice. In his book about trustworthy narrators Abii Hatin said that the two ‘men who attacked LI. were Hisham and Malik. The former denied that he had heard traditions from Fatima. But what he said doee not impugn, ‘men’s veracity in hadith, for ‘followers’ like al-Aswed and ‘Algama heard ‘"Kisha's voice without sccing her. Similarly LI, used to hear Fitima when the curtain was let down hetween them. As for Milk, what he said ‘was momentary avd afterwards he did him justice, Nobody in the Hijaz Knew more shout genealogies and ware than LI, and he used to sey that “Malik was a freed slave of Dhii Asbah while Malik alleged that he was a ‘ull member of the tribe so that there was bad feeling between thera; ad ‘when Malik vuropiled the Mutcatta” LI. said "Bring it to me for T am ks “veterinary surgeon.” Hearing of this Mabie said: “He is an antichrist; he teaditions on the authority of the Jews.” The quarrel lasted until LL. decided to uo to Iraq, ‘Then they were reconciled and Mitik gave him “se dinars and half his date crop as a parting gift. Malik did not intend to bring him into ill favour as a traditionist: all thac he distiked was his following she Jews who had become Muslims and kaming the story of Khaybar end Qurayga and al-Nadir and similar (otherwise) unattested, happenings from thelr fathers. To his Maghiat LI. used co Year from ‘them but without necessarily asserting that their report wae the truth. “Mitik himself only efiel on trustworthy truthful men. ‘The author ends by remarking that LI. was not the originator of the challenge to Malik’s Arab ancestry because al-Zubriand others had seid the same thing.? ‘The Translation T have endeavoured to follow the text a9 closely as possible without sacrificing English idion, In rendering poctry Uhave tried to give the sense ‘without making any attempt at versifying, the unly exceptions helag doggerel and qj". In theve vance it seemed that it was fair to reproduce ‘doggerel by dogeere! and to try to put poor shymes into rhymes that could not be worse, Inevitably some exactness is fost, but the general sense and ‘tone are more faithfully reproduced in that way. ‘The book is very long and I have made a few cuts where no Joss can results eg, LHd’s recurring formula “This verse occurs in an ode af his! T have excluded because it is obvious that the line, is gencrally ‘one of bis shaxudhid, cannot have stood by itself, Again T have shortened -dislogues in ratio recta into indirect speech in accordance with English practice unless the ipissima verde of the speaker seemed called for naturally, * For further eiscussion and exhaustive references to chase and ltr writers see Fuck cha Introduction ali ‘or arein themselves important, Lastly Lheve omitted genealogical formulse after the first mention of the people concerned. “My predecessors in translating the Sira have made many mistakes and. ‘cannot hope to have escaped all the pitfalls. Of Weil's tranalation, now nearly a century old be it remembered, Naldeke wrote': ‘Die Chersetzung, ‘von G, Weil, Stuttgart, 1864 icteteif md mbcholien, andauch philologisch, nich mehr gentigend, Dic yiusse Wichtigheit dex Werkes wide eine neue Uhertrapuag rechefertigen’; while Wellhausen’s translation of al- ‘Wigidi evades the difficulties of the text by silence, ‘The poetry of the Sira, as Nahicke said long ago of the poetry on Badr, ‘ia not easy to trans- Jate because of its many synonyms: the superficial commentary of Abi Dhare is no help at al? ‘The Test 1 have followed the pagination of the excellent ferius receptus of Wisten= {feld’s edition x858-60; but the text [have actually used isthe Cairo edition of 1355/1937 produced in four parts by Mustaf& al-Sagea, Ibrahim al-Abyasi, and ‘Abdu'l-Haftz Shalabi which prints at the, bottom of the ‘page most of the notes frum AbA Dharnand Suhsyli that W. relegated to ‘the second volume of his altogether admirable edition, For this reason itis much easice to ute and its fine bold type is kind to one's eyes. When Lhare dhad geeasion to refer to dificrences between the texts they are marked C, ‘and W. ‘THE EDITOR IBN HISHAM ‘Awpu'L-Mauix a. Hisiiat was born in Basra and died at Fustit in Egypt in 218 0r213. Krenkow, however, thinks that he must have died some years later.) Besides editing the present work he made use of I.Ls learning in his, K. al-Tijén which derives from Wahb b. Munabbih. ‘The principles which {guided him in his impertinent meddling with his predecessox’s work he has ‘outlined in his Introduction, and they need not be repeated here. He was 4 philologist of some repute, and he was able to air his knowledge in the sharodhid he produces to illustrate the meaning of unusual words. These lines, divorced as they are froin their context, form some of the most difficult of all the difficulties of the Sira and are of course for the most part unnecessary now that the Arabs have produced lexicons of their language. Occasionally he is helpful with bis genealogical notes; more rarely he has something useful to say about the interpretation of a line in I.I.'s work. Suhayli gives some traditions which LH. omitted or knew nothing of, eg. W. 183 = Suhayii 183; W. 327 =, ii, 2, He also (ji. 278 = W. 824) draws attention to a mistake in one of [H.'s notes saying that the fault is cither his or al-Bakka'i’s because Yinus has the right readin. * 6.2.19 » ZA 18% 9 te Got i 234.sat The Life of Muhammad Probably the fault lay with ILH,, for be was in touch with Yinus as he says (firma akhbarani Yinus on p. 387. ‘Another error of his is the statement that Ll, said nothing ebout the mission of ‘Amr b. Umayya whom the prophet sent to Kill Aba Sufyin }. Hlarb and how he took down the corpse af Khubayb from the cross to which he was tied (p. 993). T. records IIs version of this story which is far superioz to the gerbled version of LLH., who is obviously composing @ story from more than one source, passing clurnsity from the first to the third person. According o him ‘Amt threw the crass (presumably with the body on it) into a ravine. The eross (Rhashaba, a sturdy trunk of a tree capable of bearing a man’s Body) could hardly have been moved by one man more than a few yards with ing by, and LL's own account is much more convincing. ‘Amr released the body from the tree, carried it some forty paces—a graphic detail—heard the guards coming after him, dropped the body with a thud, and made off as fast as he could. “There is an interesting note in S. ii. 363 which shows that LI’ error ‘was perceived in early days. He adds that there is a pleas the story in the Mumad of 1. Aba Shayba to the effect that when they untied him from the cross the earth sovallowed him up. One might well suppose that ILH’s story lies midway between the actual facts and this incredible fiction. ‘The unfortunate man's body which ‘Amr had made a gallant but unavailing attempt to retrieve was dumped unceremoniously on the ground; the next step was to give it the semblance of burial in a natural hole in the wall of the wadij the last step was to provide for proper burial bya miracl * Vika remains to be explained is why LH. should aseert that 11. had stid nothing about the abortive attempt to assassinate Abd Sufyin and the equally unsuccessful effort to recover Khubayb's body. If 11, said nothing atall about either matter, how came it that LH. dealt with them? Since we ‘know that 1. reported what had happened from traditions that were ‘ransmitted by ‘Amu’s own family and that they existed in oral and writtea form for centuries afterwards, we cannot but suspect that LH. as tampered with the evidence. ‘Pethaps his greatest service is his critical observations on the authenti- city of the pottry of the Sra, not only when he records that all, a sore, authorities reject certain pocms altogether but also when he corrects 1.1. and assigns verses to their true author* Suydtt thought highly of hi “He reported that Abii Dharr had soid that LH. produced one of the four compendia which were better than their sources.” Suhaylt states that LH. wrote a book explaining the difficult words in Base tin pola word shyla eno ly, hgh ey dot Sy 1g, where height in sping thet Hebayra was notshe author af one verse but “dhl Pal Mush, Coto (ad, resem, . 87 om 243 ‘ellowed by Haji Rhabfs ror2 and 1. Kbit, ‘There a oshing asd la shout thi work Introduction iti ‘the poetry of the Sira. Suhayli's words indicate that he had not himself seenthebook, Wereitever found it might wel tellus what ILH.’s generation really thought about these poems. A FRAGMENT OF THE LOST BOOK OF MOSA B. ‘UQBA ‘Tats fragment consists of twenty extracts complete with their isdds, ‘tome being the sayings of the prophet on a given occasion, others being stories from his life. The collector expressly asserts that the orjpinal work existed in ten parts, s0 that the inference that the book once contained a complete account of the Sira seems fairly safe. The last item is epurious.* "There is an iidza reaching from Musi (t4r) to the epitomizer AbO ‘Hurayre b, Muhammad b. al-Naqqash (782). 1. I. Shihab from Salim b. ‘Abdullah from ‘Abdullah b. “Umar: I heard the apostle say, ‘While I was asleep T dreamt that I was going round the ‘Ke'ba whea lo aman with lank hair between the two men, his head dripping with water. When T asked who it was they said ‘Isa b, Marvam, Then T tumed away when lo a red man, heavy, with curty hair, one eyed; it fcemed as though his eye was a grape swimming (in water). When I asked who it was they said The Antichrist. ‘The man most like him is Tbn Ontan sl-Khuzi't? ‘This tradition is similarly ceported in Bukhist i. 368. 19-369. 4. Tt should be compared wich LL, 269, also from al-Zuhet, where the prophet is said to have seen "Isi during his mi'rdj, with moles or freckles on his face appearing like drops of water. ‘The reference here to the ‘two men’ Presumably refers to the two thieves on the cross. 2. Ibn Shibtb: The first to hold Friday prayers for the Muslims in ‘Medina before the apostle was Mus‘ab b. ‘Umayr. I, Shihab told us another tradition from Surdga contradicting this, “The first statement agrees with [.8. it 183. 25; the second apparently swith LI. 2go, 5 and TS. 114.84. 3. ‘Abdu'l-Rahman b, Malik b. Ju'shum al-Mudlijt from his father ‘Maik from his brother Suraga b. Ju'shum: When the apostle went ont from Mecca migrating to Medina Quraysh offered a reward of 100 camels ‘to anyone who would bring him back, &c., down to ‘my alms to the apostle’ "This passage is in all essential respects the same as I.I. 431-2, though shere are many verbal differences. Obviously the version in LT. has been ‘touched up and Misi gives the tradition in its simplest form, Cf. Bukhirt iH, 39, 4x and Wagidi (Wells. 374). * See Saclay, 461liv The Life of Muhammad L. Shibtb alleged that "Urwa b. al-Zubayr said that al-Zubayr met the apostle with a caravan of Muslims who were returning to Mecca from a trading journey to Syria, They bartered some goods with the apostle and al-Zubaye gave him and Abu Bakt some white garments. So Buk, i, go. Different nemes in TS. 01 i 153. 19. 4. Naf from ‘Abdullah b, ‘Umar: Some of the apostle’s companions said to him, ‘Are you speaking to dead men?! He answered, ‘You cannot Treat what I say better than they.’ So Bukh. ii. 70. 17, 18, and cf. LL, pp. 453 f where the words of “Nisha are quoted to refute the statement that the dead hear: they know tout they do not heae. 6. I. Shihab foom Anas b. Malik Some Ansar asked the apostl's permission to remit to their sister's son ‘Abbas his ransom, and be replied, ‘No, by Allab, you shall not let him off si ’ So Bukh. ii. 69, 1, 2 and ef, T. 1341, L Jinding strange the claim to relationship between ‘Abbas and the Ansar seoms to have forgotten that the grandmother of ‘Abbas was Salma d. “Amr al-Rhazraji Cf, Bukh, i, 388. 18 f for the same clan, 7. 1. Shihsb from ‘Abdu'l-Rehundia b, Ka b. MAI al-Sular and other tuaditionists: ‘Amir b. MALk b. J'far, who was called ‘the player with the spears’, came to the apostle when he was 2 polytheist and the apostle explained Jslam to him and he refused to accept it. He gave the apostle a present, but he refused it saying that he would not accept a present froma a polytheisy, ‘Amir seid :*O apostle, send with me those of your messengers ‘you wish and 1 will be surety for them.’ So the apostle sent « mumrber among whom were al-Mundhir b. ‘Ame al-Sa‘ii, of whom it was said ‘he hastened to his death," as a epy among the Najd folk. When 'Amic b. ‘Tofavl heard about them he tried to call ont B. ‘Amir against them, but they refused to obey him in violating the promise of security given by “Amir b. Malik. ‘Then he appealed to #8, Sulaym and they joined him and felled them in Bi'r Ma’Sna except “Amr b. Umayya al-Damrt whom “Kmir b. al-TTafaylefptured and afterwards released. When he-came co the apostle the latter said to him, ‘Ave you the sole survivor?” ‘This is 2 much briefee. account than that given in LH, 648 Ci. T. 443 £5 Wag, (Well) 337 f 8, Ism8'Tl b, Ibrahim b. “Uqhs from Salim b. ‘Abdullah from ‘Abdullah \, ‘Umar: Some men contested the leadership of Usima, and the apostle ose and said: “Tf you contest the leadership of Ustina you used to contest the leadecship of his father before him. By Allah he was worthy to be leader, He was one of the dearest ofall men to me, and this man (his soa) As Lt ban afin lore F think that Sachau's aig toma, following the 8. suet e Feud aaa amit. C&T, ab-AUhi’s Nehdya quoted by Sach). nn Introduction aly is one of the dearest of men to me after him so treat him well when T am ‘no more, for he is one of the best of you." Cf, Bukh. i. 440, il, 733,192, and LHL. 999. 143 1006, 208 9. Sélim b. ‘Abdullah from ‘Abdullah b, "Umar: ‘The apostle used not to make an exception for Fatima, Sacinay explains this from Bukh. i. 441 and ji, 145 where Mubammad says chat if Fema were to steal he would cut her hand off 10, ‘Abdullah b. Fadl from Anas b. Malik: 1 grieved over my people ‘who were killed in the harra. Then Zayd b. Argam (d, 68) wrote to me ‘when he heard of my great grief to say that he had heard the apostle sey 'O God forgive the Angér and their sons and we implore ‘Thy grace on their grandsons’. Similarly LH. 886, x2 and Wig. (WW) 380. 11, ‘Abdullah b. al-Fadl: Some men who were with hin (Anas) asked hhim about Zayd b. Arqam anid he said, It is he of whom the apostle said, “This is he on whom Allah has bestowed much through his ear’ He had been an informer, cf. LH. 726. In place of aufa'tahee lahu Bi-xdhnihi LH, yay. 17 has auf nbllahi bi-udiahi, Tt seems much more likely that che variant is due to misreading than to oral tradition, Waq. {B.M. MS. 1617, £. 95a) has mafat udkmuka....ea-saddaga’Uaku hadithak. 12. I, Shihib from Se'id b. aleMusayyib from ‘Abdullah b. Ka'b be “Mali: The apostle said that day to Bia, "Get up and announce that only 2 believer will enter paradise, and that God will not support His religion by an evil man This happened when the man whom the apostle said was one of the inhabitants of hell was mentioned, 13, From NAB" b. “Abdallah b, ‘Umer: After the conquest of Khaybac the Jews asked the apostle to let them stay there on condition that they “worked the land for half the date crop. He said: "We wil allow you to do. fon that sondition a0 fang as we wish, and they remained there thus uatil “Umar expelled them. [Here six or seven wore are missing] saying “The apostle laid down three things in his last disposition, viz, that the Raha yin, Dirtyin, Saba'tyin, and Ash'ariyin should have land which prom duced a hundred loads; that the mission of Usima b. Zayd should be cared through; and that two different religions should not be allowed t0 remain in the peninsula of the Arabs.” ‘Practically the same words are used in LH. 776 except thatthe Sabityiin ate not mentioned, 14. Inndd 2s above: ‘Umar used not to let Jews, Christians, and Magians remain more than chree days in Medina to do their business, and he used to nay “Two religions cannot subsist together’ and he exiled Jews and ‘Christiane from the peninswla of the Arabs, Xs. I. Shihib from ‘Urwa b. al-Zubayr from Marwin b. al-Hakam andxlvi The Life of Muhammad al-Miswar b. Makhrama: When the apostle gave men permission to free the “Hawaain captives he said, ‘I do not know who Das or has net given you mission, s0 go back until your leaders bring us a repert of your affats.” Ro the men returned and ther leaders instructed therm and they returned to the aponthe and told him that the men (Muhammad's companions) had ‘treated them kindly and given them permissor. (0 recover their cantive eople). For the context see LHL. 877. 16, L Shibtb from Sa‘id b. al-Musayyib and ‘Linus b. a-Zubayrs The -eaptives of Hawizin whom the apoatle returned were 6,c00 men, women, and chilicen. He gave some women who had fallen to some men of ‘Qurayst—anong whom were 'Abdu'l-Rabmin b, ‘Auf and Safwan b. “Umayya who had appropriated exo women a¢ concubines—the choice of returning or remnzining) and they lected to go backto their own people. Cf, Wag, (W.) 373. 17. Temi‘ b, Ibrahim b. ‘Usha from his uncle Masd b. “Uaha. from 1, Shihab: The apostle made the pilgrimage of completion in ast 10. He showed the men the rites and addressed them in “Arafe sitting om his camel alJad's? Cf. LH, 968 and Wag, 430. 18, I. Shibtb from "Unwa b. al-Zubaye from al-Miswar b. Mukbrama from ‘Ame b, ‘Auf, an ally of B. ‘Amir b, Lu'ayy who had been at Badr with the apostle: ‘The apostle sent AbGUbayda b. al-Jarrah to bring the poll tax. He had made peace with the people of al-Babrayn and set over ‘Them al‘Al3" b, el-Hadramt, When Abd Ubayda came from al-Babrayn with the money the Anair heard of his coming which coincided with the apoatle's morning prayer. When they saw him they stood in his way. Seting them he smiled and said: I think you have heard of the coming of Abs ‘Ubayda and that he has brought something.’ When they agreed he added: ‘Rejoice and hope for what will gladden you. By Allah i is not poverty that J fear on your account. T fear thar you will become too ‘comfortable and will be led astray like those before you. So Bukh. i, 68. 18. 30, Sa'd b, Ibréhira from Ibrahim b, ‘Abdu’l-Rahndn b. ‘Auf: ‘Abdu’ 1-Rahendn b. “Auf was with ‘Umar one day and he (the former) biuke al-Zubayr's sword, But God knows best who broke it. Then AbO Bake got up and addressed the people excusing himself and saying, "Never for a moment was T eager for authotity (intara) nor did T want. it or pray to Gn fori acre pubic. Dut Iwas afi of dhorde. 1 take no pleasure in authority. I have been invested with a grave matter for which Thave not the stceneth and can only cope with it if God gives me the stengeh, T would that he who has the most strength for i. were in my place.’ ‘The emigrants accepted his excuse and Alf and al-Zubayr b i Introduction abil al-‘Awwim sxid "We were angry only because we were not admitted to the council and we think that Abi Dabr is the most worthy of supreme authority now that the apostle is dead, He was the one with the apostle in the cave and we recognize his dignity and seniocity; and che apostle put ‘him in charge nf the prayers while he was stil with us." A few comments on this brief anthology will not be out of place here. ‘No. 12 clearly deals with the vened question of the future state of the ed Muslim, while No. 18 is a post evencum prophecy. Inevitably they arouse doubt in the mind of the ceader. From this selection as a whole we ean see where the eympathies of the collector lay. ‘Thus, al-Zubayr's ity to Muhammad and Abi ‘Bakr are zecorded in No. 4. ‘The claims of the Alides to special considera- ‘ion are brushed aside in No. 9; while No, x9 states that ‘AI! explicitly accepted Abi Bakr a2 Muhammad's successor, No, 6shows that al~“Abbas ‘had (o pay his ransom in full even when the Ansar pleaded for his exemp- tion, No, 19 mourns the victims of the Umayyads at al-Harra and records thatthe pruplct iniplored God's bleating an therm and their grandchildren. Clearly Masi’s sympathies lay with the family of al-Zubayr and the -Angér. ‘They alone emerge with credit. The Alids, on the other hand, ‘are no better than anyone elee; the Umayyads are implicitly condemned ee the slaughter at al-Harca and al~'AbbiS is showin to have been a zebel sgsinac the prophet who was forced to pay for his opposition to him to the “uttermost Farthing. | ‘Misa b. ‘Tiqha has aid pretty much the same on the subject of the Ansit and al“Abbis as 1.1, said befote his edivor THI. pruned his work, though ke took a dhiferent view of the Alides,PART J THE GENEALOGY OF MUHAMMAD TRADITIONS FROM THE PRE-ISLAMTG FRA MUHAMMAD'S CHILDHOOD AND EARLY MANHOODIN THE NAME OF GOD, THE COMPASSIONATE THE MERCIFUL PRAISE BELONGS TO GOD THE LORD OF THE 3 WORLDS AND MAY HIS BLESSING BE UPON OUR LORD MUHAMMAD AND HIS FAMILY, ALL OF THEM" MUHAMMAD'S PURE DESCENT FROM ADAM ‘Aba Muhammad ‘Abdu'l-Malié ibn Hisham the Grammarian said: ‘This is the book of the biography of the apostle of God. “Muhammad was the son of ‘Abdullah, b, Abéu'l-Murtalib (whose name ‘was Shaybs), b, Hashim (whose name was ‘Amr), b. ‘Abdu Manéf (whose name was al-Mughira), b. Quay (whose name was Zayd), b. Kilab, b. Murra, b. Ka'b, b. Lu'ayy, b. Ghatib, b. Fie, b. Malik, b. al-Nadr, b. Kinana, b, Kiuzayma, b. Mudrika (whose name was ‘Amin), b. Tyas, »b. Mudar, b. Nizr, b. Ma‘add, b. ‘Adnan, b. Udd (or Udad), b. Muqawe ‘wai, b. Nahor, be Tayrah, b, Ya'nub, b, Yashjub, b. Nabit, b. Toma’, b. Ibrahim, the friend of the Compassionate, b, Tarik (who is Azar), b. Nahi, b. Sartigh, b. Ra‘d, b, Falikh, b. ‘Aybar, b. Shalikh, b, Arfakh- shadh, b. Sim, b. Nak, b. Lamk, b. MattOshalath, b. Akhntikh, whois the prophet Idris according to what they allege,* but God knows best (he wat the frst ofthe sons of Adam to whom prophecy and writing witha pen were given}, b. Yard, b, Mahlil, b. Qaynan, b. Yanish, b. Shith, b. Adam (10). ‘THE LINE OF I8MA‘TL Tama'l b, Ibeshim begat twelve sons: Nabit the eldest, Qaydhar, Adhbul, Mabshi, Misma’, Mash, Dimma, Adhr, Tayma, Yatar, Nabish, Qayd- bum, Theic mother was Ra'la d, Madad b. “Amr al-Jurhomni (11). 1 Juthuin was the son of Yactan b. ‘Aybar b. Shilikh, and [Yagian was]? Quiedn b. “Aybar b. Shalikh. According to report Isat lived 130 years, 1 1 The formula of tesing which flows every mention of the prophet ote bere sit, Capit Bande fr Soe oe; bor om of fr “eae * phe phase emploredsadicaes hat he woter daub the stnment. There ipa i Arabic There a euphemins for everhiog and the poi way of saving Tes "they age” a ‘ei 2 Tees words ave nde by C. athe content demands ‘9° LH editions ro the vet are numbered ro and onvacds a67 ad The Life of Muhammad and when he died he was butied in the sacred precincts’ of the Kat beside his mother Hagar (12). Muhammad b. Muslim b. ‘Ubaydullah b. Shihab al-Zubri told me that ‘Abdu'l-Rahendn b. ‘Abdullah b. Ka'b b. Malik al-Anpis, alao called al-Sulami, told him that the apostle of God said: ‘When you conquer Egypt treat its people well, for they can claim our protection and kinship,” T asked al-Zuhri what the apostle meant by making them our kin and he replied thet Hager, the mother of Ismail, was of their stock (13). db. ‘Aug b. Tram b. Si hand ‘Thamad and Jadis the two sons of ‘Abirb. Iram b. Sim b. Nab, and asm and ‘Imlq and Umaym the sons of Lawidh b. Sim b, Nah are all Arabs. Nabie b. Isma‘l begat Yashjub and the line suns: Ya‘rub-Tyrab-Nabiir-Mugawwam-Udad-' Adan (14). From ‘Adnan the tribes descended from Ismail spit off. ‘Adnan had two sons, Ma'add and ‘Akk (14). Ma'add had four sons: Nizir, Qudi'a (he being his first born he was called Ab Quda's), Qunus, and Tyéi Qudi‘a went to the Yaman to Himyar b, Saba’ whose name’ was ‘Abdu Shams} the reason why he was called Saba’ was that he was the first among the Arabs to take captives. He was the son of Yashjub b. Ya'rub b. Qubtin (15). OF Quaug b. Maadd according to the genealogists of ‘Maeda, none has survived. Al-Nu'min b. al-Mundhir king of al-Hira belonged to their tribe, Al-Zuhri told me that this Nu'man belonged to the Qunus b. Ma'edd (16) Ya'qib b. ‘Utba b, al-Mughirab. al-Akhnas told me that ashaykh of the ‘Angi of B. Zurayg told him that ‘Umar b,al-Khattab, when he was given the sword of al-Nu'min b. al-Mundhir, sent for Jubayr b. Matim “Adty b, Naufal b. ‘Abdu Manaf b. Qusayy (he being the best genealogist of the Qunaysh and indeed of all the Arabs znd claimed to have been taught by Abi Bakr who was the greatest genealogist of the Arabs) and girded it on him. When he asked who al-Nu'min was, Jubayr replied that hhe was a survivor of the tribe of Qunus b. Ma'add. However, the rest of the Arabs assert that he belonged to the Lakhm of the Rabi'a b. Nasr. Only God knows the truth (17), OF RABI'A B. NASR KING OF THE YAMAN AND THE STORY OF £H1QQ AND SATII THE TWO SOOTHSAYERS Rabi’ b. Nasr, king of the Yaman, was of the true stock of the Tubbs! ‘Kingp. He had @ vision which terrified him and coatinued to emse him. ‘much exiery. So he sursmoned cvary soathsayer, sorcerer, omenmonger, and zstrologer in his kingdom and said: "T have hed a vision which terifcs ane and is source of anxiety, ‘Tell me what it was and what it means’ ‘They replied: “Tell us the vision and we will tell you its meaning.” ‘If Tell you it’ said he, “T can have no confidence in your interpretation ; for * The Br isthe semicircular apace Derweco she Bat (walD and the Kaba. a ok Se ero The Life of Mubarmad 5 ‘the only man who knows its meaniag iz he who knows about the viston sethout my ‘elliry, him,” Thereupon one of them tecoramended him to ssend for Shigg and Sati for they knew more than others and would be ts able toanswer his questions. Satih’s name was Rabt'b, Rabi'a b. Mi “Mazin, b. Dhi'b b, ‘Adiy b. Mizin Ghassin, Shigg was the son of $a", ib Yachkur b. Ruhm b. Afrak, b. Qasr b. ‘Abgar b. Anmir b, Nizdr, end Annaft was the father of Bajiin and Khath ‘am (18), 50 he sent Sor them and Sati arrived frst. ‘The king then repeated hi “words, ending, ‘IE you know the vision you will know whae it means.” Satih replied Gi 29]: A fire you did see ‘Come forth frora the sea. Je fall on the low country “And devoured all that be. “We king agreed that this was exactly what he had seen, and what was the mesning of it all? Te answered By the serpent of the Java plains Y swear ‘The Beha on your land hall bese ‘Ruling feom Abyan to Jurash everywhere. ‘The king exclsimed that chi was disteessing news, but when would these things come to pass—in bis time or after him? He replied: fagain in rhyme] that more than sixty oF seventy yeara must fret pass. Would the new-corners’ kingdom last? No, an end would be put t0 it after seventy ‘years ot more; then they would be slain or driven out ax fugitives, Who ‘would do this} Tram b. Dh Yazan, who would come against them from ‘Aden and not leave one of them in the Yemen, Further questions drew ‘he information that their kingdom would not Fst, but a pure prophet to ‘whom revelation came from on high would bring it to an end; he wook be ‘a man of the sons of Ghalib b. Fihr b. Malik, b. l-Nagr. His dominion, ‘would last to the end of time, Has ime an end? asked the king. Yes, replied Satih, the day on which the firet and the last shall be assembled, the rightoovs for happiness, the evildoers for misery, Are you telling me -the truth? the Ring asks “Yes, by the dark and the twilight And the dawn that follows the night ‘Veniy what 1 have told you is right. Later Shigg arrived and the king ecquainted him with the facts but id not tell him what Satth had said, #o that be might seo whether they agreed or diftered. His words were: ‘A fire you did see (Comme font from the sea. Te fell hetween rock and tree Devouring all that did breathe,6 The Life of Muhammad Feroeiving that they agzeed one with the other and that the difference ‘was a mere choice of words, the king asked Shiqg for his interpretation: By the men of the plains T swear ‘The blacks on your land shall bear Pluck your litte ones from your care Ruling from Abyan to Najean everywhere. “Phe king pwt the same questions to him and learned that after his time: “Phere shall deliver you from them ane mighty, great of name ‘Bnd put them w the uumost heme en “He would be: -A.young man neither remiss not base Coming forth from Dbt Yazan's hoxee, his place, ‘Not one of them shall leave on Yaman's face. ‘He continued in answer to the questinns alread i 2 He: tuestinns already pot to his predecessor: His kingdom sal bended by an apt wh wil bring rth ond justice ‘among men of religion and virtue. Dominion will rest among his people ‘umm the Day of Separation, the day on which those near God will be rewarded, on which demands from heaven will be made which the quick sand dead wil hear, men will be gathered at the appointed place, the God- 1 fering to rcv salon and losing, By ehe Lord of heaven nd ch, and what lies between them high of Jow I have told you but the truth ia which no doubt (amd) lis (19). ™ ‘What these two men said made a deep impression on Rabi'ab. Nase and te dace Ns sna and family to rng with al at hy might needy iving them a letter to ehe Persian king Sabir b. Khur m sing them ae sian ing Khureazadhs who let the _ Al-Nu'min b. alsMundhir was a descendant of this king; in the genealo- fics and traitions of she Yaman in his line is: al-Nu‘rndn b,al-Mundhir 6. al-Nu'man b, Mundhis b. ‘Ame b, ‘Adly &, Rabt'a b. Nase (20). HOW ARO KARIB TIBAN AS'AD TOOK POSSESSION OF ‘THE KINGDOM OF THE YAMAN AND WIS EXPEDITION TO YATHRIR ‘When Rahi's b, Nasr died the whole kingdom of the Yarnan fell nto the ‘bands of Hessin b. Tibin As‘ad Abt Karib, (Tibia As‘ad was the last “‘Tubba’, the son of Kuli Karib b. Zayd, Zayd being the first Tubba’ son, of Ame Dia-l-Adh ‘ir b, Abraha Dhd-l-Mante b, al-Rish (21) b. ‘Adty b. Sayfib, Saba’ al-Asghar b. Ka’b—Kahf al-2ulm—b. Zayd b, Sahl b, ‘Ame 1b, Qays b. Mu’twiya b. Jusham b. ‘Abdu Shams b. WAC. al-Ghauth b, Qayan b. “Arib b. Zuhayr b. Ayman b, sl-Hamaise’ b. al-'Aranjaj, the Jane is Himyar b. Saba'al-Akbar b, Ya'rub b, Vaahjub 5. Qabgin (22),) a The Life of Muhammad ? {tan Tibsn As‘ad AbG Karib who went to Medina and took away to the ‘Yaman two Jewigh rabbis from thence. Ms adorned the sacred teraple and covcred ie with clorh, His reign was before that of Rabi'a b. Nap (23). “When he caine from the east he had passed by Medina without harming ite people; but he leit bchind there anc of his sons who was treacherously lain. Thereupon be retumed with the intention of destroying the ‘town and exterminating its people and cuting down its palms. So this tribe of the Angér enthered together under the leadership of ‘Amr b. “Talla the brother of B. al-Najjir and one of B. “Amar b, Mabéhil. Mab~ . Fayd lo exaped J efthc ory contains an account of the disordered state ofthe Yama army and heir fexble oppostian. ‘ae The Life of Mehammad 9 carried out the Negus’ orders, and sent a thied of the women and chikiren, Wihim. He stayed ca in the country and reduced it eo subjection.) ‘One of the Yainanis rememboring how Toaus had broughe the Abys- ssinians upon them sai ‘Not like Daus and not like the thingo he carsied in his saddle bag. “And this saying has become proverbial in the Yaman until this day. ‘Dis Jadan the Himyari(T recording thea busnltction after their former sory and Aryat's destruction oftheir castles Sin, Bayniin, and Ghumndsn Unique in their splendour) recited: ‘Gent! Teara eannot recall what is sped. ‘Fret not thyself for those who are dead. After Bayniin no stones nos trace remain, ‘And after Sithin shall men build such houses again? Baynin, Shin, and Giumndan ate Yamani castles which Aryat destroyed and sone lke thera existed, “He continued: ‘Perce, confound you! You can't tum me from my pu ‘Tay scolding drice my spittle! ypu ‘To the music of singers in times pant ‘nas fine ‘When we drank our fill of purest noblest wine. Drinking freely of wine brings me no shame If my behavioar no boon-companion would blame. For death no man can ld ack “Though he drink the perfumed potions of the quack. Nor monic in hia secluded cell on high ‘Where the vulture round his nest doth Ay. ‘You have heard of Ghumdin's towers: From the mountain top it lowers Mell capenered, wih stone for sy, astered with clean, damp, slipzery clay; Ol lnnps within show At even like the lighining’s glow. Beside its wall the palm-trees fine ‘With ripening fruit in clusters shine. ‘This once-new castle is ashes today, ‘The flames have eaten its beauty away. hii Nuweis humbled gave up his caste great ‘And warned his people of their coming fatc. ‘With reference to that, thn al-Dh'ba al-Thagaft said (31): By thy lie theres no escape fora man when death aud old age si ye pe when death and old age seize ‘By thy life a man has nowhere tu flee--no asylum. \ eee29 ‘The Life of Muhammad Could there be sfter Himyar's tribes were destroyed one snorn by ‘ealamity's stroke, A thousand thoueatel with apesrmen (littering) like the sky before “Their cry deafened the chargers and Uiey put to fight the waesors with their pungeat smell, “Witches as the sand in umber the very sap of trees dried at thelr ‘approach. ‘Amr b. Madi Karib al-Zubaydt eaid concerning a dispute which he had’ swith Qays b. Makshih al-Murddi when he heard that he had threatened, , and bringing to memory the lost glory of Himyar Do you thresten me as though you were Dhi Ru'ayn “Or Dhii Nuwis in the daye of theic prime? ‘Many a man before you was prosperoms With a kingdom fry rooted among men, Ancient as the days of “Rd Exceeding ferce, overcoming tyrants, ‘Yet his people perished ‘And he became a wanderer among men (32) ‘HOW ABRAWA SEIZED POWER IN THE YAMAN AND xritep anviy! Aryit held sway in the Yaman for some years and then Abrsha the ‘Abyssinian (T. who was in his army) disputed his authority, and the “Abyssinians split into two parties cach claiming supporters, When war. ‘as sbout to begin, Abraha seat to Aryif asking him to avert the danger of internecine war and inviting him to settle the diepate by personal combet, the winner to be the eole enmmander of the army. Arya{ agreed and Abraba ‘went forth to meet him, He was short fat man holding the Christian faith; and Ary, advanced ageinst him spear in hand; he wav a big, all, handsome mau, Abraha had a young man called 'Atewda at his back to defend him against attack from the rear. Ary8t raised his epetr striking al Abraha’s scull and hit him on the forehead apliting his eyebrow, nose, ‘eye, and mouth, It was for this reason that he was called al-Ashram (Gplit-face). ‘Thereupon ‘Atawda coming out from behind Abraha attacked ‘Agyit and killed hima, and Ary3t’s army joined Abraha, and the Abyssiniane jn the Yaman accepted hima their ciel, ("Then ‘Atawda cried:““Atawda {you see, of an evil company; parentless in nobility’, meaning that Abraha's Slave had killed Arya. AbAshram asked what he wanted, for though be bad killed him blood-money must be prid, He asked and obtained frora him A lishly longer acooum ie given im Ani 86 i I The Life of Muhammad ‘the right of prize neces in Yeman.) Abraha paid blood-mioney for killing Revit CE All his happened Mout the mpeiedge of de Negury ‘When the news of this affair reached the Negus he was filed with rage and said: "Has he attacked my amir and killed him without any order from. sme?’ Then he ewore an oath that be would not leave Abraha slone until, he had trodden his Jand and eut off his forelock, So Abtaht shaved his hhead and filled a leather bae with the earth of the Yaman and sent it to the “Negus with the following lecter: ‘O Ring, Arjit was only thy slave and I ‘too am thy slave, We dispated about your orders; everyone must obey ‘you; but I was stronger, firmer, and more skilful in managing the afaira of the Abyssinizns, Now when I was told of the king’s oath I shaved the ‘whele of my Acad and I send it to-you with «bag of the dust of my Tand that ‘you may put it beneath your feet and thus keep your oath concerning uss? ‘When this message reached the Negus he was reconciled to him and wrote to him that he was to stay in the Yaman until further orders; eo Abraha xzemained in the Yaroan, (T. When Abraka perceived that the Negus was -zeconciled and had made him viceregent of the Yamin, he sent to Abi Murrah. DhaYazan and took away from him his wife Raybina d. “Algema b. Malik b. Zayd b. Kalan. Abi Murra who is Dha Jaden had ‘son by her—Mu'di Karib, Afterwards she bore to Abrahaa son Maériiq and a daughter Pasbise, Abi Murea took to flight. His slave ‘Atawda went an exercising his right in Varean until a maa of Himyer of Khath'am attacked and killed hii; and when the news reached Abtaha, who was aa Ienient noble character, a Christian of temperate habits, he told the ‘people that it was high time that they had an offical with due setf-controt ‘and that had he known that ‘Atewcla would have chosen such a reward for dis services he would not haveallowed him to choosehis reward. Farther no ‘bloordwit would be exacted and he would not take any action against them or killing 'Atawda.) ‘The WETORY OF THE ELEPHANT AND THE STORY OF ‘THE INTERCALATORS "Then Abraha built the cathedral in Sen'®’, such » church a8 could not be ‘en elsewhere in any part of the world at that time, He wrote to the ‘Negus saying: 'Thave built a church for you, O King, euch as has not been ‘built for any hing before you. T shall not rest until [ have civerted the Arabs! pilgrimage toi.’ When the Arabs were talking about this letter of his, one of the calendar intercalatora was ‘He was of the B. Fugayma b. “Adiy b. ‘Amc b, ‘Tha'laba b, al-Harith b. Malik b. Kinana b, Kouzayraa b, Madrika b, Tlyis b. Mudar, The intercalatore are thoee ‘ho used toadjuat the months forthe Arabs in the time af ignorance. "They * aL-Oullays. The Ars commentators derive this word from an Arabic roa, bos it ie simply the Grek ethlena *933|} a Tose The Life of Muhammad sould make one of the holy months profane, and make one of the profane ‘months holy to balance the calendar, It was about this that Ged sent ‘down: ‘Postponement (of a sacred month) is but added infidelity by which ‘those who disbelieve are misled. They make it (the month) profane one ‘year and make it sacred the next year, that they may make up the number of the months which God has made sacred (33)" “The first to impose this aystem of intercalation on the Arabs was sL-Qulammas who was Hudhayfa b. ‘Abd b, Fugaym b. ‘Adly b, ‘Amir , Tha'laba b. al Hisith b. Malik b, Kindna b. Kbuzayma; his aon “Abbad. followed him; then his descendants Qala’, Umayya, ‘Auf, and Abi, ‘Thuméme Jundda b, ‘Auf who was the last of them, for he was overtaken by Ism, Wheo the Arabs had finished pilgrimage, it used to be their practice to pather round him and he would declare the four sacred months Rajab, Dhi'l-Ca'da, Dai'-Hija, and al-Mubarram. If he wanted to fee saperiod he would fre al-Mubarram and they would declare itfreeand ban Safar in ite place 20 a8 to make up the numberof the four sacred months, When they wanted to return from Mecca,* he got up and said: ‘O God, have made one of the Safars free for them, the first Safar, and I have postponed the other till next year.” “About this ‘Umayr b. Qays Jadhlu'l-Ti'sn, one of the B. Firds b, Ghanm b, Tha‘laba b. MBlik b. Kinng, boasting of this determining of ‘the months, improvised: ‘Madd knows that my poopfe are the most honourable of men and have noble ancestors, ‘Who has escaped us when we seek vengeance and whom have we not rade to champ the bit? we senot Max's aledarsken, ‘making profane months sacred? G4). ‘The Kintnite went forth until he came to the cathedral and defiled it(33). Then he returned to his own country, Hearing ofthe matter Abraha made inquiries and learned that the outrage had been committed by an ‘Arab who came from the temple in Mecca where the Arabs vent on pilgrimage, and that be had done this in anger at his threat to divert the Asse! lecimage othe cathe showing thereby tht we merthy ‘of reverence, Abraha was enraged and swore that he would go to this temple amd destroy it. (T. With Abraha there were some Arabe who had come 0 seek his bounty, among them Muhammad b. Khu2f tb. Khuziba al-Dhk- sweint,al-Solari, with a number of his tribesmen including a brother of his called Qays, While they were with him a feast of Abraba occurred and hhe seat to invite them to the feast. Now he used to eat an animal's testicles, £ $m 31 by a ton a sacred month was dy ting and blod-revenge would be theo Ince the ee to decoe te month rere ~ eee The Life of Muhammad 23 20 when the invitation was brought they said, ‘By God, if we eat this the “Arabs will hold it against us as long as we live.” Thereupon Muhemenad got ‘up and went to Abraha and said, “O King, hia a festival of ours in which swe eat oaly the Inins and shoulders.” Abraba replied that he would send them what they liked, because his sole purpose in inviting them as to show that he honoured them. Thea he crowned Muhammad and made ‘him amir of Mugar and ordered himn to go among the people to invite ‘them to pilgrimage at his cathedral which he had built. When Muhammad {got as far 23 the land of Kinina the people of the lowland knowing what Ihe had come for sent a man of Hudhayl called “Urwa b. Hayyad al-Milast ‘tho shot him with an arrow, Killing him, His brother Qays who was with ‘him fled to Abraha and told him the news, which increased his rage and fary and he swore to raid the B. Kinina and destroy the temple) So he commanded the Abyssinians to prepare and make ready, and salfied forth with the clephant. News of this plunged the Arabs into alarm end anxiety and they decided that it was incurmbent on them to fight against him when ‘hey heard that he meant to destroy the Ka’ba, God's holy house, "A member of one of the ruling families in'the Yaran, Dhi Nafr by ‘name, summoned his petple and such of the Arabs a8 would follow him to fight Abraha and stop him from attacking and destroying God's holy hhouse, A certain number supported him, but after a batile Dhu Nefr and his followers were put t0 fight and he hirsself was teken prisoner and Drought to Abraha When he was about to put him to death Dhii Natt pleaded for his life on the grovnd that he would be more useful to him alive than dead. Abroha then gave hitt his life but kept him in Fetters, He merciful man. raha continued on his road to Mecca until in the country of Khath’am the was opposed by Nufayl b, Habib al-Khath’a ‘two ttibes Shahein and Nahis and such of the Arab tribes at followed him. After an engagement he was defeated and taken prisoner, When Abraha thought ‘of killing him, Nufayl said: ‘Don’t kill me, O Ring, for I will be your ‘guide in the Arab country. Here are my two hands a8 surety that the two ‘aibes of Khath’am, Shahran and Nakis, will obey you.’ So Abreha let him go. ‘He continued with him as a guide until they reached Pf when Mas'td '. Mu‘attib b. Malik b, Ka'b b, "Arr b, Sa'd b, ‘Auf b. Thagif came out to hhim with the men of Thagif., Thagit’s name was Qaciy b. al-Nabit b, Munabbih b. Mangtc b. Yaqdum b. Aési b. Du'mi b, Iyad b. Nizit b. Ma'edd b, ‘Adnin, Umayya b. Abii Sak al-Thagafi said: My people are Iyad, would that chey were near would tat ey had stayed (bee) though thee camels might be thin? * Th camels ar thi Done they ate vay erm taupe the mans of ste Schulthes, Una, 15, ads ftnaoe, aught be Sughited2 ‘The Life of Muluammad “When on the march Triqs wide plain Ts theira—moreover they read and write (16), He also said: AF you ask se who I am, Lubayna, and of my Tine Twill tll you the estan truth, “We belong to al-Nabit the father of Qasiy "Fo Mangi son of Yaqdum (ous) forefathers (37). ‘They said ro him: O King, we are thy servants attentive and obedient ‘to you. We have no quarrel with you and our temple—meaning that of al-L&t—is not theone you seek. You want only the temple in Mecea, and ‘we will rend with yon aman to guide you there, He therefore passed on ‘eaving them nnmoleated. “As (D al-Lat it was a temple of theirs in al-T¥f which they used t0 ‘yencrate a5 the Ka'ba is venerated (38). So they sent with him Aba Rightl to guide him on the way to Mecca, and when he had brought ‘him as far sx al-Mughammis' Aba Righil died there and the Arabs stoned hia grave. ‘This is the geave which people in al-Mughammis, tll ‘stone? “Arsived here, Abraha sent an Abyesnian called alvAtwad b, Mafiud?® ‘with some cavalry 2s far as Mecca and the latter sent off to him the pluader of the people of Tihime, the Quraysh and others, among it two hundred camels belonging 19 ‘Alnu'leMutalib b. Hashim, who at that time was the leading shayth of Quraysh. At first Quraysh, Kinina, and Hudhast and others who were in the holy place meditated batle, fmt seeing that ‘thry had not the power to offer resistance they gave up the idea, “Abraha sect Hiundfa the Himyarte 10 Mecea instructing him to inguite swho was the chief notable of the country and to tell hin that the king's sessaze-was that he had not come to fight them, but only to destroy the temple. if they offered mo resistance there was no cause for, bloodied, and if he wished to avoid war he should retmmn with him. On reaching ‘Mecca Hunfta was told that ‘AbdwI-Muttalib b. Hashim h. ‘Abd Mana? 'b. Quaayy was the leading notable, go he went ro him and delivered Abraba’s message. ‘Abdu'l-Muttalib replied: ‘God knowa that we do not with to ‘ght him for we have not the power to do so. This is Allah's eanctusry and the temple of Hi friend Abrabam—or words to that effect—If He defende ie agsinat him it io His temple and His sanctuary; and if he Jets him have it by God we sannot defend it?” Hundta replied that he ‘ust come with him to Ahraha, for he war ordered to bring him beck: ‘with him. ‘So accompanied by one of his sons™“Abdu'l-Muyfali came to the camp perf rites el Muharms, yin ino cid of «para (out ve missy Fh resin marten oh der 4} Othesworborties wate Magy. Maid rans ‘lahfacd’, a nl The Life of Muhammad and inquired for Dhi Naf, for he was « frind of hie He went in to sce ‘him as he was in confinement and asked him if he could do anything to help them in their trouble. Di Nafr replied: ‘What use isa man held 2 prisoner In the hands of a king, expecting ta be billed at any moment? Tean do nothing to help you except that Unays the keeper ofthe elephant ‘being a friend of mine, Twill send to him and commend your esse to him _28 strongly a8 possible asking him to try to get you permission w see the Ing. So speak as you think ft, and he will intercede for you withthe king if ho in able to do s0,' So Dht Nafr eent to Unays mying, ‘The king has ‘taken tro hundred camels belonging 60 “Abdu'l-Muttalib, lord of Quraysit sand master of the Meccan' welt who feeds men in the plin and wild ‘reatures on the top of the mountains, und is now here, So sek pexiaison for im to ace the king and help him ss far as you can,” He said he would. ‘do so and repeated these words to the king, adding that ‘Abdu'l-Murralib “wished to ee him and tall to him about a pressing matter, Abraha agreed ‘tosee him, Now ‘Atdu'l-Murtalib was a most impressive, handaome, ant cfiyuifed man, and when Abraha saw him he treated him withthe greatest ~eepect so that he would not Jet him sit beneath him, He could not let she “Abyssinians gee him sitting beside him on his roysl ehronc, 62 he got aff His throne and ear upon hie carper and made ‘Abdu'l-Mugalib ait beside ‘hin theses ‘Then he told his interpreter to inquire what he wanted, and the “reply was that he wanted the king to return two hundred camels of his “which he ha? taken. Abraha replied thigh the interpreter, "You pleased sme much when T saw yont; then T was much displeased with you when I ‘heard what You said. Do you wish to talk to me about two hundred camels ‘of yours which T have taken, and eay nothing ebout your seligion and the {els of yone frelahers which I htee come to destroy? ‘Abdul Mut, ‘lib replied, ‘Tam the owner ofthe camelsand the temple ias an owner who -witl defend jk’ When the king replied that he could not defend it against ‘him he suid, “That remains to be scea.’ (‘Give me back my camels) ‘Some learned people lege that when ‘Abdu'l-Muttalib went to Abraba ‘when he sent Huns to him, there accompanied bim Ya'rmur b, Nufstha ‘. ‘Adiy b. al-Du'l b. Ber by ‘Abd Manat b. Kinng, at that time chief ‘of B. Bakr, and Khuwaylid b. Withila, then chief of Hudhayl. They ‘offored to give Abraba a third of the cattle of the lowland on condition ‘that he would withdraw from them and nat destray the temple, but he refine their request; but Gad knows whether thia was 6 or nat. At any ste Abroha restored to ‘Abdu'l-Muttalib the camels which he had ‘taken ‘When they left him, ‘Abdu'l-Mufalib went back to Quraysh and Inving fiven them the news ordered them to withdraw ftom Mecca and take up ‘defensive positions on the petks and in the passes of the mountains for dear of the excoasea of the soldiers. “Abdu’i-Mutfaib took hold of the ‘metal knocker of che K’ba, anda number of Quraysh stood with him praying, 4 hea caravan’ Toneas 6 The Life of Mubammad to God and imploring his help against Abraha and his army. As he was holding the knocker of the temple door, ‘Abdu'l-Muttalib said: © God, a man protects his dwelling 60 protect Thy dwellings. Let not their cross and their craft tomorrow overcome hy craft (39) Bbsim b, “Amir b. ish b “Abdu ManSt, “Abd air b Quieyy said: © God, humiliate al-Aswad b. Mafyad Who took « hundred camels wearing their collars; Between Hiri? and ‘Thabtr and the desert, ‘He shut them ia when they should be pasturing freely, ‘And delivered them to the black barbarians, ‘Withdraw from him thine aid, © Lord, for ‘Thow art worthy to be Praised (40) “Abdu'l-Muttali then let go the knocker of the door of the Ka'ba and ‘went off with his Qurayth companions to the mountain tops where they took up defensive positions waiting to see what Abraka would do when he occupied Mecea. In the morning Abraha prepared to enter the town and ‘made his elephant ready for battle and drew up his troops. His intention ‘was to destroy the temple and then return to the Yarsan. When they rade ‘the elephant (ts name was Mahrmid) face Mecca, Nufayl b. Habib came up to ite flank and taking hold of its ear said: "Kneel, Mabmid, or go straight back whence you came, for you are in God's holy landt! He let go ofits ear and the cleohant knelt. and Nufavl mede off at top speed for the top ofthe mountain. The troops beat the elephaat to make it get up bat it ‘would not; they beat its head with fron bars; they stuck hooks into its underbelly and scarifed it; but it would not get up. ‘Then they male it {ace the Yamaa and immediately it got up and started off. Whea thev set it towards the north and the eas it di likewise, but a: soon as they directed it towards Meera it kneft down. ‘Thea God seat upon them birds from the sea like swallows and starlings; each bird cartied three stones, like peas and lentils, one in its beak and two between its claws, Everyone who was hit died bat not all swere hit, They withdrew in Aight by the way they came, crying out for Nofay! b, Habib to guide them on the way to the Yarnan. When he saw ‘the punishment which God had brought down on them Nufayl said ‘Where can one fice when God pursucth? Al-Achram is the conquered not the conqueror (42). Tid be plural of Kila, ease a eoleson af hows ard alo via tse oe Sth gis th ree aoe ee aes “type “edn, wi cul eee ‘oc’ be, forgone hs band Phere id by € and 280 Paar omens srs and power us seal ests ‘guile "seatgy aceerzpanied by fore Cat ‘asiage fa reminiscence of 8 Rf appease te : 4 nnd ce et ny fad ssp ld: Khaya marin 3.4. posted fot aes ota porte mest whch TH preted een pees ' The Life of Muhammad a7 Nufayl also said Our greetings, Rudsyna! ‘You rejoice our eyes this moming! (our fucl-secker came to us lastnight, But we had naught to give him} If you had seen, but you will not see, Rudayna, ‘What we saw on al-Mubassab’s sie" ‘You would have forgiven me and praised my action ‘And not have been Vexed at what hes passed and gone.* T praised God when I sav the birds, ‘And I feared the stones that might fall upon us. Everyone was asking for Nufayl As though I owed the Abyssinians a debt, As they withdrew they were continually falling by the wayside dying miserably by every waterhole, Abraha was smitten in his body, and as they took him away his fingers fell off one by one. Where the finger had been, there arose an evil sore exuding pus and blood, so that when they brought him to Sana? he was like 2 young fledgeling. ‘They allege that as he died his heart burst from his body. (A, Deserters from the army, labourers, ze, 9¢ and campfollowers remained in Mecea and became workers and shepherds for the population.) 'Ya'qub b, ‘Utba told me that he was informed that that year was the first time that measlea and smallpox had been seen in Arabia; and, too, that it was the frst time that biter herbs like rue, colocynth, and Asclepias gigantea were seen. ‘When God sent Mufammad fe specially recounted co the Ques his goodness and favour in turning back the Abyssinians in order to preserve their state and permanence. ‘Did you not see how your Lord Aealt with the owners of the elephant? Did He not reduce their guile to sheer terror? And sent upon them flocks of birds, throwing hard clay stones upen them, making them as blades of comm that have been devoured.” "And again: “For the uniting of Quraysh, their uniting the caravans to 37 ply summer and winter. ‘Then let them worship the Lord of this temple, ‘who has fed them so that they hunger not, and made them sae from fear’, A place beeen Mecca and Mind in the valley of Mecca, See Yiait. 2 Posuly haya ea poetical form of baymand, "between us The lie is based om Sara 4 Stra 126. A god disanson ofthis dieu passage willbe und in Lane's Lesion fp. poh ame” ‘There are thre rival seedings: df adopted by our sutbr), fad i ‘eloing to all tee the neaning i sid tbe Yor thx Keeping to the journey "Oth ‘Rao ay that te st reading means Tr the preparig td ting out. Others say ‘har aconting fo the sand vcadog tie meng in the pruning According to Tbm al ‘Krad poe of thi eta the four sony of Abels Mant weve given feo travel by the Byzantines, Persian, Abysnias, and Bumyare respectively and a0 were able to #9 1d bung corm feo neaghbouringterntorea, "There tray be w sound bistaical hernel38 28 The Life of Muhammad i.e, s0 that their status should remain unaltered because of God's good ‘purpose towards them if they would receive it (42). ‘Abdullah b. Abi Bakr ‘Amra daughter of ‘Abdu’l-Rahman b, Sa'd b. Zura told me that ‘A’isha said: ‘I sew the leader of the elephant and sts groom walking about Mecca blind and erippled begging for food.” REFFRENCRS IN POETRY TO THE STORY OF THE ELEPHANT ‘When Ged turned hack the Abyssinians from Mecca and executed His ‘vengeance upon them, the Araba held the Quraysh in great honour, saying, “They are the people of God: God fought for them and thwarted the attack of their enemies.’ On this theme they composed many poems. ‘Thus ‘Abdullah b. al-Zibra'rb.‘Adiy b. Qays b, ‘Adly b, Sa'd by Sahm b, ‘Amr b. Hugayg b. Ka'b b, Lu’ayy b, Ghalib b, Fihr sai Withdraw from the vale of Mecca for ‘From of old its sanctuary has not been violated. ‘When it was sanctified, Sirius had not been created, ‘No mighty man has ever attacked it, ‘Ask the commander of the Abyssinians® what he sav, ‘He who knows what happened will tell the ignorant, Sixt} thousand men retumed aot home, Nor did their sick recover after their return, “Ad and Jurhum were (in Mecce) before them. God has set it above all creatures ‘The words ‘nor did their sick recover after their return’ refer to Abraha whom they carried with them when he was amitten, until he died in San‘a’, ‘Abii Qays b. al-Aslat al-Angact al-Khatani, Sayft by name (43) said: ‘His work it was on the day of the Abyssinian elephant. ‘Whenever they urged it forward it held its ground, (They drove) their hooks beneath its flanks, “They aplt its noze and it was torn, They used a knife as a whip. ‘When they applied ft to its back it made a wound. ‘It turned and faced the way it had come. ‘Those there bore the burden of their injustice. a ie i bse pn» frig sa, Dee ets te et ne oa an treme ne vt emer hs Dap an saree often’ Heagl on ure fr sve tater ee aagia Wine are "rr The Life of Muhammad 39 God sent a wind bringing pebbles from above ther ‘And they huddled togetber lie lambs." ‘Their priests urged them to endure, ut they bleated like sheep (44). ‘Abii Qays b, al-Aslat also ssid: Rise and pray to your Lord and atroke ‘The comers of this temple between the mountains.” ‘Ye gave you a convincing test ‘On the day of Abs Yabsti leader of the squadrons. ‘His cavalry was in the plain, his infantry Upon the passes of the distant hills, ‘When the help of the Lord of the Throne reached you, . His armies repulsed them. petting them and covering them with dust. ‘Quickly they turned tail in fight, and none Bat a few returned to his people from the army (43)-* ‘Talib b, AbG ‘Pali b. ‘Abdu -Musalib said: ‘Know you not what happened in the wer of Dabs ‘And Aba Yatsim’s army when it filled the pass? Bat far the help of God the Sole Existent One ‘Yoo would have been unabte to save your lives (46) ‘Abi al-Sult b Abs Rabi’a sl-Thagatt referring to the elephant and to the ‘Hanafi religion being that of Abraham said (47): “Phe signs of our Lord are illuminating? ‘None but infidels doubt them. Night and Day were cteated and all Ys abundantly plain, its reckoning is fixed. ‘Then the merciful Lord revealed the day By the sun.whose rays are seen everywhere. He held the elephant fast in al-Mughainmas until Tt sank to the ground as though it were hamstrung. + wt some bestton I ed she ns ee dhgran, We sea yon; RETR oe Le ni “ard Std copes See ls at hy ad a Sed Renee ate eon 1 a Sinan St ge 9.28. Thre lie cer api in We 18 1 Baer sat tebe Bs ly duane voce tet ag a By oad te 2 ee Rs ed Dt. See Nealon Elle ta 7 Reading Cagibatin with C, * lamina beg, Hiern, Cao, 194.364, oi 198 ee scristete Tete te expuaation of fag ony ellen Dt am, but the reclved Feb, ComaneratorsThe Life of Muhammad Its trunk curled ting-wioe; i lay motiontess 483 “Abboutder fluag down from Kablab’s rocks. Round it Kinds’s kings, warriors, Mighty hawks in war. “They abandoned it and departed headlong “All of them; the shank of each one of tlein way buchen. In God's sight at the Resurrectinn every religion Bur that of the hanif is doomed to perdition (48). 41 When Abraha died his son Yaksom became king of the Abyssinians, ‘T-948. (7. Himayar and the tribes of Yarnan were hurnifiated under the heel of the Abyssinians, They took their women and killed their men aad seized their ‘young maen to acts interpreters.) When Yakstim b. Abraha died his brother ‘Masriq b, Abraha reigned over the Abyssinians in the Yaman, ‘THE JOURNEY OF SAY B, DINO YAZAN AND THE RULE OF WAHRIZ IN THE YAMAN ‘Whea the people of the Yaman had long endured oppreasion, Sayf b, Dbu Vasa the Himarte, who war known aa Abi Murra, went to the ‘Byzantine emperot and complained to him of his troubles, asking him to ‘drive out the Abystirians and take over the country. He atked him ‘to send what forces he pleased and promised him the kingdom of the ‘Yarnan, at The emperor paid no attention to his request, co he went t al-Nu'tetn bal Mundhir, who was Chosroes" governor a al Hiza and the surrounding country of Iraq, ‘When he complained of the Abyssinian, al-Nu‘min b, al-Mundhir told hira that he paid a formal visit every year to Chosroes and he asked him to stay with blm until then. Accordingly he took him ‘with him and introduced him to Chostaes. Now he used to sit in his snidience chamber which contained his crown According to repocts, his crown was like a huge grain-measure with rubies, pearls, and ropazes set in gold and silver, suspencled by a golden chain from the top of the dome in his fall of audience. Such was the weight of the crown that his neck could not beaé it. He was hiddea behind a robe until he sat on bis throne; “then his head was inserted into the crown, and when he was settled com- fortably on his throne the robes were taken from him. Everyone who saw him for the frst time fell to his knees in swe, When Savf b, Dhi Yazan ‘entered his presence he fell to his knees (49) He arid “CO King, ravens! have taken possetsion of out country? Choerecs asked “What cavers, Abyssinians or Sindians? ‘Abyssinians,” he replied, ‘and 1 have come to you for help and thae you may ssoume the: * he “lacks ee | The Life of Muhammad kingship of my oonntry.’ He unswered, "Your eountcy is far distant and. hua tele to attract me; T cannot endanger a Persian army in Arabia and there is no reason why T should do so.’ Then he made him a present of 30,0c0 drachmae sterling and invested him in a fine robe. Sayf went out ‘with the silver and began to scatter it among the people; (T. Boys and slaves of both sexes serambled for the coins). When the king was told of this he thought i very extraordinary and sent for him and seid, ‘You mean tothrow away a royal gift!" He answered: “What use is silver to me? The mountains of my country from which I come arc nothing but gold and silver." This he said to excite his cupidity. Chosroes thereupon gathered ‘nis advinera together and asked their opinion about the man and his project. ‘One of chem reminded the king thet in his prisons there were men who ‘were condemned to death. If he were to send them with him and they ‘were lille, that would merely be the fate that he ha deterusiaed for thes; ‘on the other hand. if they conquered the comntre he would have added to hhia empire. Theseupon Chostoes sent those who wete confined in his prisons tothe number of eight hundred men. He pat in command of them a man called Wahriz who was of mature age and ef excellent family and lineage. ‘They set out in eight chips, two ‘of which foundered, so that only six reached the shores of Aden, ‘Sayf brought all the people that he could te Wahriz saying, ‘My foot is with your foot, we die or conquer together.’ ‘Right,’ said Wahriz. Masraq b- Abraha the kiag of Yanan came out against him with his army, and Wahriz sent one of his sons to fight them so as to get experience in their way of fighting. His son was killed and he was filled with rage against them, When the men were drawn up in their ranks Wabriz said, ‘Show me their king.’ They said, ‘Do you see a man on an elephant witha crown on his head and a red ruby on his forehead? ‘Thats their king,’ ‘Let him be,’ hie said, and they waited a long time and then he said, ‘What is he riding now? "They said: ‘He ie now bestride a horse’; again they waited. He asked the same question and they said heewas bestride a mule, Said Wahriz: ‘An at's filly A weak ereature, and so is his kingdom. T will shoot him, If you see that his followers have not moved, then stand fast until T give you permission to advance, for I shall have missed the fellow. But if you sce the people flocks round him I shall have hit him, so fall ‘upon them,’ He then bent his bow (the story goes that it was s0 tough that no one but he could bend it) and ordered that his eyebrows be fastened back,! then he shot Masraq and split the ruby in his forehead and the arrow pierced his head and came out atthe back of his neck. He fel off his mount and the Abyasinians gathered round him, When the Persians fell upon them, they fled and were keilled at they bolted in all directions. Wahriz advanced to enter into San‘a", and when he reached its gate he said that his standard should never bé lowered and he ordered thent to destroy the yale and went in with his flag fying. "His yer were bal ned fom ae Tor “a2 Phe Life of Muhammad Sayf b. Dhii Yazan al-Himyari said: 4 Men thought the two kings had made peace And those who heard of their reconciliation found the matter was ‘very grave, ‘We slew the prince Masriiq and reddened the sands with blood. "The new prince, the people’s prince, Wahriz swore an oath that He would drink no wine until he had captured prisoners and spoil (50), Abi al-Salt b, AbD Rabi‘a al-Thaqafi (57) said: Let those seck vengeance who are like Tbn Dt Yuzan ‘Who spent long years at sea because of his enemies, ‘When the time for his journey came he went to Caesar Bot did not attain what he sought. Then he turned to Chosroes after ten yeats, Counting his life and money cheap, ‘Until he came bringing the Persians with him, By my life you were swift ia action, “What a noble band came out: Never were seen among men! Nobles, princes, mighty men, archers, Lions who train thir cubs in the jungle! From curved bows they shot arrows Stout as the poles af the hovwdah Bringing the victim a speedy death, “You sent lions against black dogs, ‘Their fugitives are scattered al? over the earth, So deiok your fill, wearing your crown, ‘On Ghumdan’s top reclining in a house you have chosen. ‘Drink your fil, for they are dead, ‘And walk proudly today in your flowing robes. Such are noble deeds! not two pails of milk maingled with water ‘Which afterwards beoome urine (53). 45° ‘Ady b. Zayd alsin, one of B, Tamim, si ‘What is there after San‘a" in which once lived Rulers of a kingdom whose gifts were lavish? Is builder raised it to the flying clouds, Is lofty chamber gave forth musk. Protected by mountains against the attacks of enemies,’ Its lofty heights anscalable. 1 Kid here take to mean a resourceful foe. The Ceo 6 te Gal ov pte tof wl ni njans he wrote to Chosroes telling him of what had been done and sendi The Life of Muhammad Pleasant was the voice of the night ow! there, ‘Answered at even by a fate player. Fate brought to it the Persian army With theic knights in their trains ‘They travelled on mules leden with death, ‘Wile the asses" foals an beside them Until the princes saw front the top of the fortress Theie squadrons shining with stcel, ‘The day that they called to the barberians and al-Ysksim “Cursed be he who mans away!’ “Twas a day of which the story remains, But a people of long established! digniey came to an end, Persians' replaced the native bors, ‘The days were dark? and mysterious. Afiee noble sons af Tuba’, Persian generals were firmly settled there (54). CT. When Wahriz had conquered the Yaman and driven out the Abyssi- T. 949 hhim captured treature. Tn his reply the king told hian to appoint Sayf ing, ‘of the Yaman. He also gave Sayf instructions to collect taxes every year and to remit chem to himn, Fle summoned Wars to his presence and Sayf became king, he being the son of Di Yazan of the Kings of the Yaran, ‘This ia what [bn Usmayd told me from Salama on the authority of Ibn Tshag.)* (Whea Wahi had gone to Chosroes and made Sayf king of the Yamen, ‘7.957 the Tater began to attack the Abyssinians, killing them and slaying the ‘women with child until he exterminated al but an insignificant number of riserable creatures whom he employed as slaves and runners to go before Jhim with theis lances. Before very long he was out with these armed slaves ‘when suddenly they surrounded him and stabbed hitn to death. One of them established himself as leader and they went through the Vaman slay- Jing and laying waste the country. When the Persian king beard of this he sent Wahriz with 4,000 Persians and ordered him to kill every Abyssinian (or child of an Abyssinian and an Arab woman, greator small, and not leave alive a single man with crisp curly hair. Wahriz arrived and in due coutse carried out these instcuctions and wrote to tell the king that he had done 0, ‘The king then. gave him viceregal authority and he ruled under Chos- oes until his death.) 3 Reading ona for C.'s me, ec zt eng FC (ate Ws fy Pen word rw exond of ea, LI, x sine hi, ‘teacher’, 4 Tn chapiee Ts sersion much more iid nd detailed the Bree apie of Ton Tey, No doubt Ton Hishim cur dowe nptcr a must as he cul Based“ so uM The Life of Muhammad ‘THE END OF THE PERSIAN AUTHORITY IN THE YAMAN ‘Wahriz and the Persians dwelt in the Yaman, and the Abni’ who are in the ‘Yaman today are descended ftom the survivors of that Persian army. The period of Abyssinian domination from the entry of Arylt to the death of ‘Masrig ibn Abraha at the hands of the Persians and the expulsion of the Abyssinians was seventy-two years, The suecessive princes were four, ‘Aryat, Abraha, Yaksim, and Masri (55). Tt is said that on a rock in the Yaman there was an inscriotion detine from olden times: To whom belongs the kingdom of Dhimtr? ‘To Hirnyar the righteous. To whom belongs the kingdom of Dhimar? ‘To the evil Abyssinians. ‘To whom belongs the kingdom of Dhimar? ‘To the free Persians. ‘To whom belongs the kingdom of Dhimar? "Yo Quraysh the merchants (56). ‘Dhimr means the Yamnan or San’ Al- A'sha of B. Qays b. Tha'laba said when the words of Satth and his companion were fulfilled "No woman has ever seen, a6 she sew, the truth lke the truth of al-Dhv'bi when be propteste! The Arabs called him al-Lh"bi because he was the son of Rab: a b. Mas'id b. Mazin b, hh THE DESCENDANTS OF NIZAR B. MA‘ADD ‘Nite b, Ma‘add begat three sons: Mudar, Reba, and Anmae (8). ‘Anmir was the father of Khath‘am and Bajila. Toric b. ‘Abdullah al- Baja who was chief ofthe Baiila (of whom someone said: ‘But for Jari, Bajila would have perished. A fine man and a poor tribe’) said when he ‘was appealing against al-Furdfia al-Kalbt to ol-Agra’b, Habis al-Tamimi b. "Tq b. Mujashi' b. Darim b, Malik b, Hanzala b. Malik b. Zayd Manat: © Agra’ b. Habis, O Agra’, If thy brother is overthrown thou wilt be overthrown, and sai ‘Ye two sons of Nizir help your brother. My father I wot is your father, A brother who is your ally will not be worsted this day. “dn kgirad wy Ute woman in queion way ste tw ae peo a re a jumey _llU_F"FEneeeeeeeeeee ee The Life of Muhanmad 5 “They went to the Yaman and remained there (59). ‘Mudar b. Ninir begat two sons: Ilyas and ‘Aylin (60). yas begat three sons: Mudrika, Tabikha, and Qam'a, ‘Theie mother was Khindif, a Yama nite woman (61)-" ‘The mame of Mudrika was ‘Amir and the asme af "Tabikha was ‘Amc. ‘These is a story that when they were pasturing their ‘carnels they hunted some game and sat down to cook it, when some raiders swooped tpon their camels. ‘Amir said to ‘Amr: “Will you go after the camels or will you cook this game?’ “Amr replied that he would go on cooking, #0 ‘Amir went after the camels and brought them back. When ‘hey returned and told their father he said to ‘Amir: "You are Mudriks’ (the one who overtakes), and to ‘Amr he said “You are Tabikha’ (the cook). ‘Wher their mother heard the news she came hursiedly from her tent and he stid: "You are trotting!” (Hhandafe)* and so she waa called Khingif. ‘As to Qam‘a the genealogists of Mudar assert that Khuzi'a was one of the sons of “Amr b, Lubayy b. Qam'a b. Ilyas, THE STORY OF ‘AMR. LUHAYY AND AN ACCOUNT OF ‘THE IDOLS OF THE ARABS ‘Abdullah b, Abit Bake b, Mubammed b. 'Amr b. Hazm on the suthority of his father told me as follows: I was told that the apostle of God said: “Lsaw ‘Amie b, Lubayy dragging his intestines ia hell, and when T asked fim about those who had lived between his time and mine he sud that they had perished” ‘Muhammad b, Tbrahio b, al-Harith al-Tamiini told me that Aba Salih al-Sammin told him that he heurd Abi Hurayra (62) say: | heard the apoatle of God saying to Aktham b, al-Jaun al-Kbuzi', 0 Aktham I saw “Ame b, Lubayy b. Qam'a b. Khindif dragging his intestines in hell, and never did T sce two men so much alike as you and he!’ ‘Will this resem- lance injure me?’ asked Aktham. ‘No, said the apostle, ‘for you are a believer and he is an infidel, He was-the first to change the religion of Ishmael, to set up idols, and institute the custom of the babtra, sibs, ‘wagila, and htmt (63) ‘They say that the beginning of stone worship among the sons of Ishmael ‘was when Mecca became too small for them and they wanted more roora in ‘the country. Everyone who left the town took with him 2 stone fron the sacred area to do honour to it. Wherever they settled they set it up and ‘walked round it as they went round the Ka'ba. ‘This led them to worship What stones they pleased and those which made an impression on them. ‘Thus as generations passed they fompot their primitive faith and adopted 1 Bate Taba 2 This word is explained in the Moe 263, by harwale, a auch, ambling, Hale ping gut. The soy there fold at pene ue 3 A sory similar to thee two willbe found in ton a-Kalbi’s K,al-Aypdn, ed. Abad Zakiy Paha, Cairo, 19ag, p38. Those terms are explained inthe next cape ens 3s 36 The Life of Muhammad another religion for that of Abraham and Ishmael. ‘They worshipped idols and adopted the same errors as the people before them, Yet they retained and held fast practices going back tothe time of Abraham, euch as honour- ing the temple and going round it, the great and ltt pilgrimage, and the standing on ‘Arafa and Muzdalife, sacrificing the vic, and the pilgrim cry at the great and litle pilgrimage, while introducing clements which had no place in the religion of Abraham. ‘Thus, Kindna and Quraysh used the pilgim ery: ‘At Thy series, O God, at Thy servicel_-At Thy service, ‘Thou without an associate but the associate Thou hast, ‘Thou ownest him and what he owns.” ‘They used to acknowledge his unity in their ery and then include their idols with God, putting the ownership of them in His hand, God said 19 Mubammad:" ‘Most of them do not believe in God without associating others with Him,’ ie. they do not acknowledge My oneness with knowledge of My reality, but they associate with Me one of ‘My creatores.* ‘The people of Nosh had inages to which they were devoted. God told “His apostle about them when He said: “And dhey sad, “Foratke not your ‘gods; forsake not Wadd and Suva" and Yaghith and Ya'eq and Nase.” “And they had led many astray.” Among those who had chosen thous idols and used their names as com~ pounds! when they forsook the religion of Ichmael—boih Ishmaelites and ‘ofhers—was Hudhayl b. Mudrika b. Ilyas b, Mudar. They adopted Suwa" ‘and they hed him in Rubit;’ end Kalb 6, Wabra of Qudia who adopted ‘Wudd in Diimatu'l-Jandat. “Kab b, Mblk al-Anstst said ‘We forsook al-Lat and al-"Uzea and Wadd, “We stripped off their necklaces and earrings (64) Anum of Tayyi’ and the people of Jurach of Madhhij adopted Vaghith in Jucash< (6s). ‘Khaywin,7a clan of Hamdan, adopted Ya'dq in the land of Hamdan im the Yamnan (66). ‘Dhi'l-Kali' of Himmyar adopted Nasr in the Himyar country. ‘Khaulin had an idol euled ‘Ansan! inthe Khaulac country. Accord 5 Sin a, 106. 2 Wale a whol ofthis section worth comparing with 2 l-Kali's Kala pmte pessage i import fr the ight i throws on L.'s cout Ek sys stl by ey father and ens It cea clea that 1, has berroed fom Cig ratementa, Where LX. we their gods! lr eye tt i tends to fellow that of the Quinn Sar 71 $e. 'Abau Aiplce nea * Jargh in province inthe Varin. 1 pyri a tet sigs? journey from Sev ike wey oo Mera, TK gaa ‘out of Hs wey toy hat be her neve hard of any Arab ing the heme of Yad oneay poetry about hirn He thinks the reason i the iafueace of Judaism an Hamelin, 134" ‘ghonshowld ot be alken at te fice alae Cr “Ammians, ‘Amen is « divine name met with all over Arabi, elgiontarahr prides, Lo Ryokan, Lat {ose p. as wes: ‘Le diea lone qatbanite The Life of Muhammad ” Jing to their o¥n xccount they used to divide their srops and cattle between jt and Allah. If any of Allah's portion which they had earmarked for him “came ile ‘Amroanas's portion they left it to hines but if any of Ammanas's rion wae in Allgh's portion they returned it to him, ‘They are a elan of ‘Kheolaa called alsAdim, Some say that it was concerning them that God revealed: “They assign to Allah of the and cattle he bas created a portion; and they say this is Allah'e—in their asertion—and this is for far partners, ‘Thus what ia foe their partners does not reach Aah and: ‘what ix for Allah goes to their partness—Evil is their judgment! (67)! ‘The B. Milkin b, Kinina b. Khuzaymats, Mudeiks b, Lyte b. Mudar had ‘an image called Sa‘a, a lofty rockin a desert plain in their country? They have a story that one of their tribesmen took some of his stock camels co -the rock to stand by it 20s to acquire ts virtue” When the camels, which -were grazing-camnel that were not ridden, saw the rock and smeleahe blond ‘which had been shed ont they shied from it and fled in a8 directions. hia s0 angered the Milkanite that he seized a stone and chrew it at the idol saying, ‘God curte you, You have scared away my camels!” He went is search of them, and when he had collected them together once more he sid: “We came to S2'd to improve our fortunes But Sod dissipated them.* We have nothing to do with Sed. Sa‘d is nothing but « rock on 4 bare height, Te cannot put one right or send one wrong, ‘Dans hed an idol belonging to ‘Ame b. Humama al-Dansi (68). ‘Quraysh had an idol by a well in the middle of the Ka‘ba called Hubal 69). And they adapted Isa (or Asif) and Nila by the place of Zamizam, sacrificing beside them, They were a man and a woman of Jurhum—feat {b. Baghy and N&'la d. Dik—whn were guilty of sexual relations in the ‘ba and ev God transformed them into two stones. “Abdullah b, Aba Bakrb, Muhammad b, “Ame b. Fazm on the authority ‘ie ‘Qen heap wp amd Arnuan. Lan gn de Ontaban ae client volon= fies le de "Arie" "lboece"Amen™s On coat Fpihtte "Amen SAN een Xam Be crduran‘p gyrant™” Towe the fllrweg tefeences ® che Petiona) Oame “amen Anus to Prof 8: Smith Ip Metin: RAS, New 2820, 2959, 2974: ek NO. 290k Undrnst Adobitlgentrnc ia tte Isiptons sates Nu toRyeboar SPA ang NS iste Sake Dud et Mockey, Mion dane sading of Conn TR ie toun, beanuee wold ‘by Aaron's Sua: C13. Nes “There in a coniouse patch namie, No, ig80_ Sata des rvins lsriqus dela Serie moyen, 1903, 80,85 ‘Welinasre’s propane (Rte, 9) fo that Ao : a for “Arsni tennme borne eye. Ana ani) [tet bea sjnonger af yan. "Ph plain wae by he shore of Jada YEG 2, gre ry oe he word ete sn pre we ™ lel eee3s The Life of Muhammad 1du'lRabman b. Sa'd b, Zurira that she said, ‘T heard a say, “We alvays heard that Isaf and Na‘ila were a mam and = “woman of Jurham who copulated in the Ke'ba so God traneformed them. {nto two stones.” But God alone knows if this iv cle truth.” ‘Aba 'Valib said: ‘Where the pilgrims make their camels kneel ‘Where the waters flow from oi and Nala" Every household had an idol in their house which they used to worship. When a mam was about to set out on a journey he would rub himself against it as he was about to ride off indeed that was the lat thing he used +0 do before his journeys and when he returned from his journey the first thing he did was ta tub himself against it before he went in to his family. ‘When God seat Muhammad with the message of monotheism Quraysh said: ‘Would he make the euds into one God? ‘That is indeed a strange Proceeding!” ‘Now along with the Ka'ha the Arabs had adopted Tawaghit, which were ‘ermples which they venerated as they venerated the Ka'ba. They had their ‘guardians and orerseeis and they used to make olferings to them as they did to the Ka'ba and to circumambulate them and sacrifice at them. Yet ‘they recognized the superiority of the Ka'ba becanse it was the temple and staosque of Abraham the friend (of God). ‘Qucaysh and the B, Kindna had al-'Uzaa in Nakhla, its guardiane and ‘overseers were the B, Shaybéa of Sulaymn, allies of the B, Hishim (70), ‘An Arab poet sa Asma? was given as a dowry the head of a fitle red eow ‘Which a man of the Band Ghanm had sacrificed. ‘He saw a blemish in her eye when he led her away ‘Vo al-Ozet’s slaughter-place* and divided her into goodly portions, "Their practice when they sacrificed was to divide the victim among the ‘worshippers present. Ghabghab was the laughtersplace where the blood ‘was poured out (71 {Azz i. 74: ‘Amr b. Latayy put al'Uzet in Nakbla, and when they had finished thei kajj and the circumambulation of the Ra‘bs they continued +o be under taboo until they came to al-’Uzaa and had gone round it; there they abandoned the pilgrim taboo and stayed a day beside it. Tt belonged to Khozi‘a, All Qureysh and B. Kindna used to venerate l-"Uzai slong swith Khuzt's, and all Mudar. Her sddias who used to guard (hajad) her ‘were B, Shaybin of B, Sulayrn, alica of D. Hashim. CE. LH. 839.) AL-Lat belonged to Thagif in Tif, her overseers and guardians being SB, Mv‘attib® of Thaaif. “Manat was worshipped by al-Aus and al-Khazraj and such of the people 2 The poem in welch th ine ests the fl iW 47927 2 Chath, TAL Rabi oge Ge B. "Teh 6, Maik, The Life of Muhammad 39 of Yathrib as followed their religion by the sea-shore in the direction of al-Mushallal in Qudayd (72). [Azr. i. 73. ‘Ame b. Lu’ayy set up Manat on the sea-shore near Qudayd, ‘Aad and Ghassin went on pilgrimage to it and revered it. When they had ‘made the compass of the Ka'ba and hastened from ‘Arafat and completed the rites at Mina they did not shave their hair until they got to Manat, to whom they would cry Labbayki. ‘Those who did so did not go round between al-Safé and al-Marwa to the place of the two idols Naik Mujawid al-Rih and Mut'im al-Tayr. ‘This clan of the Ansir used to begin the ‘ceremony by hailing Manat, and when they went on the great or little pilgrimage they would not go under the shelter of a roof until they had completed it, When a man was under taboo asa pilgrim (alirama) he would fot enter his house; if he needed something in it he would climb the wall behind his house so that the door should not cover his head. When God brought Islam and destroyed the doings of paganism He sent down con- cerning that: ‘Piety docs not consist in entering your houses from the reat but in fearing God! (2, 185). Manit belonged to al-Aus and al-Khazraj and Ghassin of al-Azd and such of the population of Yathrib and Syria who followed their religion. Manét was on the sea-shere in the neighbour hood of al-Mushallal in Qudayd.] ‘Dhi'I-Khalasa belonged to Daus, Khath'am, and Bajila and the Arabs in their area in Tabsla(73)-> [Azr i. 732 ‘Ame b. Luvayy set up al-Kalaga in the lower part of Mecca, They used to put necklaces on it, and bring gifts of barley and wheat. ‘They poured milk on it, sacrificed to it, and hung ostrich eggs on it. ‘Amr set up an image on al-Saft called Nahtk Mujiwid al-Rib, and one on al-Marwa called Mutir al-Tayr.] Fals belonged to Tayyi and those hard by in the two mountains of “Tayyi, Salma und Aja! 74). ‘Himyar and the Yamanites had a temple in San‘a’ called Ri'ie (75). Ruda’ was a temple of B. Rabi'a b. Kah b, Sa'd b, Zayd Manat b ‘Tamim, Al-Mustaughir b. Rabt‘a b. Ka'b b. Sa'd when he destroyed it in ‘the time of Istam said; 1 amaghed Hkuda’ so completely thar Teft ita black ruin in a hollow (76). Dbo'l-Ka'sbit belonged to Bakr and Taghlib the two sone af WS'il and ‘Jysd un Sindad Of it A’shi of B, Qays b, Tha'laba said: Between al-Khawamagé and at-Sadir and Biriq _And the temple Dhi?-Ka'zhat? of Sindid (77). 1 Godard onthe Red na beeen Tint apd Ratgh on the pli route rom Maen and fala eros verooser 5 Abe seen ight jure fom ee. 2 loner det of te au of Re nach of Nii. Dkr pace hich aohetrin of Ha nso hve Milt or Ser 2 Srieladeagure rp 6 78 2 ry The Fife of Mubermad ‘THE DAHTRA, SA'IBA, WASTLA, AND AMT ‘The Batra isthe filly of the Sa'iha: the Sa'iba is the she eamel whith given birth to ten fillies without an intervening colt. She is ser free, is never Fidden, her hair is not shorn, and only « yustis allowed to dei her milk. If she gives birth to afily after that ils ear is split and it ie allowed to go ite ‘way with its mother, not ridden, hair unshorn, and only a guest may drink Ther mifk ns in the case of her mother, Such is the Babira, the filly of the Seba. ‘The Wastla is an ewe which bas ten twin ewes in successive births -wittout a male lamb intervening. She is made a Wasa, ‘They vse the -expremion wasalat. Any eves which she gives birch to after that belong to ‘the males, except that if one of them dies all share in eating it, both males and females (78). "The Yami is x stallion who is the size of ten successive filles without an intervening colt, His back is taboo and he is not riéden; his hair is not shorn and he is left to zun among the cuinels to mount them. Beyond thar aw use is made of him (79). ‘When God sent his apostle Maharamad he revealed to him: ‘God han snot made Bubira, or St'iba or Wasa or HA, but those who disheliews invent lie against God, though most of uhean de not know it" And again: “They say, What is in the wombs of these sheep is reserved for our male and prohibited to our wives; but if it is (born) dead they share in it, He “will epay chem for auch ctvision, verily He is knowing and wise.” Again: ‘Say, have you considered what provision God has sent down to you and you huve arade some of it taboo and some of it permitted? Say, has God ‘ven you permission or do you invene lice against God? And again: ‘Of the shesp two and of the goats two, Say, ius He prohibited the two males ‘or the two females, or what the wombs ofthe two females contain? Inform, ame with knowledge if you speak the truth, And of the camels nto and of ‘the cattle two. Say, has He prohibited to you the to males ot the two females, or that which the wombs of the two Females contain, or were you ‘witnesses when God enjoined this upon you? Who js more sinful than ‘those who invent a lie against God ta make men err without knowledge? Verily God will not guide the wrong-doing people’ (80).+ CONTINUATION OF THE GENEALOGIES! ‘Rhuza’a say: We ate the sons of "Amr b, ‘Amir from the Yanan (81). ‘Mudriks b, al-Ya’s had two sons, Khusayraa and Hudheyl, their mothee being # woman of Quda’a, Khuzayma had four sons: Rinna, Ased, Asada, and al-Hiin. Kindna’s mother was ‘Uwana d. Sa'é b, Qaye b. ‘Aylsu bs Mudar (82) eeke OE Teeny kin gin a Wt The Life of Muhammad ra Kindna had four sons: al-Nade, Milik, ‘Abdu Mangt, ond Mitktn, [Nawie's mother was Barra d, Marr b. Ud b. Tabikha b. al-Ya's bs Mudar; he other sona were by anther woman (83). ‘eis said that Quraysh got their name from their gathering together after dey had been separated, for gathering together may be expressed by tagarrash.* "AL-Nagrb, Kindna had two sons, Malik and Yakhiod, Mali’s mother was ‘Atika d, ‘Adwan b. ‘Ame b. Qays b, ‘Aylin, but I do:not know whether she was Vakblud’s mother or not (84) ‘Malik b. al-Nadr begat Fikr 6, Malik, his mother being Jandala al-Harith b. Mudad al-Jurhumt (85). (T. There was war between Fihe and Hassin b. ‘Abdu Kalil b, Mathab Dhi Hurath al-Himyatt who had come from the Yaman with the tribesmen meaning to take back to Yaman the stones of the Ka'ba so as to divert the pilgrimage co the Yaman. He got as far as Nakhla, raided cattle, and closed the roads, but he was afraid to enter Mecea. When Quraysh, Kinina, Khuzayma, Asad, and Judham and other unknown elements of Muar perceived this they marched against them under the leadership of Fihr b, Malik. A sharp engagement followed in which Himyar were defeated and Hassin was taken prisoner by Fihr’s son al-Harith, Among those killed in battle was his grandson Qays b. Ghalib b. Fibr. Hassln remained a prisoner for two years until he paid his, ransom. He was then released and died on the way to the Yaman.) ‘Fihr begat four sous: Ghilib, Mubirib, al-Hicith, aad Asad, their smother being Layli d. Sa'd b. Hudhayl b, Mudrika (86). Ghilib b. Fihr had two sons, Lu'ayy and Taym, their mother being Salma d. ‘Ame a-Khuza'i, Taym were called the Bana'l-Adram (87). ‘Lu’ayy b. Ghalib tad four sons: Ks'b, ‘Amir, Sima, and ‘Auf; the mother ofthe first three was Maviya d, Ka'b b.al-Qaya b, Jasr of Qual (8). THE STORY UF SAMA ma b. Ta'ayy went forth to "Uma and remained thece, Iti sail that “hanic b. Lo'ayy deove him out beeazze there wag a quarre} between thet sand Sima knocked out ‘Armit’s eye. Tn fear of ‘Amir he went to “Umin, “The story goes that while Sim wae riding on hia she-camncl she loneved 1 The tx i tf somertare, 1 comment fli satay on what hat ont sete bu i tag oo er wheth s ponede havng weten,The a onpah bat he are etbned and eer W. nr mention favre ang 4b hg Ween et be erin hat wht Talents he oni arya be end he St rane Mee ibanke aes vein te seen fe tnvien pent Lt Pet Sere afer Garon. bar bead ast b Yated bt eg Rink Sic enraed Qe beconehe put shave he Hoge Whenever hey appeared ONG, TARP thene of dumyn ne cme’ wren (eg) aie he cat wane ie anna ean etl Boulos fatter soe eo many of the Stata name fo Arba“ The Life of Muhanad hes bead to graze an 2 snake size ber By the lip an fired ber os wards watil ste fell un Lee side Then the snake eat Sima ¢o chat he died ‘The story grcs that when Sima felt death apen Lun. 2: sad ye, weep for Sima b. La'ayy. “The clinging wnake has clung to Sim's leg! Never have I seen such a victim of a camel ‘As Sima b. Lu'ayy when they came upon him, ‘Send word to ‘Amir and Ka’b, ‘That my soul yearneth for them. ‘Though my home be in "Uman Tam a Ghalibi, T'came forth not driven by poverty. “Many a cup hast thou spilt, O b. Lu'ayy, For fear of death, Which otherwise would not have been spilt "Thou didst wish to avoid death, Ob. Lu’ayy, But none has power to avoid death, “Many a camel silent on night journeys didst chou leave prostrate! Alter its prodigious exertion (89). THE MIGRATION OF ‘AUF B. LUAYY tis aleged that "Auf b. Lu'ayy went out with a caravan of Quraysh as far as the district of Ghatafan b. Sa'd b. Qays b. ‘Aylin when he was left Debind and his tribesmen went on without him. ‘Thalaba b. S4'd (he being his brother according to the kindred reckoning of B. Diubyén, ‘Tha'laba b. Sa‘d b. Dhubyan b. Baghid b. Rayth b. Ghafafan and ‘Auf b. Sa'd b, Dhuby’nb, Baghid b. Rayth b. Ghatafn) came to him, bound him to himself, gave him a wife, and took him into his tribe as a blood-brother. His relationship became well known among B. Dhubyin. It was Tha‘laba, ‘they say, who said to ‘Auf when he lagged behind and hie tribe abandaned dim: ‘Tether your camel by me, © Tha Lu’ayy. ‘Your tribe has left you and you have no home? Muhammad b, Ja'far b. al-Zubayt, or it may have been Muhamraad b. “Abd al-Rabin b, ‘Abdullah b, Hurayn, told me that "Unaar b,al-Khattib said: IFT were to claim to belong to any ibe of the Arabs or to want to attach them to us J would claim to belong to B, Murra b, “Auf, We know ‘that among them there are men like ourselves, We know, t00, where that man went,’ meaning ‘Auf b. Li'nyy. In the genealogy of Ghatafin he is » 0 C, fotowiogal-Aghit, ‘The dour, pling bene ht treads on through the night without urering 8 sound, Reading ann with Tab aod MS, D in W's nurnersion. Thies te bet MS, aod by Werand i ipstrane that he shou ave abandoned dor he teadiog mato ‘out net {be it ofthe majority of inferior cea, Howeve, the ater supported by Sigeyd, Berar The Life of Muhammad 6 ‘Nutra ‘Auf b. Sed b. Dhubyan b. Baghid b. Rayth b. Ghataftn, Tf this ‘gencalogy is mentioned to them they themselves say, 'We do not deny or {contest it; itis out most prized genealogy. AL-Harith b. Zalim b. Jadhima b, Yarbi’'—one of B. Murra b. “Auf— ‘when he fled from al-Nu'maén b. al-Mundhir and clave to Quraysh eaid: ‘My tribe is not Tha'labs b, Sad ‘Nor Fazara the long-haired, ‘My tribe if you must ask is the Band Lu'asy. Tn Mecca they taught Mudar to fight. ‘We were foolih in following the Bani Baghid ‘And leaving our next-of-kin and family. "Twas che flly of the water-secker who, his fill drunk, ‘Throws away the water and goes after a mirage, °Od’s life if T had my way T should be with them ‘And not be found seeking pasture from place to place, Rawaha the Qureyshice mounted me on bis carmel ‘And sought no reward for it (90. Al-Hugyn b. al-Humim al-Musst, one of B. Sahm . Murra, ssid, 65 refuting al-Hirith b. Zalim and claiming to belong to Ghatafan: ‘Lo, you are not of us and we have nought to do with you, ‘We repudiate lationship with La'ayy b. Ghilib. ‘We dwell on the proud heights of a-Elijz while you ‘Arein the verdant! plain between the two mountains, ‘meaning Quraysh. Afterwards al-Husayn repented of what he had said and recognized the truth of the words of al-Hasith b. Zalim. He claimed 1p belong to Quraysh and, accusing himself of falsehood, he said: repent of what I sid before: 1 realize that it was the speech ofa tar, ‘Would that my tongue were in two, Hilf of ie dumb and the other half singing your praise? Our father a Kindo, in Mecea is hia grave, In the verdant" plain of al-Bath®” between the mountains, We own a fourth of the sanctuary a2 an inheritance ‘And a fourth of the plains by the house of Thn Ela, ‘meaning that the B, Lu'ayy were four: Ka'b, ‘Amie, Sima, and ‘Auf “A person whom I cannot suspect told te thet "Umar b. al-Khatib said ‘to men of B. Murra: ‘If you wish to return to your kindred do 30 ‘The tribe were nobles among Ghafafin; they wece theit chiefs and 2 sented vs i nh ro te wa 2 Pheimporance of the eneuopcl table i bound up with the contok of er penal Tews "Uinas uhp ordered at rete shou by compiled See Sprenge, ‘Bas Leben € ichanmad, Hea86 & 4 The Life of Muhammad Jeaders. OF shemy were Hlarim b. Sinin b. Abi Haritha b, Murra b. Nush- “ba; Khteja b, Sindn b, Abi Haritha; al-EGrith b. ‘Auf; e-Hugayn b, al ‘Humim; and Hashim b, Harula of whom someone bes ani Hashim b, Harmala revived his father? On the day of al-Habi’at and the day of aleYatmala? “You could see the kingy slain beside him As he slew the guilty and the inawvent (91) ‘They were a people of # lively reputation among Gtatafan and Oays, sand they retained their zelationship with them. Among them the practice ‘of Basl obtained.* ‘According to reports Bas! is the name given to eight months of the year ‘which the Arabe vateservedly regard ws sacred, During those months they may go wherever they lke without fear of violence. Zuhayr . Aba Sulma snid with reference %0 By Murua (ga): ‘Thnk 1 hey are tn al-Maruntin ther denen ‘Then they will he in Nall? A place where I have enjoyed ther fellowshlp, Tf they are in neither then Wey will be at large during the Bal. ‘He means that they will be travelling during the holy period. al-A’sha of B. Qays b. Tia'laba saids* Ts your woman guest 10 be taboo to us ‘While our woman guest and het husband are open to you? Ka’b b, Lu'ayy had three sons: Murra, ‘Adty, and Husaya, their mother ‘deing Walwltya d. Shaybin b. Mubisib b, Fihr b. Malik b. Nadr. ‘Murra b, Ka‘ had three sons: Nilab, Taym, and Yagaza. Kiltb's another was Hind d. Suraye b. Thi'laba b. al-Hirith b, Fibr b. Malik b. alNedr b. Kintna b. Khuzayma; Yaqaza’s mother was at-Dscigiys, a “woman of Biriq of the Asd of Yatnan, Some say she was the mother of “Taym; others say ‘Taym's mother was Hind d, Surayr the mother of Kildb (03). ‘Kilzh b. Murra had two sons: Qusayy and Zubra, their mother being Fatima d. Sed b. Sayal onc of B, Jadara of Ju‘thuma of al-Azd of Yasnan aes of B. Dilb. Bakr b. “Abdu Manit b, Kinda (y4)- ‘OF Sa'd b. Sayal the poet says: ‘Never among men whom we know have we seen A man like Sa‘d b. Sayal. _ eka oan oie: rt aE che Sens eta of scaig ae ieee earemtarmntema a, eve ercaee Macrae SALE eee ig emepg Bete ft ho hm vp ir taan.rras cra em meee howe fe Geyer, pe 123, 4 tae The Life of Muhammad 45 ‘Weapon in either hand full of vigoar be rode ‘Dismounting to fight the dismounted on fovt; ‘Charging he carsied the enemy's horsemen with bim As the ewooping hawk carries the partridge in its claws (95). Qusayy b. Killb had four sons and two daughters: ‘Abdu Manaf, ‘Abdu'l-Dir, ‘Abdu'l-'Uzzi, and ‘Abdu Qusayy; and Takhmar and Barra. ‘Their mother was Hubbi d. Hulayt b, Habashiya b. Salal b, Ka’b by “Ame al-Kina’ (96). “Abdu Manaf whose name seas al-Mughira b, Qugayy had fowr xonst Hishim, “Abdu Shams, al-Mustalib, their mother being “Atika d, Musra b, Hilt b. Fall b. Dhakvwan b. Tha'laba b, Bubitha b. Sulaym b. Mansi b. “Tkcima; and Nauial, whose mother wis Wagida d. ‘Amr al-Miziniys, ic. ‘Mazin b. Mango b. ‘Thsima (97). ‘THE DIGGING OF THE WELL EAMZAM » ‘While ‘Abdu'l-Muttalib was slesping in the sacred enclosure he had a. ‘vision in which he was-ordered to dig Zamzam which ie « depression ‘petoveen the two idols of Quraysh, Inti and Neila at the slaugter-place of Quraysh. Jurhum had filled it in at the time they left Mecca, It ia the: swell ef Ishmael the son of Abrahams where God gave him water when he Twas thirty as a litle child, His mother went to seek water for him and ‘could not find it, s0 she went up to al-Safs praying to God and imploring aid for Ishmacl; then she went to al-Marwa and did the same. God sent Gabriel, who hollowed out a place in the earth with his heel where water appeared. His mother heard the cries of wild beasts which terrified her om tis account, and she eame hurrying towards him and found him scrabbling vith his hand at the water beneath his cheek the while he drank, and she smaade him a small aole? JORHUM AND THE PILLING IN OF THE WELL ZAMZAM “The story of Jushum, of thei flling in Zamaun, uf their Ieaving Mocca, and of those who ruled Mecca after them until ‘Abdo'l-Murtatib dug Zar- gam, according to what Ziyld b. ‘Abdullah al-Bakia’s told me on the authority of Muhammed b. Ishaq al-Mufalii, is that when Ishmael the ‘son of Abraham died, his son Nabit was in charge of the temple as long as God willed, then it was in charge of Mudad b. ‘Ame al Jurhurat (8), The ‘sons-of Iohinsel and the sons of Nabit wers with their grandfather Mudad b. ‘Ame and their maternal uncles of Jurbum—Jurham and Qette? wha ‘were cmusins being at that time the people uf Mews. They had come forth, from the Yaman and travelled together and Mudd was over Jurhum and. |The narmtive is continued om p92.6 The Life of Muhammad Samaycia',oncof their men, over Qatirs!, When they left the Paman, they sefused tu go unless they had a king to order their affairs, When they came to Meeon they saw a wnu bleseed with water and trees and, delighted with, it, they settled there. ‘Mudd b, “Amr with the men of Jurhurt settled in ‘the upper part of Mecca in Qu‘ayqi'in and went no farther. Samayda’ ‘with Qatfea”setled in the lower part of Mecea in Ajyid the lower part of ‘Mecca, and went no farther. Mudd weed to take a tithe from those wha entered Mecea from above, while Samayda’ did the sense 10 those Who centered from below, Each‘kept to his oven people, nether entering the other's territary. ‘Then Jurhum-and Catia‘ quarrelied and contended for the supremacy in Mesca at chat time Mudd had with him the sons uf Ishmael and Nabit, ‘and he had the aversight of the temple as against Samayda', "They went out ‘to fight each other, Mudd from Qn'ayni"zn with his horeemen meking for Samayda' equipped with spears, leather shields, swords and quivers, rating as they charged. It is said that Qu'ayai’an was so named for that reason, Samayda’ went out from Ajyad with horse and foot, and itis said Aiysd got its name from the fine horses {jivdd) that formed Samayda ‘cavalry. The two parties met in Fi, and after a severe battle Samayda" ‘wae hilled and Qatari" humiliated, 1t 5 said tha: the name Fadih was given, for this reason ‘Then the penple clamoured for peace and went on uit they reached al-Mojtbiit, a ravine abuve Mecca; zhere they made peace sand surrendered authority to Mud8d. When he was in power and held jignty he olaughtered beasts fur the people and give them as food, "The people cooked and ate, and that is why the place fo called Marabikh, Some learned people allege thet che name wae given because Tuba’ had slaughtered there and given the food away and it was his base. ‘The dispute ‘between Mudd and Samayda’ was the first open wioag committed in ‘Mecca, atleast s0 some allege. ‘Then Ged mukiplied the offspring of Ishmael ia Mecca and their uncles from Jurhum were rulers of the temple and judges in Mecct. "The sons of Jehmael did not dispmte theis authority because of tic ties of Kindred and sheir respect for the sanctuary lect there shoul be quarrelling or fighting ‘therein. When Mecea became too confined for the sons af Ishmael they spread abroad in the laud, an whenever they had to ight a people, God gave thera the victory thrangh their eeligion and they mbdued them. ‘THE THINYS OF KINANA AND KHUZA'A GET POSSESSION OF THE TEMPLE AND EXPEL JURHOM Afterwards Jurham bebaved high-bandedly in Mecea and made lawful ‘that which wns taboo. ‘Those who entered the tnwa who were not of their sribe they treated badly and they appropriated gifts which had been made 4 The Cait airs abt ejest hi etrmology: avcdn te plural of eu, ea a ss ee See The Life of Muhammad ry ‘to the Ka'ba so that their authority weakened. When B. Dake b. ‘Abdu ‘Manat b. Kinina and Ghubshin of Khurt‘a perecived that, they came ‘together to dn battle and drive them out of Mecca. War was declared and in the fighting B, Bake and Ghubshin got the upper hand and expelled ‘thera from Mecca, Now in the time of paganism Mecea did not talerate injustice and wrong within its borders and if anyone did wrong therein it ‘expelled him; therefore it was called ‘the Seorcher’y" and any king who ‘ane to profane its sanctity died on the opot. Tc in sad that it was called Baka because it used to break? the necks of tyrants when they introduced {innovations therein (99) “Amr b. al-Hirith B. Miugad sl-Jurhamn brought out the two gazclles of the Ka'ba and the corner-atone and buried them in the well Zazizai, going away with the men of Jurhum to the Yaman. They were bitterly sgreved at losing the kingship of Mecca, and the above named ‘Amr said: ‘Many a woman crying bitterly, Hereyes swollen with weeping, said “Tis as though herween al-Hajin? and al-Safh there wat ‘No friend and none to begnile she sights long hours jn Mecca. Tesi to her, while my heart within me palpitaied ‘As thongh a bird flurtered between my sib “Of a murety we were its people, And grievous misfortunes have brought us to nought; “We were the lords of the uemple after Nabit, ‘We used to go round the temple ‘Our prosperity plain to see. “We were in charge of the temple after Nabit in glory ™ And the man of plenty did nat ennne with us. ‘We reigned in power, how great wan our rule! [No other tribe there could boast, ‘Did you rot marry a daughter to the best man I know? His sons are ours, we being brothers by marriage.” TF the world rumed ayaiust us The world ever brings painful changes. God* drove us out by force; thus, O men, Does destiny puroue ito way. I say when the earefrce sleep, and T do not seep, ‘Lord of the throne, let not Suhayl and ‘Amir perish?” ‘Ta forced to look upon faces I do nat Tike: ‘The tribes of Himyar and Yubahi ‘We became a legend after having been in prowperity. ‘Phat is what the passing yours due Sania, + vem the veh bake, he broke + A mountain above Meece + Ce. Tonrne 1 Tana preaunaly seer othe Autor Kingns 4B The Life of Mchanmad “The tears flow, weeping for a town ‘Wherein is a sure sanctuary and the eacred places. “Weopiag for a temple whose doves unharmed, ‘Divell enfely there, with flocks of sparrows. ‘Wild creanures there are tame, ushasried, Bur leaving its aanctuary are hunted Srely (roc). ‘Aone b. al-Harith, renerabering Bake and Ghubshén and the townsmen. ‘of Mecea whom they bad left behind theee, said also: Journey forth, O men; the time will come ‘When one day you will not be able to leave, ‘Hasten your beasts and loosen their reins, Before death comes; and do what you must do, We were men like yous fate changed us And you will be a8 we once were (201). ‘THE DESPOTISM OF KHUZA'A IN THEIR CUaTODY OF ‘TRE TEMPLE “Phen Ghubshin of Khuza‘a controlled the temple instead of B, Bakr b. “Abd Manit, the man who was controlling it being ‘Aror b, al-Harith al- ‘Ghubshini, Quraysh at that time were in scattered settsments, and tents? sspezoed among their people, B. Kinana, So Khuri'a possessed the temple, ‘passing iton from son ta son until the last of them, Hulayl b, Habashiya b. ‘Salil b, Ka'b b. ‘Amr al-Khuzi't (202), THE MARRIAGE OF QUSAYY B. KILKN WITH HUBBA DAUGHTER OP HULAYL -Qusayy b. Kilab asked Hulayl b. ubshiya for his daughter Hubbi, Hulayl agreed and gave her to him and she bare him ‘Abd al-Dar, ‘Abd Manif, Abcu'l-'Usaa, and ‘Abd. By the time that the children of Qusayy had ‘spread abroad and increased in wealth and reputation Hfulayl died. Now Gutayy thought that he hac a better claim than Khuzi'a and B, Bake to control the Ka'ba and Mecca, and that Quraysh were the noblest off- coring of Tehmae! b. Abrsham end the paroat descendants of his sons. Hee spoke to Quraysh and B. Kinfina ssking them to drive out Khura’a and B, Bakr fram Mecea and they agreed to do sa. ‘Now Rabi'a b, Harkm of ‘Udhra b. Ss'd b, Zayd hud come to Mecca after the death of Kilzb and had married Fitima d, Sed b. Sayal. (Zubra * Oe thawte eae aiae The Life of Muhammad 4 at thet tie was a grown moan and stayed behind, while Queayy had just ‘been weaned.) Rabia took Fatima away to his land and she carried Queayy swith her, and subsequently gave bicth to Rizab, When Qusayy reached -man’s estate he came to Mecea and dwelt there. ‘Ths it was thac when his people asked him to join thera in the war he ‘wrote to his brother Rizth, who shared the same mother, asking hirn to ‘come and support him. ‘Tliercupon Rizilyset out accompanied by his half ‘brothers Hunn, Mabmid, and Julhura, all yona of Rab¥’a but not by ‘Fatima, together with a number of Qud's among the Arab pilgrims, having agreed to support Qusayy. Khuzi’a allege that Hulayl b. Hubshiya had enjoined this on Qusayy ‘when he saw hove his daughter's children had multiplied, saying: Ihave a better right to the Ka’ba and to rule in Mecca than Khuzi's’, 0 that this was the reauon why'Qusayy acted a8 he did, But ths is a story which swe have not keard from any other source, and only God knows the truth. (f. When the people had aeembled in Mecca anxl yone to the maugif, ‘completed the Aaj and come down to Mint, Qusayy assembled his posses- ‘tions and his followers ftom hie own tribe of Quraysh, the B. Kinana, and -zuch of the Quda’a as were with him, there only zemained the ceremony of dismissal)" AL-CHADTH’S AUTHORITY OVER MEN ON PILGRIMAGE Al-Ghauth b. Murr b. Udd b, sl-Ys's b, Mudar used to give permission® ‘to:men on pilgrimage to leave ‘Arafa, and this function descended to his children after him, He and his soas used to be ealed Sifa? ALGhauth ‘used to exercise this function because his mother was a_woman of Juchum. ‘rho hed been harren and vowed to Allah that if she bove a non she would _give him to the Ka'baasa slave wo serve it and to look after it. Tn course of time she gave birch to al-Ghauth and he weed to look after the Ka'ba in carly times with his Jnrhum uncles and presided over the order of depasture from ‘Arata because of the uffice which fe held in the Kaba, His sons -arvied on the practice until they were cut off 2 Teams. cts, The maven ih he wd: St ad ed he pple Te secs pomile that the Ta o “permission”, he word of command shat wri sates the toc wes oripolly the permaion ffl pom he slaghtered vets. Tn he Meccan plerimage the ana which terminated the to ata rs the ssl fore hot face wo tae neighbouring sanctutry sf Modal where te sacred fie of the god Cone ‘Bornd ie way fact, not so mus the permenn oreve “Arata dues to Cora ntstehoet called ap which my toean dispersion’ oe distabuton™. Tearmer wel {mean the former, for ‘Aras not oly round, bat merely the point 9 astmblage fst ‘urside the Haram at which the ceremoni began, and te tation wt °Arae te ouly the ‘evpartin forthe vig at Mondalifa On the eter hand, # the meaning" diuibution™ Ripe anewer so she roof Nila’ Saracens to partake of the erica” W.RLS, RS. dir f. Ct. Wall, Bs; Gauefoy-Demombynen, son, "True meaning of tie name i obscure 6a 9 The Life of Muhammad ‘Mure b, Udd, referring to the fulfilment of the mother's oath, stid: © Lord, I have made one of my sons A devotee in Mecca the exalted. So bless me for the vow fulilled, ‘And make him the best of creatures to my credit. Al-Ghauth, s0 they allege, used to say when he sent the people away: © God 1 am following the example of others. IF that is wrong, the faut is Quda'a'. ‘Yahyi b. AbbSd b. “Abdullah. al-Zubayr from his father ‘Abba said: ‘Sifa used to send the people away from ‘Arafa and give them permission to depart when they left Mini. When the day of departure arrived they ‘used to come to throw pebbles, and a man of Sifa used to throw for the ‘men, none throwing until he bad thrown. Those who bad urgent business used to come and say to him: ‘Get up and throw so that we may throw with ‘you,’ and he would say, ‘No, by God, not until the sun goes down’; and ‘those who wanted to leave quickly used to throw stones at him to huery him, saying, ‘Confound you, get up and throw.’ But he refused until the sun went down and then he would get up and throw while the men threw stones with him, ‘When they had finished the stoning and wanted to leave Mind, Sia held both sides ofthe hill and kept the men back, ‘They said: “Give the order to depart, Sifa.' No one left until they had gone first, When SOf left and hhadl passed on, mien were left to go their own way and followed them. ‘This swan the practice until they were cut off After them the nest of kin ine herited. ‘Thev were of B. Sa'd in the family of Safwan b. al-Harith b. (103), [twas Safwin who gave permiacion to the pilgrims to depart from ‘Arafa, and this right was maintained by them up to Tslam, the last being Karib b. Safwan ‘Aus b, Tamim b, Moghra’ al-Se'di said ‘The pilgrims do not quit their halting-place at “Arafa Uniil its sid, “Give permission O family of Safin,” ‘ADWAN AND THE DEPARTURE CEREMONY AT ‘MUZDALIFA ‘Hurthin b. ‘Amr the ‘Adwanite who was called Dhi'l-Isba’ because he ‘aad a finger missing seid ‘Bring an excuse for the tribe of “Adwan.' "They were the serpents of the carth.* + Le, for what they have dane the ane to the other’. ‘They were reat by civil war. See CCaunsn de Bercrel, Evil rn Phitae der Arche, be 363. es tanning and teacherous ee 8 eee eee The Life of Muhammad Some acted unlawfully against others And some spared not others. ‘Some of thems were nrinces ‘Who faithfully met their obligations Same used to give men the parting signal By custom and divine command. (OF them was a judge who gave decisions And his verdict was never annulled, Since the petmision to depart from Muzdalifa was with ‘Adwin, as 78 Ziyad b. “Abdullah al-Bakka’i told me om the authority of Muhammad b. ‘chia, they used to pass it on from father to son until the lst of them when Islam came, Abi Sayyara "Urnayla b, al-A'zal, about whom 2 certain poet said: We have defended Aba Sayytra And his clients the Bani Fazira Until he made his ass pass through safely As he faced Mecca praying to its Guardian. ‘Ab Sayjden uted to send ayay the people while siting upon a she as of ay thats why he avs mabigg hs ee ea ey "AMIR B. ZARIB B. ‘AMR B.'IYADH B, YASHKUR B.‘ADWAN His words ‘a judge who gave decisions’ refers to the above-named, ‘The ‘Arabs used to refer every serious and difficult case to him for decision and ‘would accept his verdict. Once it happened that a case in dispute in reference to a hermaphrodite was brought to him. ‘They seid, ‘Are we to treat it a4 aman ora woman?" They had never brought him such a difficult atier before, so he eaid, ‘Wait awhile until [ have looked into the matter, for by Allah you have never brought me a question like this before." 80 they agreed to wait, and he passed a sleepless night turning the matter over and looking at it from al sides without any result. Now he had a slave-gil Sukbayla who used to pasture his flock. Tt was his habit to tease her when she went out in the morning, by saying sarcastically, "You're carly this morning, Sukhayla’; and when she returned at night he would say, ‘You're late to-night, Sukhayl,” because she had gone out late in the morning and come back late in the evening after the others. Now when thi girl saw chat Ihe could not sleep and tossed about on his bed she asked what his tcouble vas, ‘Get out and leave me alone, for it a none of your business," he retorted. However, she was ao persistent that be sxid to himself that it tight be that she would provide him with some golution of his problem, so he suid: “Well then, I was asked to adjudicate on the inheritance of a * In this section the work of LT. and IH. aro fiat poem eames from the former and the comme itinguished. Probably the ater2 co The Life of Muhammad phrodite, Am T 10 make him a man or a woman? By God I de not “know what to do and T can see no way out.’ She said, ‘Good God, merely fallow the course of the urloatory process.” "Be as lates you please hence- forth, Sukhayla; you have solved my problem,” said he. Then in the mocn- ing be went out to the people and gave his decision in the way she Aad Sndtcated. HOW QUSAYY B. KILAB GAINED POWER IN Mucéns ‘HOW HE UNITED QURAYSH AND THE HELP WHICH QUDA‘A GAVE HIM In that year Safa behaved as they were accustomed. "The Arabs had borne ther pattently since they fle it a duty in the cime of Jurhum and Klbuzs'a ‘when they were in authority. Quea¥y came to them with his tribesmen rom Quraysh and Kintna and Qudi’a at al~'Agaba saying, ‘We have a Teeter right to this authority than you.” (FT. They disputed one with another and they tried to kil him.) Severe fighting followed resulting in the defeat of Sif, aud Qusayy assomed their authority. "Thoreupon Khuzi'a and B, Baie wichdsew from Quesyy knowing that ‘he would impose the same restrictions ou thera 2s Safa hed done and that fhe would come between them and the Ka'ba and the nule of Mecca, When ‘hey had withdrawn, Queayy showed his hostility and gathered his forces to fight them, (7. His brother Rizth b. Rabi'a with his men from Quda’a ‘good with hin) Khuzi’s and B, Bair came out azainst him and a severe, ‘patele took place in the valley of Mecca and both partes suftered heavily, "Thercupon they agreed to take peace aun that one of the Arabs hand arbitrate beteen them. They appointed 23 umpire Ya'mar b, ‘Auf b. Kath b. ‘Amir b, Layth b. Wake b. ‘Abdu Mant b. ining, His verdict ‘was that Qusayy had a better claim to the Kaba and to rule Mecca than ‘Kiuza‘a and that all blond shed by Qusayy was to be cancelled and com- pensation disregarded, but Khuza’a and B, Dake must pay bloodwit for the nen of Quraysh, Kinina, and Quda’s whom they had killed and that Quoayy should be given a free hand with che Ka'ba aud Mecca, Yo'mar b. "Auf was Inunediately called al-Shaddzkh because he bad cancelled che Gaim to bloadwit and remitted it (104). “Thus Qusayy gained authority over the temple and Mecca and brought {in his people from their dwellings to Mecca, He behared a2 a king over hia tribe and the people of Mecca, and so they made him king; but he Trad guarantecd t0 the Araba thei customary rights because he felt that it was a duty upon himself which he had not the tight to alter. Thus the confirmed the family of Safwin and "Scwan an ths intercalstors and ‘Murra b. ‘An in their customary rights which obtained vat the easing of stem when God put an end thereby to them all, Quaayy was the fest of "The point was important cause & male reecved double ms such a female (nunca el The Life of Muhommad 8 2B. Ba'b b. Ta’ayy to assume kingship and co be obcyed by his people se ing, He held the kage of the temple, he right tse: the piles fora ‘the well of Zamaum, wo feed the pilgrim, 0 preside st assemblies, tad to thand out the war banners. In his hands lay all the dignities of Mecca: he civided the tawn into quarters among hia people and he settled all the ‘Quragsh into de houses in Mecca which they held. ‘People aster: that the Quravels were afraid to ont down the trees of the sanctuary in their quarters, but Qugayy wat thom down with his own hand or through his assistants, Qucavsh eifed him the ‘uniter hecause he hast brought them cogether aud they deew a happy omen from his rule, So fat 2s Quriysh were concerned no woman was given in marrage. no man, married, no discussion about public affairs was held, and n0 banner “of war was entrusted to anyone except in his house, where one of his sons ‘would hand it over. When a gil reached rarriageable ag he had to come sw his house to put on her shift. The shift was split oer her head in hia house, then she put it on and wae taken away to her people.” His anthorty among the Quraysh during hia life and after his death was lke a religious lor which coulda be infinged, He chose fo ine he house of er. {ng and made a door which led to the mosque of the Ka'ba} in j ‘Qurayah used to etl their wis (108). ‘oka “Abdu'l-Malik b, Rashid told me that his father said that he heard al- Sib b. Khabbab, author of ul-Magitra, reporting that he heard a man telling ‘Umar b. al-Khattab when he was caliph the story of Qussyy, how hhe united Queaysh and expelled Khuad'a snd B. Bakr from Sfevca, and Ihow he geined controt ofthe temple and the affairs of Mects. Umar made zo attempt to grinsay him. (T. Quaayy’s authority in Meces, where he senjoyed great estezm, remained uncontested, He kf the pilgrimage une schanged beeaace he deemed it a religious tuboo, ‘The Sift continued, ‘until they were eut off, in the faraly of Safin b. abElirith b. Shijaa by ah ofinbentanes “Adwin. he Nave of, MB b. Kine and Marra “Auf continued as before until Islam came an bas! id God deszzoyed all these ‘When Quéayy’s war was over his brother Rist b, Raa went avay to this own land with his countrymen. Cancerning his response to Quseyy he ‘composed the following poem: Guerre When a messenger came from Qusayy “And suid ‘Respond to your friend's request, “We eprang to his aid leading oxr horses, Casting from us the half-hosrted and slow-moving. “We rode all night until the das Hiding ourselves by dey lest we should be atacked. us steeds were owift au grouse hirrying to water Bringing our nuewor to the eall of Quay, ‘The as wae a iarge piece of cloth, Normally aero ots an epeni i sheen put herhesd. She cs mkinskcver sd won np the ve adore mee SHuM + The Life of Muhammad ‘We collected trihesmen from Sirr and the twa Ashmadhs? From every tribe a clan, ‘What a fine force of cavalry that night, ‘More than a thousand, swift, smooth-paced! ‘When they passed by al-’Asjad ‘And took the easy road from Mustantkh ‘And passed by the edge of Warigin ‘And passed by al-'Asj, a wibe encamped there, ‘They passed by the thombushes without croppi Running hard the Hivelong night from Marz. ‘We brought the colts near theie mothers That their neighing might be gentle, ‘And when we came to Mecca we Subdued the men tribe by tribe. ‘We emote therm there with the edge of the sword ‘And with every stroke we deprived them of their wits ‘We trod them down with our horses’ hooves ‘As the strong tread down the weak and helpless, ‘We killed Khuzi’z in their homeland ‘And Bakr we killed group by group. ‘We drove them from God’s land, ‘We would not let them possess a fertile country. ‘We kept them bound in iron fetters? ‘On every tribe we quenched our vengeance. them, 82 ‘Tha'laba b. ‘Abdullah b. Dhubyfa b, al-Hzrith b, Sad Hudhaym ale ‘Quai said concerning Cuusayy's invitation and their response: ‘We urged on our slender high-stepping horses From the sandhills, the nndhills of al-Jinab To the lowlands of Tihima, and we met our for Ina barren depression of a desert. ‘As for Sifa the effeminate, “They forsook their dwellings in fear of the sword, But the sons of ‘AN when they saw us ‘Leaped to their ewords like camels that yearn for home, (Qusayy b, Kilab said: 1am the son of the protectora the B. Lu'ayy, In Mecea is my home where I grew up. Ice dp wher hve ret tbe oF ero moun beeen Meda en ° Te reading iy uncertain; ‘they passed by water without testing i’, a¢ some MES. pro- pore it Snprubable, Fiance improbable thet euch nett and vale metal would be wed for such pur- ‘pose a tia date emer The Life of Muhammad 55 ‘Mine is! the valley aa Ma‘add knows, ts Marwa T delight YT should nat have conquered had not ‘The sons of Qaydhar and Nabit settled there. Riosh was my helper and through him I am grea, fear no injustice as long as I live. When Risth was established in his country God increased him and ‘Hunn in numbers. (They are the two tribes of ‘Udhra today.) Now when he came to his country there had been a matter in dispute between Rizah fon the one hand and Nahd b. Zayd and Hautaka b. Asium on the other, they being two clans of Quda'a. He put them in fear so that they clave to ‘the Yaman and left the Qud8'a country and remain in the Yaman to this day. Now Qusayy wan well disposed to Qudl'a and wanted them to in- crease and be united in their land because of his kinship with Rizth and because of their goodwill to him when they responded to his appeal for help. He disliked what Rizah had done to them and said: ‘Who will tell Riaih from me That I blame him on two accounts, blame you for the Ban Nabd b. Zeya Because you drove a wedge between them and me, ‘And for Hautaka b. Aslum; of a truth ‘He who treats them badly has hadty treated me (106). ‘When Queeyy grew old and feeble, he spoke to 'Abdu'L-Dar. He was hhin first bora but (T. they say he war weak) ‘Abdu Manif had become famous during his fathers lifetime and done all that had to be done along with ‘Abdu'l"Uzad and ‘Abd, He said: ‘By God, my son Twill put youon & ‘par with the others; though they have a greater reputation than yours; noné ‘of them shall enter the Ka'ba until you open it for them; none shall give ‘the Quraysh the war banner but you with your own hand; none shalt drink, in Mecea except you allow it; and no pilgrim shall eat food unless you provide it and Quravsh shall ot decide any mater exept in your hour He gave him his house, it being the only place where Quraysh could settle thee ati, and he gute him the ornate mentioned sbere ‘The Riféda was a tax which Quraysh used to pay from their property to ‘Quaayy at every festival. With ithe used to provide food forthe pilgrima ‘iho were unable to afford their own provisions. Queayy had lai this as 2 duty upon Quraysh, saying: ‘You are God's neighbours, the people of hie femaple and sanctuary. ‘The pilgrims are God's guests and the visitors to “His teraple and have the highest claim on your generesity; so proside food land drink for them during the pilgrimage uatil they depart out of your territory.” Accordingly they used to pay him every yeat a tax on their flocks and he used fo provide food for the people therefrom, while they * Resting wai with Ast. 6o for lin 8