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Anne Pfeifer
ANTH 461
December 14th, 2015
Final Paper

Impacts of Olympic Nation Park:

A Dialog between the National Park Service and Indigenous People

Abstract

The National Parks System in the United States has often been hailed as Americas

Greatest Idea. Over and over people have praised the environmental and social progress NPS

has made to preserve nature for future generations to come. For many years, the effort to create

parks, such as Olympic National Park, was to preserve the wilderness that was untouched by

man. The virgin forest so to speak. This idea has been so ingrained in our society as an effort to

separate man from the wild that the idea of a wilderness untouched by man doesnt seem so

outrageous to anyone. The park mentioned earlier is a prime example of the flaws in this

ideology. Promoted as true wilderness untouched by man the reality of Olympic National Park

becomes forgotten. The park lands were used for generations by native populations before the

establishment of the National Park Service parks was even thought of. The implications of this

truth shoes that the history of land use in the Olympic Peninsula is much broader than many

people think. This has caused an ongoing dialog between the National Park Service and the

people of the Northwest Tribes to arise.

This paper studies the impact of land use in the established park lands for Olympic

National Park. By researching the tribes that have been identified with living in these areas such

as: The Lower Elwha Klallam, Jamestown SKlallam, Port Gamble SKlallam, Skokomish,

Quinault, Hoh, Quileute, and Makah, the idea of a parallel history between the National Park
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Service and the Northwest tribes will be investigated. The relationship between people and the

land before, during and after the NPS is particularly interesting due to its coevolution.

This area has a rich history, not only of northwest tribal use, but also from federal

government involvement because of this an ongoing dialog between the two groups that has

arisen. During pre-National Parks era, this paper will look origin stories and archaeological

examples of indigenous land use in sites within the parks boundaries. For the era of NPS

establishment and displacement of natives from the land they once called home, the issue will be

viewed with the idea of scale mismatch between northwest tribal management and federal

management of the natural resources and the consequent conflicts caused by this. For the final

time, present NPS involvement, I will look at how NPS has tried to re-incorporate native

involvement in the lands that are now parks. A great example of this is tribal involvement in the

Elwha Dam Removal. This paper is split into distinct sections to keep the parallel histories

between the two groups clear until their convergence is explained.

Introduction

The Olympic Peninsula is one of the most biologically diverse ecosystems in the United

States. Because of this the land has become increasingly significant, not only to the plants and

animals that reside there but also to the humans that live there too. Its history is rich due to many

Northwest Tribe legends, federal power struggles and conflicts between these two groups. Within

its grounds, it houses Olympic National Park, one of the Crown Jewels of the National Park

Service. Its establishment represented a success in the effort to protect some of the United States

many valuable natural resources from the greedy hands of private corporations. But, its

establishment also represents a dark part of the National Park Services History. Olympic

National Park is a prime example of the societal misconception of pre-park uninhabited

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wilderness. This ideology was perpetuated for generations despite the evidence within the park

of indigenous people using and managing the land, because of this there is a constant ongoing

dialog between the indigenous people of the Olympic Peninsula and the National Park Service.

The very different histories of the Olympic National Park and the Northwest Tribes have

been running parallel to one another since the first European and Euro American people came to

this area. The park lands have acted as a common denominator between the two groups and has

facilitated many interactions, conflicts and mediations. The main conflict between the two

groups has been a scale mismatch between the management of Olympic Peninsulas natural

resources.

Northwest Tribal Land Use in the Olympic Peninsula

The earliest prehistoric occupation of Olympic Peninsula has been estimated to be 12,000

years ago. In 1977, a farmer digging just outside of Olympic National Park limits, unearthed a

mastodon with a spear in its ribs. This is the oldest archaeological piece of evidence proving the

presence of humans in the Olympic Peninsula. These original inhabitants were groups of

nomadic hunter gatherers that hunted deer and elk, and collected plants to survive. They roamed

through the entire peninsula utilizing its geographically unique terrain and traveled as far north

as Vancouver BC and as far south as Southern Oregon.

About 3,000 years later, tribes began to establish more permanent villages closer to

lowland rivers and lakes to accommodate growing populations, economies, and polities. Now,

the current eight tribes affiliated with Olympic Peninsula began to emerge. These tribes include

the Lower Elwha Klallam, Jamestown S'Klallam, Port Gamble S'Klallam, Skokomish, Quinault,

Hoh, Quileute, and Makah [Appendix A, figure 1]. Before the first encounters with Europeans
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and Euro-American explorers and settlers, they managed the land based primarily on subsistence

economies and complex interaction webs.

Then, in 1855 after the first contact with settlers the first treaties were signed by the

Northwest Tribes to establish reservations and cede tribal land to the federal government.

Of the 1.2 million acres estimated to be in the possession of Northwest Tribes on the Olympic

Peninsula, it was reduced to 224,000 square miles. These treaties promised that in exchange for

the tribal lands tribal members' rights to fish and hunt in all accustom grounds would be honored.

The influence of these treaties and their mistreatment has had impacts that still exist today.

Of the eight tribes that coexist on the Olympic Peninsula, almost all of them have origin

stories that place them on Peninsula Land from the beginning of their tribal history.

The relationship between the first peoples and the Olympic Peninsula is recounted in
origin legends and mythic events that explain both the creation of the landscape and
peoples relationship to it. These legends depict a reliance on waterways, forests, and
valleys for acquisition of vital resources and give detailed descriptions of travel into the
mountains for pleasure, social interexchange such as marriage, and spiritual pursuits
(Olympic Peninsula Intertribal Cultural Advisory Committee, 5).

The Olympic Peninsula Intertribal Advisory Committee has made it their goal to share the rich

history of the Olympic Peninsula Tribes and educate those who have an unclear understanding of

who they are. Two tribes that stand out for having increased contact, conflict and mediation with

the federal government are the Quinault Indian Nation and the Lower Elwha Klallam. Each tribe

resides along the rivers that perforate the Peninsula and they have been utilizing the land for

years to provide sustenance, cultural and spiritual significance.

The Quinault Indian Nation is currently located 45 miles north of Hoquiam, Washington.

[Appendix A, Figure 2] Today tribal membership includes seven distinct groups: Quinault,

Quileute, Queets, Hoh, Chehalis, Chinook and Cowlitz. Of all the land in possession by the

Northwest Tribes 90% of the land is owned by the Quinault tribe. They are for their continuing
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culture and strong opposition to the land taken from them by treaties. The Treaty of Olympia,

signed January 25, 1856,

Ceded to the United States nearly one-third of the Olympic Peninsula, an estimated 1.2
million acres, in exchange for a tract of land sufficient for their wants and guarantees
such as the right of taking fish at all usual and accustomed grounds and stations
(Olympic Peninsula Intertribal Cultural Advisory Committee, 109).
This was the final treaty that established the Quinault Reservation that the Quinault and the

Queets moved onto. The Quileute and Hoh refused to move and because of this they were each

given their own smaller parcels of land that became their subsequent reservations.

Another tribe that has a significant history that often intertwined with the administrative

history of the Olympic Peninsula is the Lower Elwha Klallam. This tribe is known as the Strong

People because of a legend retold by their elders:

One day there was a big gathering at Elwha. The people ate salmon, clam, wild berries,
and lots of good things from nature. At the time a longhouse was being built and they
decided to see who could get the big log to the roof. All other tribes tried to lift it, with no
success. Then came the mighty Klallams. Knowing that logs float, they rolled the log into
the water When they walked out of the water they were carrying the log on their
shoulders. Upon reaching the longhouse, everyone shouted at the same time Shashume,
Shashume, Shashume and on the third Shashume they all lifted the log to the top They
all shouted Klallam, Klallam! which means strong people (Olympic Peninsula
Intertribal Cultural Advisory Committee, 21)

Before the federal involvement in the Olympic Peninsula the Elwha River and Watershed

[Appendix A, figure 3] acted as a natural byway of subsistence for the Klallam. They not only

treasured the river but also considered the Olympic Mountains sacred. To utilize the different

ecosystems on the peninsula to gather medicinal plants, berries, bear grass, and cattails they

often floated along the river. They also hunted bear, deer, and elk and lived in upriver villages

seasonally or year-round. The Elwha Reservation was established in 1855 when they ceded their

lands via the Point No Point Treaty to the federal government.

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Each tribes history represents not only the culture but the Traditional Ecological

Knowledge that was embedded within the society. The various ecosystems of the Olympic

Peninsula would not have been the same without the presence of the Northwest Tribes. By the

time the reservations were established knowledge of the original size of tribal societies was

misunderstood because disease and other misfortunes obliterated the Northwest Tribe

populations. It is hard to move away from the common societal conception of nature separate

from man. But, it is important to understand that within the areas on the Peninsula that tribes

never interacted with anything thing such as virgin forest.

Establishment of Olympic National Park and Its Significance

Olympic National Park has had not only a large significance in the lives of the Northwest

Tribes, but it has also had a history of power struggle between multiple branches of the United

States Government such as the Forest Service and the National Park Service. Ever since the 1855

treaties established reservations for the Northwest Tribes on the Peninsula, settlers and other

private industries began utilizing the abundant resources that the Peninsula must offer. The

concern for overuse brought federal engagement to the area in three distinct phases.

The first phase of engagement took place from 1897 to 1933 when the United States

Forest Service commissioned land to create a forest reserve. At the time, private corporations

were abusing the nations timber resources across the country, Olympic Peninsula Forests

included. This was alarming to the residents because the forests on the Olympic Peninsula

represent one of the most biodiverse places in the nation.

In 1897, the Interior Appropriation Bill was proposed to establish Olympic National

Forest Reserve by the Cleveland Administration, to protect these ecosystems from the from the

harmful hands of the timber industry. It was officially put in place in March of 1898.
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It was the ninth entry on the recommendation list of thirteen different locations. The Forest

Reserve Commission claimed,

this preserve no doubt contains for its area the largest and most valuable body of timber
in the nation; and here is the only part of the United States where the forest by fire or the
axe still exists over a great area in it primeval splendor (Administrative History of
Olympic National Park).

Even after the establishment of the Olympic National Forest, there was still a great

concern for the management of ecological resources in the area. Specifically, there were

conservation concerns about the preservation of the peninsula elk populations. Over hunting

caused a dramatic decrease in population. Then on March 2nd, 1902, President Theodore

Roosevelt signed an executive order to establish Mount Olympus National Monument. This

executive order took 610,560 acres from Olympic National Forest and re-established it as a

National Monument.

The Forest Service still retained its authority over the monument until June 10th, 1933

when Executive Order 6166 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt transferred authority over all

National Monuments to the National Park Service. To the Forest Service's dismay, people still

felt that the elk population within the monument was in danger so the transfer of power to the

National Park Service represented potential hope for the area. But regardless of the public's

opinion, for most of Roosevelt and Trumans presidency the National Forest Service opposed the

presence of the National Park Service in the Olympic Peninsula. They continued to engage in

conflicts over resource management on and surrounding Mount Olympus National Monument,

specifically in the case of elk.

Finally, on June 16th [1939], the motion was approved by Congress to change Mount

Olympus Monuments status from National Monument to National Park.

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"In its final form, the bill abolished Mount Olympus National Monument and established
a park of approximately 634,000 acres. It also authorized the president to add land to the
park up to an acreage limitation of 898,220 acres. The president signed the legislation
into law on June 29th, 1938 (Administrative History of Olympic National Park).

The establishment of the park ensured the protection of the land from all outside competing

interest for years to come. The current area of Olympic National Park is 1,442 mi and within its

boundaries there are six unique ecosystems. According to the Olympic National Park Long

Range Interpretive Plan, the park protects 16 kinds of animals and 8 kinds of plants that are

endemic to the area.

It is also home to one of the largest old growth cedar forests in the nation and one of the

largest temperate rainforests in the world [Appendix A, figure 4, 5]. The forest ecosystem that is

found in the park once stretched from Southern Oregon to Southeast Alaska but now primarily

remains only in protected areas such as the park. "44% of the Coastal Rainforest has been

developed primarily in the southern region (Ecotrust).

It then is job of Olympic National Park to ensure the survival of these unique ecosystems

and to provide the public with educational purpose. The power struggle of federal government

established the traditional history of Olympic National Park that is often taught today and paved

the way for conflicts between the Northwest Tribes and the National Park Service. In the eyes of

the government the park represented wilderness that needed to remain untouched by humans for

to stay pristine. For the tribes, it represented a loss in resources that they had used previously for

generations.

Scale Mismatch

Now that the two parallel histories of the Olympic Peninsula have been established it

needs to be addressed that the main issue surrounding the Olympic Peninsula and Olympic

National Park is the scale mismatch between the National Park Service and the Northwest Tribes.
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A scale mismatch is when problems surrounding natural resources are caused by scale of

management and scale of ecological process. According to Cummings et. al, authors of Scale

Mismatches in Social-Ecological Systems: Causes, Consequences, and Solutions,

Scale mismatches arise through changes in the relationships between the spatial,
temporal, or functional scales at which the environment varies, the scales at which human
social organization occurs, and the demands of people and other organisms for resources
(Cumming ET. Al., 3).

In terms of the establishment of Olympic National Park, the mismatch of land management is

between the federal government conservation principles and the Tradition Ecological Knowledge

(TEK) of the Northwest Tribes. This conflict is the thread that brings about the dialog between

the two groups and set in motion the ideas for the management of this unique ecosystem.

The Traditional Ecological Knowledge of the Northwest Tribes was a driving force of

ecological production and consumption for many years before European and Euro-American

settlers even set foot on the Olympic Peninsula. According to Ames and Maschner, authors of

People of the Northwest Coast, the people living in the Olympic Peninsula were much more than

the common hunter gatherer stereotype that is often imposed upon them.

The societies of the Northwest Coast differed markedly from this common stereotype of
hunter-gathers. They were the most socially complex hunting and gathering societies
known on earth and had social and cultural features, such as social stratification, that are
usually assumed to be attributes of farming peoples (Ames & Maschner, 13)

A term these authors use in place of hunter gatherer is "affluent forager," and their societies were

so much more complex than those that people could consider simply hunting and gathering. They

created and maintained the land by establishing complex interaction webs amongst the different

prominent groups to encourage natural production of the land that could produce subsistence for

themselves. Northwest Coast peoples organized their economies to use not only single

resources, but entire food chains (Ames & Maschner, 116). Their use of resources was ingrained
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in a deep understanding of how each ecosystem in the peninsula worked and how it could be

utilized and maintained in a way that best benefited the people.

One unique element of the way tribes managed the land was the manipulation of different

environments to modify and create micro environments that could be used by each tribe in

different areas. The interactions between humans and themselves and humans and nature often

made it hard to determine what ecology in the area was "untouched" and what was not.

The record is made complex by the interplay among these regional and coast wide
developments and local ecology The crucial role of geographic variation in the
environment and in subsistence practices on the role of geographic variation in the
environment and in subsistence practices on the coast The local archaeological record
itself is a result of how people used their local environments their effective
environments. Ownership of territories, for example was a crucial aspect of the effective
environment (Ames & Maschner, 146).

One key factor that is different from today is the use of territories to establish different areas of

management. This ownership meant that very different styles of resource management had room

to grow and incorporate itself into the landscape. It was small scale bottom up resource

management that involved the people who would be affected by resource management being the

ones making those decisions.

In contrast, current day management is very much a version of top down management in

which the National Park Service is just another pawn of the federal government. Unlike the

Northwest Tribes management of the land, Olympic National Park established one overarching

management style that is applied to the park. This style involves things like permits and

regulations that have been written down and voted on by committees to establish the rule for the

park and its boundaries from outside of the park.

Some of examples of the required permits specific to Olympic National Park include:

2.10 (a) Backcountry Camping (also known as a Backcountry Use Permit), 2.50 (a) Conducting a
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sports event, pageant, regatta, public spectator attraction, entertainment ceremony, and similar

events, 2.51 (a) Public assemblies, meetings, gatherings, demonstrations, parades and other

public expressions of views for groups of more than 25 people and 2.4 (d) Carry or possession of

a weapon, trap or net (excluding firearms carried in accordance with Washington State Law).

During the time that the Northwest Tribes managed the land, the interactions between different

polities and management styles was often oral agreements and not written documents. Each of

the permits above are examples of permits that would potentially prevent the Northwest Tribes

from accessing and utilizing the land and resources within Olympic National Park's boundaries

in ways conducive to their cultural heritage.

Another example of mismatch between managements is the approach to preserving

natural, cultural and archaeological resources. A common establishment in all National Parks that

came about during an effort to beautify the parks was the creation of front country. This effort

was made to protect the valuable untouched back country of parks as tourism in parks increased.

In Olympic National Park, there is a whole section of the regulations that pertain to the

protection and use of front country by campers. Specifically, in front country areas people are

only allowed to collect dead and down wood, no larger than six inches in diameter, within mile

of campgrounds, except where fires are prohibited or in areas with a designated firewood

concession. They also are only allowed to collect edible fruits, nuts, berries and seashells in

accordance with strict regulations. Also, all waters within the Olympic National Park are closed

to the removal of any species of fish, shellfish, aquatic plants, or wildlife except as provided in

the Olympic National Park Fishing Regulations.

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Clearly the concern for the safety of the parks natural resources has manifested itself in

many ways. According the official Administrative History of Olympic National Park, after the

park was created the federal government,

Accepted that passive protection of wildlife from poachers and general human
encroachment by the creation of national parks had been a necessary first step in the
management of wildlife in America. However, they argued that the wildlife management
goal of the Park Service was to restore and perpetuate the fauna in its pristine state by
combating the harmful effects of human influence and thereby concluded that the need
to supplement protection with more constructive wildlife management has become
manifest with a steady increase of the problem both as a number and intensity
(Administrative History of Olympic National Park).

Something interesting about the government's approach to the preservation of Olympic National

Park is the idea of "restore and perpetuate the fauna in its pristine state." Here lies the main

socio-ecological conflict in the mismatch between the Northwest Tribes and the National Park

Service. The idea of pristine wilderness and virgin forests is a culturally bound concept

perpetuated by the National Park Service to establish societal value in the lands that it protects.

This ideology undermines all the previous land management put in place by the Northwest Tribes

and their ancestors.

According to an account of Jerry Charles [Appendix A, figure 6] a former tribal chairman

of the Lower Elwha Klallam in American Indians and National Parks,

"He considers himself an Indian first and a US Citizen second The United States made
me a citizen; I was born an Indian They have so many laws. You cant take a dog out
in the park anymore. You cant horseback ride anymore, you cant do this, you cant do
that (Keller & Turek, 99).

The Northwest Tribes have had to watch the National Park Service manage the land that they

once utilized for subsistence and have been denied access from sacred landscapes and traditional

resources. This has been the cause of many conflicts between the two groups and continues the

strained relationship that started with the creation of treaties and establishment of reservations.
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Conflicts

One conflict between the National Park Service and the Olympic Peninsula tribes is the

case of United States vs. Gregory Hicks. On March of 1982 Gregory Hicks and Steven Shale

went hunting in Olympic National Park. Each of the men are registered Quinault Indians that

snuck into the park. They hunted in Queets River Valley and killed three Elk in violation of

federal regulation. Clay Butler, the Quinault Indian Ranger in the park, arrested both men

because of the violation. When Hicks and Shale went to court, they claimed that they had the

right to hunt in Olympic National Park based on the agreement of the Treaty of Olympia that

secured the Quinaults right to hunt on open and unclaimed land."

The Court ruled that the defendants motion to dismiss the charges were denied because

Olympic National Park was no longer open and unclaimed.

A withdrawal of lands to preserve its natural beauty and indigenous

wildlife is one example of a use that is incompatible with all hunting.
The explicit language contained in the legislative history to the
creation of Olympic National Park supports this view. For these reasons,
the Court concludes that Olympic National Park lands are not "open
and unclaimed" and that the Treaty "privilege of hunting" is precluded
within the Park's boundaries. Accordingly, it is ordered adjudged and
decreed that the Court's earlier order adopting the Report and
Recommendation and dismissing the information herein is vacated,
Defendant's Motion to Dismiss is denied, and this matter shall be set
for trial. (587 F. Supp. 1162)
This ruling opened the eyes of the public to the conflicted relationship between the National Park

Service and its tribal neighbors. The previous informal policy that ignored the Northwest Tribes

presence in the land was no longer going to work for Olympic National Park or the Northwest

Tribes.

Another case that had a large impact on the relationship of the Northwest Tribes to

Olympic National Park and the Federal Government in U.S. vs. Washington, also known as the
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Boldt Decision. In this 1979 case, tribes such as the Hoh, Makah, Quileute and Quinault filed an

action stating that Washington State was infringing upon their treaty rights to fish. Part of this

problem was caused by loss of access to fishing on rivers within Olympic National Park but it

was also influenced by the commercial fishing industry poaching fish from other locations. The

tribes claimed that the treaties of Medicine Creek, Quinault, Neah Bay, Point Elliott, and Point-

No-Point [Appendix A, figure 7] were infringed upon.

"Findings of United States v. Washington (384 F. Supp. 312), commonly referred to as the
Boldt Decision, clarified these treaties about allocation of salmon harvests between tribal
and non-tribal fishers, holding that tribes are entitled to a 50 percent share of the
harvestable run of fish.

The court ruled that because tribal rights included the right to take fish at all usual and

accustomed grounds and stations tribes have a right to fair share of available fish. This helped

re-established tribal fishing rights and implemented inclusion of tribal fishing rights in the

management plans for the Puget Sound Salmon. It also helped implement solutions to some of

the problems faced by tribes. Before the case took place tribes such as the Lower Elwha Klallam,

Would gather dead fish from below the dams, but even possession of dead fish resulted
in jail sentences. Elders today recall their childhood years when they would sneak down
to the river to fish because their families had no food" (Olympic Peninsula Intertribal
Cultural Advisory Committee, 25).

This decision was the beginning of steps taken to pay reparations to the Northwest Tribes and to

begin to repair the relationship with the federal government.

Modern day collaboration

Today, the relationship between the two groups is still strained but there is a concentrated

effort to make improvement. For example, many of the campsites, roads and other parts of the

park are named after their traditional native names. Olympic National Parks has taken a strong

stance in its efforts to educate its visitors, part of this effort includes educating them on it's not so

uninhabited past. Event its website has a section solely dedicated to the parks prehistoric
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inhabitants and the tribes of the Peninsula. It isn't a full history but the two-paged pamphlet is at

least a start.

Another effort the National Park Service has made to incorporate the Northwest Tribes

into the current day Olympic National Park is the Elwha River Dam Removal. In the Elwha

River Watershed Two Dams were constructed to create hydroelectric power for the city of Port

Angeles. In 1910, the construction began with the Elwha Dam [Appendix A, figure 8] and was

completed with the Glines Canyon Dam [Appendix A, figure 9] in 1927. These dams have not

only had a huge ecological impact of the Elwha River Watershed but also on the lands connected

to the Lower Elwha Klallam.

Today the National Park service has helped the Lower Elwha Klallam to rebuild their fish

hatchery on their reservation to help restore the ecosystem once the dams are removed. The

removal of the two dam will be the beginning of a long ecological restoration process that the

National Park Service estimates to take at least the next 20-30 years. According to the National

Park Service brochure about Elwha River Restoration,

Returning salmon and a restored river have revitalized the culture of the Lower
Elwha Klallam Tribe, who have lived along the river since time immemorial. Tribal
members are now able to access sacred sites that were once inundated and cultural
traditions are being reborn (NPS).

Similar sentiments are being felt by the Lower Elwha Klallam tribes. According to Tribal Elder

Adeline Smith, I feel sorry my ancestors and grandparents are not here to see the dams

removed. That is my only sorrow. I wish they were here to see it. The man-made reservoir

created by the dams covered a historical village and the Creation Site from their origin legend.

The tribe will be the head for re-vegetation in the area surrounding Lake Aldwell.

Conclusion
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The historic dialog between the Northwest Tribes and the National Park Service gives

context for the previous and ongoing conflicts between the two stakeholders. Scale mismatch

between federal top down management styles and Traditional Ecological Knowledge bottom up

approaches not only account for the ecological differences in management but also the socio-

ecological differences. The current park administration is working with tribal leaders and are

doing their best to right this wrong and find compromises that satisfy both stakeholders.

Ultimately both groups want what is best for the unique resources of Olympic Peninsula

and the most effective way to achieve that is to find compromise and collaboration. According to

Cumming et. al,

Effective ecosystem management will respond to ecological processes at the scales at

which they occur and will often simulate or recreate formerly broad-scale processes that
have been disrupted (Cumming et. al., 3).

This is the next step for the land management of Olympic Peninsula and the context of historic

dialog and acknowledged presence of tribal influence in the ecosystems of the Olympic

Peninsula will play a major role in moving forward. The previous oppression and displacement

of the tribes from the park land must not be forgotten and there must be a conscious effort to

educate the public about the true influence of the Northwest Tribes. Olympic National Park's

unwillingness to acknowledge its tribal neighbors helped perpetuate the myth of uninhabited

wilderness. But, it does not have to remain that way. Through increased collaboration and

education, Olympic National Park has the potential to become a thriving ecosystem enriched by

its historical background and modern day involvement of the Northwest Tribes.
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Appendix A

Figure 1. Map of Olympic Peninsula Tribes.

Figure 2. Map of Quinault Indian Reservation, 45 miles north of Hoquiam, Washington.

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Figure 3. Map of the Elwha River Watershed in correlation to Olympic National Park.
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Figure 4. Map of Coastal Rainforest. Developed vs. Remaining Mature Rainforest.

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Figure 5. Red Cedar. Thuja plicata

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Figure 6. Jerry Charles, former Lower Elwha Klallam chairman.

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Figure 7. Point No Point Treaty, current areas where tribes are authorized to fish.
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Figure 8. Elwha Dam and Power House. Elwha River Watershed.

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Figure 9. Glines Canyon Dam. Image of before and rendering of after dam removal.

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