Galili Et Al 2002 Neolit Levant Ribolov

Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 15.2 (2002) 167-198 ISSN 0952-7648 The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village: Evidence from Submerged Neolithic Settlements off the Carmel Coast, Israel Ehud Galili', Baruch Rosen', Avi Gopher? and Liora Kolska-Horwitz* ' Marine Archaeology Branch, Istael Antiquities Authority, POB 180, Atlit, Israel E-mail: udi@israntique.org.il 2 Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviy, Israel E-mail: agopher@cesg.tau.ac.il § Department of Evolution, Systematics and Ecology, The Hebrew Univers E-mail: lix100@excite.com Jerusalem, Israel Abstract In this paper, we propose a model which predicts the timing, location and form of early eastem Mediter- ranean fishing villages. A submerged late 9th-7th millennium BP settlement off the Carmel coast of Israel is described and presented as a case study to consider the initial development of Mediterranean fishing villages which would have been based upon a combined agro-pastoral-marine economy. The unique development of water-well technology enabled late 9th millennium BP populations to occupy previously umsettled territories near the coastlime and to exploit marine and terrestrial resources simultaneously. This complex economy enabled year-round occupation of settlements and a relatively secure subsistence, based on agriculture, animal husbandry and fishing, supplemented by hunting and foraging. During the subsequent Pottery Neolithic (PN) period, olive oil was added to the Mediterranean subsistence base, and on the verge of historical times the production of wine completed the formation of the ‘traditional Mediter- ranean economy’ as it is known today vation of orchards—not only grapevines and olive groves, but also. an array of other fruit trees (almonds, figs), green vegetables and condiments in kitchen or market gardens (Butzer 1996). To this terrestrial economy, Introduction The traditional Mediterranean mode of subsis- rence represents in many ways the cradle of Western economies and, as such, its sources and evolution are of much interest. This subsistence system is the product of trial and error carried out over many generations, one which minimizes the dangers and vulnerability. of human existence (Butzer 1996). The traditional Mediterranean subsistence base has only a few major components: the cultivation of grains and legumes; the husbandry of sheep, goats, pigs and cattle for various purposes (meat, milk, wool and traction); and the culti- marine resources should be added as they play an integral role in the traditional Mediter- ranean mode of subsistence (e.g. Braudel 1972 103-62). Little is known, however, about the first sites where marine components and agro- pastoral elements combined to form the earliest, comprehensive Mediterranean subsistence economy, and how’ this agro-pastoral-marine system crystallized and developed. The research presented here is based on (© The Canin Publsbing Group Ls 2008, The Teer Bins, £1 Yok Read, London SEL 7NX end 370 Lengo Aven, New York, NY 10017, USA.168 archaeological excavations and surveys under- taken between 1984-2000 at several submerged settlements off the Carmel coast, Israel (Figures 1, 2). These sites have yielded installations and structures, artifact assemblages, faunal and botanical remains, as well as human skeletons. Data presented here con- ceming the recent physical, climatic and hydrological characteristics of the region, as well as marine fauna and fishing off the Carmel coast, are used to reconstruct ancient fishing grounds, fishing seasons and techniques. Based on the archaeological evidence, we have developed a model that outlines the salient characteristics of early Mediterranean fishing villages (MFV) and provides criteria concerning where and when we may expect such communities to have evolved. Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Villages (MFV): A Model ‘We suggest that a MV should reflect features associated with permanent, sedentary settlement such as dwellings, storage facilities, production facilities and ritual activities (e.g. burials). The subsistence system practiced in the MFV should include exploitation of domestic plants and animals, that is, most of the terrestrial elements of production that appear in Butzer’s (1996) definition as cited above. In addition there should be indications of intensive and permanent exploitation of a wide range of marine resources. We expect that the earliest MFV's in the eastern Mediter- ranean will be found along the Levantine and Cilician coasts, located on the current coastline or else submerged offshore as a result of the Holocene rise in sea level. The earliest sites should date to the later part of the Pre- Pottery Neolithic B (PPNB) or the PPNC. Timing and Location of First Appearance Exploitation of marine fish and shells is documented in the Mediterranean region from the (© The Gontinauen Publishing Group Ltd 2008. Galil, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz Middle Paleolithic period onward (e.g. Jacob- sen 1981; Sampson 1998; Shackleton and van Andel 1980; 1986; Stiner 1994). In the Lev- ant, however, the scale of this exploitation was minor and sea foods contributed a relatively small portion of the total diet (Horwitz and Tehernov 1998; Lemmau and Lemnau 1994; Sillen and Lee-Thorpe 1991). Although fish were consumed, in many instances shells appear to have served primarily omamental and/or ritual functions (Bar-Yosef 1989; Bar- Yosef and Heller 1987; Reese 1991). The integration of marine resource exploitation with cultivated plants and animal husbandry was of necessity Neolithic or post- Neolithic in origin. Because agricultural origins are commonly attributed to inland areas of the Near East (Bar-Yosef and Meadow 1995; Gopher et al. 2000; Harris 1996; Lev-Yadun et al. 2000; Peters et al. 1999; Zohary 1996; Zohary and Hopf 2000), it seems logical to suggest that the coastal regions of this area would serve as the nuclear zone for the emergence and development of the earliest fishing villages. The Levantine and Cilician coasts are the closest marine environments to the Near Eastern domestication centers and thus serve as a focal zone in the search for the earliest MFV. A tise of some 40-60 m in sea level towards the end of the Pleistocene brought about a significant reduction in coastal plains and hunting grounds around the Mediterranean basin (van Andel 1989; van Andel and Lianos 1983; Broodbank 1999; Pirazzoli 1998: 72). The most significant reduction occurred in flat and low coastal regions, deltas and river out- lets, where intensive human activities took place. Sea level rise and the onset of arid climatic conditions together created a ‘bottle- neck’ in the Fertile Crescent region, one that influenced the availability and spatial distribution of resources. This crisis may have served as a catalyst for the initiation of agriculture and animal domestication in the Early Neolithie PPNA (Bar-Yosef 2001; Hillman‘The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastem Mediterranean Fishing Village 169 ‘eisade Franeai om Petopommsse|ad "Ee gy Baetos Worry Gali, ‘Car Cam sere ua Tea River : = Svs oft Leanne in vale toes ae (\ sa a Sthz Piston alle Mediterranean Sea Kfar Samie (PN), Kfar Galim (PN), Tel Hreiz (PN), | Megadim (en, ‘AuliteYam (PPNC) Neve-Varn PN) Figure 2. Prehistoric sites submerged off the Carmel Coast. (© The Continuim Publishing Group Led 2003,170 1996; Hillman 2000; Sherratt 1996). The following PPNB period was associated with a continuing rise in sea level as well as an increase in population size, intensified exploitation of the environment and aeceler- ated human intervention in natural ecosystems (Bar-Yosef 2001; Bar-Yosef and Meadow 1995). Although some researchers believe that Neolithic societies caused only limited damage to the environment (Butzer 1996), others claim that intensive exploitation of natural resources around permanent agricultural settlements over a long period disturbed the deli- cate human/environmental equilibrium. This resulted in decimation of the environment which culminated in the collapse of the PPNB socioeconomic system towards the end of the 9th and the beginning of the 8th millennium pe! (ie. the PPNC period—Bar-Yosef 2001; Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989; Rollefson et al, 1992; Rollefson and Kéhler-Rollefson 1989; 1993). At this point in time, new economic strategies suited to a range of different environmental conditions, evolved in the Near East in an attempt to cope with the situation: 1. In marginal semi-arid areas, such as eastem Jordan (Horwitz et al. 1999; Rollefson and Kohler-Rollefson 1989; 1993), settlements based on dry farming and pastoralism emerged, a combination which enabled settlement of new areas and an enlargement of exploitation range or more intensive exploitation of known areas, thereby reducing the pressure on areas close to the permanent villages in the Medi- terranean zone. 2. In the Mediterranean zone, coastal societies, which exploited both marine and terrestrial resources, appeared. In our opinion, this marks the beginning of the MFV. Subsistence Economy A model developed by Peterson (1985) indicates that in sub-arctic seas most marine pro- {© The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003. Galil, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz ductivity occurs at the sea bottom (benthic productivity) while in tropical and sub-tropical seas, including the Mediterranean, most productivity occurs in the pelagic, or upper, layer. To harvest this layer efficiently, high economic motivation and advanced technology are required. Collecting on the seashore or on shallow bottoms, which is quite efficient in northern seas, is less efficient in the Mediter- ranean. Thus compared to the northem seas, the resources of the Mediterranean cannot support a subsistence system based solely on marine resources all year round (Braudel 1972: 138-39). It seems, however, that the shortage in exploitable marine biomass in the Mediter- ranean is partially compensated for by the variability of the usable resources (Powell 1996). Hence, in order to subsist, a MFV must combine the utilization of marine resources with various terrestrial food procurement strategies including agriculture, hunting, gathering and animal husbandry. Examples of such a subsistence model can be found along the Levantine Mediterranean coasts up to the 20th century (Hornell 1935). The economy of the early MFV therefore, of necessity, would have had to include both terrestrial and marine resources. With regard to the archaeological record, it is not possible to evaluate with any level of accuracy the relative quantity of fish to be found in a MFV. This is because of the relative paucity of ichthyological remains in most sites, the result of limited retrieval of the small-size fish bones during excavation as well as their poor preservation (fragility) relative to bones of terrestrial mammals (James 1997; Trantali- dou 1996; Wheeler and Jones 1989). Sec- ondly, total bone counts (NISP) for fish cannot be compared simply to those of terrestrial taxa hecause of differences in the quantity of bones found in each. Likewise meat weights and biomass, and hence the contribution of. each taxa to the diet, differ markedly, makingThe Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village 171 minimum number counts (MNIs) incompara- ble. Consequently, the identification of a MFV cannot rely solely upon the quantity of marine remains recovered although it is expected that these sites will reflect greater intensity of marine resource exploitation than those in the hinterland. Thus quantitative data on the use of marine resources should be assessed in relation to other factors, which may include the following: 1. The consistent occurrence of fish remains and material culture associated with fishing alongside architectural features and activity areas within the site. 2. Presence of a wide variety of marine species derived from numerous biological niches. 3. Signs of fish utilization should not demonstrate selectivity such as those caused by trade considerations. In a MEV all ranges of species and sizes are utilized including specimens of marginal economic value. 4. Presence of various implements and tools associated with fish procuring activities as well as indicators of fishing gear manufac turing. 5. Incorporation of fish and fishing associated signs and artifacts into the symbolic life of the inhabitants of the site. Settlement Location and Organization A coastal settlement utilizing both terrestrial and marine resources may be placed in several locations relative to the coastline (Figure 3). A settlement placed directly on the coastline (Figure 3/A) will have lost about half of the potential land resources because of its prox imity to the sea (Figure 4). For example, since winter storms are moderate along the Israeli coast, the hackshore (the beach sand belt, the coastal cliffs and the hinterland up to about 100-500 m inland) is saline because of the sea spray, and the productivity of this land for {© The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003 agriculture and grazing is relatively low. Con- sidering an exploitation radius of 5 km (Vi Finzi and Higgs 1970), a coastal settlement has less than 35 sq km (37% of potentially usable land), while an inland site of similar size has an exploitation area of 78.5 sq.km (Figure 3/B). Thus, a coastal site must be compensated for economic insufficiency by an effective, highly productive marine environment, one which will substitute for the loss of potentially usable land resources. Seemingly the distance of a given coastal site from the coastline represents a compro- mise between being near marine resources (thus losing fertile land) and the need to be away from the sea in order to enlarge availability of land resources (thus lowering the accessibility to marine resources) The diagram presented (Figure 3) shows several options for locating a coastal site that exploits land and marine resources: ae 1. A coastal settlement 5 km or more distant from the coastline will rely mostly on land resources, except for occasional scaveng- ing, foraging or fishing along the coast (Figure 3/8). 2. A coastal sertlement situated at an opti- mal distance from the coastline (a few hundred meters inland) (Figure 3/C), away from the sea spray, will still be within a reasonable and efficient utilization distance from sea resources and will be able to utilize an appre- ciable amount of land resources. 3. A split community will be comprised of a parent settlement located about 4-5 km inland (which utilizes land resources) (Figure 3/B) and a branch settlement comprised solely of fishermen situated immediately on the water line (Figure 3/B). The coastal branch will often lack essential elements present in a permanent village, such as a constant fresh water source or storage facilities. A modern example for such settlement organization is the con- temporary Arab village of Jisser el Zarka (on172 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz EE few pny bot ZED, Vrs encomene © can ey ts Ry Arnie explo etal aes ‘Aaa rte eplaion of marae ores {Uo of esl iy can rah sae ent st OSetonct need, D Settee Cerusimat tdi” ennlgany M—aet (igh ne Sepiece Scimcionsnlaiengs” tn eran Figure 3. Location model of coastal settlements: the extent of marine and terrestrial exploitation areas as a func tion of distance from the coast ™ hm the cast (aa Pi ae, were ‘hens rough an the castle ‘tool or fame up o «ast ota aie aac «0 nied ters a thease 30 0 40 Teenage of ealvation aa tsa a eton sft tine othe stdeent Hohe ‘Stine ae whee the es, Suan cet oso farming apis rl of he proxi othe caste 40. 20 ‘Loss oferea suitable for eulivation (2) Toa 2010 10h sho. Distance of site rom coutline (x) Figure 4. Diagram representing loss of terrestrial exploitation grounds based on distance of settlement from coast. © The Contiowum Publishing Group Led 2003.The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village the southern Carmel coast, Israel) along with its coastal fishermen branch. The parent village is located ¢. 1000 m inland on a sandstone ridge while the fishermen’s huts and boats are situated on the coastline west of the main village. Because of the flat topography of the continental shelf in the southern Levant, many coastal sites of the Neolithic period are presently submerged, flooded by the sea (25-35 m rise since the heginning of the Holocene). In the last 20 years the development of underwater archaeological techniques has facilitated the discovery and investigation of these submerged sites (Galili et al. 1988a; 1988h; 1989; in press a; Galili and Nir 1993; Horwitz et al. 2002; Zohar et al. 1994). In the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean, Neolithic sites located ‘on the Mediterranean coast have been discovered in Syria (De Contensen 1992), Cyprus (Flourentzos 1997; Le Brun 1981; Peltenburg et al. 2000; 2001a; 2001b; Sevketoglu 2000), Cilicia (Caneva 1999), Croatia (Bass 1998), the Aegean islands and Greek mainland (Demoule and Perlés 1993; Efstratiou 1985; Halstead 1999; Jacobsen 1969; 1981; Sampson 1998). Currently available material thus enables us to study the development of Neo- lithic economic systems based on the inte- grated exploitation of marine and terrestrial resources. In this paper, as a case study, we present data from excavations and surveys at the site of Atlit-Yam (AY), a submerged PPNC settlement dated to the end of the 9th millennium and the first half of the 8th millennium pp, located on the Carmel coast, northern Israel (Figures 2, 5). Based on the model outlined this site offers an excellent example of an early MFV, Evidence for the utilization of marine resources together with terrestrial resources at AY are presented and the westward spread of this innovative mode of production are discussed. In addition, we provide © The Consinsnam Publishing Group Led 2008, 173 brief comments on later Pottery Neolithic (PN) sites submerged off the Carmel coast to illustrate further economic developments. Atlit-Yam: A PPNC Site and Case Study from the Carmel Coast, Israel Neolithic sites in the Mediterranean cc i region of the southem Levant are rare and those known are poor in architectural remains (Garfinkel 2001; Gopher 1993; Perrot and Gopher 1996). AY is unique in this respect as it comprises rectangular structures, wall foundations, numerous installations, water-wells and ritual structures covering an area of c. 40,000 sq, m and represents a sedentary village. In addition, many human burials, botanical and faunal remains, as well as flint, stone, bone and wood artifacts have been recovered from the site (Galili 1985; 1987; Galili and Nir 1993; Galili et al. 1988a; 1988b; 1993; 1999; Hershkovitz and Galili 1990). The site is currently submerged on the sea floor at a depth of 8-12 m in the northern bay of Atlit off the Carmel coast (Figure 6). The archaeological material was deposited on dry land between two events of flooding (Galilli and Nir 1993; Galili and Weinstein-Evron. 1985). The site of AY was covered by sand and then by seawater shortly after abandonment and thus suffered almost no post-depositional destruction; as a result the archaeological material is remarkably well preserved. AY contains a habitation sequence from the very end of the 9th and the first half of the 8th millennia sp (Table 1), The different phases of the site are scattered on the sea floor, creating a mosaic of horizontal stratigraphy, in which areas containing ancient relics (c. 8180 BP) were discovered beside areas with later finds (c. 7800 BP). The fill of the water-wells (although found in lower elevations than the surface layers of the site) belong to the later phases of occupation (c. 7700-7550 pr), How-174 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz a aul Radiocarbon dates (in uncalibrated years BP) 3 we | Kars |B ews] Ne i Hi HEE Ht oo | yi i et _| i 17) a ale HH E i 00 + ee ‘ I wo | i ' a wo | Z | i Z Figure 5. Ninth-ffth millennium BP cultural entities in southern levant (after Gopher and Gophna 1993), and MC dates from submerged settlements off Cai ever, the wells were most probably constructed earlier, Aside from the fill of the wells, no ver- tical accumulation of cultural remains was observed at the site. Architecture Wall foundations found in the clayey sea bottom indicate rectangular structures (Figure 6: structures 13, 9, 20, 60) and a few rectangular features, each with at least two walls joined at 90° (Figure 6: structures 10, 20, 23). Founda- tions of various unattached straight walls made of undressed stones also were exposed (Figure 6: 8, 80); some of them are up to 60 m long and appear to divide the site into separate areas Two wall foundations running parallel with 1- 1.5 m distance between them were discovered in Area K (Figure 6: 64). A similar structure was observed in Area E (Figure 6: 6). The function of these parallel walls is yet unknown. The structures at the site are scattered, with wide-open areas in between them. Various installations and features such as water wells, stone circles, paved floors, storage pits and hearths were found in these open areas. (© The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003, mel coast Two ritual installations of a megalithic nature were documented in Areas K and E, Structure 56 (Figure 6: 56) consists of seven stones (1-2,1 m long), six of which are still standing upright forming a circle (diameter c. 2.5 m) open to the northwest. The hases of the standing stones are covered with gray travertine attesting to the presence of fresh water in the past. Just west of the standing stones, a few flat stone slabs (0.7-1.2 m long) were found lying horizontally. On some of them were hewn shallow cup-marks. It is suggested that these features formed part of a ritual structure, perhaps associated with a fresh-water spring that may have existed at the site. Another installation (Figure 6: 67) consists of three oval stones (1.6-1.8 m), two of which are circumscribed by grooves forming schematic anthropomorphic figures. Freshwater Wells and their Contents About 20 round structures (0.8-1.5 m in diameter) made of undressed stones were located at the site. Two of the structures were excavated (Figure 6: 11, 66) and identified as water wells.The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village 175 Laboratory Date (Yr. BP) Calibrated** Sample Provenance roference* tncalibrated —_calendric age (Years BC) Pra 3950 8000290 7010-6766 Charred branch Near structure 13 RT 707 8140+120 7411-6786 Charred branch. Near structure 13 RT 944A, 7670285 6599-6429 Charred wheat From structure 10/A. (wheat & fish bone concentration) RT 944C 7610290 6561-6348 Charred branches From structure 10/4. (wheat & fish bone concentration) PLT-T. 0622 7550280 6480-6180 Charred wheat From structure 10/A (wheat & fish bone concentration) RT 1431 7300120 6233-5992 Waterlogged wood From structure 11 (water well) (2.9.3.1 )*** RT 2479 7460255 6361-6216 Waterlogged tree From structure 11 branch (water well) (1.9-2.3) RT 2477, 2478 7605255 6458-6385 Waterlogged tree From structure II branch, (water well) (2.3-2.9) RT 2475, 7465450 6361-6220 Waterlogged tree From structure 11 branch (water well) (3.5-4) RT 2493, 2495 7755455 6563-6470 Warterlogged tree From structure 66 branch (water well) (0.5-1) RT 2489, 2492 7880255 6993-6596 Waterlogged tree From structure 66 branch (warer well) (0-0.5) RT 2681 6580235 5521-5490 Waterlogged plants From structure 32 (grass) (round pit) (0-0.5) RT 3038. 8000+45 7010-6766 Chareoal Human burial (H67) near structure 54 RT 3043 7250845 6150-6000 Waterlogged wood Near structure 56, RT 2496, 2497 8170455 7253-2043 ‘Waterlogged plant Structure 65 (0-0.3) fibers Table 1. 1, Radiocarbon Dates from Atlit-Yam Site (*RT = We ann Institute, Israel; P.L.T.T. = Pittsburgh, USA; PTA = Pretoria, South Africa. **Dendochronological Calibration after Stuiver and Reimer 1993. ** (2.9.3.1) = depth of archaeological layer under the sea bottom in meters). Well 11 was excavated down to. its bottom (5.5 m below sea bottom, 15.5 m below sea level); the sediments of its fll were thoroughly sieved and analyzed. Animal bones, stone, flint, wood and bone artifacts were recovered from the wells, in addition to charcoal and waterlogged botanical remains. The finds indicate that in its final (© The Continuuin Pubishin op Led 2008 stage, Well 11 ceased to funetion as a water well and was used instead as a garbage pit. The change in function was probably related to salinization of the water due to a rise in sea level (Galili and Nir 1993). Botanical remains recovered from the fill of the wells were dated by radiocarbon (Table 1): Well 11 to 7605— 7300 ap (Galili and Sharvic 1998; Galli et al.176 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz TE survcture foundations {© Round nsaaon 30 Sircturstalaion number CF Water well 2 Water deph %® Rita instalation 1 survey wea Inst area of Ai-Yam ste 144900 Isat grid Concentration offi tones e and cereal (Locus 10/A) Figure 6. Atiit-Yam site: distribution of installations and features. 1999) and Well 66 to 7880-7755 pr. The wells from AY had probably been dug and constructed in the earliest stage of the occupation (the end of the 9th millennium BP) and were essential for the maintenance of a permanent settlement in the area. Ongoing maintenance and cleaning of the wells throughout generations most likely removed traces of the earlier occupation. The Flint Tool and Ground Stone Assemblages Flint Artifacts. The flint assemblage consists of a surface assemblage which has been studied in detail along with preliminary results from one water well and from a chipping floor located a few meters southwest of structure 20 in area D (Figure 6: 11, 20) (Galili et al. 1993), (©The Continue Publishing Group Ltd 2003 The surface collection comprises 2,492 artifacts of which about half is debitage, mostly flakes. The tool assemblage is dominated by retouched flakes and blades (36%), denticu- lates and notches (26%), and_bifacials (13.7%). Burins, sickle blades and arrowheads appear in relatively low percentages (7.5%, 6% and 3.4%, respectively). Of special interest are 21 pressure-retouched daggers. Arrow- heads and long sickle blades were produced on blades knapped from opposed platform cores. Coarsely denticulated sickle blades are also present (Galili et al. 1993). The Ground Stone Assemblage. The ground stone assemblage included 347 implements of various types, primarily containers such as bowls and cupmarks (about 50%). PolishedThe Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village pebbles make up 14%, hammer stones 10.5%; hand stones (manos) 6.5%, perforated stones 6.5% and grinding slabs (metates) 3.5%. Other tool types are rare (ranging from 0-2%) and include pestles, choppers, flaked pebbles, flat working stones, perforated discs, beads, stone rings, grooved stones, stones with incisions forming patterns (net, cross, etc.) and images. Finds Likely Associated with Fishing, Diving and Boat Building We have recovered 26 perforated stones (5-25 em long, weighing 0.1-3 kg) thar could have been used as sinkers for fishing nets (Figure 7A) (Galili et al, 1993; Galili etal. in press a) and a single pebble (weighing 2 kg) marked by a groove around its circumference, possibly for tying a rope (Figure 7: B). Moreover, several stone artifacts recovered at AY bear incisions of grids (Figure 8), which may represent an iconographic depiction of fishing nets (Nun 1964). The arrowheads recovered at the site may have also been used for fishing in shallow water. The pressure-retouched daggers (points) spearheads) recovered at the site, which are rare in other Neolithic sites in the southern Levant, may suggest that these tools were associated with fishing, gutting or scaling. Two bone fragments (Figure 9: D, E) recovered from the well, may possibly represent broken fishing hooks. A few bone points (Figure 9: A- ©), 4-5 cm long, may have served as barbs of composed leister spearheads or composed hooks. Two rectangular bone fragments (Fig- ure 9: G, F) may possibly represent gauges used for the production of fishing nets (Galili et al in press a). One hundred and fifty-six bifacial tools were discovered at AY comprising 13.7% of the flint tool assemblage, most of them axes. The relatively high percentage of axes compared to other Neolithic sites in the southern Levant may indicate exploitation of wood for construction of boats or rafts. {© The Conrinuum Publishing Group Ltd 2008 177 Human Burials Sixty-three human skeletons (MNI estimates) were discovered at the site. Thirty-seven are primary (complete or disturbed), and four are secondary burials; some of these burials contained more than one individual. In addition, 13 individuals are represented by scattered remains (Galili et al. 2000). Of the 63 inter- ments, 19 were identified as male, 14 as female, 6 of indeterminate sex (adults), and 24 children (ie. less than 15 years of age) (Eshed 2001). The mortality patterns of the AY population were compared to populations of 12 other PPNA and PPNB Levantine sites. The main difference lies in the relatively high number of individuals at AY who died over the age of 50 (Eshed et al. in press). Graves were dug into the clay in open spaces or near walls or structures. A large concentration of burials was found in Area K and especially in or near rectangular structure 60 (Figure 6). It seems that this area, which contained ritual structures and many hearths, served a mortuary or cere- monial purpose (Galili er al. 2000), Most of the skeletons were found in flexed positions. Burials with two or more individuals were common and in a few cases pairs of children's skulls were buried together with some postera- nial bones in secondary burials. Some of the bones were partly charred, and in some cases offerings were buried near or under the de: (usually a flint axe or a ground stone). It seems that area K, which contained ritual structures and many hearths, served as a mortuary ot ¢ emonial area (Galili et al. 2000). The finds from AY indicate that burial customs during the PPNC in the southern Levant differed slightly from those practiced in the PPNB. Anthropological observations have shown evidence for diving. An ear pathology — auditory exostosis—which is caused by diving in cold water, was observed in the ear-canal of at least four male skeletons recovered from the site. This amounts to 18% of all adult males178 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz identified (Eshed 2001; Galili et al. 1993). Given that this pathology is relatively rare (Hershkovitz and Galili 1990), it seems likely that some of the men living at the site engaged in spear fishing and food procurement through free diving. Terrestrial Resources Fauna. Preliminary results based on a sample of some 700 identified bones demonstrates that both hunting and herding was practiced at AY. The main species identified are domestic caprines, wild and domestic pigs and dogs (Fig- ure 10). Some of the cattle and goats at the site probably represent primitive domesticates Other wild species include mountain gazelle, fallow deer, carnivores, reptiles, rodents, insects and amphibians (Galili et al. 1993; Horwitz et al. 1999; Horwitz and Tchernov 1987). The faunal remains from the surface Figure 8, Stone pebbles bearing grid inscriptions, possibly representing iconog ic depiction of fishing nets,The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village A B 179 Cc Figure 9, Bone artifacts possibly associated with fishing: A, B, C—bone points; D, E—fishing hooks; F, G—ner gauges, collection indicates that, in the early phases of the settlement, wild animals and those in the initial stages of domestication were dominant, especially cattle. By contrast, in the fill of the well (which represents a slightly later occupation stage of the site), remains of many juve- nile animals were predominant, especially those of domestic goats, sheep, pigs and dogs. Flora. Floral remains include seeds and other organic remains of 91 plant species (Table 2; Galili et al, 1997a; Hartman 1997; Hartman et al. 1997; Kislev et al. 1996) as well as tree branches and pollen grains (Galili et al. 1993). Seeds of domesticated plants include wheat, barley, lentil and flax. Flax fibers recovered from the site and the flax seeds may indicate that this plant was used for the manufacture of fishing nets or fishing lines for hooks. Seeds of fruit species, which most probably had been {© The Continunmn Publishing Group Ltd 2003 collected from the wild, include almond, fig, grapes (a few), date (one) and others. In addition, various seeds of plants, currently used as fodder, were found (Gutman 2001). Some of these fodder plants (e.g. Avena sterlis) cannot be harvested with the seeds, thus they probably originated from dung of livestock (M. Gut- man, personal communication, 2001). A single seed of Styrax officinalis was identified among the floral remains from the well (Galili ev al. 1993). This tree is found today in the Mount Carmel region and in the Western Galilee; its seeds are sometimes used for cap- turing fish by poisoning (Avitsur 1976: 10). The presence of granary weevils, seeds of wild grapes and remains of some other cold-adapted species indicate that the climate during the occupation was slightly colder (Kislev et al. 1996). Seeds of wild plants, currently used as180 spices and/or medicine, were found as well (Hartman 1997) (Table 2). Marine Resources More than six thousand fish remains (bones, scales, teeth) were recovered from all over the site. Taxonomic status was determined for 94% of the recovered bones (Zohar et al. 1994; 2001; Galili etal. in press a). Seven families of fish were identified representing a MNI of 109 specimens (Table 3). Of all identified remains, 97% belong to Balistes carolinensis, the grey trigger fish. Of the recovered fish bones, 254 (6%) were blackened by fire, indicating direct association with human processing activities. Most of the fish remains (98%) were recovered from Locus 10/A, and the rest from five other excavated loci (Figure 6: 9, L1, 13, 20, 35/A). Besides fish remains, Locus 10/A (2% 2 x 0.3 m) contained a vast amount of grains of domesticated emmer wheat (T. dicoccum) and Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwity naked wheat (T. parvicoccum) (Galili et al. 1993; Galili etal, in press a). The MNI for trigger fish calculated for the whole site was 83. The calculated standard length of the trigger fish from Locus 10/A ranged from 10-45 em, with an average of 23 cm, while body mass show ranges from 90- 3400 g with an average of 500 g (Zohar et al. 1994: 234; 2001). Comparing this body-size diseribution to a recent traditional catch indicates that these fish may have been caught with nets (Galili et al. in press a). As trigger fish are present in most excavated loci at the site, it seems that it was common in the Carmel coast region during the occupation of the site (Galili etal. 1997a; in press aj Stanley and Galili 1996). Trigger fish are currently found in relatively deep waters (more than 10 m); catching them thus requires offshore fishing technologies (watercraft). Probably domesticated (body size is smaller than- in the PPNB) Wild & Domesticated {according homcores 50: sand body size) Wild & Domesticated 40; 30. 20. Cattle Caprines Pig (according to ‘number of | juveniles and body size) Domestic (according to body, skull and tooth size, ‘and found in partial articulation) Canid Gazelle/Deer Figure 10. Faunal remains from Atlit-Yam, © The Continuum Publishing Group Led 200.The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village 181 The Pottery Neolithic (PN) Period along the Carmel Coast (7500-6500 BP) During the second half of the 8ch millennium and the 7th millennium Bp (PN period), several local cultural groups existed in the southem Levant, amongst them the Yarmukian, the Lodian and the Wadi Rabah culture (Gopher 1995; Gopher and Gophna 1993). Submerged PN sites have also been discovered off the Carmel coast. In these settlements the Wadi Rabah culture was predominant, with scanty remains of the Lodian culture. Five Wadi Rabah settlements (Figure 2) were discovered at water depths of 0.5-5 m below sea level and were dated by radiocarbon (Table 1) (Galili and Schick 1990; Galili and Weinstein-Evron 1985; Galili et al. 1988a; 1988b; 1989; 1997; 1997b; 1998; Kislev 1994-95; Wreschner 1977; 1983) Architectural elements in these settlements are scarce. Foundations of straight walls made of undressed stones were discovered at the sites of Kfar Galim North and Neve-Yam. Pits lined with stones or dug into the clay are common as are water wells constructed from alternating layers of tree branches and stone pebbles, hearths and paved surfaces made of small undressed stones, stone slabs or potsherds in secondary use. A cemetery, with graves concentrated and clearly separated from the settlement, was uncovered at the southern margins of the Neve-Yam site. Six oval graves lined with undressed stones and covered with flat stone slabs contained four adults buried in a flexed position and a child. A fetus was found in a broken jar (Eshed 1996; Galili et al. 1998). The pottery assemblage consisted mainly of bowls, spouted vessels, hole-mouth jars, bow- rim jars and pithoi (some of the jars have lug handles), all decorated with a wide range of both painted, incised and plastic elements. Of {© The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003. special interest is a sherd with an incised fish and a herringbone design recovered from the site of Neve-Yam (Figure 11). The flint cool assemblages include backed, bitruncated-recrangular sickle blades, adzes, chisels and axes (some with a polished working edge), burins, end-scrapers, borers and awls. Ground stone implements included basalt chalices, dozens of basalt and limestone grinding tools, limestone bowls, large basins (up to 70 x 50 x 50cm) made of kurkar (calcareous cemented sandstone of aeolian origin). Faunal remains from these sites include domesticated pig, goat, sheep, cattle and dog Wild species include gazelle, boar and fallow deer. In addition, fish bones were found, some belonging to large (100 cm) Mediterranean species weighing 10-15 kg, such as Epinephelus marginatus and Seriola dumerili, others belonging to freshwater species (Galili et al. in press a; Horwitz et al. 2002). At Neve-Yam, a few concentrations of cereals and legumes were found. In the sites of Kfar Samir, Kfar Galim and Tell Hreiz, evidence for the widespread use of olives was discovered, including hundreds of olive stones (Galli et al. 1989). In Kfar Samir, several installations for olive oil extraction with thousands of crushed olive stones were recovered (Galili et al, 1998). From the accumulated evidence, it would seem that the economy of the Carmel coastal cultures during the PN was based mainly on terrestrial resources—cultivation, herding, hunting and gathering. The exploitation of marine resources continued, but on a smaller scale than in the PPNC settlements (Horwitz et al. in press), despite the proximity of the sites to the sea, Nevertheless most elements characteristic of a MFV are manifest in these sites to the extent that they may be perceived as an in sité continuation of this tradition.182 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz Plant species and their uses Organ Abundance Domestication Edible cereals Hordeum vulgare Grain 8 + Triticum dicoccuom Grain 24 + T. parvicoccum Grain 187 + Edible pulses Cicer arietinum Seed x # Lens culinaris Seed B + Fibers Linum nodiflorom Seed + other parts 45 - Linum usiacissémsem Seed ul + Edible fruits Rubus sanguinevs Seed 25 = Crataegus arania Seed 4 = Ficus carica Nurlee 3690 Pistaciaatlantica Nutler 124 Pistacia Lentiscus Nutlet B = Pistacia palaestina Nurler 312 = Vitis sylvestris Pip 4 = Amygdales communis Nutlet 2 = High quality fodder (not including domesticated species) Aegilops sp. Grain 18 _ ‘Avena sterilis Grain 5 = Bromus brachstachys Grain 4 - Medio litorals Seed/Fruit 9 = Phalaris paradoxa Grain 9 = Medicago litoralis Seediiruits 10 ~ Medium quality fodder (not including domesticated species) Hlordewmn hystrix or marinuam Seed 4 - Lolium rigidum or temulentun Seed 4 - Exphonbia sp. Seed 2B = Raphanus raphanisenan Pod 2 = Fish poison Styrax officals Stone 1 - Medicine Chenopoditem murale Seed 31 = Capparis spinosa Seed 8 : Spices Coriander sativum Seed u —~ Curminam eyminuon Seed = Table 2. Sustainable Self-Contained Fresh Water Supply: Precondition for Permanent Coastal Settlement Except for river deltas and river valleys, which receive their water from mountainous areas with high precipitation, the supply of drinking water is a limiting factor along most of the (© The Contin Pablhie Group Led 2003, Plants of cultural importance from Atlit-Yam well (modified after Hartman 1997 and Gutman 2001). Mediterranean shores. Along the northern coast of the Levant, water is abundant and thus wells are not crucial for survival. In the southern Levant, however, the coastal streams are dry most of the year and cannot be relied upon as permanent water sources. In an area rich in economic resources, but lacking fresh drinking water, itis both rewarding and essen-The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village 183 Structure no.| 104 20 iL 1B 9 35A Tonal : Water NISP (MND) Fish species well Balistidae 3678 50 3 4 1 3736 (88) Serranidae 34 34 (4) Sciaenidae 32 2 34(7) Sparidae 30 2 1 33(7) Mugilidae 3 3 (1) Carangidae 1 1() Elasmobranchii 1 1() Unidentified 2780 12 10 2802, Total | 6558 62 16 4 3 1 6644 (110) ‘Table 3. Fish species recovered from Atlit-Yam (after Galili etal. in press a) (NISP = Number of Individual Spec~ imens; MNI = Minimum Number of Individuals) tial to excavate a well. This undertaking might facilitate the occupation of new territories and would significantly increase the carry- ing capacity of the region. Thus water-well digging in the southern Levant may be related to a terminal PPNB attempt to cope with shrinking environmental resources and to occupy new areas, or areas previously under- utilized. This would have taken place in areas where wells would bring the most benefit Parts of the Israeli coastal plain overlie a high aquifer that can be exploited all year round, using the proper technology. The early emergence of well-digging technology in the Mediterranean coastal regions of the southem Levant is therefore not surprising. Wells appeared much later in other Near Easter areas such as the arid Saharo-Arabian, the semi-arid Irano-Turanean and inland Mediter- ranean climatic zones, or areas adjacent to rivers, deltas or lakes. Tsuk (2000: 44) pro- posed that rapid changes in river courses and in water availability in the southern Levant necessitated a constant pursuit after water sources. This may have led to the realization that water could also be obtained from sub- surface, non-visible sources. Well-digging technology may have evolved © The Contin Publishing Group Lid 2003 along the coasts of the southern Levant during the PPNB when a need to settle new territories arose following increased population size, shrinking resources and a growing demand for agricultural land and pasture. Creating a sustainable, self-contained fresh water source on the coast enabled the establishment of sedentary settlements in this area. The development of water well technology may then be closely linked to the emergence of the first MFV on coasts poor in a permanent water supply. The discovery at AY of water wells (as well as in the subsequent PN sites) indicates that the technology required for digging them existed in the Carmel coast region as early as the 9th millennium pr. The emergence and development of this technology in the Medi- terranean coastal regions of the southern Lev- ant is considerably earlier than in other Levantine territories inland. Settlement Organization in Atlit-Yam Ie appears that AY was a permanent village community, located a few hundred meters from the sea (Galili and Nir 1993; see Fig. 3/C) and most likely inhabited by several families or groups. The dispersed dwellings with184 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz ge Figure 11. Sherd bearing incisions of fish, recov wide open areas between them fits Flannery’s (1972) village model. The long walls discovered at the site may have defined family or group territories and may indicate that these groups functioned as independent production units. Based on the presence of water wells and megalithic structures, it seems reasonable to assume that organized group activities for tasks demanding high labor investment took place at the site It is also possible that a degree of specializa- tion had developed for special skill-demanding tasks such as fishing. ‘At present, coastal Mediterranean villages in the region are usually crowded and densely built with narrow lanes. This pattern (termed casba) necessitates functional extensions and outposts for activities outside the perimeter of the village. The casba model differs from the dispersed ‘village’ pattern demonstrated at AY. We suggest that in the early stages, MEV were probably organized in scattered, dispersed village patterns. Over time and with an increase in family size and population den- sity, and maybe because of security considerations, the crowded casba model emerged. Subsistence and Economy in Atlit-Yam Butzer (1996) commented that a heteroge- neous subsistence system increases economic {© The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003 fed from Neve-Yam. safety, reduces the dependence on a single resource that can be negatively affected by climatic changes, and minimizes human-induced damage to the environment. In a similar vein, Hayden et al. (1987) suggested that exploitation of marine resources in addition to terrestrial resources secures subsistence and reduces sks. The findings from the PPNC site of Atlit-Yam demonstrate the existence of such a mode of production which combined dry farming of cereals as a source for carbohydrates; legumes as a source of plant proteins and carbohydrates; linen (flax) as fiber and possibly oil; herding of sheep, goats, pigs and possibly cattle for animal products; and intensive gathering of wild plants as well as hunting, foraging and fishing. The variety of fish species, associated fishing equipment and presence of diving-related auditory pathologies suggest that the AY population practiced underwater diving and was capable of using watercraft for offshore subsistence activities. Vita-Finzi and Higgs (1970) concluded that the Carmel coast could not support prehistoric human habitation all year round, and in order to survive people had to migrate to the mountainous areas during summer. In the case of AY it seems that the option chosen was the sea. Examining the seasonality and economic input of the various subsistence activities occurring in AY over the year (Fig-The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village ure 12) demonstrates that it is possible to combine land-based subsistence activities and marine resources and thus be sedentary in the region all year round. It is also reasonable to assume that individuals and groups cooper- ated in food procurement during seasons of unemployment in one or the other branch of the local economy. The season of cereal and legume farming did not overlap with the pre- ferred fishing seasons: planting could have been done a few weeks later than usual, in December when fishing was less promising, and harvesting in June, when the fishing sea” son was about to end (Galili et al. in press a). Herds, which feed on wild vegetation, require relatively low labor investment. Thus, grazing would not have interfered with farming or fishing activities. Moreover, when wild plants for grazing were scarce, herds could feed on fields after harvesting. Shepherds most probably engaged in opportunistic hunting and foraging while grazing the herds The above reconstruction assumes that climate, sea conditions and fishing seasons in the region were similar to those of the present day (Galili etal. in press a). Botanical remains and insects recovered from the AY well indicate a slightly colder climate (Galili et al 1997a; Kislev et al. 1996), Similarly, Horowitz (1998) suggests a moderately cooler climate with summer rains and calm sea all year round. Seagoing would then have been safer and human access to marine resources would have been considerably facilitated. In such a situation, fishing could have been carried out more intensively all year round. Judging by the archaeological evidence, we may conclude the following: 1, Reconstruction of the marine environment in the vicinity of AY indicates that it was rich and productive (Galili et al. in press a). Diverse marine habitats provided fishing grounds and it was attractive and worthwhile to settle near the coast. The absence of evidence for the utilization of mollusks, sea turtles, (© The Continuum Publishing Group Lid 2003 185 marine mammals, birds etc. may indicate a preferential food resource selection or may hint at the abundance of other, more easily obtained resources, or resources with a higher return, 2. The site’s economy was complex, based on the combined utilization of land and marine resources. The archaeological evidence confirms that a substantial portion of the site's economy was based on fishing (Galili et al. in press a). 3. Major investment was required to estab- lish an independent permanent water source at the settlement, The archaeological evidence and especially the water wells indicate that AY was a permanent and independent settlement, and not a branch of an inland parent site. The potential for producing storable foods such as cereals, legumes, dried fruits and fish as well as fresh animal products, marine resources, and hunted and gathered foods, facilitated a combined economy, which reduced the need for translocation and tran- shumance to distant territories. 4. The unusually high frequency of flint daggers and presence of perforated stones and bone hooks recovered at AY may he associated with fishing, while the high frequency of axes may reflect boat-building activities. 5. Mortality patterns of the AY population compated to other Neolithic sites in the Lev- ant demonstrates a considerably longer life- span for the AY population. This situation may be due to better living conditions at AY and healthier, balanced diets based on marine and terrestrial food resources (Eshed 2001; Eshed et al. 2000; in press). The AY skeletons provide evidence for diving Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village Other MEVs on the Levantine Coast The site of Atlit-Yam would seem to incorpo- rate many of the criteria outlined in the MFV model, to the extent that it may represent one of the earliest of these sites. There are, how-186 Galil, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz _ IEG! spring summer aut _ 3/4] 5/ 6/7) 8 9]10/11/12] . Fishing with ets er mei , Marine & by free-diving ‘Fishing season resources = . See Fishing with hook = & line and gathering i Domesticated wheat, barley and legumes Domesticted goat and sheep ; Terrestrial Haig resources -——— _ Gathering wild seeds Gathering wid rat Saag is vegetables | Gathering | TSS Figure 12. Diagram showing exploitation of marine and terrestrial resources at Adlit-Yam, assuming similarity in mate between Neolithic and present-day (H ever, two other examples of Levantine coastal sites that may also represent this new and specialized mode of subsistence: Ras Shamra (Syria) and Ashkelon Marina (Israel). Both are roughly contemporaneous with AY. The site of Ras Shamra lies about 1500 m from the present-day coastline. The tell, which rises about 18 m above the surrounding plain, was occupied during the Neolithic period. The oldest Neolithic layer (V C) has been dated c. 8500-8000 BP, making it roughly contemporaneous with Atlit- Yam (De Contenson 1992). The domestic assemblage of layer V C consisted of lentil, emmer wheat, pea and linseed (Van Zeist and Bakker Heres 1984: 23), goat, sheep, pig and cattle (Helmer 1989). Remnants of tuna and shark demonstrate fishing techniques that would have © The Continuum Publishing Group Ltd 2003. high; M = medium; L = low grades of intensity). facilitated the procurement of large pelagic fish. Stone pebbles with circumscribed grooves, which could have served as net sinkers, were also recovered. In. addition, stones engraved with criss-cross grooves (De Contenson 1992: 136, 140, 142), like those found at AY, may represent fishing nets. The site, however, must have been situated farther from the coast than it is today. Despite this fact, the data indicate that exploitation of marine resources played an important role in the economy. It is possible that Ras Shamra represents a parent site whose marine fishing satellite is presently submerged, or perhaps a site with extensive trade links to the coast. The site of Ashkelon Marina in Israel's southern coastal plain, is situared on a 15-20 m high beach cliff at a distance of about 100 mThe Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village 187 from the present-day coastline. The site was excavated in the 1960s (Perrot and Gopher 1996) and again in the 1990s (Garfinkel 1999; 2001). A series of radiocarbon determinations date the site to approximately 8000-7630 np, that is, the end of the PPN period (Garfinkel 1999). Ashkelon Marina contained round and oval dwelling pits, silos and shallow basins. The flint industry demonstrated a relatively high percentage of sickle blades, a few arrowheads, axes and other tools. The fauna included bones of wild animals, domesticated sheep and seemingly domesticated cattle and goats (Perrot and Gopher 1996). In addition, a few fish bones were recovered (O. Lemau, personal communication, 2001). It is not clear whether the site was a typical MEV, or else a seasonal station for agriculeurists, pastoralists, fishermen and traders from inland settlements as suggested by Perrot and Gopher (1996). During the PPNC, both these settlements were situated some distance inland and as such do not qualify fully as Mediterranean Fishing Villages. These data indicate that, along the Levantine coast, other late PPNB-PPNC sites like Atlit-Yam probably existed. Yet most of them are now submerged so that the only evidence for their existence is indirect and in the form of parent sites, or sites with which they traded, which were located in the interior. MFVs on Cyprus Recent excavations in Cyprus, including several sites with in situ PPN deposits dating to the 10th-9th millennia BP, have revolutionized our perceptions and understanding of the following Neolithic periods. Paraklessia Shillourokambos (Guilaine er al. 1998a; 1998b; 2000; Guilaine and Briois 2001) and Kalavassos Tenta (Todd 1982; 1989; 1998; 2001) contain many features that may be considered as characteristic of a MFV: architecture, water wells (Shillowrokam- bos), domesticated plants, domestic and wild terrestrial animals and some fish remains. The date for the earliest occupation at both sites is (© The Continua Publidhing Group Led 2003, 9400-9000 ap; such deposits predate Atlit-Yam by some 1000 years. However, neither of these sites is located on the seashore, and during the Neolithic period they would have been situated even farther inland. Consequently, they cannot be considered as bona fide fishing villages but may represent either parent settlements of still-undiscovered MFVs located on the coast, or else sites involved in trading activity with specialized fishermen. Akanthou Arkosyko (Tatlisu) is located today adjacent to the sea, and has been identified as representing an Aceramie Neolithic deposit (Peltenburg et al. 2001a; Sevketoglu 2000: 75- 82). Some 14 marine shells were found during excavations at the site (Sevketoglu 2000: 77) as well as remains of terrestrial domesticates, fish bones and fishing hooks (Sevketoglu, personal communication, 2001). It is premature to assess the full nature of this settlement because of the absence of architecture and the limited scale of excavation, still not fully published Kissonerga Mylouthkia is located c. 100m from the coastline, and 20 m above sea level. Excavations revealed PPN water wells, two of which have been dated to 9400-9050 pp and 8250-7950 BP respectively (Peltenburg et al. 2000; 2001a; 2001b). Remains of wild and domestic plants and animals were recovered from the well fills (Peltenburg et al. 2000; 2001a; 20016). Evidence for exploitation of marine resources includes thousands of limpet shells, fish bones and a single artifact made of a pig tusk, interpreted as a fishhook. To date, no trace of permanent occupation such as built dwellings and/or other structures o installations have been discovered in association with the wells. Thus, despite the presence of many features that fit our definition of a MFV, the absence of permanent, domestic architecture does not permit the classification of this site as a MEV ar the present stage of the research (Galili etal. in press b). Ie is only during the subsequent late Ace- ramic Neolithic period on Cyprus, that a con-188 vincing example ofa MFV is found—at the site of Cape Andreas Kastros. The site is located 100-120 m above present-day sea level on a hill, about 100 m from the current coastline. The earliest levels in this permanent village with circular structures were radiocarbon-dated to 77752125 BP (Layer 4) and 6140#200; 7450#120 (Layer 5) (Le Brun 1981; 1987; Desse and Desse-Berset 1994), which. makes the site somewhat younger than Atlit-Yam. At this site, domesticated einkorn, barley, lentils and wild fruits—olives, figs and pistachio— were found, as well as domesticated pigs, sheep and goats (Ducos 1981; Zohary and Hopf 2000; Van Zeist 1981). There is evidence for intensive fishing documented by the presence of large, seasonal fish as well as fish that are available all year round. Apparently there were plentiful marine resources available in. this region, which previously had not been intensively exploited (Desse and Desse-Berset 1994). Despite the early evidence on Cyprus for domestic animals and plants, exploitation of marine resources, use of watercraft which facilitated the colonization of the island, and the technology of well building—all of which con- form to the characteristics of the MFV—the data currently available are insufficient to clas- sify early to late PPNB Cypriot sites as MFVs MEVs on the Cilician, Adriatic and Aegean Coasts The site of Mersin-Yumuktepe, which may represent an early MEV, is located on the southeast Anatolian coast (Turkey). This site lies close to the source area of cultigens and domestic animals, and as such is of special interest. Recent excavations at this site revealed early Neolithic strata dating to 7920 + 90 BP (6785-6620 Cal Bc) to 7545 £75 BP (6463-6192 Cal nc) (Breniquet 1995; Caneva 1999); thus this site is only slightly younger than Atlit-Yam. Unfortunately no complete structures or installations were found, so that {© The Coninwum Publishing Group Li! 2003, Galil, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska- Horwitz it is impossible to assess the nature of the ‘occupation. The lithic assemblage was primarily made of obsidian. Unlike the PPNC at Atlit-Yam, the pottery—Dark Faced Bur- nished Ware—is associated with the chipped stone assemblage. The botanical and faunal remains at Mersin-Yumuktepe indicate a mixed subsistence economy dominated by domestic sheep and goat, followed in descending order of importance by cattle and pig (Buitenhuis and Caneva 1998). Six species of fish have been identified as well as five species of molluscs. Remains of wild species are limited but include birds, small mammals and reptiles. Although the site lies close to the sea today, it is unclear how far inland it was situated from the Neolithic coastline. In the Aegean, the Cyclope Cave on Youra Island (Sporades, Greece) demonstrates some characteristics of an early MFV. The site lies on the southern slope of an uninhabited island, 150 m above the present-day sea level and a few hundred meters from the coastline, The excavator suggested that the roots of the Neolithic fishing culture found at this site lay in the Upper Paleolithic (Sampson 1998; Sampson and Kozlowski 1999). The form of the microliths found here originates in the Near East and would have arrived in this region via the shores of Anatolia. The oldest bones of domestic pigs, sheep and goats have been dated to the Early Pottery Neolithic (7600 bP). The cave contained evidence of intensive fishing, including bones of fish and evidence for fish processing, seashells and bone fishing hooks. Since the island is bare and rocky, it is unlikely that plants were cultivated there. Furthermore, it is not clear if the site was permanent or a seasonal fishing camp whose inhabitants engaged in fishing as well as animal husbandry, hunting and fowling. Franchthi cave in the Greek Peloponnese is located on a steep slope about 50 m from the present-day coastline and about 12.5 m aboveThe Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village present-day sea level. Already in the Meso- lithic period (Stage 3, c. 13,000-10,000 sp), the settlers used obsidian obtained from the island of Melos, indicating extremely early seafaring abilities. In Stage 4 (9000-8000 BP), bones of large fish are found in the assemblage but there is no evidence for domestic animals or plants. In the Neolithic level, Stage 5 (8000-7000 BP), stone structures, bones of domesticated sheep and goats and seeds of domesticated emmer and einkorn first appear. At this time, the cave and the slope below it were permanently settled. The appearance of domesticated species was associated with a reduction in fishing activity (Jacobsen 1969; 1981; Hansen 1988; Runnels and van Andel 1987). Exploitation of marine shells occurs from the earliest levels at this site (Shackleton and van Andel 1980; 1986). During Stage 5 (8000-7000 pr), the cave was about 2-3 km from the sea. Thus additional sections of the settlement or maritime daughter settlements may currently be submerged on the sea bottom. Gifford (1983; 1991) studied the sea floor off Franchthi cave by coring, and discovered organic remains, fragments of plaster, flakes of oxidized copper and small pottery fragments (0.6-3 cm), including one that dates to 7000-6000 BP. He hypothesized that the small degree of abrasion on the sherds relative to those found on the beach could indicate an in situ deposit. It is possible that they originated in a submerged site. The evidence from the coastal sites of Cyc lope and Franchthi Caves, as well as from Aghios Petros in the northern Sporades (Efs- tration 1985; Liritzis et al. 1991), indicates that MFVs existed there during the Early Neolithic (EN), in the 7th and 6th millennia bP. In all these sites, an abundance of shellfish and fish remains have been found, the latter representing a wide spectrum of species. These assemblages, however, are dominated by terrestrial domesticates—caprines, cattle {© The Continoum Publishing Group Led 2005 189 and pig (Efstration 1985; Halstead 1996; Trantalidou 1996) and they are slightly later than AY. During the EN, sedentary o partly sedentary communities that practiced mixed farming and also exploited marine resources, that is Mediterranean Fishing Villages, are found le the eastern basin of the Mediter- ranean. On the easter shores of the Sea of Marmara, sites such as Fikirtepe, Pendik, Erenkoy and Tuela focused on marine and terrestrial resource exploitation (Bailey 2000; Boessneck and von den Driesch 1979). These sites have been interpreted as temporary occu- pations (Bailey 2000). Farther west, along the coasts of the Adriatic, a similar mixed farming economy with evidence for maritime resource exploitation is documented at EN sites such as Vela Spilja and Tinj-Podlivade (Chapman et al, 1996; Bass 1998). Sites such as Scamuso. (Cassoli and Tagliacozzo 1986) on the eastern coast of Italy, and the Grotta dell'Uzzo on the coast of Sicily (Tagliacozzo 1996), reveal a similar mixed subsistence base. Summary and Conclusions The Levantine and Cilician coasts are the closest marine environments to the inland areas in which domesticated plants and animals first appeared. At the end of the 9th millennium and the beginning of the 8th millennium 8p, a new subsistence system (agro- pastoral/marine) appeared on the Levantine coast, as demonstrated by Aulit-Yam and possibly also by the sites of Ashkelon Marina and Ras Shamra. Following the decimation of natural resources which culminated in the late PPNB, the Mediterranean Fishing Village emerged by combining hunting and foraging with agricultural components (cultivation of domesticated cereals and legumes), animal husbandry (which came to the Levantine and Cilician shores from inland), and intensified utilization of marine resources based on marine190 capabilities of local fishermen. The development of water wells utilizing the coastal aquifers enabled the existence of permanent human habitation close to the coast, where surface drinking water was scarce. Conse- quently previously unsettled territories, or those formerly under-utilized like the Levan- tine coast, were open to continuous habitation and more extensive exploitation. The available data indicate that throughout the easter Mediterranean, agro-pastoral sub- rence systems located inland predate the appearance of MFVs on the coasts. As outlined here, it is clear that a few hundred years after the appearance of Mediterranean Fishing Vil- ages on the shores of the Levant, and possibly Cilicia, similar settlements, based on agriculture and husbandry combined with intensive broad-based exploitation of marine resources, appear on Cyprus and along the shores of the Aegean sea (mainland and islands). During the subsequent Pottery Neolithic period, mixed economies based on the exploitation of both terrestrial and marine resources became more widespread, and are also found along the eastern shores of the Sea of Marmara, the Adriatic coast, the eastern seaboard of Italy and even farther west. The mechanisms responsible for the spread of Mediterranean Fishing Villages are uncer- tain, The staggered radiocarbon dates which grade from east to west, however, suggest a gradual dispersion similar to that described for the initial Neolithic package of domestic animals and plants that spread from the Levant- Fertile Crescent westward into Europe (Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza 1971; Brood- bank 1999; Harris 1996; Lev-Yadun et al 2000; Peltenberg et al. 2000; 2001a; Price 2000; Renfrew 1996; Thomas 1996: 311; Zohaty and Hopf 2000). Similarly, it is still unclear whether this dispersion of the MEV some centuries later is the result of population movement from the Levant westwards (i.e. {© The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003. Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz demic diffusion, leapfrog colonization, etc.), diffusion and adoption of a concept, or a local- ized development, namely the natural outcome of the introduction of cultigens and domestic animals into new areas. As suggested for the Levant, the MFV in other parts of the eastern Mediterranean postdated the arrival of agriculture, and consequently may have presented a solution to peoples who experienced stress following the exhaustion of local terrestrial resources. Alternately, it may have been the natural outcome of the meeting and merg- ing of agriculture and husbandry with a well- developed local Mesolithic-early Neolithic maritime subsistence system. With reference to the possible role played by population movement and/or the diffusion of ideas, it is tempting to consider the role played by fishing and watercraft in the spread of the MEV. Powell (1996: 52, 53) suggested that the movement of the initial domestic package of cultigens and domestic animals from the east towards the northern and northwestern shores of the Mediterranean may have been associated with the sea current which flows counter- clockwise in the eastern Mediterranean basin, and which would have dictated traditional sailing routes in ancient times. Fishermen often sail long distances while following fish (Bindliff 1977: 122) and even today often engage in petty trade or other occasional subsistence activities; occasionally they function as middlemen in transferring people, merchan- dise or ideas from place to place. Thus the spread of the MF, via the sea or along the coasts of the Mediterranean, may have relied upon nautical technology acquired and developed by local communities engaged in fishing as part of their subsistence activities. Fisher- men would then have played a major role in transferring various components of the agro- pastoral-marine system westward from the easter Mediterranean. Unfortunately, based on the currently available data, it is still pre-The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village 191 mature to assess the relative merits of the different models relating to the dispersion of the MEV. During the 7th millennium Br, olive oil w: added to the MFV complex, as documented at several PN settlements presently submerged off the Carmel coast. The subsistence econ omy in these PN settlements was character- ized by an increased reliance on farming and animal husbandry, and the use of animal products; in some regions it was accompanied by a reduction in the exploitation of marine resources and hunting. Later, during the 6th millennium 8, other fruit trees were domesticated. On the verge of historical times, the appearance of the Mediterranean arboreal crop system with domesticated vines and the production of wine in the Levant (Zohary and Hopf 2000), alongside the agro-pastoral food procurement strategy and exploitation of marine resources, completed the traditional Mediterranean subsistence system as it is known today. Acknowledgments The Atlit-Yam excavations were funded by the Irene Levi Sala CARE Foundation; the MAFCAF foundation; the National Geo- graphic foundation; and Joan and Dick Sche- vuer. We thank: Rachel Galili for editing the manuscript; Sharon Ben-Yehuda for the illus- trations; the Israel Antiquities Authority and the University of Haifa for providing the facilities which enabled the excavations and the surveys; Jacob Sharvit for assistance during excavations and surveys; Tzila Sagiv and Josef Galili for photography; Omri Lernau and Irit Zohar for studying the fish remains from the submerged sites; Israel Hershkovitz and Vered Eshed for examination of the human remains; Tamar Dayan for examining the canid remains; Dani Nadel for examining the ground stone assemblage; David Gersht and Helen Machline for examining the flint © The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003 assemblage; Anat Shifroni for examining the flint and pottery assemblages; Mordechai Kisley, Anat Hartman and Nili Liphschit: for examining the botanical material; archaeolo- Jim Dwyer and all the volunteer divers who participated in the archaeological work; Miige Sevketoglu for unpublished information concerning the site of Akanthou and Mina Weinstein-Evron and two JMA revi ets for their insightful comments which have contributed greatly to improving this papet. aoe About the Authors Ehud Galili is a marine archaeologist and Director of the Marine Archaeology Branch of the Israel Antiquities Authority. Research interests include submerged prehistoric settlements, sea level changes, coastal displa ment and ancient seafaring and fishing technologies. Avi Gopher is an archaeologist and fulltime professor at the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University. Research interests include the study of mainly Epi-Paleolithic and Neolithic communities in the Levant and of flint quarrying in the Levant. Baruch Rosen is Lecturer at the Institute of Archaeology, Tel-Aviv University, and at the Faculty of Agriculture, Hebrew University of Rehovot. Research interests include the study of mainly ancient and pre-modern subsistence systems. Liora Kolska-Horwitz isa freelance archaeo- zoologist and associate curator of the Zoology Collection of mammals, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Research interests include the study of the origin and development of animal domestication, the economy of complex societies, and bone taphonomy. Note 1. All dates in this paper are uncalibrated BP dates unless otherwise stated,192 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz References Ammerman, A.J., and LL. Cavalli-Sforza 1971 Measuring the rate of spread of early farming in Europe. Man 6: 674-88. Andel, TH. van 1989 Late Quarternary sea-level changes and archaeology. Antiguity 63: 733-45. Andel, TH. van, and N. Lianos 1983. Prehistoric and historic shorelines of the southem Argolid Peninsula: a sub-bottom profiler study, Intemational Journal of Nautical Archacol- ‘ogy and Underwater Exploration 12: 303-324. Avitsur, S, 1976 Man and his Work. Carta: Jerusalem (in Hebrew). Bailey, D.W. 2000 Balkan Prehistory: Exclusion, Incorporation and ‘dentty. London: Routledge. Bar-Yosef, D.E. 1989 Late Paleolithic and Neolithic marine shells in the southern Levant as cultural markers. In CE Hayes Ill (ed.), Proceedings of the 1986 Shell Bead Conference. Research Records vol. 20: 169-74. Rochester, New York: Rochester ‘Museum and Science Center. Bar-Yosef, D.E,, and J. Heller 1987. Mollusca from Yiftah’el, Lower Galilee, Isael. Palgorient 13: 131-35. Bar-Yosef, O. 2001. From sedentary foragers to village hierarchies: the emergence of social institutions. In G. Runciman (ed), The Origin of Human Social Institutions. Proceedings of the British Acad- emy 110: 1-38. London: British Academy, (Oxford University Press. Bar-Yosef, O., and A. BelferCohen 1989. The Levantine ‘PNB international sphere In 1. Hershkovite (ec.), People and Cure in Charge. British Archaeological Reports $508: 59-72. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports Bar-Yosef, O,, and R. Meadow 1995. The origins of agriculture in the Near East. In TD. Price and A.B. Gebauer (eds.), Last Hunters, Fist Farmers: New Perspectives om the Prehistoric Transitions co Agricultwe, 39-111. Santa Fe, New Mexico: School of American Research Press. {© The Cansinwum Publishing Group Lil 2003, Bass, B 1998 Early Neolithic offshore accounts: remote islands, maritime exploitations, and the trans-Adriatic cultural network. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 11: 165-90. Bindlff, Natural Environment and Human Setdement in Prehistoric Greece, Based on Original Fieldwork. Part I, British Archaeological Reports S28(I). (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports Boessneck, J. and A. von den Driesch 1979 Die Tierknochenfimde aus der Neolithischen Siedlung auf dem Fikirtepe bet Kaaory am Mar- marameer. Munich: Luxhwig Maximilians Uni: versitit. Braudel, F 1972 ‘The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip IL. New York: Harper and Row. Breniquet, C. 1995. La stratigraphie des niveau préhistoriques de Mersin et I’ évolution culturelle en Cilicie. In C. Abadie-Rieynal and A. Tibet (eds.), Anato- lig Antiqua 3: 1-31, Paris: Librairie d’ Amérique et d'Orient Adrien Maisonneuve. Broodhank, C 1999 Colonization and configuration in the insular Neolithic of the Aegean. In P. Halstead (ed.), Neolithic Society in Greece. Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology 2: 15-41. Sheffield: Shetfield Academic Press Buitenbuis, H., and I. V. Caneva 1998 Early animal breeding in south-eastern Ana- tolia: Mersin-Yumuktepe. In P. Anreiter, L. Bartosiewicz, E. Jerem and W. Meid (eds.), Man and the Animal World. Studies im Archaeo- zoology, Archaeology, Anthropology and Palae- linguistics in Memoriam of Séndor Bokonyi, 121-30. Budapest: Archaeolingua Batzer, KW, 1996 Ecology in the long view: settlement histories, agrosystemic strategies, and ecological perfor- mance. Journal of Field Archaeology 23: 141-50. Caneva, I, 1999 Barly farmets on the Cilician coast: Yuruk- tepe in the seventh millennium BC. In M, Ordogan (ed.), Neolithic in Turkey, 105- 114, Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayinlari.The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village 193 Cassoli, PE, and A. Tagliacozz0 1986 La faune dell’insediamento neolitico di Sea uso (Bari). Rivista di Antropologia 44: 85-99. ‘Chapman, J., R. Shiel and §. Batovie 1996 The Changing face of Dalmatia. London: Leicester University Press, De Contenson, H. 1992 Préhistoire de Ras Shamra, Ras Shamra- Ougarit VIL I (Figures et Planches): 11-52. Paris: Editions ADPE Demoule, J.P, and C, Perles 1993 The Greek Neolithic: a review. Jounal of World Prehistory 7: 355-416. Desse, J., and N. Desse-Berset 1994 Osteometry and fishing strategies at Cape Andreas Kastros (Cyprus, 8th millennium BP). In W. van Neer (ed.), Fish Exploitation in the Past, Proceedings of the 7th Meeting of the ICAZ Fish Remains Working Group. Annales du Musée Royal de lAfrique Centrale, Sci- ences Zoologiques 274: 69-79. Tervuren: Musée Royal de l'Afrique Centrale Ducos, P 1981 Notes sur les grands mammiféres du Cap Andreas-Kastros. In A. Le Brun (ed.), Un Site Néolithique Précéramique en Chypre: Cap Andreas-Kastros. Mémoire 5, Paris: Editions ADPE Efstratiou, N. 1985 A Neolithic Site in the Northem Sporades: Aegean Relationships during the Neolithic of the Sth Millenniwon, BAR International Series 241. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. Eshed, V. 1996 The Skeletons from Neve-Yam site. Unpub- lished Report. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority. 2001 From Foraging to Farming in the Holocene (the Pre-Pottery Neolithic Period 8,300-6,000 B.C) in the Southern Levant: The Skeleral Evidence. Unpublished PhD Thesis, Tel Aviv University. Ramat Aviv, Israel (in Hebrew). Eshed, V., E. Galili, N. Goring-Morris and L. Hersh- kovitz 2000 Paleodemographic study in two Neolithic populations: Kfar HaHoresh (PPNB) and Adlit-Yam (PPNC), Israel. Abstracts of the Annual Meeting of the Israel Prehistoric Society. © The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003 Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University. Eshed, V., E. Galil, J. Sharvit and 1. Hershkovitz in press Paleodemographic study of a Pre-Pottery Neolithic C population from Atlit-Yam, Israel. Paléorient. Flannery, KV. 1972. The origins of the village as a settlement type in Mesoamerica and the Near East: a compar- ative study. In PJ. Ucko, R. Tringham and G.W, Dimbleby (eds.), Man, Settlement and Urbanism, 23-54. London: Duckworth. Flourentzos, P. 1997 Excavations at the Neolithic site of Paral- imnis a preliminary report. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1997: 1-10. Galili, E. 1985 Clay Exposures and Archaeological Finds on the Sea Bottom, between Haifa and Adit. Unpublished MA Thesis, Haifa University. Haifa, Israel 1987 A late Pre-Pottery Neolithic B site on the sea floor at Atlit. Joumal of the Israel Prehistoric Society 20: 30-36, 50*-71* (Hebrew/English*), Galili, E., A. Gopher, B. Rosen, J. Sharvit and L-K. Horwitz in press b The emergence of the Mediterranean fishing village in the Levant and the Neolithic anom- aly of Cyprus. In A. Wasse and B. Finlayson (cds.), Proceedings of Conference on The Neo- lithic Revohution New Perspectives om South-West Asia in the Light of Recent Discoveries on Cyprus. London: Couneil for British Research in the Levant. Galili, E, D. Kaufman and M. Weinstein-Evron 1988a 8,000 years under the sea. Archaeology 41(1): 66-67. Galili, E., ©. Lernau, J. Sharvit and 1. Zohar in press a Fishing and marine adaptations at Aviit-Yam, a submerged Neolithic village off the Carmel coast, Israel. Atigot. Jerusalem: Israel Antiqui- ties Authority. Galili, E., and Y. Nir 1993 The submerged Pre-Pottery Neolithic water well of Adli-Yam, northern Israel, and its palaeoenvironmental implications. The Holo- cene 3: 265-70.194 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz Galili, E,, and T. Schick 1990 Basketry and a wooden bowl from the Pottery Neolithic submerged site of Kefar Samir. Jowr- nal of the Israel Prehistoric Society 23: 65-68, 142*.51 (Hebrew/English*). Galli, E., and J. Sharvit 1998 Submerged Neolithic water-wells from the Carmel coast of Israel. Landschafisverband Rheinland, Rheinisches Amt fiir Bodendenk- rmalpflege, 31-44. (Brunnen der Jungsteinzeit, Internationales Symposium, Erkenlens, Okto- ber 1997). Cologne: Rheinland-Verlag; Bonn: Habele Galil, E., J. Sharvit, V. Eshed and I. Hershkovitz 2000 The burials at Aclit-Yam—A PPNC site submerged off the Carmel coast. Abstracts of the Annual Meeting of the Israel Prehistoric Society. Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University Galili, E., J. Sharvit and A. Nagar 1998 Neve-Yam—underwater survey. Excavations and Surveys in Israel 18: 54-56, 35%-36" (Hebrew/English*). 1999 Adlit-Yam Excavations 1993-4. Hadashot Arkheologivot 109: 41-43, 30*-31* (Hebrew! English*), Galil, E, J. Sharvie and M. Weinstein-Evron 1997a The palacoenvironment of the Carmel coast during the 8th-7th millennium BP: evidence from submerged prehistoric settlements. In B. Galill and Y. Mart (eds.), The Mediterreean Continental Margin of Israel Symposiuon, 32-39. Haifa: Oceanographic and Limnological Research, National Institute of Oceanogea- phy. Galili, E., DJ. Stanley, J. Sharvit and M. Weinstein Evron 1997b Evidence for earliest olive-oil production in submerged settlements off the Carmel const, Israel. Jounal of Archaeological Science 24 1141-50. Galil, E., and M. Weinstein-Evron 1985 Prehistory and paleoenvironments of st merged sites along the Carmel Coast of Israel. Palgorient 11: 37-52. Galili, E, M. Weinstein-Buron, 1. Hershkovits, A. Gopher, M. Kislev, ©. Lernau, LK. Horwitz and H. Ler- nau 1993 Atlit-Yam: A prehistoric site on the sea floor {© The Contin Publishing Grou Lad 2003. off the Israeli coast, Journal of Field Archaeol- ogy 20: 133-57. Galili, E., M. Weinstein-Evron and A. Ronen 1988b Holocene sea-level changes based on submerged archaeological sites off the northern Carmel coast in Israel. Quatemary Research 29: 36-42. Galili, E., M. Weinstein-Evron and D. Zohary 1989 Appearance of olives in submerged Neolithic sites along the Carmel coast. Joumal of the Israel Prehistoric Society 22: 52-53, 95°-97* (Hebrew/English”). Garfinkel, Y. 1999 Radiometric dates from eighth millennium BP. Israel. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 315: 1-13. 2001 Neolithic Ashgelon. In A. Sasson, Z. Safrai and N. Sagiv (eds.), Ashkelon, a City on the Seashore, 39-56. Ashkelon: Ashkelon Acade- mic College, Bar Hlan University (in Hebrew), Gifford, J 1983 Core sampling of a Holocene marine sedi- mentary sequence and underlying Neolithic cultural material off Franchthi Cave, Greece. In PM. Masters and N.C. Flemming (eds.), Quaternary Coastlines and Marine Archaeology, 269-81. London: Academic Press. 1991 Analysis of submarine sediments off Paralia. In TJ. Wilkinson and S.T, Duhon (eds.), Franchthi Paralia: the Sediments, Stratigraphy, and Offshore Investigations. Excavations at Franchthi Cave, Greece 6: 85-116. Bloom- ington: Indiana University Press. Gopher, A. 1993. Sixth-fifth millennia B.C. settlements in the coastal plain, Israel. Paléorient 19: 55-63. 1995 Early pottery-bearing groups in Israel—the Pottery Neolithic period. In T.A. Levy (ed.), The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land, 205-225. London: Leicester University Press. Gopher, A., S. Abbo and S, Lev-Yadun, 2000 The ‘when’, the ‘where’ and the ‘why’ of the Neolithic revolution in the Levant. Doci- rmenta Prachistorica 28: 49-62. Gopher, A., and R. Gophna 1993. Culeures of the eighth and seventh millennia BP in the southern Levant: a review for the 1990s, Journal of World Prehistory 7: 297-353.The Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastern Mediterranean Fishing Village 195 Guilaine, J., and F. Briois 2001 Parekklisha Shillowrokambos: an early Neolithic site in Cyprus. In S. Swiny (ed.), The Earliest Prehistory of Cyprus, Erom Colonization to Exploitation. Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute, Monograph 2. 37-54. Bos- ton: American Schools of Oriental Research. Guilaine, J., F Briois, J. Coularou, P. Deveze, S. Philib- ert, J.-D. Vigne and 1. Carrere 1998a _Lasite néolithique précéramique de Shillouro- ambos (Parekkishe, Chypre). Bulletin de Cor- respondance Hellénique 122: 603-610. Guilaine, J., FE Briois, J. Coularou, JD. Vigne and 1. Carrere 1998b Les débuts du néolithique & Chypre. L’Archéo- logue 33: 35-40, Guilaine, J., E Briois, J.-D. Vigne, and 1. Carrére 2000 Découverte d'un néolithique précéramique ancien chypriote (Fin 9e, debut 8e millénaire cal. BC), apparenté au PPNB ancien/moyen du Levant Nord. Comptes rendus de Academie des. sciences Paris, Sciences de la terre et de plandtes 330: 75-82 Gutman, M. 2001 Pasture Plants from Adit-Yam well. Unpublished Report, Ministry of Agriculture, Jerusalem. Halstead, P 1996 The development of agriculture and pastoralism in Greece: when, how, who and what ?In DIR. Harris (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia, 296- 309. London: Routledge. Halstead, P. (ed.) 1999 Neolithic Society in Greece. Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology 2. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. Hansen, J.M. 1988 Agriculture in the prehistoric Aegean: daca versus speculation, American Joumal of Archae- ology 92: 39-52. Harris, DR. 1996. The origins and spread of agriculture and pastoralism in Eurasia: an overview. In D.R. Har- ris (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia, 552-76. London: Routledge. Hartman, A. 1997 Landscape and Agriculture of the Carmel Coastal Plain in the PPNC Period, Recon- © The Continwum Publishing Group Led 2008, struction from Plant Macrofossils of Atlit- Yam well. Unpublished MA Thesis, Bar-Ilan University, Department of Land-of-Israel Studies. Tel Aviv, Israel (in Hebrew). Hartman, A., M. Kislev and E. Galili 1997 Reconstruction of landscape units in Adlit Bay 8000 years ago. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Israel Society for Ecology and Environmental Quality Sciences, 83. Abstract. Haifa: University of Haifa (in Hebrew). Haydlen B., B. Chrisholom and H. P. Schwartz 1987 Fishing and foraging: marine resources in the Upper Paleolithic of France. In O. Soffer, (ed.), The Pleistocene Old World: Regional Per- spectives, 279-91. New York: Plenum Press. Helmer, D. 1989 Le développement de la domestication au Proche-Orient de 9500. 7500 BP: les nou- velles données ¢'El Kowm et de Ras Shamra. In ©. Aurenche, M.C. Cauvin and P. Sanlav- ille (eds.), Préhistoire du Levant, L11-21. Paris: Association Paléorient. Hershkovitz, 1, and E. Galil 1990, 8000 year-old human remains on the sea floor near Atit, Israel. Journal of Human Evolution 5(4): 319-58. Hillman, G. 1996 Late Pleistocene changes in wild plant-foods available to hunter-gatherers of the northern Fertile Crescent: possible preludes to cereal cultivation. In D.R. Harris (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia, 159-205. London: Routledge. 2000 The plant food economy of Abu Hureyra 1 and 2. In A.M.T. Moore, G.C. Hillman and AJ. Legge (eds.), Abu Huteyra {: The Epi- palaeolithic Village on the Euphrates, 375-99. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Homell, J. 1935. Report on the Fisheries of Palestine. London: Published of Behalf of the Government of Palestine by the Crown Agents for the Colonies. Horowits, A. 1998° The first Mediterranean navigators ~ possible role of climate in the Neolithic settlement of the islands. In A. Demaison (ed.), Navigation, Echanges et Environment en Méditerranée, 112- 16. Montpellier: Okeanos.196 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz Horwits, LK., E. Galil, J. Sharvit and O. Lernaw 2002. Fauna from five submerged Pottery Neolithic sites off the Carmel Coast. Mitekufat Ha’even Journal of the Israel Prehistory Society 32: 147- 174. Horwitz, LIK, and E. Tehernov 1987 Faunal remains from the PPNB submerged site of Atlit. Journal of the Israel Prehistoric Society 20: 72-78. 1998 Diachronic and synchronic changes in patterns of animal exploitation during the Neolithic of the southern Levant. In P. Anre- iter, L. Bartosiewicz, E. Jerem and W. Meid (eds.), Man and the Animal World. Studies in Archaeozoology, Archaeology, Anthropology and Palaolinguistics in Memoriam of Sandor Bokonyi, 307-18. Budapest: Archaeolingua. Horwitz, LK., E. Tehernov, P. Ducos, C. Becker, A. von. den Driesch, L. Martin, and A. Garrard 1999 Animal domestication in the southern Lev- ant. Paléorient 25: 63-80. Jacobsen, TW. 1969 Excavations at Porto Cheli and vicinity, preliminary report II: the Franchthi cave, 1967-1968. Hesperia 38: 343-81 1981 Franchthi cave and the beginning of settled village life in Greece. Hesperia 50: 303-19. James, SR 1997 Methodological issues concerning screen size recovery rates and their effects on archaeo- faunal interpretations. Journal of Archaeolog- cal Science 24: 385-97 Kislev, M 1994-95 Wild olive stones at submerged Chalcolithic Kfar Samir, Haifa, Israel. Journal of the Israel Prehistoric Society 26: 134-45. Kisley, M., A. Hartman and E. Galili 1996 Evidence from Atlit-Yam for a colder climate during the PPNC period. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Israel Prehistoric Society. Abstract (in Hebrew). Le Brun, A, 1987 Chronologie relative et chronologie absolue dans le néolithique Chypriote. In O. Aurenche, J.Evin and F Hours (eds.), Chronologis in the Near East. BAR Interna- tional Series 379: 525-48. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. (© The Contin Publishing Group Led 2003 Le Brun, A. (ed.) 1981. Un ste Néoihique Préceramique en Chypre: Cap Andreas-Kastros. Recherches sur les Grandes Civilisations, Memoire 5. Paris: Edition ADPE_ Lemau, H., and O, Lernau 1994. The fish remains. In M. Lechevallier and A. Ronen (eds.), Le Site de Hatoulaen Judée Occi- dentale, Israel. Mémoires et Travaux du Cen- tre de Recherche Francais de Jerusalem 8: 111-24. Paris: Paléorient. Lev-Yadun, S., A. Gopher and S. Abbo: 2000 The cradle of agriculture. Science 288: 1602- 1603. Lititas, Y., L. Orphanidis-Geongiadis and N. Bistratiou 1991 Neolithic Thessaly and the Sporad oon cultural contacts between Sesklo, Dimin and Aghios Petros based on trace element analysis and archaeological evidence. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 10: 307-13. smarks Nun, M. 1964 Ancient Jewish Fishery. Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad (in Hebrew), Peltenburg, E., S. College, P. Croft, A. Jackson, C. McCartney, and M. Murray 2000 Agro-pastoralist colonisation of Cyprus in the 10th millennium BP: initial assessments, Antiquity 74: 844-53. 2001a Neolithic dispersals from the Levantine corri- dor: a Mediterranean perspective. Levant 33: 35-64. Peltenburg E., P. Croft, A. Jackson, C. McCartney and M.A. Murray 2001h Well-established colonists: Mylouthkia 1 and the Cypro-Pre-Pottery Neolithic B. In S. ‘Swiny (ed.), The Earliest Prehistory of Cyprus, From Colonization to Exploitation. Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute, Monograph 2: 61-94. Boston, Massachusetts: American Schools of Oriental Research. Perrot, J. and A. Gopher 1996 A late Neolithic site near Ashkelon, Israel Exploration Journal 46: 145-66 Peters, J, D. Helmer, A. von den Driesch and M. Sana ial husbandry in the northern Lev- ant. Paléorient 25: 27-47. Peterson, G.H. 1985 The eastern Mediterranean shelf bionetworkThe Emergence and Dispersion of the Eastem Mediterranean Fishing Village in global connection including some biological and geological implications. In M. Moraitou-Apostolopoulou, and V. Kiortis (eds.), Mediterranean Marine Ecosystems. NATO Conference Series, Series 1, Ecology Vol. 8: 147-62. New York: Plenum. Pirazzoli, PA. 1998 Sea-Level Changes: The Last 20,000 Years. New York: John Wiley. Powell, J. 1996 Fishing in the Prehistoric Aegean. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature, Pocket-book 137. Jonsered: Paul Astrims Forlag Price, TD. (ed.) 2000. Europe's First Farmers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Renfrew, C. 1996 Language families and the spread of farming. In DR. Harris (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia, 70-92. London: Routledge. Reese, D. 1991 Marine shells in the Levant: Upper Pale- olithic, Epipaleolithic and Neolithic. In O. Bar-Yosef and F. Valla (eds.), The Natufian Culawre in the Levant, 613-28. Ann Arbor: International Monographs in Prehistory. Rollefson, G.O., and I. Kobler-Rollefson 1989 The collapse of early Neolithic settlements in the southern Levant. In I. Hershkovitz (ed.), People and Cultvre in Change. BAR Interna- mal Series 508: 73-89. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 1993. PPNC adaptations in the first half of the 6th millennium B.C. Paléorient 19: 33-42. Rollefson, G.O., A-H. Simmons and Z. Kafafi 1992 Neolithic cultures at ‘Ain Ghazal, Jordan. Jowmal of Field Archaeology 19: 443-70. Runnels, C.N., and T-H. van Andel 1987 The evolution of settlement in Southern Argolid, Greece: an economic explanation. Hesperia 56: 303-334. ‘Sampson, A. 1998 ‘The Neolithic and Mesolithic occupation of the cave of Cyclope, Youra, Alonnessos, Greece. Annual of the British School at Athens 93: 1-20, {© The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003, 197 Sampson, A., and $.K. Kozlowski 1999 The cave of Cyclope in the northern Aegean a specialized fishing shelter of the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods. Neo-Lithies 3: 5-7 Sevketoglu, M 2000 Archaeological Field Survey of the Neolithic and Chaleolithic Sertlement Sites in Kyrenia District, North Cyprus. BAR International Series 834 Oxford: Archaeopress. Sherratt, A. 1996 Plate tectonics and imaginary prchistories: structure and contingency in agricultural origins. In DR. Harris (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eura- sia, 130-41. London: Routledge. Shackleton, J.C., and TH. van Andel 1980 Prehistoric shell assemblage of Franchthi Cave and the evolution of the adjacent coastal zone. Nature 287: 357-59. 1986 Prehistoric shore environments, shellfish availability and shellfish gathering at Franchthi, Greece. Intemational Jounal of Geoarchaeology 1: 127-43. Sillen, A., and J.A. Lee-Thorpe 1991 Dietary change in the Late Natufian. In O. Bar-Yosef and E Valla (eds.), The Natufian Culture in the Levant, 399-410. Ann Arbor: International Monographs in Prehistory. Stanley, DJ. and E. Galili 1996 Sediment dispersal along northern Iseael coast during the early Holocene: geological and archaeological evidence. Jounal of Marine Geology 130: 11-17. Stiner, MC. 1994 Honor Among Thieves: A Zooarchaeological Study of Neandertal Ecology. Princeton: Prince- ton University Press. Stuiver, M., and PJ. Reimer 1993 Extended "C data hase and revised CALIB Radiocarbon 35: 3.0 age calibration progran 215-30. Tagliacozz0, A. 1996 Economic changes between the Mesolithic and the Neolithic in the Grotta dell’'Uzz0 (Sicily, Italy). Journal of the Accordia Research Contre 5: 7-37. Thomas, J. 1996 The cultural context of the first use of domes-198 Todd, LA. 1982 1989 1998 2001 Galili, Rosen, Gopher and Kolska-Horwitz tication in continental Central and Nosth- ‘west Europe. In DR. Harris (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastorastsm in Eurasia, 310-22. London: Routledge. Radiocarbon dates for Kalavassos-Tenta and Kalavassoa-Ayious. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus 1982: 8-11. Early prehistoric society: view from the Vasi- Tikos Valley. In EJ. Peltenherg (ed.), Early Society in Cyprus, 2-13. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Kalavasos-Tenta. Nicosia: Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation. Kalavasos-Tenta revisited. In 8. Swiny (ed.), ‘The Earliest Prehistory of Cyprus, from Colo- nization to Exploitation. Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute, Mono- graph 2: 95-108. Boston, Massachusetts: ‘American Schools of Oriental Research. ‘Trantalidou, K. 1996 Teuk, T. 2000 Agriculture, animal husbandry, hunting, fsh- ing. In G.A. Papathanassopoulos (ed.), Neo- lithic Culture in Greece, 95-102. Athens: ‘Museum of Cyeladic Art, Goulandris Founda- tion, Ancient Water Systems in Settlements in Eretz-srael from the Neolithic Period ro the End of the Iron Age. Unpublished PhD The- sis, Tel-Aviv University. Ramat Aviy, Israel (in Hebrew). Van Zeist, W. 1981 Plant remains from Cape Andreas-Kastros (Cyprus). In A. Le Brun (ed.), Un site Néo- lithique Préceramique en Chypre: Cap Andreas- Kastros. Recherches sur les Grandes Civilisations, Memoire 5: 95-100 (Appendix V1). Paris: Edition ADPE, © The Continuum Publishing Group Led 2003 ‘Van Zeist, W., and J.A.H. Bakker Heres 1984 Archaeobotanical studies in the Levant 2: Neolithic and Halaf Levels at Ras Shamra. Palacohistoria 26: 151-70. Vita-Finzi, C., and ES. Higgs 1970 Prehistoric economy in the Mount Carmel area of Palestine: site catchment analysis. Pro- ceedings of the Prehistoric Society 36: 1-37. Wheeler, A., and A.K.G. Jones 1989 Fishes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wreschner, EE. 1977. The submerged Neolithic site of Newe-Yam. Eretz [sacl 13: 259-70. 1983 ‘The submerged Neolithic village ‘Neve-Yam’ con the Israeli Mediterranean coast. In PM. Masters and N.C. Flemming (edb.), Quater- nary Coastlines and Marine Archaeology, 325- 44. London: Academic Press. Zohar, 1, T. Dayan, E. Spanier, EGalili and O. Lemnau 1994 Exploitation of grey triggerfish (Balistes carli- nensis) by the prehistoric inhabitants of Atlit- Yam, Israel: a preliminary report. In W. van Neer (ed.), Proceedings of the 7h Meeting of the ICAZ Fish Remains Working Group. Annales du Musée Royal de l'Afrique Centrale, Se: ences Zoologiques 274: 231-37. Tervuren: Musée Royal de Afrique Centrale, Zohar, L, T. Dayan, E. Galili, and E. Spanier 2001 Fish processing during the early Holocene: a taphonomic case study ftom coastal Israel. Journal of Archaeological Science 28: 1041-53. Zohary, D. 1996 The mode of domestication of the founder crops of southwest Asian agriculture. In D.R. Harris (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agricul- ture and Pastoralism in Eurasia, 142-58. Lon- don: Routledge. Zohary, D., and M. Hopf 2000 Domestication of Plants in the OM World (3rd edition). Oxford: Oxford University Press.Copyright © 2003 EBSCO Publishing

Galili Et Al 2002 Neolit Levant Ribolov

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Galili Et Al 2002 Neolit Levant Ribolov

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like