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    John v. Murra Articles, 1960-1961

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    Marcus Bernardes
    John v. Murra Articles, 1960-1961

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    Hic / RITE AND CROP IN THB INCA STATE By John V. Murra VASSAR COLLEGE AS ONE RUADS the sixteenth-century European sources on Inca cere- ‘monialism one becomes awute of a curious and mnexpected disereparcy ‘he rituel crop calendar reported dacs not reflect either the agricultural realities of that period er the modo pattems of expressing concern over the fate of the erops. ‘The chroniclers of the European invasion and early settlement fill many pages describing pencant- und state: sponsored ceremosics and sucrificer accompanying the planting, ier. sting, weeding, and harvesting of mare: they zeport tle if any ritual eonnzcted with the many Andean root e7ops. Such u discrepancy in reporting focuses attention on the botanical and ¢oological differences betyeen the two sets of crops: one a locally domesticated, highalitude series of frest-sistant tubers, of which the potato is only the most celebrated; the other a warn weather grain, of Puu-American distribution, maize. 1 hope to show that the chconiclers' iscropancy Is also a hint to important cultural and social differences, ‘At the upper levels of the Andean Altiplano the alpine root crops— the potato, the o¢a, the ullucamare the only ones at home. Jnzepoznk found one wild species of potato blooming at 16,400 feet (5,000 meters) in an Wtegree frost,t and many of the cultivated varitics bear tubers regularly at 14,000 fect. Without them human oocupancy in this area would be impossible; “half the Indians do not have any other bread.”* In pre-Columbian times they were the mountain pease ant’s staple food craps, so enmmon in the diet that time was measured in units equivulent to a potato’ toiling time’ In the cold, high steppe Keown a5 the pune, around Lake Titicaca, the chreniclers were fur. prised to find no grains; they report the area's dependence upon alpine crops! This does not condemn this erew to culture-historical macoi- ality: Jong before the Tiahuanaco and Inca expansions, the Collao made the mest basic contribution to the pessibilities of civilizational development in the Andes through the domestication of the Nama anc the alpaca as well as the tubers. 394 JOUN Vv. MURR In our time, LaBatve collected over 220 named varieties of potatoes in the Collao alone; mest of the mames, after four hundred years of Faropean ocenpatian, show ao trace of European influence * While some diploid varieties, which botaaiste consider the mere primitive, stick to the euféwe, the protected slopes of Andean. valleys, most of the domesticated vasictioy ure true puna spocimens—hardy, frost resintant and clorely deperdent on man, Th fast, the most frost-ce sistant, the bitter dala, are stecile triplotds which will not grow below 8,200 feet (2,500 meter) and cannot propagite themselves without human interventior.* ‘Uke large umber of these hybrid, bigh-altitade varieties would indicave that throughout mnest of the history of human pccupancy im the Andes, the pressure has been on taming the high pare! ihe steep, lower slopes, eich would seem more inviting on first glance, can seriously be utilized only when large-scale public ‘works provide terraces and irigation, okewhere in the world, root erops cannot usiully be kept for any lengta of tim? Som: of the Andean varicties keea seven, ten, and twelve months under pena conditions, which have a rrummifying clfcct nol only on vegetebles but also on Yama mest and other lissucs. In addition, several proezsses were developed kere which took advantage of the clinats to increave staring capacity. Most potatoes could he made into cfufés, a substance derived from tubers alternately frozen and dried soon after harvest. ‘The slow-ripening, bitter, high-sltitade varictics are grown exclusively for chavau, which can be kept for mach longer periods thar the potatoes themselves, Unfortunately, it has not been possible to determine exactly how long chu could be kept, ‘though Cobo talks of “many yeacs.”* ‘The process itself is closely de- pendeut on pune conditions: cold nights, warm dass, and a dry climate, There is no chic in Eouador, which lacks a wue pura, nor was Sap- pet able to make it experimentally in Germaty. While potatoes have this neat zonal distribution, maize is found on both highland and coast. Taig haz masked the essentially warm climate character of mize; it requires a good deal of humidity and warmth and has « relatively long growing sewn, The Andoun highlueds ure chy and given to frequent frosts, nd it is only on the guitira slopes, tard then not everywhere, that maizs can be found os 2 fisld crop. We sii do not Inow when maize reached the highlands; there is no reason to doubt that it was long before the Tuca conquest, though it RITE AND CROP IN THE INGA SLATE 395 probably was after the domestication of alpine tubers. Even on the cout it was relatively Tote; archacclogy shows that it appears there only after a thousand years of root-crop, bia, and cotton ageiculture.!* Accordiag to Carbon 14 dates, com was introduced eu, 900-709 4.0. ‘inthe Chicama valley." It is hard to think of it ripeaing bere without irrigation, although archaeologists tell us that artificial wotesing does no. begin tll considerably after the introduction of maize. It is pessible that cora was first grown in pukios, the sunken cultivation plots which ‘use some of the subsurface seepage This early association. o¢ lack of it, between maize and ireigntion on the coast, neces atiditioral in- ‘vestigation, ‘As one mowes from coast to highlands, the situation beenmes eleur- cuts in the Andes maize and ierigstion were closely correlated. Despite the adaptation of cortain varieties in the Callején de Haaylas and the ‘Unubamba valley, maize ia the Andes is a handicapped plant: it cannot tow in the hot valley bottoms, where the dorert has a way of reaching ‘up te 5,000 and even 8000 fect in the Apurima valley, nor can it tow aknwe 9,000 fect in northom Fer ond 11,500 Feet ia the south, since above these altitudes frost can be expected any month of the year!" with disastrous cifects on the com crop, Tn both Inca and ‘modern. times, irrigation was considered highly desirable. wherever snaize was giown,#® even where there was mo acute shortage of ralne fall.” Garcilaso de Ja Vege tells us that “not a single grain of maize ‘was planted without irrigation,” and that given steady watering and the wse of fertilizers corn fields “were bke a garden.”? Lnigated fields rood no exop sotation, nor must they be left 10 le tallow. ‘There is some indication thet the famons Andean tectaces so Jabot ously consiructed on the quifwa slopes were meant to produve maize, ‘The terrace of Colleamapaia, the garden of ue Sun, was planted to ‘corn und Garviliso ad seen. it worked in his youth. He is also specific when discussing, terraces in general: “this fs how indusiicus the Inca were in cxpanding the lands for maize planting,” Pedro Pizarro, an eyewitness to the invasion, claims that “all were planted to maize" ‘While imigation is one of lke factors aking it possible to raise the ‘upper limi: of oor cultivation, it was tarely applied to rotatoes and other alpize exons. Ia part, this is dor to the topographic character: istics of the puna. o high plateau, with the tivers flowing in deep gorges fac below it. As Garcilaso puts i, where ittigation did not reach “thoy 296 sours ¥_ ater planted grains and vegetables of great importance «., potatoes, afius, va." Cieza de sin xaw no ievigation in the Collao within twenty yeurs of the European invasien,® and most of our chroniclers similarly Mako 20 mention of alpine crops whem discussing jvigalion#! ta modera times, the geographer Schwalm, who did considerable fictd ‘work in the area, reports that Inigation and fertilizers were applica to rmuize, while potatoes were gtown de temporal, cepeading on rain LuBane tells Us that im Bolivia the high-altimnde fbr varteties reccive zo irrigation or fertilizers, althongh some of the otters apparently do sgt assistance (oday. Such rainfall cultivation mesns that lands. must rost hetween crops; Schwalm seports for Titicacs that a field was eul- tivated for four years und lay fallow for soven.® This matches what Garcilaso tells us of sixteenth-ceatary conditions: alpine vrops hdl t0 be rotated, and! lunds left fallow, exery year or two, Despite their adapration und probable domestication in high alttades, even theie alpine crops fuiled frequently through hil, frost, and ctought, Polo te Ondoganto, who was for many yoars an administrator in tae puna, claims thal three yeas iu five saw top faihures, but it is ‘unclea: which of the crops be is calking about; the chancs ure te means maize Even so. the subsistence miargin was quite marrow; in the nineteenth century Tschudi reports that one good harvest in three ie mormal for the putas Cabello Valbos, an independent sixteenth century sounee, indicates that famine stalked the Jane! in years when the potato crop failed." Atsuch times the peassmts ute wild roots or grasses, Fasting, sactifives, and seapegosting were all employed in am effort to ritigale frosts and water shortages In such circumstances we note aguin how tle potato or other slpiae crop ritual hus beon zecoried by our chronicler. As indicated, their ceremonial eulondars deal almost exclusively with maize, Tn our time there ure elaborate ceremonies to protect und encourage the potato craps these hae bevn described in some detsil by contemporary observers)! Of course, it could be that such pracsices “are postColnmbian; the absence of recorded sixteenth-centary alpine erop rituals may indicate Ick cf ansicty over « local, well-adapted crop.%t However, this ix unlke'y sinco the ceclesistic waiters and (dol-barners Tike Avila, Ar siaga, and others win turned thelr attention to the Ardea peasant commonity afer 1609, report ammerows instances cf siewal concern over highland crops, quilt similar to modern veremoxtatisiy, Such RITE AND CROP {tv THE INCA STATE 307 paralleis ave also present in the unique early report to have broken through the chroniclers’ disinterest: only fifteen years alter the invasion priest gave in.to the urging of tis communicants and allowed a potato Plnting ceremony in his village There was music ard dancing with digging tools and some competitive behavior between the two moictics A llama was stcrificed, ard sclected large seed potatoes were dipped! in its blood. At this point the priest intervened and stopped what had apparently gous two lur, Soon after Cieza de Leén came through the atea and recorded the priests story,® butt took the chtoriclor con- sistently: most semitive to ethnographic detail to ger it The catity of potato rituals in ovr sources may peranpa be duc to the fect that the Andcan crops, while they may have been siuple, wele also low status food. In the legeads from Huarochiri collected ty Avila in she early seventeemth-century, potato-cating was considered evidence of low status; a raggedy beggar was known as: Huatvacust, Potato-eater@ in another story, recorded by Cabello Valbox, the hero is hiding from his enemies among “very poor herders” who cultivate “potatces, ulluea, atker roots and grasses.” In deseribing the pune welling Colla, Huamén Foma®® calls them “Indian: of litte eirengt and course, with large bodies, fat und tallowy because they eat only Chufa” and contrasts them with the Chinekaysuyus (northern und coastal Peruvians), "ho, although xeall in stature, are brave, a3 thoy ate fed on maize and drink maize chicka, which gives strength.” Despite such attitudes, from all vo oan gather potato ccremonialisi was early and general in the Andes. Why then shoud our sourccs ais itt There is no likelihood that our chroniclers would. ignore maize, Grain caters themselves, familiarized with com in the Ceritbcan and Meaico, they reported early aud in deteil the Pan-American distribution ‘of this crop. 1 absence In auy given srea was notec.#” Some of them. thought of imuize us the Andean staple,#* which is clearly erroneous siven te ecologic picture; as Seuer has pointed oul, “nowhere south ‘of Honduras is muize the staple foodstuft it was further north.?% 1a most of South America it was grown primarily for boer-making and ceremoalat purposes: ‘The chroniclers communicate the foeling that in the highlands maize was a desirable, special, and even holiday food as compared vith Potatoes and cfufi, Maize was offered at village shrines! Tke Art 798 JOHN ¥. MURRA ‘dean weiter Huamén Poma gives us the tent of a lameat recited by the villagers “during frost ot hail if it [the crop] be maize, when no water comes from the sky." At harvest time the com was brought home amidst great celebration, men and worten ceme singing, begging the maize to last a long time. ‘The villagers drank and atc and soag and for three nights kept vigil over Mama Zara, Mother Maize, @ shrine erected in “every house” by wrapping the Lest cobs ia the family’s best biankess.* ‘At the wilage level, somn is also an integral part of life eycle sicual even if it is aot locally grown, At the initiation of a peasant youth, when his fuir was ceremonially cut and his name changed, maize, llamas, and cloth were aneng the gifts offered by his kinfolk. At unactiage, tte funilies of the comple exchanged “seeds” along with cloth, spindles, pots, and ornaments. Murla, the sixicenth-century writer with the best information about women in the Andes, specifies comoahs us gifts t0 the bride. At. death, corm meal was sprinkled around the deceased, On the fifth day, the widow and other survivors would wash at the mesting point of two rivers#® where sacrifices were also offered after sowing. The zeal cemtzast between the (wo cops and theit associated cere- rmoniels emerges at we move from the peasant community. whicre both are known though differentially valned, to the state, Inca level. ‘A considerable elfort, both techmelogic and mugic, was made by the sue and itp various agencies to ensure the propagation and hursest of corn. The Tren state ovisin myth wives exeait to the royal Hneage for ‘he iotrodvetion of this grain into the Curse basin and refers to it as “the seed of the [Pagazitampsl eave” from which the dynasty was supposed to have emerged." Mama Wako, the wife of the first legend- 207) King, is eported co have ‘aught the people how to plant it; ever air, « plot rear Cuzco called Seuscru was devoted to the produetion of maize 19 feed the qucen’s mummy and her retainers. ‘The ansual cultivating eycle was ceremoulaly inaugurated by the king himsolf, fyho om the appropriate date during August-Scplember* went to Mama ‘Wako’s field Io bfeak the g:ound for the planting, with the help of the royal kin, Poma illestales this mauguration: the king 1s working, assisted by three icletives to form the usual nea quartet; an equal umber of royal vorucn are kneeling, facing the mex, to break the clods, much as peasant women are shown doing it elsewhors, A RITE AND CROP IN THE INCA StATE, 399) hurchbucked retuinor iy bringing refreshment: to the royal worker ‘The King's contribution wan acenmpani si d hy vigorous singing of dig- 1g songs, on a triumphsl, military voftain.!* The nations) church and its priesthood, whose top hiccarchy be- longed te the same royal Tincage, also had auaay duties in and about maize agricalturs. Fach year the gods weie asked if crups should be. planted that year, “the answer was always affirmative.” Pests were assigned to watch the tovenents of the shaciow ut a seasonal sundial wear Cuzco to detetmine te right time for plowing, irrigation, oF planting” and 1 notify the peasantry of the approaching chore, If one. twissed the proper moment, the maize crop was in dangeis Puiests also Kept Khipas, kit records of past scasons showing the succession of wet years and dry. One gtoup of clerics fasted fom the moment naire was planted vntil the shoots were finger high. Cobo reposts chat the priests gathered at the simifial ebsorvatory and “begged the Sum to get there on time.” Processions were organized, the participints armed, beating drums, und shouting war erics to scare away drought and frost which threatened the maiz more than any other cz0p.*® The official state harvest begun with the year's royal initiates going to reap ‘on Mamas Wako’s terrace; then came the fields of the Sua, those of the Hing und qucca, Sacrifices of Mamas, fasting, taankseivine ollarinss, and requests for future favors were all part of the harvest. A perceptive obscryer, Polo noted that there were muny more 0b- servanes and unsious rituals in “advanced” afeas, where the pooula- fion was dense and state exactions umerons, than thers were in marginal territories like Chitiguanas of Diaguitas’ At the symbolic. centcr of the stafe, at Intiwasi, the Honse of the Sun, the priests had planted among the living cornstalks golden reproductions, complete with Teaxes and cobs, to “encourage” the viize #, ‘The teraple’s her vest was kept in heavy silver storage jars. Such attention and *nussery” care made it possible for the priests to cultivate mize at 12,700 feet, at the shrines near Lake Titieucs. They did not do 03 nwvch for Andean <1opos vietually all roferonexs to Cuzco ceremorials ate about maize; thore are nono te polatoca in thin contexts ‘The enistouce end survival ol « sociopolitical steucture like the The state depends technologically on em agriculture eapable of producing systematic surpluses beyond the subsistence needs of the peasantry. Under Andean ecologic vontitions the anslety of the stale i under- 400 JOHN ¥. MURES standable, and the solution. devixed is not always ceremonial. The iriyated coast wat a major producer of maize and probably supplied an important and worry-free, quota to the state warshousan. Unfortu- rately, we lack many details about tho special Features of constal land alienation under Inca male and the extent of maize-growing corvée."* But most everybody fas heard of the mums colonists resettled by the Inca for whet are usually cousidsred security reasons. 1 have elsewhere presented some evidence. that a major fonction of this population trumsfcc wus setuully the expansion of the maize-growing sreut? ernabé Cobo tells us that wherever populations Lived too high up om the pad they were “provided” with maize lands on the coast or in the ‘montana, Colonists and their families took up permanent residence in the new maze country. Such transplented settlements remained within the jurisdiction of their traditional cthnic leader and provided their kin with com, popsers, fruit, and other tropical produce-im exchenge for Mamas, jerked meat, and chutes Terncing of the steep guiiw slopes, irrigation works, und onastal {ertifisr delivered to the highlands wore all similar measures, providing revenues of all kinds but with an emphasis on corm. Potatoes and the other root crops. may have produced the necessary surpluses, and cinciwe may fave allowed their storage, However, the keeping quulitics of maize are supetior to those of chet so- is its higher prestige. Grains aad. stockpiling and the redistribution of status are: basic state preacenpntions everywhere. Tn. the Inca state mary factars matte stockpiling. a major necessity: a growing court made up of ten to twelve royal families and their thousands of retainets, 2 banemucratic and exclesiastic hierarchy, the military: needs of the numeroas cam- paigos which expanded the kingdom from Ecuador to Chile within barely a century. And the army also. “preferred” maize to other rations. #4 It is olen: that in the minds of those who encouraged the production of vor thore were als those other, redistributive considerations: the higher, somi-coremonial slutus of maize, inherited from pro-Inca times, ‘would ud wo dis stais's exgemess to obluin this commedily ia the highlands. An issue of the rarer corn porridge would mean more than dish of potators to a conscript soldier, and a mug of erown corn beer was a morale-building dispensation in w sovicty where patteras of redprocal goncresity, were, sill operative. RITE AND CROP IN THE INCA STATE aot [tis my contention im this article that in dealing with Tnen times in the Andes we find not only two sets of crops growa in different climatic zones, but also actually two systems of agriculiure. The staple crop and mainstay of the diet is autochthonous’ und cavlior in the highlands; grown by Andean mountainzers, it consists of plants domesticated locally, Taborlously adapted 10 alpine conditions, grown on fallowed end and dependent on rainfall, The other crop is newer, imported; its culture is of Aotiday significance and centers around mac un essentially warm weather crop, clinging te the lower and protected reaches of thy highlunds, hundicapped though highly valucd in. Andcan circumstances." It is my further contention that tuber cultivation was cxsentially a sibsistence griculture practiced by Tineage (avlla) members wha he- came peasants ufler the Inca comyuest. Maize was undoubiedly known, in a cen:monial way, to the peasant quite for many hundred of years before the Ines, but its Tante-scale, economic field cultivation in the highlands becomes fessible only when the emecgence of a state makes possible suck public works as inrigation, terruces, feriliver from the feraway coast, and gingerly priestly concern, In Inca times maize was ‘a stale crop. ‘The original under-reporting of Indian highland crop sivcal, which promptad thin inguiry, ins becomo under thc cirsunstances a hint to cultural and stractural matters way beyond the actual tites. ‘Tho bull: of sixtceath-century writers associated with few Andeams tieyond the royal families, the burceucracy, the Ouisling palace guards. ‘These informants emphasized inevitably the revenily obliterated glories of the past, particularly the state machinery; in the process they ignored the Andean village aad ayia, and their lock of incerest matched chat of most of the chroniclers. Only the most inqpisitive, men lke Cieza and Polo, tried to get beyond this idealized statement of bureaucratic ‘Claim, {is only later, when Andean writers begin to cemment directly on their own past and when village descriptive muterial becomes availuble that we get a glimpse of what agcicultural ritual reveals; not aly two systems of agriculture, but significant diflerences between to ‘ways of life, one of which—the power-wielding Ince slate—was in the process of incorporating and transforming the other, a process far from, completed when the Furopean invasion arrested its course 402 JORN ¥. MURRA NOTES: Nore. For an explunition of the bibliogeaphic system followed below, ate Appendix op Jobo H. Rowe, “The Origins of Creator Warship among the Tasas," PP, DAIS in shin book, 1 LaBare, 194%, 9 102 5 Cobo [1653], TW.suu. Acosta repos one varie *accstonmed” ty comstal dea: (11590), IV, 1940, p. 270), and Sslaman qvetes Russian bolunisly who found villd vastetes in the Toviands (1949, 1. 38). While potntces ate Kuosn fn the enast and ane reproduced ia -vural 271 (Slama, 1949, 7,15, 1 Yacovleit ‘and Herrera, 1934, p. 298), there is no indication that they wore a significant clement in the food supply or the eeonomy. * Cabo (L633), AMARC 9-93, 295, 20. Mimo 115701 1644, pp. 279-80, Ciers [! 550], Lxciny 1962, p, 442, ROL, 18BI-97. 11, 14, 21, 41. 59; Polo [157i], 19186, p. 63; Garctaso (16081, Vu wv 1943, pp. 216, 233-44. TaBatre, 1947. Tar adeitinal details on poravo cultivation see Muelle, 1935, pp 11798) © Latcham, 1936, pp, £1.82, 167; LalBuere, 1947; Sslaman, 1949, pp. $4.55, * On hobincal grounds, Troll andipated the current expansion of Andean chronology. Tp 1931 he alveads fet that the chvopologies of Ube aud Means did ht alow euotgh time for the development of Andsan agriculture, See P. 271. 4 trol, 1931, p, 2685 Sapper, 1936. p64 2 The host. desertion of chute making. will be found in Cobo 11683], 1V win Auiforal dete ia Sehwalm, 1627, n. 1865 Yacovlet and Herrera, 1934, pp 297-88; Mejia Xeaspe, 1931, p17, Latcham, 1936, 9p. 175-77 LaBare, 1947, bp. SL, 861; Valeirel, 1943-48, pp. 85-86; Salaman, 1949, yp. U1, 35; Saver, 1950. nm. 54:16. rel, 1931, 7,258; Sapper, 1936, p, 6 © Bennett and Bird, 1949, pp. 28, 114-2), 126; Stong and Evans, 1952, pp. 2045, 353, 42 Th is tho Cugisniyue peried when Chun inlusnecs are strong on the ‘orth crust inns Bird in Rennett, 948, p27), The supweslion has teen made ufler ella, thal maize, lke she feline dciy characterise of tis eva, is of alate ‘montifia deivatin (Strong ane Eran, 1952, p. 237; Valeateel, 1945, pp. 66 71), 1 Strong and Evans. 1952, g. 9 Wiley, 1953b, pp. NLT, 367, 334, Flate 14 James, 1942, p. 15D. Ta the protect! hovel of Lake Viicncs, raion yo srowa in Inca and medern times even above the 12,540 fool level ofthe lake. 28 Schaal, 1927, 1, 180; Quelle, 1951, p. 163; Latevam, 1936, pp. 115, 138-40; ‘Cutler, 1946, pp. 263,281, 286: Sazer, LIS pp. AIRY. sealer Sarde AIR repeats eacertomrea eee iivigation, vere knowa even before the Europea invasion Poms uiks of cociuacr fr mihi sere, rainfall maine (L1513}, 1934, p. 1164; see uko pp. 260, 1127-38; Garoaaso, (16044, HLxxuG 943, p. 112; seo also Latcham, 1956, pp. (39-40) agar alte ee ol aa ee re ora (1946, 9,265). ond Saver remin}s Manger? that jn the rainy Urubambs vales, feast of the Ances, ization is uot required (1950. p 493). See also Mejia Xesspe, 1831, pp 1-14 + Ghicilio [16049, Vs, 14; 1943, po, 226-27, 229-20; avila [16081 chap. sxx, 1842, fob. 1042105 #9 'B, Romarez [/5971, 1936, p. 38; see also Latchum, 1936, p. 295. RITE AND CROP IN THE INCA STATE 403 # Gareiliso [1604), Vit; 1943, 226. See alka IMLxxvy 1963, p19 ® B, Pizsrro 1570), 1844, pp, 291-92 % Garcilusa 16041, Vi; 1945, p. 226. Cleza de Lesn 11550], Jains 1862, p, 442. 1 Soe the highly ravonling legend cellosted urouned 100 Ly Avila avons: Colla local wake connected with rasize and ierzation ried to reward his alfinal relatives by emerging asa spring near thes els. Wut there wat upp MCh Watet; it thvestened ta Hoed thee felis and all their oge and hinowa vwhich fad Deen Lil oul wo ery. Everghody was very mad, sioutlag “We are nied to Hite wate: his wife's fotk begeed bim ts stop. Collqe’td finally suffed come of his lothes in the spring to top it (Avila (1608, chap. vs; 1942, fol. Wav 104, % Seinvaln, 1927, p. 184. See abo C. BM, Rick and kdzat Anderscn, 1948, 406. "This ay ot etcec with reports thet acuta wateriog yas use ia Dastutes (Garcitaso 116041, 9, xaave 1943, 9p. 225-26 and 276773 Pema [1615, 1836, p. 964) which were usually locacal at poluersrowing aliadcs See alsy ‘Quelis, 1931, p. 165 end Schwalm, 1927, pp, 186-87. #1947, pp. 9493, bul see AO p. 9) B 1927, p 186, S00 ako Bandclce, 1910, p. OH, MeBLide, 21, pT. B Garcilaso (1644 Va 1943, n. 226, = Pols [571], 1916, p, 155; (1561), 1940, p. 168. 2 Techusi, 1918, L, 222 © Cabello Valbsa (1586), tvs 1951. p. 228 4 See Bundclicr, 1910; Paredes, 1936; Lultuere, 1948: 189; Tschopik. 1351 * Malinowski, 194, pp. 301; see alto Homars, 1941 © Clee de Leon (1330), Leen, ck, M2, pp. 494, 444 HAs 160d, chap. 5 1942, ol 67 & Cabella Valhoa (1386). I1Gexi: 1951. pp. 451-52. % Poma [1615], 1936, p, 336 Cieee de Leon (155t, Liscoam; 1862, p. 431: see ula Latshaa’s compilation from RG. 1 reposts 186, 15 3B Valvende [1539], 1965, p. 9. © Sauer, 1950, p. 495, Willey dates he hesfnning of the “Pernviaa cu-irihtion” from the “aéveat of aire nuricalture” (19%, p, 374). This may Imeale tome sapport for my lopoved separation of alpine orops ftom vom sgrisultnes, wich ie fkely to seem

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