Tn Appraches 40 the Social Dimensions oP Mortuary, Society for Amencan Archacolagy Memoir 25 624 MORTUARY PRACTICES: THEIR STUDY AND THEIR POTENTIAL ath “Te exlanstiom of tual astoms prosded OY flout antroplogsts ae examined at eng together ssh the septoes anda obentaeny tat ay Rend oot de ase nd expanse own tobe iudeqote frome ptf wf stars tng and om Sead tamination of Oe cont A stra ee tm ome oman Roos A Fuss a mci So hd speci Yor of ge deen f te tvhl poaiya content” sopased im morn nal vy Sesitandy wih te ofaniatonl sompeuty of he sony” smeared Uae’ fore of bance escn Nanette tiny vin aay uct wt Se eens ‘posi “aun” compured tac) from tat it bing anoeg shart Metts se ‘isan winoet knowledge ofthe onan propria of he persent cia syts Practees? LEWIS R BINFORD Urea So HUMAN BURIALS ate one of the most frequently encountered clases of cultural Feature observed by archasologts. I ths high ftequency of encounter were to bring with it steater ‘Sonceptud elaboration, as postulated in Who's "Eskimo and snow principle” (1956:216), then swe might expect achueolopsts to have developed a complicated paradigm for describing and Mayzing human burs, Ye, whie there exists a specialized descriptive lexicon (extended, Nexed, Semiflexed busls, bundle or flesh burl cremations oF ithumations, et.) which ceveals 2 onern with the description of obenved differences and sires, tete i a surprising lack of literature in which attempts ae mace to dea with burl a distin clas of variable phenomena ‘The tngjoaty of both comparative and theoretical efforts have been made by ethnologists working ‘with data rom living groups. Rarely, however, ave there been attenpts to explain vaable burial ‘ota ar baeved ata gen focaon, betwen locations, or a5 documented i the general iterate. In approarhing the hteratue on mortuary practices, three general clases of infomation were sought TT Documentation of the philosophical perspective from which previous workers have approached the problem of explaining varus facets of mortuary cosom 2. An itventory of both the specie sguments and empirical generalizations which have been offered to explain asiations in mortuary prctice 5. From the abore, | have sought to dociment argumens which have been advanced regarding ‘ariation in the form of spatial configuation af burl, as walls observable trends, or temporal Sequences of formal change, mortuary pactise PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVES OF PAST INVESTIGATORS. ‘The selevance of mortuary practies to the generat study of religion served to focus eae anthropologeal interests inthis aes, Dicusion of mortuary customs was nonally presented ‘within the context of conidrations of “pamitive religion “Tylor (1871) developed the angimient that anism, or the belie in sprit beings, rose inthe context of dream and death experince, A body's dichotomy’ was percelved i’ ieam, and projected into the death situation in which sureival of the phostaoul after destruction of the body twas portulted. Frazer (1886) elaborated on these ras and argued that all mortuary ctual was Imotiated by fear of the devesed's ghostsoul, and was an atempt onthe pat of the ving 12 Control the sctions ofthe ghosts ofthe dea, For instance, he sates that ey ses wee pled oh i grave 10 sep hin down o te pinnae gai” Ti he Sig nen cas i ombuane (186585) ators} MORTUARY PRACTICES 1 “The nly wet pte of ering food om the tom FF stay pasig lato the ge by mea a {Touts pokity evi ne lsh bt wot wmenly soe tomdace he petarbed ttt a tte pe and nt come apn he ng for food an amen 808-773) In the tradition of Tylor Fazer, we can document the cavonalsidedis's argument that deas or belies were the cleran variables tobe used in understanding ealturl or behaviol differences ‘nd similarities In the same year as Frzers works quoted above, the fst comparative study of Imortuny practives wan publithed fe ae United Stces(Yatrow 1880, 1881) Justiieation for the study was given in the fllowing way: "The moray customs of savage or burbarc people have a ‘ep sgnicance from the Tact that in them ae revealed much ofthe phesophy ofthe people by ‘whom they ate petized” (Yarrow 1880:3)- Analy comparative sudy of mortuary practices Known archacolopeally wat conducted by the Frenchman, Violer, "We study ural 10 gain infomation on religon and beliefs" (Vielier 1911:123). Late, the same tradition of anhvopolgical investigation is exemplified by John M. Tyler, “The changes in the mode of lxporl of the dead are evidently the yesults of changed views concerning he Tutu te” (Tyler 2125) Thos who approsched heir subject matter fom the perspective of the rtionalsdeaist normaly generated propositions which cocsated certain pracces wth certain postlated or fbierved ome of bell, Sometimes thew proposed ev ohsered cnclations ae cited 3 “rational” or "natural atllectal response to certain clasts of experience Tn defense of this approsch, it should be pointed out that men Ike Tylor and Prazee were interested prmanly in cultural smarts. They sought to uncover the common bass for diverse practices and to document sindantie Between the pritices ofa wide variety of peoples, Seldom ‘vat analytical tention given to clu diferences except insofar a5 they were thought fo relest Scletes at diffrent levels ina postulated sequence of progresive development ‘The argument agunst an iealt positon i, of cours, to pOIMt aut that, by 3 ete of observed diferences within one class of phenomena (behavior) to postulated tferences within ‘mother (ideas, we are forced to seek the explanations for differences in deus and in the fonditions favoring thei change. Robertson Smith was one ofthe ealy challenges tothe dels ‘ilosophy as exemplified by Tylor and Frazer; "Our modem habit is (look at religion from the fide of ele! ther than oF practice. 49 fa a6 myths consst of explanations of situa, their Vile is altogether secondary the conclusion i that inthe study of ancient ions we must begin, not wath myth, but with tual and traditional usage” (Smuth 1864 16-18) This eicsm vas elaborated and developed by members ofthe L'AMner Sociologtue choot of Durkheim. They Sitessed that ites were felted to othe insitations ofthe sca system and coud be expected 0 ‘ary in form and stricture with the social vaables Hert wat one of the ealeyt of the Datkheimian thinker to teat mortucy ital effectively, He argued that simplistic "explana tions” of Burl iter st natural human responses of Rotor to 4 decaying corse are untenable ‘ince this “natural hows" x mitigated by dhe soil importance ofthe deceased. "Within the same Society the emotion provoked by death varies wily in intensity acording tothe social character Of the deceased” (Herta 1960'82) Hertz goes on to point out that shlden and aged persons (196092) ar well at persons alfenng violet deaihs, death by acidnt, suicides, death in stuldbirth, ete, are Tequenty afforded diferential mortuary vreatment (1960.95). This isin dition to the diferentations previously mentioned Which telate to the socal position of the Aeceased. Hert develops the argument that death ozcasons an nition rit into the aterwor (1960:86), and seated by members of society 36 are other stats changes, ach asintation at puberty, birth sites, ete, He ager that differences im mortuary nual wil vary dietly with (a) the satus ofthe person within the living community and (b) the perceived elaonship ofthat status to the status of fll partiipan in the “society of souls” Persons who ae ful participants in the comporal society atthe ime of ei death most be afforded nites which seve het lationship wih ee society ‘A-cemmon practice isa second site which marks the incorporation of the deceased into the “visible society.” For those who are not Tull societal participants atthe ime f death, minimal iter oF incorporation into the “inwsbe society" are glen. Such iste cae with very old me, twho have esentlly ceased patcpaton, or children, who have not yet become members ofthe “sible society.”‘ APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRACTICES Memes 25 Four years after the publication of Hert’s work, Van Geanep publied his famous work Les ‘Ries de Paseage (1932) la which there an expansion of he thesis that ites serve to mark ‘hangs of status or condition. Thece is, Roweter, no specific development of arguments about tiuatoay prstnes beyond thom of Hert ‘Durkheim in wating about mortuary rites (1954403), treats them inthe gener sense as had ‘Van Gennep: there Is no development or argument which would offer explanation fr differences biered in sich nites, Following. the works of the French school was the publication of Radsif-Brown's monograph, The Andaman Islanders. He disusses the problem of the bass for the practie of ‘mortuary ie, stating that Te tral cust ofthe Antanas tobe engine her ole matin ni! he {53.286 Defiing th “cipro” of a nail a being the sum of characte y ih ea an ‘Betula fhe sod sentient Deseo obs of pan stat 1923 985) Shortly afterwards, Malinowski (1925) presented his wel-known thess that mage fs prsticed in the presence of aniety stemming fom adequate contol of the Torees of nature. Be Zenbitda “Bees ea aay demoraason, ted pred te most power meas ft ‘Ringtone rup shaten solani 192553), In 1039 Redliffe-Brown argued strongly against the ideas of Malinowski, setting forth dhe opposite proposition that vif it were not forthe existence of te rite andthe beliefs associated Stith it dhe mdvils would fest no anviety, and thatthe psychological effet of the rite is 19 ‘reat in hi a sense of insesurity oF danger” (Radelife-Brown 1982: 142) Ta thi same acl, tb quite clear that RodelTe Brown was not particulaly interested in ‘offering explanations for obsred diferences. Like his rationalstideast predaceson, he was frimardy interested in absteseting analogous featores from observed situations. These then served the bass for geneaiations about the subject class of phenomena, and were in tur cited as plantions for the observed behavior Homans 1941) Kies Tapas SCs ssa sees af sory t dons he ee, noted Peso, aden ene De eer dlrecns [Rasete eown 1952142 er tachvon 98 Ahugh Radler eas to hee shared» bs eholn wthNpdece,h citred vat he sored appropiate textures for gneazng. Hedi ot ce pneraaatos searing behets (s explanation bu ater tow eating sentiment, "The bby whic he er inbmatnes Gre ested and en sone sort of conseney re the ainaizatons of ‘pmbole ions and of the sntmente suosated wi ther” (Radi Brown 195252) "hee works provide te pene Inet coatext in tems of wich antraplogss Rave snprosced he sudy of mvtony custom, Common to these Wtershas been te developmen of =PBisnt rearing the mowvatonsl ov eponsve context it wlch ngs might be expected qeiferentaly behave, tough ts fren bobavr aways commensrate wi the age of behav! vanity knowa ethnonaphical tite tenon wes setualy rene he study of dsibutlons of varity a dcamented citer mihin or song sinc uns, Concern In thse works ad been wih moray Sito in the sb! oF Tossed on parila eaegories of mortuary practices, dovble baa GHEE (Bao), Cal exis (Fae 1886), or the tl pactes Of apa, seh (aeatiteBrown 1922) Whe there hasbeen som popeivedscoson of te ost ral Context which to pete customary dflerenes in mortuary pac, differences in bale ‘Shem, erence in foms of soll oyanzaon, or dierent in systems of sca ave ‘theory has filed to develop to a point where it yields a content in which expanitions can be olfered for observed eifeences or smarts, “Anthropologsts,parcuaty archaeologists, working 10 achive the reconstruction of eleure history have approached the study of mortuary custom much diferent. I ist thes types of study that ow tum my stention, HISTORICAL-DISTRIBUTIONAL APPROACHES ‘The culture historian may begin by ploting the distcbution ofa given form and then atemps to “explain” it in historical tems, or he may present ahistorical “reconstruction” in terms of Which 2 dstnbutional prediction is advanced, Regardless of the stategy folowed, some ‘ssumptions or propositions must he put forward regarding the vars which would operate to ‘ncrate formal varbilty in-mortary custom and to condition diferent spt temporal coatgurations, Further, some assumptions must be made auding the hstorcl significance of observed ferences sist, and the degree that formal analogies would be aecepted a semming from idenscal or related hstoricat-event sequences. While not puticulay concemed with the specifis of the interpedve principles employed for "reading histor” from dbithations | am vitally interested in the methods Uat have been employed andthe assumptions whch have been ‘made about the determinant context in which varablity might be expected to ue "The purpose of this dicusion to determine whether or not thee i lick empiial material extant in the Utertue to evaluate the accuracy of the asumptions made by culure /torians in arcivng at histoclreconstuctons based on mortuary dita ‘The assumptions commonly governing historical reonstuction can be culined allows 1 Guteare is a body of cuttom which antes in the context of the concept intelectual Uf of peoples; tr dstbutionaly varies diectly asa function of the pattems of traramstion and ommunicaion among peoples, and with the differmtal capacities or cppartuntie for inteteceual experience This i, of course, my generalization of the ideals assumption ‘which has dominated anthropclogy and is still the most accepted conezpusization of altace (ee Kroeber and Khvckhabn 1952:180:190), 2. The custome of @ single sociocultural tration were orginally uniform end foray ddszince. This asumption normally remains implicit in most studies but esl tfered from one of is corolaes given below. There is an interesting analogy between this assumption and that of the now-discedied asumption of "pure aces" which misguided racial studies for many years, The modal or aormative sumption i wi current in archaeology (ee Abere 1960, and Binford 1965, for etic), Mulite practces obterved ‘among soctoculrt tunis result from eultual mixing or hybridization inthe past. (Peety 1914 River 1913; Thomas 1908; Toulouse (984; Davidson 1948; James 1928;Stanlawaks 1963: Myers 1942). 3. For practical purposes, the degree of formal similarity observed among independent sociocultural units 1s @ direct measie of the degre of genetic or afllaonal cultural ‘elasionship among the units beng compared. It hss Irequenty been arguec that Uh Is Particularly tre with regard to mortuary practices whch have Ben fequently endowed, by Sbserves, with unusual stailty (se Rivers 1913; Pery 1914; Stunilavak 196), 11s recognized that the various schools of historical ntzpetaion difered over many of the ‘qualifications placed on thee assumptions. Similarly, they have vated with egrd athe 1 the Weighting given vanous culture traits, of to the specifics of historical significance aiibuted (0 these tals, Nevertheless, these assumptions have been basic to histovcleconstacticn Many regional and continental dstibutional studies were conducted inthe context of the ‘rious schools of “histone!” anthtopology. Both Graeber (1905) and Schmidt (1913) studed ‘mortuary practices ab means to histone reconstruction, 38 did thee students (Kast 1919.20) Similarly, the leadew (Petry 1918) at well ae the followers of the "Pan-Egyptian”acguments showed patteular interest ih mortuary practices, especialy mummiteation (Dawscn (928) and ales ‘relerences in mortuary rites (Rose 1922). Histocal reconstructions Sued om the ‘Comparative study of mortuary cites have ako been attempted by Ameican and les extreme» APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRACTICES (ema 25 Bash ifasonsts Games 1928; Thomas 1908; Toulouse 1944; Davidson 1948; Stanlawsks 1963). Tn 1927, A. L. Kroeber published short paper sted “Dispos of the Dead” in which he questioned the degre that burial practices dstabutionally studied were as useful for historical Inquires as othe features of culture. He observed thatthe distributions of mortuary tats did not Conform to the boundaes of cultre seas or sub-teas as defined by other traits, He reasoned {HALT the dibs wer fo Be ert as stoma it wav event tat methods of Corp disposal have hed history tht was less simple and regular, and more fuctusting, than thom elements of native Calfomian Culee” (Kroeber 1927-308), Kroeber then proceeded to figue that there may. be less slabliy in “affectladen customs” than in those which are “rnotionllylowloned.” By the ciation of empiaal studies documenting great varabity inthe striations of mortuary tals, he further argues that | Sas SS sie (Ste foment omen eee IL From this iow he eeazaton hat nny af feing ein nnn i Key te por ‘Station The tompltne snd pay” aston arn nde fe aly 9 {he'ocan or duraaity of that pacts [Kroeber 1927313] Up until this point, Kroeber seems to be directing his argument genersly against W. H.R. Rives, who had argued that, because of the affect auseiated wath death is, mortuary customs ‘would’ be adhered to with special tenacity. Once Kroeber preenis his argument agaist ths Poston, he states: ove esi, paps, it consirain of he typeof motaton or histo canaity dt infers modes Sear a ta ek a cla seg epecy tom hr Soh ‘treat eg sconome fe, sntstene and esha sopects fat by aspou te ded has Ue Soneton ath ht pat tbr whch ese oe Dao Spe sonal eon, i Ch ‘Stones ohh a fear or cons rn a and rie no bone ine ad ‘pet at'mtpatn wit duns of Sotmce fics se seepte of frmaitton nd odo te Uncen’ egon an rosa gaat a ero ae ule denon and thor fete sel conse ad sinned, pol fe ea ay te own eny ser nsisaly at he nett integrins of ete € He poe nt ate ‘ier sytcns(Keoeer 1927-314 ‘Krocber’s argument considers the degre to which “emotion” plays a role in conditioning ‘rvironment for itlletual Innovation and tansmision of information. In his agument, he {Soemtally in azcement with Rade Brown's proposition (1952-148-149) thatthe diferent intensity of emotional responses to diffrent fe experiences would not condition the form at tirecion of cultural innovation decly. This positon, as we have pointed ou, was opposed b Malinowski (1925) Kroeber’s argent, however, shifts the emphasis to a consideration of mortuary practices Pi se and offers the proposition thatthe apparent “instabllty" and the documented wide rang® Formal vatabiity in moctoay practice te evidence of the esental emotional independence 2 ‘mortuary customs fom “core” cultural features. This sa proposition which, i accurate, would Bs ompatible with the apparent failure of mortuary tals to associate with the dstbutien Configurations demonstrated forthe "eore”culturlfetuts of California soriginal sci. "Krocber challenges the implicit sumption that all cultural feaures, including morte practices, ae of equal ublity for use under the normal assumptions emplayed in histo feconsnicion. This challenge ws one of the fist serous considerations gen to the posit that all cultural features did not respond mechanistically to the sume sets of historia variable ‘The following materials have been ovgnized to lex, wit observational data amased by 29 Investgitre, the specific propositions et forth by Kroeber. In addition, ¥ hope #9 Wt observations as a bans for judging the validity of the basic asuumptons whih have Bu historical investigations in anthropology ors) moRTUARY PRACTICES " ‘The two propositions to be tested ae: (1) mortuary customs exhibit “unstable” ists, (2) mortuary ctoms va ladependenty of bear “which ets f0 the Hole or punay Tn order 10 test these wo propeitons two summaries wil be presente; the frst wil rate ietly to Krosber's intl propesition. The second wil syahesize obsevations that hav been ‘made on the set of varables applicable for understanding variation in mortuary ston, The infomation synthesized in the latter survey will then be used to test the validity of Krosbe’s second. proposition and to evaluate the validity of the aswmptions used in Wstovel Erminie Wheeler Voegslin conducted an analyst ofthe ethnohistoricl information svalable repating Shawnee burial practices spanning a 118 yr period. She concluded tha: T3908 te comple emaned met eran tag eats meh tei of ie se, fear procera comsteson paves [Veen 18 6), Kroeber inted ou in his rigid argument: “There are certainly instances of mortuary habits that have cortinued for long tes with oaly minor modiicauon: in dynastic Enyp, fr instance; In most of Europe during most ofthe Neolithic, im all but the fringe of Pueblo culture” (Krosber 1927:314). ‘These empickal cases to the contrary provide material for argument agunst Krosber's lnerization that mortuary customs have some intansc of “essen” qualities which would {end to isure ther exhibiting unstable histories Rather, there sams to be a wide range of ‘variability inthe relaive stabity of mortuary practices. Some historical sequences exhibit a ater remarkable stabiity while others change riclly and capil. Some areas are characterized by ‘ast heterogeneity in practices both regionally and with regad to single soio-culucl systems Explanations for difernces and. simianitie, which are. sought by postulating a constant pychologel context for the execution of mortuary customs, wil never lad to an explanation of Dbserved variably ‘The empirical generalization that mortuary customs tend tobe inherently less stable and more ‘variables fefuted by numerous empinial cases othe contrary. The attempt oink the postulated lastabiy 10 the psychological context of “afTectiaden customs,” where certain behavior ‘expectations are proposed, collpses with the demonstrated inaccuracy of the iniual empccal faeraization We now consider Kroeber’ second proposition: the degre that mortary customs vary independently of behavior “which rates to the biological or primary socal neste.” This can be accomplished by demonstating tat there an absence of corelation between mortuary Customs and social organizational and tecnologia! variables. What then ofthe observations that have been made regarding the corelates of mortuary variability within and among socio-cultural nits? ARGUMENTS OFFERED TO ACCOUNT FOR VARIABILITY IN MORTUARY RITES PRACTICED BY DISTINCT SOCIO-CULTURAL UNITS In he works of powous nvestgatos, thie basic arguments are genelyoffred to account for difeences in mortuary practices as conducted among partlpants of angle society. 1 The lulting effects ofthe envionment, obtaning at the time of death, on the fee exercise tl forms of body disposal 2, Mutual effects of itesocetal contac in producing amalgamations or replacements of tual forms, 43. The shasctersticeeecogized at relevant tothe retonships cither severed or established at death between the deceasd andthe remaining mersrs of «society ‘The fist argument one which recognizes a relationship between the fom of mortuary sites, particularly the disposition of the body, and the lmiting features of the loalentvoament. For Instance, Sehooleratt (1855) proposed that the practices of inhumation and saffold burial as noted for the Winnebago were options to be execied altemstvely, depending on whether thea APPROACHES To MORTUARY PRACTICES (aema 25 death occurred dusng the wines, when the ground was fozen, or during the warmer months ‘when inhumation was realistic alterna “Aithough this patcular hypothess has been questioned on empirical grounds (Radin 1925:140) the proposition that siffeent forms ‘of corpse disposal may relate tthe Environmental sonditions obtaining atthe ime of death Is a ebonable proposition and one which has prompted very lite vestigation ‘Unde he Second argument fall the diffusionitlc interpretations 99 common inthe Iiterature (ce Thomas 1908:388- Peery 1914:289.290; James 1928:229; Griffin 1930:43; Toulouse {9a4-T0; Stensawski 1963 308,315). Perey (1914), in considering the results of culture contacts, “ngues that the demorsrvble vanety in burl pracies among Australian groups is evidence for iMtsmed contact between diverse cultural systems. In a subsequent article he argues thatthe Drevnce of diferent forms of grave orientation a8 practiced by members ofa single society is Pronably.saken as evidence for the blending of two cultures previously distinct (Percy 1914'289290) Frequent, in regional studies, the citation of mixed practions is offered ax ence for contacts between cultures, Its implied that blending isthe expected outcome of SDaacts between socecultucl systems, eich with its own “nom” of mortuary’ ritual Dilfestonsuc interpretation, such ay those ited above, are generally given inthe context of Teaintc arguments where “belief” are assumed to be the primary conteoling variables in ‘termining’ the nature of mortuary rites. Contacts ae sid to foster the exchange of “ideas” Aihien may ceslt inthe modiiation of custom, of which changes in mortuary ritual might be one example “The following i Uist of the most commonly forms of mortuary custom and bles. TT Propostions offered in “explanation” for formal variation in the manner of teaing the dead prior to interment ‘2 Propositions regarding the practice of cremation (ty Cremation & aseiated with belie nan afterword in the sky; burning the physical remis reeses the soul which i then transported tothe celestial afterword via the ‘scending smoke (James 1928 232233). (2) Cremation bs asocited with extreme fer of the corpse and hence 1 desir to “be done witht” (Malinowsk:1925:49). 1. Propouitions regarding the practice of mummifcation. (iyThe aim of mommifeation both ia Egypt and elsewhere was wold fist 10 presewe the body from decay, and secondly to secure te personal survival of the Individual!" (Dawson 1928:136; Malinowski 1925:4). Propositions offered in “explanation” for formal variations in the manner of arranging he ody inthe gave Propositions regurdng the practice of flexing the body. {iy texing the body was a copy of the postion ofthe foetusin wero which was taken 3s a symbol of rebirth (Tyler 1921124; Wilder and Whipple 1917:376; Grotanelt 194783; Kistes1919-20:684). (2) Flexing of the body was the reult of binding the legs 20 the body 10 prevent the init fom walking and this returning tO the vig (see Tyler 1921:126; Wilder and ‘Whipple 1917:375, Geotanell 1947:83). bh Propositions regarding the orientation of the dead in the grave relative to specific reference pont (is Octendaion of the bosy in death with cespect to cardial directions “seems tobe the ‘working out of the solar analogy, on the one hand death at sunset. new feat nis" (Tylor 1871-508), (a)Orentaton of the body jn death with respect to cardinal dietions (celestial fentation) is rlated to a belie in a continued hfe of the dead man ata celestial, Tin of the dead orientation being in the tection the deceased mus travel in their Journey Co the and ofthe dead (Rose 1922: 132133). (G)Orientation of the body with respect 0 terest reference points i elated (0 & elie in telacarnation since the body i aligned toward the location where the sou 1 proposition ato the relationship between tra) MORTUARY PRACTICES » must rexde before being eboen (Rose 1922:129-132) (4) The liection of orientation ofthe Body at death i toward the orignal home ofthe forefathers (Spencer 1893, Vol, F201, Peery 1914:285, Steele 1931-81; Grotanel 1987583). 3, Propositions offered in “explanation” for formal variations in the choice of locations for the grave (i) The dead ae buried near, or i, thoir old homes, because they are wanted back again in te form of abies born of women of ther own clan, tbe or family” (Rowe 1922:129) (2) Tyler, citing the boil of children under house floss, writes: “Iti not impossible that we have hese one of the ways in which the fear of the dead may have been ‘gradually dspsted. May we not imagine that one of the fist steps was the refusal of the mother to allow her dead child to be banished. from the house?” (Tylet 192121254126). (@)ln cont, the folowing suggestion as tothe origin ot herth burial: "People did ot keow yet what death war and therefore ted to wan up the body” (Kisters 1915-20:956) G)L mill cite one final asgument anlogous to the one given for orintation; namely hat people sslected url sites with reference to the characteristic oftheir prior habitat, ree burial can be explained by the fct that people oily lived in tees" (Kister 1919-20:211). Change or variably in mortar practice, 2 demonstrated is commonly attributed to change cor ability in eles, Aldhough we are rarely enlightened as tothe causes of change in bli it ‘would appear from this survey that change in belie isgenecallyasumed to proceed from the Camlatie expenence of man in coping with his environment. Thee isso the impliation that an Inctease In rnowledge and asociated changes inthe conceptuaizations of experience ave vita forces driving ealtoe change. This asompion s normaly coupled with the argument of cultura ‘conservatim which says that new knowledge i rarely obtained an, therefore, the appearance of Similar cultural elements in moltilesocetis occurs asa by-product of the transmisionof acquired Iknowiedge from one unt to another. "The final set of considerations, which have been cited as tlevant to understanding observed variability i the practices of single society, ate characteristics ofthe decemsed which might be fcknowledged by differentiated moctury ceremonial. 1 have found only thee studies which ‘tempted fo gather specie data ‘on thus subject (Kisters 1919-20, Bendann 1930, Wedgwood 1927). However, many other authon have offered empirical genesizations relevant 10 this problem fom data which they surveyed. The folowing quotations ae offered asa sample frm fhe iterate 1 James Yatrow commenting on the study uf American Indians, 1880: “A complete aecount ofthese (bul customs In any tbe wil neous the winesing of many Funeral ites, a ‘he customs wil differ atthe death of eilfeentpeeions, depending upon ap, sx, and socal standing” (Vatiow 1880:5) 2, W.Crooke with reference to burial practices in India, 1899: “those bes which habitually fremate the adult dead bury those who perish by violent or unexpected deaths” (Crooke 1899:279). 3. Robert Hertz in a general consideration of mortuary practices, 1907: “Within the same society the emotion provoked by death vases widely i intensity according tothe seal character ofthe deceased” (Hertz 1960-82) 44. Van Gennep in 4 general consideration of sites of passage, 1908: “Everyone knows that funeral ies vary widely among diferent peoples nd that frter variations depend onthe Sens ape and scl! postion ofthe deceased" (Van Gennep 1960: 146), 5, WD. Walls in general consideration of simiaetis in uleure, 1917 “he soil personality DF the deceased doesnot de wth the body but pases beyond the dest portal. To the body IS shown about the sume degree of respect that was shown the deceased while lve. The bodies of women ste seldom disposed of like those of men, or thse of children like those (Of adults. The bodies of chefs and braves are imtered in diferent manner from those of“ APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRACTICES [ene 25 ‘common people” (Walls 1917:46), 6, AUR Radsiffe Brown in his consideration of Andamese culture, 1922: “burial customs ae not solely due to an instinctive fear of dead bodes. eusoms vary according to the socal postion of the deceased... Theve i, then, a close covtespondence between the manner of burial and the soil value ofthe person buried” (Radcliffe Brown 1922: 193) Camila H. Wedgwood in a somparative study of Melanesian mortuary practice, 1927: "we find that in Melanesia the distinetions made by people in life are reflected in chose made at ‘death. OF these the simplest ae those made Between cilden and adults, and between men and women. But more marked are those which differentiated people who, by virtue of thie ‘wealth, thee valour, other magia! or secular position, are Important to the community From those who lack any claim to public ester: while those who hae alienated themselves from the society or endangered it by bring upon themselves an abnormal death are Frequenty cutoff from the general communion of the dead” (Wedgwood 1927-395). 8. Elfle Bendann ia general comparative study of mortuary practices (rom Melanesia, ‘Australi, India and Northeast Sibera, 1930 “The investigation shows thatthe content of the specific features x Sependent upon rank, se, ge, social organization, status” (Bendsnn 1930°280) 9, James B. Gaia ina general comparative study of mortuary practices of American Indians from northeastern North America, 1930: "We might ike to know how these various methods were explained by the Indians... those which do give reasons for different practices .-- we seo thst among some tes such as the Potawatomie andthe Ora, hat the division was along clan lines. Of course within the clan special burials were accorded to those who had been Urowned or who had died in bate, but in general the burial an indvival received depended on his clan membership In other writings we find thst the ‘various ways burl might take place was occasioned wholly by the manner of death, or the time of year during whEh the individual died, or the question af absence fom the tbl seat would bring about a change in customary procedure. Another reason for diferent burial 15 to be found in some eases to correspond to the relative poston, socal standing and ‘ecupation of the deceed, and in some cass the age of the deceased played an important part" (Gain 1930:4845), ‘Among other invesigaton offering similar generalizations we may cite Voegtlin 1944:376, ‘Miles 1965, and Davidson 1948:75, each recognized 3 direct clationship between te erential {weatment at death and variations inthe social identity ofthe decease ~The following were offered by many invesugaton as the basic components of the sci pesoaaliy, symbolted theough differenti burial treatment: (1) age, (2) see (3) telative sia ‘Satur within a given soclal nit, and (4) soll afilation in tems of mutsple membership sits ‘within the society and/or membership inthe society itself In addition, it was Hequenty noted {hat peculiar circumstances suroundkog the death of an indWidual may be perceived by the remaining members of a socieyas altering. ina substantial manner, the obligations of the survivors to acknowledge the social personality of the deceased. Such persons are instead treted a “members” of a postmortem social unit and afforded mortary tual appropriate 10 such \_atembershi group “Another contingeney, whch has been noted as relevant to problems of differential estment alforded members ofa single vciety. was the disposition of deaths spatially and temperaly. | reed only mention deaths which occured fr from setlements where special teament, sich 38, femation, dismemberment, et, may facilitate easy transport. Deths occurring simultaneously as 4 result of epidemics or masacres might be Weated corporately, with mass grves, by virwe of {heir “unusual” coinidence These findings and arguments provide information for evaluating Krocher's second proposition that mortuary practices" wer largely independent of other “core” components of a cultural system, The empiric generalizations which have been advanced consistently. link formal Aitferenciation in mortuary res to status differences and to diflerences inthe group afiition of the deceased [This linkage demonstrates set of mutual dependencies between forms of mortuary sites and social organizational features] We would then expect that, other things belag equal, the Interogeeity in mortuary pricice wich i characteristic of a single sociocultural unit would vay a nora MoRTUARY PRACTICES is cectly with the complexity of the status hierichy, a8 well 5 with the complexity ofthe overall lovgaization of the society with regard to membership uats and other forms of sdaltis. This ‘expectation is dismetrielly opposed to Kroebers proposition regarding the diasieistion of rmoruary practices from “core” cultura features, SUMMARY OF FINDINGS REGARDING THE ARGUMENTS OF KROFRER 1 was aterte that three base assumptions have traditionally guided historical researches. Fist, wat the ideals assmption that cultural variations resulted from either diferent ineletual {reatvty or eiffeential lineal transmission and/or intergroup communication of wess From this, the idealists reasoned thatthe determinants responsibie for temporal or spatial ‘vavabily”of one cultural element would be the sume a thowe responsible for vation in all Cultural elements: each element wa, azording to thi veaoning, cultural product responding dential es of variables; variables Which control creativity and the transmission of ides, Kroeber wat the fist rereatcher working with mortuary res to ite empirical materials 252 basis Tor questioning the applicability of some of the fundamental assumptions used ia hstocal interpretation. He observed that many California groups practiced mulupe forms of motuaty ies {Sven the assumptions of historical research, thi should have been viewed as evidence for cultural Iixng in the past. Kosber’s observations on other dstbutions of caltural elements did not Support auch an interpretation, Rather than question the general valiity of the normative assumption, Kroeber questioned the categorical appropriateness of mortuary customs 38 a “proper” cultural clement, and the degiee that the interpretive assumptions used in historical ‘ecosnucton could be applied to mortuary data! Kroeber proposed that there was 4 contauum along which culture traits might be aranged according tothe dogce that they were integrated” with other culture tits, AL one end of the ‘continuum were “sore” tats which were strongly interdependent and could be expected, as 4 fesult 10 exhibit strong complementary distributions. Such dstbutions were appropriate t historical interpretation under traditional assumptions. ‘At the other end of the continuum were trais-which did not “ready ener iatinsically into the inevitable integrations of the bases of hfe" (Keosber 1927-314). Such tits were sid to be Characterized by (I) detachment from the remainder of culture, (2) 3 high degre of entey into fonsciousnes, and (3) tendency. to strong emotional toning. Mortuary practices and Fashione-partculaly of des, luxury, and etiquette—were aseted tobe of ths type With ths argument, Kroeber questioned the validity of historical econsnuctions based onthe analysis of moray customs, and inditecly questioned the assumption that all eltre wats were ‘zvermed by essentially the same sets of deteaninant variables. Mortuary practices should evidence 4 pattem of historical instablity and fee variation, while other cultural elements more “basic™ 0: iret linked to "core" subistence and integrative practice should exhibits greater stably and ‘pattern of determined varity. From the elatialy large body of descriptive material avalabe in the etinographic literature and the numerous comparative and distributional studies, obtained data to test he propostions set forth by Kroeber as well 5 those normally serving as assumptions in historical interpretations “The result wae that Kroeber’ fist proposition, that properties inrgsc to mortuary practices should result in thele general historical instability and free variation, was refuted by the ‘demonstrated ack of any such tendency, Numerovs cass of "staiity” are known, aswell cases fof instability.” demonstrating that such configurations must vary in response co deteinans rot Intrinsic co mortuary practices themselves, Kroeber’ second proposition, that forms of burial are not integrated with more basic cltral features sch at subsrtence actiities and organizational Features of the society is leat refuted by the numerous observations that fous of burl vary directly with the following characteris OF the deceased: (1) age, (2) sx, (3) relative social statue within the sola unt, and (4) social, iiation in membership units within a society or inthe society iell. These characte erainly are fundamental (0 the intemal fenton serving asthe Bass for organzational, Features of socety With the refutation of Kroeber’ propositions, we ar faced with his orginal problem—the“ APPROACHES TO MORTUARY FRACTICES (otemoir25 argued here that theve assumptions are generally. ivalo, consequently the historic Interpretations which anthropologists have offered in “explanation” of obuered Gilferences and Sinfanes in estore gee spect and in al probity secur) | wil ae fo demonstrate this argument withthe development of a frame ofrefererce for comparative study of mortuary rites and provide atest of ts usefvness on a body of ethnographic data. applicability of the asumptions of tational historia! interretation of oe sites. Tes STUDY OF MORTUARY RITES: THEIR POTENTIAL tn mortuary situa, we obsne a cls of phenomena consisting ofboth enc and tual ets (Gee Radlife Brown 1982 143 Tors dtincton). Technical, burl cstoms provide forthe Aspoul ofthe potendly unpleasant body ofthe deceased. Ritu, mortuary tes const of he execution of rumber of symbolic sts that may vary in io ways: the form a the symbols Employed, andi he amber and hinds of referents gen symbol eogntn. Te wil be called thatthe bet of symbling the arta aigning Of meanicg 10 form ‘Therefore, we expect fing imsinsie In the fom of a symbo t limit it to any fart teeentfin tm there eating ins in a eerent which necessary detemins te fom of the symbal fo be used i Is deignation oF conceptalation The forms of symbols my ary Independent ofthe referents and vce vera In fat with espe to ual pacts, ti ha ‘en frequently obsened For instance, Kober state: ver br sete nied fr chi, sometime he ops of 1 poun Te an aor baleen popaom ica rope omen aS ae ‘iS tahoe tgang snc, sna Ringe Craton acy teed fe cia ‘io steun the tus tee Exponte boy ota ering th for Oe caps fists chien, commen prope, or the ene opasion (Kroer 1987 S11 “Thus, when considering the dese that symbole form ace held in common among numberof independent sociocultural units it Basomes a. mater of ivesigatng the, deg that communication systems ae Gomorphicaly dstabuted among sociocultural ystems, andlor the dere that there iam detry between the symbol systems andthe referent unit symbalizes For instance, groups may share he same se of morta symbols Du employ them antagonist, fg, one poup cremaes is ches and te olber cemates is erminas. (This pate i not “known in Aca (Kiser 1919.20), The antago se of symbol probly obtained inthe Great Lakes of North Ame compare grave goods 4 Ke Sts reported by Bard (1963) nd Richie (1949) “That the form of symbols may vary independeny of thee referents, and that forms may be shared butin a station of conexta conan are eatues of elural aay which ove ihe nomal feonst interpretive fame of vtereace, The difsionss would ew forme shared among a numberof soil units a evidence forthe "ailfusion” of tat partie tit among the societies and hence a document of mutual “influences” Siar, the presence of Symbols unigue to cash sctocltl nit, wold Be vewed as evidence Tor 9 lack of meal Calta inuences among the groups compaed One can realy envision 4 atation in Which independent soles within a region employ summer of symbols of group identity Some groupe might employ symbolic forme which were Ungue to the poup, whe odes might employ Mental fons in anagonc ways. Given the ‘egional context, cath would sere equsly well to iting among the groups aad provide the ‘evsve sbi environment whish ends to maintain the dtinetvenes ofthe group Neverthe, the distoniste would separate thow group employing unigue symbols fom those who shared sar forms and assert that tere was more mutual elturl inven among those sharing Ident forms of symbol. The ifisions argument would be rooted ia the ean stmption at Snowe and rng of este repre forthe fon (One an ead see that prerequisite othe functioning ofthe symbols a sommon knowledge ‘on the arto all groups. Members ofeach group would have to Know each frm ands meaning forthe symbols to funstion a group dentine. Yet tis common Krowede would apply equally to thos groups employing distinct symbols and to thone employing fonmaly identical symbols a a co som il tae one sas tage “Mee Pec mpi say at nog Sol ptt 5) sess arn iret cent ai Wanye pe ago by Gluckman: | fe in its final form is the summation of the behavior of a large number of persons articulated via the ‘Site Ont mut note revs, tt veteran far fee er advan rom es enh ene Are td met ery of i ml re gayi Be ir bewane wal esc past ohek ede ret ox byw hn es eae Sy ae Ca Gye)APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRACTICES emoiras the framing of testable hyposheses and the frequency with which these tested hypotheses ae confirmed. Ata preliminary test ofthe uiity ofthe propositions advanced, have deduced several rather obvious hypotheses and tested them on a body of data drawn from a sample of 40 nonstate ‘organized societies. The sple was drain from the Hurnan Relations Atea Fils. “The fist two propostions to be ducused relate to what hasbeen temned structural variability Jn mortuary rites, was argued that there should bea high deguee of omorphism between (2) the complesty ofthe status structure in a socio-cultural system and (b) the complexity of mortuary eremonalsm as rgaedsdiferential treatment of persons ocsupying diferent status postions, Tus proposition could not be dirsty tested. since in no case was the ethnographic description | adequate either for determining all he forms that mortuary situa might take ina single society or for determining the conelates for different form. ‘Nevertheless, these were generalizations avalable in the titrate cegarding the characteristic ofthe social pewsoma diforenuated tually at buval. A numberof descriptions of specie burs pisodes abound, from which one could determine what charaterities ofthe deceased served as ‘Shera for diferent treatment. For thie reson, each society wa tabulated, not for the number ‘of diferent pattems of mortuary teatment practiced, but Tor the number of dimensional ‘stnetons (age, sex, soil position, sub-group uffliaton, cause of death, and lation of death) recognized in the perfomance of formally differentiated mortuary practices. For instance, ww might be informed tht membere of diffe cane ware busied in separate cemeteries. This would allow us to tabulate that sub-goup aflation was one dimension in tems fof which mortuary distinctions were made. We might not, however, know how many clans there ‘were or how many, formally distinct patterns of mortuary tual were practiced. In spite of this inadequacy, was reasoned that there should be a general conelation between the number of Aimensional distinctions employed and the complexicy ofthe status steucture within the soci since the combinations and peemutations of multidimensional distinctions are greater than for singe or dichotomous dimensional distinctions With regard to the other valle i the propastion, complexity of the status structure, the enographis Inerature was completely inadequate, I was unable fo obtain adequate information ff numbers of status postions or systematic information for any other measure of soio-ultural complenty. Rather than devote a great deal of ime to the development of such a scale for measurement and attempt to justify ss application toa diverse group of socal unis, | reasoned that a very eride index of complexity might be the foms of subsistence; since there exists 2 senealy accepted conelation between forms of subsistence production and societal complexity ‘The sample of societies was grouped Into four cateporie-hunters and. gutheces, sifting sgriculturaliss; setled apiclturaists; and pastoralists. This grouping was accomplished accepting the classifications given in the “World Ethnographic Sample” (Murdock 1957) forthe eth syoups in the sample Information obtained fom the simple of societies for these admittedly crude measurements is summanzed in Table "The results of the cross tabulation for subsistence categories with numbers of dimensional Asintions are given in Tables? and 3 Statistically, thore were no diferences among hunters and gatherers, shifting agricultural, and pastoralists, There is 3 meaningful difference between these thee groupe and Uhe mean value for setited agiculturaists. The greater number of dimensional distinctions employed by settled piculturaists is viewed as evidence confirming the general proposition that there should be a divet cortlation between the structural complexity of mortuary ritual and status systems within ‘ecto cultural systems “The second proposition which {have attempted to test a, to the structure of mortuary So eee eer pen aah —s ings) MORTUARY PRACTICES “Te 1, Dribton of mensions dtingsbbig tis symbaie in morteny practices mong simPe 3 3 ag j ud l Se . 2 Pils sia a gis ah cee x |x ‘Sartichew 1806; 77-T8; Jochetson 1925: 21-25 Aor - ‘Dubois 194:19, 116, 160, 511 ‘i BE | Riley ors, tocton ieee, asp — sy] | acranents Soe | x x| Rr ettoat , Conve x {|x Jenness 1922:92, 174-176; Rasmussen 1932:45 foment || ut women) x || | Reap apa towa nr vos X | % x] Morgan 901116 168 , | x om dal che Spree 1930-7 . wer x x H| Ex [Binoy ner mage atte = x] % x Hane ulna ine Bee | ELE SERRA a namics one : 7 X| GERA., reference) one x ‘Bemdt and Johnston 1942 i x ‘Stewart 1943:36; Loeb 1926:288; Gifford and — ‘Kroeber 1937:376 es x ox[ a |x’ _— x XXL |neteseia ae Soyo x x savin 1847-72-73; Rae 1881151 Sirona x Moleberg 1950:21, 66, 85-87 Tae, | x a. Linton 1933:126, 1706178 Tk : x x XY enna dng 35 236239369 fee |e le Sareea X | XE Bsktonman tamnan 95:79, 456461464 x | XX | Krause 1956:156-159: Jones 19142151182 | XX | Malinowski 1929:153-154; Silas 1926:116-118 X |_| Ging 939:349, 10471054 the oi ens el in Me, see shold a tog covespondnse eee he ate of te a ue ctcs serng as the bas Tor afleretal morta teatent a denen caged for sas ierentaton among societies aang oa ee fom ee ‘should exhibit more egalitarian Tee eee Snployed in hissy, Bunter and eters shuld exii8 APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRACTICES (emoie25 ‘oble 2 Number of dimensions distinctions symbolised in mertary paces mmmaried by tuner gee. aol ff fF 4 £ bob og | ies, oo “Tati, Average ter of dimensional dtincton bing by abies category, Hone na pate 1 ) Sing sptcttrs 195 (3) sete agate ihe irwtoaite ie systems of status grading, wile among settled aricultraists we might expect more incidences of ranked or stratified non egalitarian systems of status grading Consequently, we would predict that {age and sex should sere more commonly at bases for mortwaty distinction among hunter and ‘theres; while among agicultualits, socal poston, as varying independently of age and sex at ‘well as subgroup afiation, should more commonly serve atthe bass for differential mortuary ‘To test this proposition, the information given in Table 1 was tabulated for the Fequency of cveurrence of various dimensional distinctions among the Tour ecogniged subsistence categories. ‘The results ofthis tabulation are given in Table 2 ‘This tabulation provides some provocative material. First, there are major diferences in the features of the sozial pesona commonly eecopnized among the societies (fling into the subsistence categories), Among hunters and gatherers, 12 ofthe [5 cases gave some recogaiton 2 sex difeences, while only sf the ese eported distinctions in social postion not reducible 9 52x or age diferences. Ths observation confins our expectations regarding the corelation between the basis of satus differentiation among hunters and gatherers and the characteristic of ‘he social persona given recognition in distinctive mortuary treatment. ‘Among shifting agnculturaiss, however, socal position was most commonly recognized, with sex and sub-group affiliation being almost as common. ‘The same pater is repeated for settled agsiculuraliss, although conditions of death were much more frequently resogaized. The stoking differences noted between agiculturasts and hunters and gatherers are taken a8 confirmatory evidence forthe proposition advanced, Ceraily ‘mong the agricultural, theve are more societies that could be classified a tebes and chiefdoms, while among the hunters and gatherers, bands and tribes of minimal complexity are moe The “tests,” using very crude measures and applied to a sumple which cannot be considered representative of the categories employed, are nevertheless viewed a provocative and indiatve of the postulated positive reladoaships between the structure of mortuary ceremoniaism and the saws structure charctestic of any given sociocultural system. These erode confirmations are viewed as encouraging signs that there are functional determinants which limit the complexity and hence the “ireedom™ with which multiple Toms of mortuary practices may be meaningfully femployed by patcipants in any given social system. The covelaions indicated in these { preliminary tabulations put the ax to:naive assumptions often made in historical interpretations; (iz that knowedge of or the transmission of, ideas regarding diver: foms of mortuary practice \ ate sfficlnt causes for their implementation and for changes mn shel distibvtonal patterns be aor MORTUARY PRACTICES a ‘Turning now to 3 consideration ofthe forms of mortuay varlabilty, reall that It was argued tat hr wer manly twa conponen of he sc ato (0b ited when eptng to understand the types offageial phenomena symbolized or recorded in a burial situation} frst was the social persona ofthe deceased; the second was the competion and sizeof thecal ‘aggregate recognizing status responsibines to the deceased. Its agued here thatthe scond Component wil exert determinant effects on the form which mortuary rites wil ake. It argued that the locus of mortuary ritual and the degre that the actual performance ofthe stal wil interfere withthe normal activities of the community should vary diecly wih the umber of duty staus relationships obtaining between the deceased and other members of the community (Gee of identity), In turn, the soeal seal ofthe decetsed should vary direc withthe ratve rank of the socal pouition held by the deceased, Given ths argument, it proposed that in © egalitarian sozieues, very young individuals should have very low rank and, hence, share Siyatans sion 0 ey med number Of peop, Ole pon canbe expected To tesipy saponins of higher ak an, consgueny, hate ty tess ws eee ‘umber of pape. Ween there petict thi ae dferenes maybe cated i moray Sul by alas pacemet of ral ses wiia the Me pace fe community. Teche ff plccoent would Coy wih snus te eps ta he peifonmtnce tte ea ites Sefer fr ama at ene tel ity and heyday ty cen in ore to txt th Popeution and expo che pombily that tee may be oles comiaion betwen hasctrsics ‘of the scl pcan gn coal by” Aeat Stormy exnent andthe fom of th atl innton antes se popued aking Si of he sue sxx a abled Table To sesompi acd somal cegarok for than vras wa ered. The tee alr lted wee (0) iron ene of the bay itl (2) etre preparation of te fay in Wak the Sy wa pas fo ‘ipo and (Site cantons to tefl unite paced wih toy Cale) For coh of thew vale tare nominal dnc ween. For ef varale-testment he baythie dtncton were tlt (Mhpurton of he bay: dunesonmad y rn washing andor exibition of te Body por to aes a. Teaiment of te bod dictions made by aerial imummiiaon, mutation 3, Diplo of the body: distinctions made by dierent upnon-pned ins we, on 2 al pone ofa he ee Toe econd vrata peparon of he fay ia which hd ewok stator do ne escape 1 Fou of the fclty whether within 2 sole cto uy, ch a abate ge, ‘or ves ifecnial fom cates enn or ine of lor sais hie dtty,vaaion a atria coon te 2. Onc of fay: whether he ty as ern onied wih spect (some tilted eens pont ch sean diectong, oer epee 3, Loraton af he ci tes he ity was tantly edn the sae of te Comment or pata dteeatited ur estos forthe the arate pare Cunaretwo nspendent vege were tabulated ls hid that nuded ie peso oth of he ober wo Fo 9 fnew tions were maby nding ie fom ge os 2. Banat of ode: wether dons were mae soy bythe dite inchs of ‘tying gushes of pot 3, Form ind quarly: beter dnctons wate mde by a simalaneosdifentiaon i Det fined goods adn quan of gods ‘The emis of ths testeaton ae abun Table ‘nner of ineing nol might aid unmnpeted,asocons ne sgped in te tabula af Tate The fist pw isthe deg tht or pens ei eating tyes commotion gesied betty th a of copomte reheat cha ‘ret fuera aa th aon employed fr te pon of te bay with eget othe2 APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRactices (Meroe 25 “Tabled Characters ofthe ssl penonaeeognted in the eaten af the dea ‘obey ofDesth Potion Affton Te Bad Gnepeton : 2 . Gi Teetment 3 i 3 2 Oyeom: : 1 5 3 1 (6) Loetion i : 7 : a 5 Chon . . 16 5 - (8) Guan ony . : : = 3 . (BhFoemand Osuaaey = : : spac ofthe community m7 ov of 12 ete in which age was the fate ofthe sei persona Etinguished. difeentaion wa accomplihed by the locos of aves of fants and cidren $= opposed fo tho of ade Upon instigation there appeared Be two general paler (1) tunal of children under the howe for wth sds buried acemetery or more pul lsat Or) burl of children acund the periphery of the setlement while ads maybe bused a designated losatons within the setdement. Both of these Ustibutons. he celular and he ‘enifugalappear a aleve acommodatos tothe diferent level of corporis invlvement fenerted by the death of adults opponed to abdul, in certain tyes of ocetis, When 4 Ekle es within's‘souey in which socal postion ir not Inherited, very few duty status ‘lationsipseuude ofthe imei family ate sere. The eve of corporat iwolvement the mortuary hes thus lly atthe Tila evel the ies ae gefenmed eter within the Precints of the fay’ ie space” ov ou the espace of the wider soy whch therefore femains uninvolved in the mortary sts Upon the Gath of els, her restr partition in {hesovil eof the oe group recog by niles cmc in amore otra fashion Inction more in Keeping wih the seal of corporate svlverment Frequey such burs ae ‘ceompanied by proceso though the ie space he wider commun tn the later Ease, ul frequently incorporate ahr or loess, o areas of he setlement which by wrtue ofthe platmant neces valve the community tlre inthe ‘te This type of Spal accommodation is noted when rulers ae tanaporied (0 the ats of feveramentl power for intent, or when cena epontoris for herman of iste aders Sie mainaineda suation egueny noted inthe ces Of nema strated societies within the spl sti ‘An analogous lstering of locaton ditinos7s noted fr diferemations with respect 9 sodalisy,o sub-gpafation, Examination of (eaves reveled that societies 9 wlch various tremberp pp (clas, kindred eget) re presen each may maltain 2 itil bul {Scation, a come or chame Rouen which member ae exclaely boned or her rma Sted Another common for of iferentton noted fr mantechip groups te orentaton ofthe jane In many cast in wich sodltes maintained separate cee, te ves wee Sifeeotaly orened wih espet to topographic features of slr eterens pints conmenly Sipufzant i the sodaiy gn mythology” Dilferetaton related to sex wee of totaly diferent fomm. Most common wer diferenes fn the types ol goods dapowd of with the body. Thee diferenrs were wlted 10 Sexaieentated ching, personals, and tous which symbolized maefemale divson of Ito Sich ction fey raion es ad wth ud ote eon af te soi penons, sich ss member goup afaton soil poston ee The aiferenaton in moray treatment ested to Socal positon or sats ofthe deceased exhibited the most vaably in Tom. Stuy, they were tke most complex that, many Aiferen fons of dstinedon wee empiyed. Very hgh statin pesons may be Bed i specie _ EE Ee a ae _quanitis of goodscontributed tothe gr fod MORTUARY PRACTICES B tecatos, ater eorte and unusual preparation of he body, and scompanied wth spec wettest of fe and le quate of conned gods Law nats pens nthe Sine ucety maybe iferentate by member group afiltion andsex oly with no specie ‘uiwent uted to sau In some Case eats ty take pecelenc ve saat aft in ‘Sona symbol, ect proportion to the depth he ae prtonmed by the dese Tocapeifaty reed fo the wives ofthe community tg opposed 0 Being SPD ieee perardess of the obvious complexity, the modal tendency was in the direction of sferenaon by form and quantity of pve fortis and te fps) of te locaton ot ‘Mtement Sanwa meat commonly aynoled by satrspesti bags” foe and by the ‘amit “iheagh te mur of eas were fm, ferentiation elated oh ation a which eh cxcured fein the elas ata Sstant ace) andthe conditions of deh (gig sack, ‘Town hiled in war ete} were mont commonly itnghed by erences ithe eaten Sf be by land the locason ofthe ve repo forthe emai. ‘Tas samitedy Lied invessaton of varabity among 2 pon stactred sample of soueesis neverhces udp tigen 0 Semonsat a mimbet of agian pots tthe specie dmeios ofthe soc pone commonly gen recon fleece smart vy saicany wih the oraizationsl comply of he sot at Iepured by ifeen ome of absstencs pete 2. The mb af enon of the sal petzon sommony ven eognition in moray sta wus aieary wih the sanztiona complex Of he sone messed by ‘fret fone of sustence pace 3. The fone, which ferentatons im mortuary rial ake, vay sienicntly wih the Uimenson ofthe soil pon symbole ‘Thee fing pri he genera thatthe fo And strstre which hate the | mortuary prices of any Soxeye condoned by the form and conpley of the | Srasnzationd characters ofthe socety ile Chang or variably iter form oF stute frst take no coun the liming of deeming fects exeed on hese practi by the nate BF te opaizatona properties ofthe soy. In no way ean Meatondimorations or ommunicned knowede or eas ected av slfient te or cha, vara or stay WWermust fist undentand the foes opting ons sociocultural ste asa whole then we may Udestaed te cu nature of change whch we might obsewewihin one of is component re ven dese findings, we may now turn to an eahation ofthe asmptos which hve Been base to tional hte nerpetatos of earl aay. ir as peviolysugted a thew wer tie popes fondamental 0 tational nite iterpretalon The fist asumption mated follows Eure B's body of estom wich arte bth conten ofthe concept if of ‘peo and dion ars aecty ax fart of the pats of anes and ‘rh dfn cpactes or oportnits or eke esperence In eonta Targar that cule man exrsomatic meas aptton, A aich, cate i pone inf numerous systems composed of energy. mates andingomation. Cart ‘Some have both coment and ananatoal properties, form sha scar; he ste GF'SSystem condton theatre and tasty of 1 Toma cotent. Infomation and honidge ar atemae Toms eer a sont cue for oral hanes soa ‘Shem, Oster wales must operas to ing about rrctrorgztonal changes. A Dip of peo ay be ly sae of ndmeros aerate ways of Spon of + dy Eotdotl fs vpizavonal properties of thi curl sytem allel 508 a nse Mh numba of Soil telvatctegoes of persone, new bia meas for Syn Sifrnces wl not be employed Human populations ny perv may fees of hei eminent and ba nowlege of gat ge of human teh 98 whe pos proving certain tthe sect contions for potential shang: hs knowledge ed perceptive ight ae 0 Morne atin capes ocular change Fores mast operate on the etre 3 TRUE TSE ts cision propares before ta ste of Know cane Gav* APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRACTICES (oemoue25 ‘upon for developing content elaborations, additions, and changes in the cultural system. The comparative study of forms of cultural content as a measure of varabiity in flow of Information among and within cultural systems is misleading; structural variability alone ‘among cultural systems strongly conditions the degree that information and know/ede wil be translated into culturally organized behavior. Traditional historia interpretation ignores this systemic characte of culture ‘The second astimption basic to traditional historia interpretation states 12."The customs of ¢ Single sociocultural tradition were orginal uniform ond formally detnce ‘This 1s the normative astumption which is disproven at every juncture, when we study the ature of variability obsewable within 4 single cultual system. Cultural systems are internally diferenated, parutioned, and segmented into component parts which are orgnizationally articulated into 2 fonctioning system. The degce that customs can be shown to be uniform within a cultural system isa direct measure of the degre that they aze Snrelated to the organizational characteristics differentiated among the components of the ‘jst. The vast majonty of human behavior in the context of a cultural system is intecnlly Aiiereatated and nonuniformly distributed among all pateipants, in dict relation to the ‘owgaizational complenity of the system. To arsime that there should bea single mode af disposal of the dead chancterstic of any socio-cultural system i to assume that the Parcipans of the sytem were undifferentiated in roles, and duson of bor was absent. ‘The corollary of this suumpton i: Mulaple practices observed among any sven sei of socioreultural unis resus from cultural mieing or hybradization inthe past Its argued that ‘multiple practices se 19 be expected given the varying degree of systemic complexity observed among sociocultural systems, The presence of multiple practices i o be viewed 26 the by-product of evolutionary proceses operating a the systemic level, promoting varying deqeesof str ieentton an fanctonalseieaon wih the cla yt Evolutionary processes affecting the internal strucute of the sociocultural system may rewll ia more diverse inter diferentations, which ate accommodated behaviorally by the participants ofthe system. The fonns these behavioral sesonmodatons may take may wel be conditioned by the universe of knowledge posessed by the participants in the system, as {0 types of accommodations employed by other peoples and by thei compalibility with other groupe, Nevertheless, the sharing of sila Tors of behavioe among independent Sociocultural systems may be the by-product of their experiencing analogous ut Independent evolutionary processes in a common envionment of intrsoital fltions, whl the systems shares common sore of knowledge ‘This same store of knowledge may be shared with societies not undergoing evolutionary change at the structural level. Sharing similar forms could in no way be viewed a cultural “mining” or “hybridization,” for the degee of mutual “cultural influence” might be no seater among those societis undergoing change than that shared with thow remaining lable, Sharing form of cultural content may rest fom the mutual phasing oF evotionary procies among imerctng sociocultural systems as reasonably as can be viewed asthe by-product of thei dogees of interaction. ‘As anthropologists, ovr job ito explain observed similarities in terms ofthe operation of cultrakevolutionary processes its not 10 make assumptions as to what similis mean or to build “conjectural histones” (Radcliffe Brown 19S8:5) by imposing on out observations Lnvedted interpretive principles of "laws." Traditional historical interpretations are rooted ‘in mive assumptions regarding the proceses which operate 10 promote change and ‘variability in both form and structuze among cultural syste. The final assumption is summarized as follows 3.-For practical purposes, the degree of formal similarity observed among independent sociorultural units a diect measure of the degree of genetic or afiitional, cultural ‘lationship amang the units compared. ‘Ths asomption once again is grounded in the Keats! view of culture; that is, culture ia ators) MORTUARY PRACTICES Fa ‘amifying reticulate stream of ransmited ideas and knowledge, variously crystallized at diferent points in space and time. This assumption ignores the possibly that there a procestes selectively operating on 4 body of ideas oF knowledge, Selective forces may favor Dr limit the implementation and incorporation of Knowledge at the bases for action in Cultural systems expesencing diferent systemic histories. ‘This wsumption further presippoues Sat Knowiedge and eas re sufcent causes of cultuil change and variability. Vanabilty to be viewed a the by-product of interruptions in the flow of information among human populations, while change may be viewed asthe ‘seit of addition to accumulated knowledge, either originating through lca innovations ot fing from changes in patterns of information flow among societies. It argued hoe that kenowiedge and ideas are not suicient causes of cultural change or varabiiy “Evolutionary processes operating selectively on different segments of human populations rest in Configurations of variability and change that vary independently ofthe genetic origins ofthe populations themselves, as well asthe contemporary pateras of communication and {ranamisson of knowledge and ideas) atempt to wew all cultural variably 83 mearie Of pattems of idestional innovation ad communication gpoves wha we, a anthropologists, Should be seeking to explip~the pooceses which revolt the differential organzation of ‘Knowledge and des st implemented in independent sociocultual systems IMPLICATIONS OF OUR FINDINGS. FORCONTEMPORARY ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH “Ths survey of the treatment of moray data by anthropologists was undertaken fil an evaluation ofthe scientific value of many propositions and astumption around which much of Contemporary archaeologieal conjecture, imerpetation, and speculation regarding the past 1s ‘onented. It is hoped that I have boen’siceesful in pointing out that ideals assumptions Treading the process of cultural change and diferensation are Inadequate; differences in ideas land Knowledge, while posiby relevant as prerequisites to change and diferentistion, are never ‘cient causes for such changes or differeniatins Further, vaeblty in behavior or cultural practice are not exclusively explicable by reference to past contacts of inuences among peoples; variability must be understood in tems of the Drgnizational properties ofthe cultural systems themselves itis only after we undectand the organizational properties of cultural systems that we can rmeaningilly make comparisons among them in terms of culture content. The contemporary iichaeologst’s practice of making compsrgons among cultural units in terms of inventories of altura content, while making no attempt to wolte and understand the varbles affecting the Frequency or ditnbution of content in the cultural units studied, is a fruitless and, 1 fs rmeaningess pastime, Frequency differences in the inldence of extended burl versus Nexed burial, cremation versus snhumation, mound versus cemetery burial, ete, a not measures of “popularity or degre of intersocetal invenc,” Variations among cultural units in frequencies of variour forms of mortuary teatment vary in response to (a) the frequency of the character Symbolized by the mortuary form in the relevant population and (b) she eumber and distribution of diferent characterise symbolized in mortuary treatment asa function ofthe complexity and degree of difereniation charctenstic of the relevant society. "Thi means that we, a8 archaeologists, must sive to develop methods which wil permit us to explain the observations which we make on the archaeologeal recordin terms of causative ‘arlables operative In the part. Traditional archaeologists have assumed tha they know what these {aribles ste and have proveeded fo Interpret the archaeological recordin tems of asured laws of Caltural change and varity [propose that we a cients Should be striving to gan sufficient Understanding co enable us to Formulate the laws of cultural change and evolution, 30 the inten figs ome clean peony ther. Ens he ine of alti ‘toro te hie, des by Cate Dox td Robe car, roe6 APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRACTICES (iemoie2s "1930" Doth customs a analytical rudy of burial ries, Regn Paul, Tench, True, London DBenget, We Cand Rober Me ines 1938 The Yaahumare on indie ofnorthem Mexico. Universit of Ciego Pres, Chien atot Dest b and oct saa Ode 1963 “Anansi of cremation rm three Michigan sites, conse Archoloit 4:98-110 Deparment of Antropotogy. Unienity of Michigan 1965 Alchonlopral stems ed he ue) of ature proces American Amity 3:203-210. ‘ohanan, Pan Laue Bohannan 1953 he Ti of tental Ngee. Edhnopaphlc suey of Afi 1899 Prmitine iteso€dspoa ofthe dead wit special eference to India, Royel Antropol tate of Great Bao end Deland, Joumal 29:270298 "968" "Dispoal ofthe dead in wexer Austaa, Amercen Phfosophia! Society, Proceedings 92.71.97, 1338) Marmification in Avsais and in Ames, Royal Anthropoloies! Society of Geet Britain and TS "The me of the Mogho Nabe customs ofthe Moss of uppet Val. int de Dot Compare, Etude de Scalog etn etmalope Fonds, Vo 3. ex Batons dant Mowtchestian. 822" acount of he Abipons om equestrion peopl of Parguey, Vl. 2. Joh Muy, London. 156 The prope of Aor aso cholo tay of at nda The Uiresty of Met Durkheim, mae utp, Telemetry fos flows, wae by J. Sain, Gt Ak Una, Lon TSW the Mhopia «soil! study of Kinship m primi Poymeie, Gauge Allen and Vein 1985 “The Nuge. In Peoples of the Niaerleave conten, edited by Dunlt Forde, etemational Afican att tome Sane of Aes, Weer Aan 10175 "ass ‘On cern hunal customs a iustate ofthe prnitie theory of the sou, Royal Anthropologie! “tate of Great Ban ad rand, Joural 1364108 ction, 10 Romo, cry faa Pr, ee 196 The Parana River Cas of Bash Gala, Peabody Museum of Amenco Arhacloy amd ‘Ethnology, Harr apes 142) (Gluckman a 1937 Mortar customs and the belie in suri afer death among the suthesst Bat ana Sms Hattie Goodenong, Wad 1965 ‘Retinking vats’ nd “vole twa a geet model of the cual omnia of soci Teluionsips, fa The relevance of mode Tor social aniropelogy, cited by Michel Bann, pp 124 ASA: Monopaphe 1. Tastosk, ‘rates, Fie “ads Kultutsese und tatuschehen a Oreaien, Zener Bima 3: ex, ‘ain Jane 10 ‘Aborginl moray ust athe western hal ofthe northeast wooddnds ares, Unpublished MA, coon Dera of Rotoplgy, Unversity of Chg CLOT Bl icog the Koma of Ween Abs, Prine Mn 20.1.8, T939" Die ihe, vom tae and deaken der wacernomaden amt Kap Hoorn. Die Feueind nr Mong te Wes, eins, Rober and Eis 1952 The rae of Tura Unies of Caria Pes, ere. 1960" Death and height hand, trated by Roney and Cau Neechan, Fre Pres, leno th Sou Ausra cee 12:189.201 PL & London Intenso Asan enone 1 infor MORTUARY PRACTICES n TBS0 "Nama ofthe longow, the Sono of eastern Bola, Smithonion Ituton,Iaut of Soi “Antropol, ableton 10. TH sey and sta the ese of Mont ad Rabe wm, Aeron Antrplgt 15 Tbe Rast Inia: an enoppic eons tion, Yale Unbanty Autos nAndoploy S1 orton Dona 194k Toe Mundin. Handbook of Saud) Amedcin Indians, Vl. 3 td by JH, Stat, op. Tin. 2ho, Burau of imencor Edaogy, Bale 83 Tone "The ses Dyk. The Sovak Geete 3840 (1908-1910 SIT. Samoledyv domashsem {obhchestennon by Minette GosudstenythImahehest same, Edwin 0 Senne, Dimond. 92 The le of te Copper Eskimos. Report ofthe Canaan Arce Expdton,19131918.Na. 12 JSTSS "Asap imeaon ine Ales ns, Caen tof Mahon, ao TDis Arad of he Tlge of Alar Fling H. Kimball, Ceo ate, fae ons The headhunter of western Amionon Soin Scena Femi: Commentatones Humana kein 956 The Ting Inne: ele of « ip to the nortnst const of America and the Borie Sia Trnted by Ein Gunter Unesty af Washington rm, Sst roster ce 92 ‘Dupont of he dead Amencondndropaons 29:308315, roe, A and Cv Rca 1952, Cultiress enter of concepts and definitions. Peabody Museum of Ameren Arhaclnyand ‘Eonolow,berand por #0) 1915.20 Das gab der Aftkaner. Anhropor 14 & 15:6397 1S4E" Les Toure Hogar, Payot, Pat 1935 The Tanah ibe of Madge Filan Anropooe 22, ssh awn 1925 Pome faltaye Unie of Cbfoia Ps, Berkey Longe 1952 eat andl cast ofthe Bape of Sealand, Jhansi. Aon Ste 113659 Matnowat Bron sn, se Goo ” 532 the shoo ahaitants ofthe Andaman ln, PI. RayalAntroploa! Intute of Get Mang Eopne| ° 321 Eoay on the amen and castors ofthe Manin. ple the str Sudan, Aupsin Cat nation of te deed Noth Ames, Amercon Anhropoogt30:214262, 1930S ngszaon of Mana. Bee P Bahop Museum, Bullen, i, Does 1958 Secoecnamic aspects of second baal eee 35:16, 50 Lene ofthe Ho dénoacues oF Ioqui,Vo. |, eid and anole by Herbert Loyd Do esd New Yok Mucact Come BST Metdtnoratic pt Ameen Anpttt P.668 "RG "Gaon andinhumatonin Anson set At 1693094 TDi. The ofetaion ofthe ain doves, Royal Antropol atin of a Brean and endFy APPROACHES TO MORTUARY PRACTICES (bere 25 ‘nat The damon fender. Came Univesity re, Ca bie, 1982 Souctre nd fron in rie sot ee Peis, lee I3SL.Movhed tect eumropley eed by M:NSemia, Univer of Cicgo Fes, Chg 125The Wantage, Buses of Ameren Ethnology, Annual Report 37 iat The White See Pein, 1983 cult ofthe Copper Eakins. FM Tul Expeation, 192-24, Report Ratay Roberts 9E Region and artin Asha Caendon Pres, Oxford chars, Aude SUB Munger ond work nasa tbe. Fre Pes, leno TBD As artuetogcl sey of te Trent Waterways Onan, Caata. Reterches and Traction of ne hee Ta cn Aancton 12 "513" The conuctof peoples. say and studies presented to ila Rigo 1314, Thehaton of Maes soe Cambrgge Une Pres, Comba. “YR Baral customs of the !Kau Bushmen, Banas Studies 5:81:83. S585 let and teresa entation of te dea. Royal Androploil Institut of Great a and ‘tan, tuma $3137.10 oth Ling Maa) TE naanso¢ Borneo, Ee fom the pape of the ne Brooke Law, Es. Royal Antropol Trcitut of reat Bitar, Soul 21 110033 fe Account ofe rove of covery tthe arth of Siena the frosen oon ond the Norhes Se, "oi Renard Pais, London 1539 The eal Cape Horton. Van Riebeeck Society, Pubiation 14. "Ny Kota an hultnchichtenin Same, Zech fr Enon 4S-1014-1128, 953 Wichita death customs. The Chronicles of ORahoms 30:200-206, TESS Tefomonreipecig the history, condition and prospect of Indian be of he United States 107 or Namolnd und Kalan, Costar Fiche, ea sence, Ema 12 Pare ctl rgrzaton Rando House, New York sie 6A printer, Fer Une, London sith, Roberton 84 The elgion ofthe semier Menan Library esto (1956), New York "P4530, Klamath ethnography, University of California Publications in Archaeology and Ethology 30:1338 Stave Mid 1303" Ectnded bl inthe pobre outst. American Aniaty 2308319, Srey SBE Odentton ofthe Mas det, The mene Soi, uma! 0:88, T35 Notes on Pome ethaoguphy. University of Califomis Pubctions in American Archaolory and saan Ei TUK The aon ofthe Gad in Aus, Feton 19:388408 ee er ia nds ibe, are Review fe ators, Geographic nd Ethnopphc In Tit ofc Rt Carir, Rio Seine SE Cem among the nas of New Beic,Amacon Antigy 1065-8 5a1 The new stone of marth Europe Chas Seine’ Sons, New York journey in Ruson Lapland and Kerli Soha Many, London, ! Pinon} MORTUARY PRACTICES » le ana IRL aon Mary, Landon WENO eof pa. Pons Books Une af Ch Ti Ease tes ere mS sve a congue roman Leos, Ps, Vong, Bone Bat” Mormary cans of he Swot an oe ees tbe. ndne Hird Society, Pitre “Rw eke See mi TSU Sintra at, Amecon nope 14-8, O47 kk cen Haren Bote, New York Wesrwod, Cama Sey eg lca tno Mene Royal Antoplg ti of Get rsn ndlnd ‘Wty and ors ew Yor. oer Hand RW Whipp Si? Th ontion of he atl ntemenin nest Mash mr Anrpol 1939 "Nyaa conventions of bai. one Sadie 13132. ast nab itl andy. Amen Anton 6:28.26) 18 inden he ay of mort seston amon tN Ane ind, Conon 1 ‘North American Ethnology, Vel. 1. . 1WdIR A ea dy of te mara cite ofthe Noch Ani Ini, lt ‘emt Rei fe eof io op STA