‘TOTEM AND TABOO: AN ETHNOLOGIC PSYCHOANALYSIS, By A. L. KROEBER “HE, recent translation into English of Freud's interpretation of ‘ numberof etni phenomena offers an occasion to review the startling eres of essays which fst appeared in Zmago a numberof years ago. ‘There isthe more reason for this Because Tittle as this paticnlar work af Freud as been noticed by anthro- pologats, the vogue of the psychoanalytic movement founded by ‘in is now eo strong that the book is certain to make an ipeston in many intelligent creer. Freud's principal thesis emerges formally only toward the end of his book, but evidently has controlled his reasoning from the be: inning, although perkaps unconsciously. This thesis is (p. 238) "thatthe beginingsofrligion, ethics, soity, and art met in the ‘Oedipus complex” He commences withthe inference of Darwin, developed farther by Atkinon, that at a very early period man tive in small communities consisting of an adult male and a num ter of females and immature individuals, che males among the latter being driven off by the heal of the group as they became okt enough to evoke his jealousy. To this Freud adds the Robertson Smith theory that sarifce at the altar isthe exential element i very ancient cult, an that such sacrifice goes ack to a Killing fan cating bythe clan ofits tote animal, which was regarded a8 ‘of kin with the lan and ite god, and whose ling at odinary times wes therefore striety forbidden. ‘The Oedipus complex direct Upon these two Bypotheses welds them into a mechani with which ie possble to explain mot of the essentials of human civilization, ts fllows, The expelled sons of the primal horde finally banded "Fe md Fe: eens een Pc ee Soe nd Netssoem vores avo 74800 ” fogether and slew their father, ate him, and appropriated the females, In this they satisfied che same hate empl that i a normal infantile trait and the basis of most neuroses, but which often leads to unconsious "displacement" of fecing, especially ‘pon animals, AE this point, however, the ambivalence of emo= tions proved decisive. The tender felinge which had always per- Sst by the side of the brothers’ hate for thie father, gained the upper band as soon as this hate was satisfied, and took the form of remorse and sense of guilt. "What the father's presence had Prevented they themelves now prohibited is the prvehic ‘tuation of “subsequent obedience" which we know ao well rom Paychoanalysis. ‘They tnd their deed by declaring thatthe killing ‘ofthe father aubetiute, the totem, was not allowed, and renounced the fruiteaf their dead by denying themselves the berated women “Thus they erated the two fundamental taboos of totem” (. 238), These are the oldest and most important taboos "of man kind: “namely not toil the totem animal and to avoid sexual intercourse with totem companions of the other sex” (p. 53) alonride which many if not all other taboos are secondary dis placed and distorted." The renunciation of the women oF incest Pribition hal alko this practieal foundation: that any attempt to ‘ivide the epi, when each member of the band really wished to temlate the father and posses all the women, would have disrupted theorganiation which had male the eather strong (232). The totem sacrifice and feast reflected the kiln and cating of the father, assuaged "the bucning sense of guilt," and brought about "a kind of reconciliation” ur agreement by which the father-totem ranted all wishes of his sn in turn for their pledge to honor his Tite (n.238).” "AN later religions prove tobe »- reactions aim= ing at the same great event with which culture logan and which fever since has not let mankind come to rest” (p. 239) “This mere extrication and presentation of the framework of the Freudian hypothesis on the origin of socio-eigions civilization is probably sacle to prevent is acceptances but a formal examina tion is only just First, the Darwin-Atkinson supposition is of course only hypo formethetic, It isa mere guess that the earliest organization of man resembled that of the gorilla rather than that of tooping monkeys. ‘Second, Robertson Smith's allegation that blood sacrifice is ental in ancient cult holds chiefly or only for the Msiterranoid cultures ofa certain period —aay the last two thousand years B.C.— and cultures then or subsequently influenced by them. ¢ does not spply to regions outside the sphere ofaletion by these cultures ‘Third, itis at best problematical whether blood sacrifice goes wack toa totemic observance. It snot established that totems is an original possesion of Semitic culture Fourth, coming to the Freudian theory proper, it only con Jecture thatthe sons would kil let alone devour, the father Fifth, the fact that a child sometimes displaces its father- hatred upon an animal—we are not told ia what percentage of ‘caate—is no proof thatthe ons did 30 ‘Sinth, if they “spaced,” would they rettin enough of the crginal ate imps olay the father; andi 0, would the slaying fot resolve and evaporate the displacements? Paychoanalysts may affirm both questions; others will require more examination before they accept the afimaton ‘Seventh, granting the son’ remorse and resolve no longer to il the fathertisplacementtoterm, it seems exceedingly dubious Whether this resolve could be powerful and enduring enough to suppres permanently the gratification of the sexual impulses which was now posible. Again there may be psychoanalytic evidence cient to allay the doubt; bt it wll ake a deal of evidence to ‘convince “ananalytc” paychologists, ethaologsts, and laymen, Bight, ifthe band of brothers allowed strangers—perhape ex pelle by thir jealous fathers to have acces othe women whom they had renodneed, and matiinear or matriarchal iastiutions thus came into exiatence, what would be lef fr the brothers (un- lees they were able to be content with lifelong eelibacy or homo- ‘sevualty), other than individual attachments to other clans: hich would mean the disintegration of the very solidarity that they are pictured asso ansous to preserve, even by denying thelr physiological instincts?soa ores axp ram00 st [inti is fr from established that exogamy and totem absti- rence are the two fundamental prohibitions of totemism Frew refers {p. 180) to Goldenwese's study of the subject, which is certainly both analytical and conducted frm a paychological point of view even though not paychoanalytical; but he fails to ther acceptor refute this author's carefully substantiated finding that these two features cannot be designated as primary in the totemie comptes, ‘Tenth, tha these eo totem taboos re the oldest of ll taboos pre assertion. IF all other taboos are derived from them by displacement oF distortion, ome presentation of the nature and operation and sequence of these daplaccinents is in order, Aa. astronomer who casually aid tht be believed Sirus tobe the center ‘of the stellar universe and then proceeded to weave this opinion into the fabric of stil broader hypothesis, would get lite hearing from other astronomers A final ritiism—that the persistence into modern society and religion ofthis ist “reat event with which clture began” ian une explained process—will not be press here, because Fred hasan ticipated it with a te quogwe (pp. 259-261): social payehologists assume a “continuity i the paychie ile of scowling generations” without in general concerning themacives mich with the manner In which this continuity i established No doubt sil other challenges af fact or interestaion wit ecur fo every careful reader of the book ‘The above enumerae tion has been compiled ony far enough to prove the essential metho ‘of the works which isto evade the puinfl proces of ariving at a large certainty by the positive determination of smaller certainties and their unwavering addition irespective of whether each au iments or diminishes the sue total of conclision arrived at. For {his method the author substitutes a plan of multiplying into one another, a8 it were, fractional certainties—that is, more or fas re- mote passibilite-without recognition that the multiplicity of factors must swecesvely decrease the probability of thei produ, isthe old expedient of pyramiding hypothess; which if theories Ind toe paid for Hike stocks oF gaming cards, would be les fre2 “AMERICAS asTuKoPoToGIst bes. 2n 1988 quently iodulgel in, Lest this tii be construed as uneces aity harsh upon a gallant and simlating adventurer into ethno fay, lee fe be added that i applies with equal stricture ypon the ‘alortyof ethnologist from whom Freud as dean on account of| {he renown or interet of ther books: Reinach, Wun Spencer and Gillen, Lang, Robertson Smith, Durkheim and his school, Keane Spencer, Avebury and his special ademeciom Prazet. “There another etc that ean be Teveled against the plan of Freud's books that of iteidiousness, though evidently only a6 the cat ofthe gradual growth of his thesis ving its writing, The fret chapter or essay, on the Savage’s Dread of Incest, merely rakes a ease for the applicability of psychoanalysis to cert {pecal tocial phenomens, such ax the motherin-law taboo, In the second, the prychoanalytic doctrine of the ambivalence of motions very neatly and i sce justly Drought to ear on the ‘dual nature of taboo ae at once holy and defling. Concurrently 1 owndation i ad, though not revealed, for the push «othe uti trate thesia, The third chapter on Animism, Magic, and the ‘Omaipotence of Thought refrains from dretly advancing the arm tent, but strengthens its future old onthe eer by emphesizing | fhe paratltism between the thought systems of savages and net otic The last chapter i not, in the main, a divession of the Thane Recurrence af Totemism, a5 itis designated, but a analy- rot carcot eilnotogieal theories acto the ocgin of rotemism in Grcety and the presentation of the theory of the author. This yptheis, toward which everything has been tending, does not however begin to be divulged until page 233; alter which, excep for tentative claims toa wide extensibility ofthe principle rived at and ome distinctly fair admis of weakness, the book promptly loses without any rebxamination oF testing of its proposition. ‘The explanation of taboo on pages 52-38 isan essential part of the theory developed on pages 233 se without any indication being ven tht ities. "Then, when the parallelism of savage and ne0- Fotis thought has been deiven home by material largely ieelevant| forthe ial al quite spi thei, this is sudenly sprung, Frew ‘cannot be charged with more than a propagandist’ eal and perhapsoer ores axp 74x00 8 haste of composition: but the comseqwence is that this book is keen without onderliness, intricately rather than closely reasoned, and endowed with an unsubstantiated coavincingness, ‘The critieal reader will ascertain these qualities but dhe book wil fall into the Jhands of many who are lacking either in care or independence of jinlgment and who, under the inlseace of a great name and in the presence ofa bewMerngly fertile imagination, will be cared nto an lusory belief. Again there is pliation—but nothing moce— inthe fact that the literature of theoetial anthropology consist Taegelyof bad precedent But, wih all the essential failure ofits finally avowed purpose, the book is an important and valuable contribution. However much cultural anthropology may come to lean more on the histo ca instead of the peychologcal method, it can never ultimately free itself, nor should i wish to, fom the paychology that underis it, To this psychology the prychoanalytc movement initiated by Freud has made an indubitably significant conteibution, which every etfnologist must sooner oF later take into. consideration, For instance, the correspondences Between taboo customs and “compulkion neuroses a developed om pages 43-48 are unques- tionabl, as ao the parallelism between the ew aspects taboo and the ambivalence of emotions under am acepted prohibition (p12) Again the strange combination of mourning forthe dead with the fear of them and taboos against them ie certainly ilumined i not explained by this theory of ambivalence (op. 87-107) Tt is even possible to extend Freud's poine of view. Where the taboo on the name ofthe dead i in force we find not only the fear that wterance wil recall the soul to the hurt ofthe Tiving but alo actual shock at the utterance aa light or manifestation of hostlity to the dead. I is fr question whether this shock may not be construed as a reatin from the unconscious hate carried toward the dead! during thee We, ae i speaking of them were an aulmisson of satisfaction at their going. ‘The shock is certainly greatest where affection was deepest; persons who were indiferent are mentioned without emotional reluctance Hf circumstances pe rit, whereas enemies, that is individuals towand whom hate wasst AMEKICAY ANTHROPOLOGIST (x. 25 088 avowed instead of repreaed, may have the utterance of thei ames gated over ‘Of very road intrest isthe problem raised by Freud's con- Jccture that the pevchic impules of primitive people posessed more ambivalence than our own except in the case of neurotics; that ther mental il, tike that of neurotic, i more sxualized and contains femer socal components than ours (pp. 111,121, 18) euros would therefore usually eepreseat an atavistic constitu tion. Whatever its complete sigaieance, there exists no doubt Femarkable similarity between the phenomena of magic, taboo, ‘utimism and primitive religion in general, ard neurotic manifesta tions, In bath a creation that has only psychic validity is given greater orles preference over eality. As Freud says the two areof| ‘enue not the aime, and theultimate dference lesa the fact that heuroses are asia creations duet 4 Aight fom dissatistying fealty (p12) This i certainly not to be denied on any ethno Togical grounds; yet the implication that savages are essentially ‘more neurotic than cvilesd men may’ wel be challenged, alehough iH cannot be dismiwed offhand, “The experience of irstchand observers will probably be una mous that primitive communities, Uke peasant populations, comtain very few individuals that can be put into a case with the numerous neurtics of or civilization. The reason seems t0 be that primitive societies hae inttutonalized such impulses fs with ue lead to neuroses. The individual of neurotic tendeney finds an approved and therefore harmless outlet in taboo, magic, myth, and the lke, whereas the nonneurotie, who at Heart re rainy attached to reality, accepts these activities as forms which do not seriously distur him. In accord with ths interpretation js the fact that neurotis appear to become numerous and charace teria in populations among whom religion has become decadent land “enlightenment” active, asin the Hellenistic, Roman Im eval and recent eras; whereas the Midale Ages, when "supersti- tion” and taboo were firmly etablshed, there were social abera tions indeed, Tike the fagellants and children's crusade, but few hnewotics Much the satne with homoseauality, which the North ‘American and Siberian natives have socialized. Its acceptance asssoeea yore ax TaB00 ss fan institution may be @ departure from normlity, but has ee tainly saved countless individuals from the heavy stain which definite homesexualists tndergo in our ciiiation. Te would be lunfitting to go into these matters further hee: they are mentioned as an illustration ofthe importance of the problens which Frew raises, However precipitate his entry into anthropology an hoe ever timsy some of hissynthese, he brings to bear keen insight, & fecund imagination, and above alla point of view which henceforth never be ignored without stulieation Wile the book thus is one that no ethnologist can afford to neglect, one remark may be estended to poyehoogists of the imconscious who propose to follow in Fre’ footsteps: there realy isa great dea of ethaology not at all represented by the authors whom Freud discuses. To students of this sie of the science the Tine of work initiated by Tylor and developed and most notably represented among the living by Frazer, is not 0 rch ethnology a5 an attempt to paychologize with ethnological data. ‘The cause of Freud's leaning sn heavily on Fr scar. ‘The latter knows nothing of paychoanalysis an with all acumen his efforts are prevaiingly a diletantsh playing; but in he last analysis they are psychology, and as history only pleaing fab eatin. If psychoanalyste wish to establish serious contacts with historical ethnology, they must fst learn to know that such an ethnology exists. Te sean enough to say, as Freud does om page 179, thatthe nature of tatemiam and exogamy could be most readily raped if we could get into ele touch with their origins, but that as we cannot we must depend on hypotheses, Such a remark rings 4 ie naive to students who have Tong since made up thee mils ‘that ethnology, ike every other branch of scene, is work and not 1 ame in which lucky guesses sore; and who therefore hold that since we know nothing drctly about the origin of totems or other ‘socal phenomena but have information on thew phenomena as they ‘evst at present, our busines ie frst to understand as thoroughly as possible the nature of these existing phenomena; in the hope ‘that such understanding may gradually lead to a partial recone struction of orgins—without undue guessing.