ACKNOWLEDGMENTS in: Youngs, and Marysia Zalewski, many of whom | tune to. work with on the editorial board of the Inter 12 . Patricia Begné, Lois Harder, Laura Mac- joza have given me great insights into the complex alization and democratization in North Americ like to thank Man- ‘comments on the Génder Studies Department at Rutgers University is Hal place for pursuing the study of gender and global- » Barbara Balliet, Ethel Brooks, Charlotte Bunch, hen, Judy Ge ‘0 Joanna Regulska, Barry Qualls, and ‘owe a special debt of thanks for approving a research leave write this book, apter 5 was drawn from two pre- miotics of Premature Burial: Feminism igns 294): 961-986 (2004); and "Theorizi me of War,” Studies in Po 127-138 (2004), My debts, eroic elfors ork nearly lost when my assume far more shifts in \$ good humor are richly ns, this book would have been bruary, his the kitchen than justice warrants, and deserving of mention. Absent his minis many more years in the making ENGENDERING GLOBALIZATION ~ an want woman hae no count. A oma SS2NShdn ay comuy bc whe wor a Virginia Woolf (1938, 109) nt women he the same word tering hess th yroletarians have accomplished a revolution in Russia Seren ee Seen poe rte 10 religion of theit own; and they have no se -work, economic condition, —Simone de Beauvoir (1949, xv) ne country is not sustainable—we need feminism ona global scale. Women in Development Europe (WIDE) (1995, 3) i} mot by men) ye question often asked in Bihar [India] (most a She you hey men man a prowl emits are those who can aalyze 1- Guarree fs against women and gi re doing something transnational corporat iawn e> iberafram arking back to the classical economic theories ofthe eighy 1 Dinara Cinmnk. GROW -OT ot” ee Se | * & 1 iy cn GS pallies Qe: eee Ce" jliberals are not ket 19 produce the proraised public benefits, neo! normed a vrackeal ‘inequalities in the distribution of that wealth. * Critics of gl ization are far less sanguine about the potential benefits hat might accrue in within and across nations. ‘growth and social well-being for all people. Borrowing certain argume loin Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations,* neoliberals suggest that ‘market transforms individual pursuit of private interest into social bene- x 2 period of vast in- its, Assu Wviduals are primarily cell-interested “inaximizers” MEBs During the last two decades of the twentieth cenwury, @ pe who seek to increase their own wealth, neoliberal «cach individ [JB creases in the production of wealth, UNDP Human Development Reports wal should be given complete freedom to pursive selfish objectives, The fgge*(1999, 2002) note thatthe economies of the majority ofthe world’s nations beauty of the gOmpetitive maken this view, is precisely that it rans. forms the pursult of private vice into public Benclits, The market isa eth Tequiring producers to use their ingenuity to find cheaper ways ‘askanaster, ?~S-to produce goods, to sell them for less than other producers. Consumers s y benefit from cheaper goods and reward the producer of the cheapest goods B worsened, The economies of more than [00 nations were worse offin 2000 F Than they had been in 1980. The wealthiest 20 percent ofthe world popu- P22 Sjation controls 86 percent of the world income, while the pootest 20 per- ¥ vent controls only 1.1 percent, and 85 percent of the world population ontrols only 14 percent of the world’s income: Between 1970 and 1995, 4d rel of countries fell from 3.1 SAP pe business, thereby hel t producer to amass wealth. Costly lent producers are gradually driven ontf business, as the mar- isible hand” organizes the competition that generates new techy (5? nology to produce chi md cheaper products, that the primary task of the state {s to support the unrestricted operations of the market, providing a legal _g\fiameviork that protects private property, enforces contracts, promotes law ‘and order, and provides for a common defer yunitric put 1% of each category.” Survey ee i suggested that neoliberali policies have produced “develop- rd World” (Waylen 1996, 34). Treeing industry and trade from Progressive taxation, reducing public fare, arts, and public broadcasting, Gendered Dimensions of Globalization ‘When mainsream approaches 1 globalization emphasis globe nance, trade, economic restructuring, techno! , changing dy- : jemocratization, neoliberal pol {s easy to assume that gender has nothing individual nal corporations in export al. Government is either ab: enterprise, Individual laborers freely con: labor to employers. Competition among workers for jobs s producers to generate cheaper products to i financial institutions, such as the ind the World Bank, develop policy papers on how best to transform tthe demands of marketization and ld ‘economic, politcal, and mnoTogical tra tion, SEE rola working in flds of polities! economy, relations, development studies, philosophy, history, and have also been investigating the changing dynamics of glo ever. They have developed new an: Isto help illumi x operates a5 a site of power Wi i See pectantsns WU radon scholarship that natualiae and normalize gender hierarchies, rendering raced and gendered power re- amon or (Bedford 2005). the power of the unfettered global market to generate ike their eighteenth-centuty forebears, emphasize thatcHarrer 1 Engendering Globalization oro eee of an analytic categor jons and structures that operate independently of individual volition lan intention. Organizational and social roles, routines, and policies serve promote men’s interests and normalize male power, often rendering “Women’s needs and interests invisible. Thus gender power operates ions, exclusions, denigrations, and devaluations that cit- lives = Investigating its complex economic, polit dynamics, feminist scholars construe identifies puzzles in need of explora. les concepts, definitions, and hypotheses to gute research r, they have investigated the (gminization of povert; hor force, and the growing uaffic ja women. They have also sought juminate how gender structures globalization, examining changing Saul divisions of labor, male bias, masculinist priorities in economic pol- and gendered symbolic representations, such as “Davos Man’ (Mogh- nist scholars have reframed issues and and organizations, and subjective deaunes Cree shy 1068). Aucuned to the siructuring power of gender in these saveus sho ‘mains. feminist scholars investigate. in concrete circumstances Toy between men and womeh are produc duced con- ‘Sted. and transformed overtime. According to Scott (1070), gender ie useful category of analysis precisely because it “provides a way to decode .” and to illuminate how gender hierarchies are created, preserved, he complex interaction of norms. symbols inteiper, 4 actices. and aad poe + Using gender as an analytic tool, fem power relations beween m tage and disadvantage st ity that create and wer involves a set of asymmetrical nal regimes, slate systems, development policies, This phenomenon as “the feminization of the labor force.” In export ing zones across the global South, for example, women constitute leather goods, ‘which become e i 15. Working in textile an Gener wren, ASSES iI numbers of women employees work in their employers’ homes, gar-cHaPreR 1 Engendering Globalization 65, oF workshops for very low wages. To meet produ sndatory overtime without compensation is, sales, or cleaning services tend to be paid very poorly. The vast ma- ow, 1 wages or Tess, fy 1g family Tormations: ‘now headed by women, compared to 20 percen cent in the 1970s (Poster and Salime 2002, 21 lth effects of work in the export processing zones are also palpable. Women working in ex- port processing zones have twice the normal rate of miscarriages and de- - liver twice as many underweight babies. Poor lighting, eye strain, and . cosmeticians, secretaries, ma ‘women experienced a significant decline SS repetitive stress syndrome combine to impair the performance of women d sex workers, many Russian women experience Re factory workers after a comp: short period. The average work life | ‘in wages. Before 1990, Russian women earned 70 percent of the Po OSG for women factory workers. “Chaos for example, is five years. Job-in- jmale wage; in 2000, they earned 40 percent of the average male wage duced problems with eye iand COoFdination provide managers with a tea- son for firing workers. nd atypical. In Central America, a an average of seven years (Wichterich ;(Wichterich 2000). The intensification of sex segregation in the labor force. se in average male earnings; in the global South, as in Russia and for- mer Soviet states, women earn 30--60 percent less than the average male we i ization is the ~ “Another aspect ssociated with global sy sr ofthe ele mictentebteneur Adaped fom 3 mode of WOTENS te Ne, % ated with women workers, including low wages, and no Benes. MW T973;80 per. le for unemployment com- -onomically active workers ‘chterich 2000). Both men and women work. zi The that one manifestation of ink roduces the household portant economic space not only for outsourced workers in subcontt lacilites in export processing zones, but for telecommuting prof workers, and for growing numbers of domestic workers and s Similar to the effects of deregulation, home-| ies near 90 percent, microcredit programs for women have ated to be sound capital investments. In advocating microc ize ization, sminated.Engendering Globalization In contrast to the glowing descriptions of microcredit schemé nists have called attention.to the % ‘re distinctive, however. Women migrant workers in the Mid a 1979 to 100,000 in 1999 (Moghadam "i 130 nations, spanning Asia (especially Hong Kong and Singapore), iddle East, North America, and Europe (Parrenas 20012, 2001b), The mnces they send home area mainstay of the Philippine economic sys- roviding the government with its largest source of foreign Currency, ig more than US$6 billion per year in-2000 (Magat 2001). Among se remittances are used by the Philippine government to ain annual interest on loans accumulated from the TMF (Rosca 1995). in addition to generating foreign = inigration of Filipinas helps solve the problem of unemploy- Philippines. In the absence of migrant labor, unemployment Philippines would increase by 40 percent (Castles and Miller 1998). ‘Given the vital economic importance of the remittances provided by pina raigrant workers, The Philippine government has been actively pro- smoring the marketization of taking the lead in negotiating labor Ce, i eas, Hee Europe, and the Middle East, Among the provisions of these labor con- aie a punber of significant violations of women’s rights," including , exiensive curtailment of reproductive freedom, the [reedom to marry and ats ships of one's own choosing, freedom of move- cea number of fait aq MUMUMs indeed, the rst payment ls de within seven daysel eer-pressure to encourage repayment, each loan must be cosigned to three individuals who are not relatives of The Bartower an ete face | uulis (Tamale 2001, 75-78). Microfi- nance rules specify that only one loan is allowed per family; an ivan Berson within the family may borrow microcredit funds. Thus atthe same tie that microcredit fosters women’s microenierpises, (also restructures relations, precluding th financial involvement of men and omen in funy business, Under “const ‘women have no time for literacy, health, job cal rights” (Tamale 2001, 78) . tence: They increase the debt of poor women, imposi = well_as responsibility. Thuis gender disadvan women who already work longer hours than men, stricted to lower quality employment . = engage in sexual re ment, and freedom The Feminization of Migration Singapore contract, for example, requires the household > of their employers. They are not allowed to bring family members to their host nation. They are allowed one day off per morth—after they have com pleted a three-month probationary period. They may not leave the country” % Guring the period of the contract (typically two years) without the written permission of their employers. They are forbidden to. e permanent sesidentof Singapore. They must submit to pregnancy tests every six months. Moreover, the contract stipulates that they will be fired and deported should they become pregnant. Im stark contrast to neoliberal celebrations of individual fredom, one (> elicet of globalization 1s a peculiarly gendered form of serldom emerging 2) fave been well mapped South Aga tothe Middle Ess forr sles to Western Europe, Mexico and Central Atmeica to Canada and States, and AVrlea to Europe (Ehrenreich and Hochschild 2002), Migratiny omen arene an entry new phenomenon. Alcan women expeseseee ‘migration through the slave (rade from the teenth centuries; and many European women economic oppor ne the current era of globalizat AQ very Hong distances they \s auinckive esaecks choy, GutemQFand relaxation. When the supply of soldiers dwindled sm in Thailand was launched as a global business venture, leave their ow Se lene responsi of foreign men.’ The government-negotiated con 4X B™ overseas domestic workers from autonomous ad os to dependents excluded from a «the receiving nation, as they are denied cont SAO" / lives and work, over decisions conceming love, marriage, reprodi oe and physical mobility, and excluded oe cen who service ten to eighteen client their parents, plus the expense of their Foon and ri ines 2002. 219-220) ae he Thai model of sex tourism has been replicated by governments in >" ‘global South whose immiserated economies e.them to pro-£-°, as. strategy for sul ng en 2002, 27), Indeed, outs isan economic solution tothe wou GP" ries-sshich has heen highly secommended by the Inter- 2/4) Fund and the World Bank. Catering to the market, famands of affluent courists, sex tourism has been adopted as a develop- on ent strategy by nations experiencing widespread poverty and wnemploy- ra Sassen 2002, 269). It is certainly a lucrative strategy, generating 3qy, ttances of $70 billion in 1998. Sex 4mm & aw \ east ‘Sex tourist involves complicated public-private partnerships, however, use sex work remains illegal in most nations. Although government cls may be eager for the revenue generated by dhs egal eerie, Sy support lor such ventures often takes the form of nonenforeement of Spi, ising criminal laws, The global trafic in women, then, curns on a sus- % ership involving government corruption and usnsnationalcim- 1/3, networks. Consider, for example, the significant increase in sexual don ug of political participation < in both nations during the terms set by heireontaeis. Filipinas are by no means the only women migrating to work in the global care economy. They are joined by millions of women throughout Africa, Asia, and Central and Latin America who are working in more af- fluent ; transfer of emotional resources” (1 ae renreich and Hoschschild 2002, 8). The transnational commodification of Ss care thus appears to be a distinctive aspect of contemporary globalization: In the words of Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild (2002, iperialism, northern countries extracted ral products —rubb fe working ish study of 755 overseas domestic Workers re- abuse by their em- LL percent had been and overworked, re- {icking of women from Armenia, Russia, Bulgaria, Croatia, and Ukraine 0 Europe during the last decade of the twentieth century. With women’s dur quired to work seventeen Sex work and sexual trafficking also hel the simulacranm of Tove an Tes that 4 million people trafficked in 1008 generated $7 billion for oe SS eters in Urisian and Russian women (or eam: eo 16 7cuarreR 1 Engendering Globalization ple, eamed $700-$1000 for every woman delivered to a European dest tion, Expected to service fifteen clients per day on average, sex workei Europe generate $215,000 per month for the gangs that control tralicked women (Sassen 2002, 268), Once in the hands of criminal traffickers, sex workers’ “freedom” to contract is severely compromised. Working illegally 4 in their host nations, with their passports confiscated by sex traffickers, wansnational sex workers become a transnational underclass cut off from vil protections and political life in both sending and receiving, Garker 2603, 19). Although the terms of their employment may be oner- ‘ous, they have lost the putative freedom of every worker—to quit Perructuring in others. Under the influence of neoliberal doctrines, the Crfatcher administration in the United Kingdom (1979-1990), for exam- sgan voluntarily divesting the government of various public assets, ing British Telecom, ports and airports, petroleum companies, rail , the Reagan administration in icy changes to privatize edu- hao to be un by for-profit jos such as Edison and outsou e administration of welfare eee o conoraions ke Lala Ma in, a major defense contractor. ization Privatization or the "shrinking of the state” is another aspect eral agenda for globalization that has gendered effects. As eral arguments for cut te concerns about budget cutting during periods of finan defense of the Giight watchman state” is integral to neoliberal ideological primacy ofthe market. In this view, icy work once done by career civil servants. 1s been required by the IMF and World Bank as a condition for debt restructuring, a privat of vital resources and services to transnational for example, privatization of state enterprises lecommunication services to France Telecom, iblic transportation to French RATP (transport authority), water to the French company SDE, and national energy policy to Quebec Hydraulique all 2001). Ag Yassine Fall has documented, privatization has not pro- py : i service delivery is as distorted as before. ... Public fountains made avail- ‘S able by the government tothe very poor in urban areas are no longer fee. Having to buy wau vate property, and the right to contract, but 1 that more expansive Ta He manicet ill povidiluaman neacls Over the past few decades, neoliberalism has profoundly altered per- ceptions of the kinds of contestations possible within the nation-state (Hoover and Plant 1989). 7 Siate, in this view, is 10 promote individual freedom, understood as. the ayJS) _ individual's pursuit of material self-interest, The state can best advance this Ss send by facilitating economic development, which in turn will resolve social ni a problems. State strategies to foster economic developme lation of the corporate sector, provision of special incentives for economic Se comporate taxes, and elimi rape ae by neoliberalism, the political agenda should be winnowed d: se ee ( bal). The hallmark agencies of the wellare state should be privatized. for Women. The expansion of the (War Tl eteated new carcer opportunities for women professionals. In {7 + example, the state was the largest employer of women, provi ney ns for 43 percent of the economically active women (Wichtezich /{ 100). In the United States, & ens Gre Sse pogmsin th 190s ghia he prance welfare employment forall poops, particularly women, Between 1960 an ce ie 19 Man MS ion of wellare depenclency. In the past twenty-five years, privatization has occurred voluntarily in some circumstances, and refi imposed as a condition of debt re- S aoenGorcro wrtlstet SOD rere‘« Sy € we ON ee YEE g, Mists have long pointed out that a great deal of the work-done-by-women Kak AS LOE Sngendering Globalization is) opts ser vows suman exhaustion (Elson 1995; Bedford hh ing up against the limits of Evidence of the harmi have increased, reproductive tract inl fee 5 has increased as women's health is taxed be- T-T01). Moreover, across the global South When state programs in human services are cut back, women em- jf ployees are disproportionately affected. Thus neoliberal privatization con- 4 tributes to a “tegendering of the state,” shoring up male-dominant 4 institutions (finance, commerce, defense/military), while delegitimizing § and diminishing the social welfare agencies in which women have gained ground Wo d Es PAK Uywosjecd Privatization also increds@s women's unwaged work. Feminist econo- ra of glct tice and gender justice in the era of 0 Ale I democratic practices in the nineteenth century ‘and social a \ the algrinath of World War I argeted the state as the primeny-Aig,, al contestation. Through pol as well 35 chy ect actigi, proponents of ged the na- state to curb the enormous pow! gressive activists, perceives Simupgle Tor social justice beca wal rights, to legislate policies to redrs food jf ood education, and nus- is unwaged. Production of subsistence foods in small garden plo re and elder care, early chil and infirm, as well as household cleaning and mainte- ificant amounts of women's time and energy, yet they ms, The UN Development Pro- 9 5 with a decent quality of Sen ple srateges to politicize women i he ‘transform what had been construed as matters of 7,°% inio object of public concern. In’ ¢/ teationally sopahit to redefine re is public {L)iF itis treated related to societal “2/ cated; and) if its solution is to bring about reform’ (K. Kelly economic value of women’s unwaged $ state provision of health care, educa-. | tion, and welfare shift responsibility for the private provision of these ser- vices largely onto women, thereby increasing women's unwaged work (Waring 1988; Bakker and Gill 2003). not track costs of labor that occur outside the parameters of riarket exchange. Thus the added burdens imposed “Upor women by privatization Fema in dominat Sfgeaon Fern conor ged mg 8982 0) hacer izes women’s unwaged labor as a “teproductive tax,” created as the market “externalizes the costs of reproduction and life sustenance and entrusts it as polit structures in which al viewed as requiring @ 2003, 77) Tn targeting the state, fe of government to treat women portance. They sous! is publi and private spheres an he Fo rvade them, By illuminating state com tha pervade he Up ster public avarees ofthe depths of Aretive responsibility for centuries of women's exclusion, margin! ‘and exploitation in the hope that public knowledge o sminists sought to force the offic 90.5 percent of d the fonmnal sector compared wi 16). The demands of unwaged work working a doubi the men (Purew. tbe e globe, feminists the formation of ly to absorb the respon: 20 oaa £255 ot Globalization Oo ‘d that overseas domestic workers are emblematic of the feminization ever, transform the conditions under which feminist activists attempt to engage gender-based injustices. characterizes feminist political activism as private inter- est group activity. What social movement feminists understand as a politi cal struggle for social just rights of women citizens, rights as human rights.” ne ol gain public resources. For exampl secure state funding for women’s ; R. Rodriguez 2002; Barker 2003), Since ing states lack power to protect their overseas nationals; feminized cit> Cavs © Thee Teminization of povepy refers to more than the fact that 70 percent “of the Poor globally are women: the poot are constituted as a feminized ory, as dependent, subrational, and in need of direction (Kingfisher i f vides that ie Increase in low-wage work globally constitutes a Cemninization EC suppiy(Sassen 2002, 258), as poorly paid workeis are expected to adopt the self sacrificing demeanor of the subaltern Infarmalization and casuali- “feminization of business opportunities” (Sassen: 2002, activists (as well as antiracism @ ivists) as proponents of special shits. (2002) promot lem of global po ights and universal norms. Caught within the privat s tives of neoliberalism, feminist claims for social justice are dismissed as sR special pleadings of private interest, groups. Stripped by neoliberalism of a ice context, feminist mobilizations have no greater claim on the ie campaign of any interest group for private advantage. The song alee oe te remady injustice i flecively new 2g ing eld forallprivate interes. eee eee made “women’s work” distinctive was not the part the requirement that those tasks be done in rela of labor and the feminization of jon than a preponderan any particular field. Feminization of labor involves inesoning rmumbers of wor formed with a measure of servility. Where patriarchy {30 fred women’s generic subservience to Men, feminization renders the © feminized (men and women) subservient to market imperatives, profit maximization.and-cammodification. sybser2ure bo wnanet 15, 5) has suggested that feminization is a Wupacd™ somegrel paw “seripied practices of subordination designed yore, ‘create helplessness and dependence,” which work by cutting people off "7223 (FoR he known and reassuring, casting them into the strange, and disori-C™" fen — a Shes Ae oN ahd Lin A nate (Moghadam 2005, 7), involves not only the transnations and rights of bodily int ‘> Pom ch labour 1 Ma? RO: Xe Door & cmaeren do Oe Engendering Globalization Feminisms: 10 strange homes in strange lands. izatio® petimposes the strange upon the Tennant of alos way of We@eindustializatiowpand ‘pA workers rendered docile a ‘than con e “development convictions, other women, a way of being a woman, a ve identity available to men and women, a form of political mobi a policy agenda, a legacy, a means of forging the “we” that Beauvoir Z hiought wornen lacked, a strategy for forging alliances and building alle- ance, a praxis, a vision of alternative possibilities, an imagined commu- for transforming social and an expansive conception n, political rights and liber- ation, then itis important to ask questions about the precise re- +® lationship beween globalization and {eminization—questions that capnot <@ even be framed within the parameters set by mainstream accounts of glob- : aTizatign. Feminist scholarship suggests a number of possibilities for un- derstanding the interrelated dynamics of feminization and globalization. ‘As the material covered in this chapter demonstrates, he two processes are x feature of re of women's waged and unwaged work, the the global economy, the scope of democratic practices within 24 26imagination in many parts of the world. Yet oth of a ; L. Yet other proponent and women's rights have good reasons fo the Tenia resupposions of cet caricature_and _underesti oe ir own nations, Noting contestation over the i a the term feminism, some scholars have sought te an encompassing defi them to classify as femi see “Feminist claims ace p ings” and posing specific pol to redress and reconfigure the sexual balance sally every area of human life (Offen 2000, x9). Other lars have constructed a category of de facto femi ctivists who promote women’s right forward in concrete demands for change: cal ly challenge: gen- der hierarchy, seek to change women's status, and promote women chy, 10 change women's ni 7 s ‘women's activism, this definition emphasizes that 8 project oP TMS DSO. In pursuing that project, my goa strategie outcomes and ferninist consciousness. ions of feminism have the advantage egions. practices, which may not be ely apparent to activists themselves, Efforts to subsume diverse ‘of women’s activism under the fe af di a pow: r, not least of which is tt Et women who actively refuse the |: raniom into an encompassing definition of femis serialism that troubles many critics of Western femi i plac rslaes the significance olthed those who claim i ‘asks an important research question for those feminism. How are women who embrace feminism different from in who do not? Developing an answer to that question is part of the learn more of qlobal femini3yn tn the present and in Teminism, and to, examine what jomen and to improve the condition of problems at the global level, considering various that rely upon inter- i fons and transma they enable. ‘As noted earlier in this chapter, forms the struéture and conten Starting from the diversi deploying gender as an analytical to dimensions of globalization missed by other accounts, They investigate technological, cult ind economic forces that enable ransma- tional and global feminist engagements, analyzing the infrastructure of global ferninism. They examine feminist politics that reach beyond the arena of the nal the scope and evalua impact of feminist efforts to use jongovern- society toCHAPTER + activism than is typically discussed and explore the ‘world that feminists envision and enact thro roponents. Taking issue wi predictions concerning advances of freedom and democracy, the book ed and gender-based injustices are being created and FEMINISTS GO GLOBAL: ‘Through the analysis of historical and contemporary examples, Globaliza- § RECLAIMING A HISTORY tion and Feminist Activism provides new insights into the gendered nature of the global system and the gendered dynamics of intemational institu- estej ete 5 Our goal is association. Until now women have had no organiza by forming their own groups. ... Women alone will say what Ieeedom they want —Tribune des femmes (1832, 6-8) _—Proceedings of the Woman's Rights Convention, Worcester, Massachusetts (1850) ‘Amnesia, not lack of history is feminism’s worst enemy today. Karen Oifen (2000, 17) 28 29NoTES To CHAPTER + creation of SEWA Banl ‘women access 19 small loans. 4. For deuailed discussions of the specific provisions ofthese contracts in vai 1997; Campani and Ling 2000, 27-58; Con'gg le 1997; Daenzer1997; Gonzalez andi Holmes 1996; Hogsholm 2009; Parrenasi sing the deposits and share capital ofits members to gi ‘5. According to Parrenas, most ‘and are mothers of children whom their overseas domestic contract overseas contract workers are mar Chapter 2: Feminists Go Global 1, Karen Offen (2000) has traced the earliest us ofthe term feminism to mid 9 nineteenth-cenuury France, Virginia Woolf Jeminism gained popular nth-century France to ¢ femean women engaged in the strug- 9 (1762 {1955, 3321), Rousseau envisioned an educational program. to train women "to bear the yoke from the fist, so that they may 1 should be always relative to the men, To please, to be useful to us, to make us love and esteem them, to edveate us when ‘young, and take care of us when grown uf is most remarkable about en are the precise mechanics, jod-natured, sell-sacrificing creatures: ve most constant and severe res rerefore necessary 10 accustom them eaely 10 such to perceive themselves en Use them to be interrupted in the midst of their NoTes To cHaPreR 2 tion. When indulged : I produce a woman of excellent character. For a discussion. E of the rise of republican motherhood in the United States following the American jon awarded voting, line. See, for example, the Modern History Sourcebook, hupi/iwww.fordham.edu/ halsallmod/179 1 degouge! hurl. ‘6. Bonnie Anderson (2000, 136) points out that the twenty-five Fourterist set lements created in the United States bel lar short of their egalitarian ideals, Women were typically given subordinate roles within the commu! ming identical work, women were paid only 50 percen jon of April 23, 1848 (Anderson 2000, 165). 8, Upon their release from prison, Deroin end Roland continued their feminist work. In 1852, Roland was rearrested and convicted of fomenting an insurrection, ‘She died in prison later that year. Deroin launched a new pi ‘Almanach, which continued to press for women's equality and li land the end to the death penalty. The police raided the journal offce, seized ind shut down the publication. Deroin was forced into permanent ex 9 Despite their origin at a suffrage meeting, the International Council of, ‘Women decided to drop womnen's sullrage {rom their agenda because it was “too I and as such, might decer women of some nations fr decision, see Rupp 1997. ‘separate spheres ideology sting to note that by the mid-1870s, leaders of German Amex had incorporated separate spheres doctrines 175