PASYON AND REVOLUTION Popular Movements in the Philippines, 1840-1910 Reynaldo Clemefia Heto Ateneo de Manila University PressBtarmine Hal Lovoa Hes PO. Bow 154109 Ma Pes ‘Copyrigt 179 by Aen de Mena Pin 9 “hie Peni 9 ith peri 1958 The cover thstaton i an as compost based om state hosed nthe Santa steele Pe ipa Cr Simp tn ‘Aurctio Tolentino cys Kapa tes te Vin oesca ae aac ‘atin leg a handsome child i poss ph who ke siern blo The dusraon fg the ile ef kon ne ghee ch NocaroSikay'sanananting found inthe 5 seal Ses The National Libary of he Phipps cap Data eo, Reyaldo Paso ap reve popular movement Pies Tsi-1910/Reynaldy Cems 2. Philippines — Hiary Seas oy Handog ‘tay Lootee ina Mama at Papa at sa labat ng dumamay ‘a labarang toAbbreviations ‘Ausalian National Library, Caer Archivo de la Provincia del Santis Rosario, Quezon Cay Annual Reports of the Phiippine Comission (arously tiled, Washington, 1901-1910 Beyer Collection, Tagalog Bhnography Series, ANL ‘Bureau of Insular Afar, USNA, Washington, D.C Dhar and Roberson, The Piippine lands, 1403-1898 ‘Michigan Historical Collections, Universty of Michigan Philippine Consabuary Recon, HH. Bandholtz Papers, Philippine insurgent Records, PNL Philippine Insurgent Records Selected Documents (separate ‘section of PIR) Philippine Nasonal Archives, Manila Philippine Navonal brary, Mania ‘Renacimiento Plipin, a bimonthly publication in Spanish and Tagalog, Mania, 1910-1912 Unite States National Archives, Washington, D.C ‘Worcester Philippine Collection, Univers of Michigan Liray, Aan Arbor(Cerra and Southern Luzon in the nineteenth contiry Contents Preface Toward a History from Bow The “Revol ofthe ses Understanding Philippine Sockry The Pasjonand the Masses Power and-antinganing ight and Brtherbood Cofraia Rivals aed Prayers Apolnarios Teachings A Tagalog Che, ‘The Artao Commune “The New Jerusalem Tradition and Revolt The Katipunan Katipunan Manifesto Tetation Rites Retum of King Bemardo Carpio Laker of the Sons The Republic and the Spin of 1896 Challenges to Malolos Recovering the Past Poeuyand Revolution ‘The Path toKalayaan, 1901-1910 Persistence ofthe Kaya deal Salay’'s Katipunan Ralayeanae Religion Baayal and Sakays Death Ieiom of Protest inthe New Bia” The Pasyon of FolpeSaleador Salador' Ealy Career Social Confit in the Repub Sana plea Strgae, 1999-1006, ‘Meaning and Autobiography The People's Rising of 1910 Passion, Death and leg Appendices Bibtegrapy Index 103 us 16 Br 161 1 196 192 197 an 24 2 2? ae 253 237 20Preface My choioe of subject mater was determined by much the same conditions that the Flipio youth o question the nature ofthe society an pelnes during the ate sniesand eal seventies The basic esearch fortis bee rages done inthe Philippines in 1971 and eal 1972, the ee of Maral Lae ane ‘of great outpouring of energy from many sectors ofthe populace. Ines ee fs the libraries and archives that fered Interesting material but os the Brople around me who were asking sinlar questions abourthe rclatcnohe of the past to the presen. Ulimatey, a couple of apparently nates experiences in 1971 confirmed thedieeion of my inking One was hewrng an activist priest named Fr. Ed de la Torre describe toa stdent audience te hom of Uberation that, he had discovered, Tagalog peasants best related tc ithad t do with a cenain understanding of Chris's passion, death ag ‘resurrection To the students steeped in Marr and Mao this was a tevelaton, ‘butlthovght hadelthe power ofthat very same language sel cheered participated in the ruals of the Watawat ng Lahi peat sociey oro Calamia and interviewed is late presicent, Jose Bancanosa The gpI perceived between stident and peasant idioms of protest led me {othe question of suppressed discourses in Philippine pees" saison ination ie sed «emblems and symbols thitoien tok on magical signiicancewthe mee, Ive, forthe momen, ay aside questions of wlimate patois and pelea ‘sophistication, and simply let Bonifacio and the Katipunan speak to an pethaps afew! controversies may held to ese, Eventually, the problem we face is how to calegrize the activites of pos {902 katipunans, eligropolitcal scictis and ober peasant based poopie sravedthe inner of ndependence ara plaguedthe new colonial eres epee the 19308, The bulk ofthe principales who supponectandled the rchone hhadaccepted a revised program forthe atinmem of independemee They Politicians tke Manvel Quezoa, Sergio Oxnehs, and Manuel Rowse ee proclaimed themselves tthe helm of he revolution, pasate setting he sroundwor for independence as promised by the Americans Hew thee ave the “toublemaker” to be viewed Were Macato Sakay ani is harps ‘oman idealists wio fale to adjust to the “reales ef post 1902 coal Polis usta Honfacio had subbed to ado the midening seeps Of the revolution in 18977. Were the various religous leaders mate Popes, supremos and kings—who with ther peasant flower fore he {yn communes, harased landowners and cnftoted the ame mpi ot the contabulay, spy “religous faa or truated pena Mey and irationaly reacting o oppressive conditions? Were navonais Fagan leaders justified in helping the colonialits suppress these “daturbanes? -ven wellmeaning historians tend to answer these questons afleratecly Others esa these movements as cusous, interesting br neverhcles macy sides compared to the polis ofthe metropolis sll hers sparethicg ‘o = great extent with ther anticolonal and ant-elte aspects bur fat oo Uundertand them in ier own ight “Blind reaction" thes pera nee ‘ions and hopes are It unexamined. This leads tothe foregone conchosiny {hat early popular uovements were largely falls, and contin fo be os Unt they trmed more “rational and “eculae” “No upesing fas. Ech one isa step the ight direction” These were the ‘most memorable statements of Salud Algae, female organize inthe Soke ‘easant uprising of 1935, to her mterviewer in 19688 Her words yay ators Dees clear tous. The fishing thst comesto minds he nolon area ‘movement lars from the expenence, panicualy the mistake te pecs ‘ssors, Thigh an uprising may be unsuccessful i paves the say fetta6 story from Bow cto) But I think that Algabe's meaning uns deeper than this ants ‘precisely the aim of this book a pra ino this meaning, In this spect oy _fflorts follow upon the recent work of Algabre'sintersewer hinsel, Dasa Sturtevant, who attempted te view popular uprisings nthe own terme ae ‘hus futher clarified the meaning ofthe term revolt ofthe masses” When Stevan’ dssenaton apps in 198. to one hal paid much tention to pre-1856 revs. excep ino as they were antics, “pro. ‘onatfonalis”or pave the way for 186° Not untl over adc aes 1099 ‘would scholars follow upon Sturtevants suggestion that, because of ra «economic conditions andthe persistence of tational cult forne, peas the peasantry viewed the nineteenth-centry station iflerenty oak tet of their relatively more sophisicated and utbinized compatots The lates toward the end of the century, noted 4 widespread prowincal nment siagnesed i as popular antipathy towand Spin, and assumed tat the rae ‘masses would provide near unanimous appt to esentally Wester ovo, hionary aspirations. But what actualy occured during the tumutoun es of the revolution, Stievant writes, was the appearance of lage uber ot Popular movements i Luzon, some fed by Toc "messiahs” and ethers by “bandit chiefs, who embodied ral aspirations such a red fem anes, reform ofthe tenancy sytem, and the restoration of village harmony aad communism. A few ofthese movements even turned again the Males republican government when dud snd cacique elements wresed conte ‘of ii late 1898. As far as Stutevant i concemed. the conflicts hetween “iustradosand Katpuneres, Catholics and Aipayans, Maneasand preci ‘lanas, landlords and tenants. regionals and nationals prov and a Americans" as they "contended for contol of the wmeated revohusen” a Iie or no bearing onthe “subplot of provincial pretest {nan analytical sens, Stunevant ponttoward a carication ofthe revolt ofthe masses" thesis by showing how vartion in Plppine stl ere fave rise ta peasant radtion of unset wich called he “ihe Taon slstnet from the elteled movements for independence which belong the Great Tdsion The ral mases had somthing of tei own ey and Seumevant decries the fact thatthe Flip elt either refused ten toot -mulled these voices from below in oder to preserve the image of rational 2 atrial mt nm oe eon Sonrmectiatid nae mcan rate SS Sees nah cases hc hit ae rea ‘sory from Below 7 unity aginst colonial ue. Ie would have been a ogkal sep for Sturtevant © apply his classication to the evens of 196-1897 and define the “ile ‘Tradiion” aspects ofthe Katipunan (which, afterall had wide ral bees However, he avoxls any discussion of the revolton tel largely Dceaes he accepts the Filipino eie’s defiations of nationalism, independence, ana revolution, By notlookingforakemative,validmeaningsof teeters iar the “itl Tration,”he is eto conch tha the peacantaed, relies foniented challenges t0 the republic were ainationalst, iational ad doomed to fail" Because of his ail to decode he language and estes of peasant rebels, Sturtevant could at best lnerpret them in the light of psychological sressatain theories He sty, for example that they were “olin” responsesto social breakdown. in contrast he series ratonal and “walt goalsto clte—ied movements. tn his effort to casey each peace ‘movement according to is proportionate ingredients a the religous oe secular, rational or irational, progressive or retogresive:nationalister ann, cis he explains away whatever ceaive impulse isin them rather thon propety bring hese tight The “evo ofthe mases” thesis continues to fascinate scholars, Recently, Renato Constintino. in The Pbulppines a Past Reise, interpreted Ie ‘Bonfacio-Aguinaldo confi as a cooptation ofthe Kaipanan ace move, ‘ment bythe Cavite ete whose aero clas interests made therm vaclane and compromise withthe enemy. Honiacio. of lower midecass eigns nd with smattering of education, had been ale toatl the apiations ofthe masses for primitive democracy and ceo from alien fue, Previoes revolts had been “sstintual ations tothe socal onder spontancous bur lacking deolony, fragmented because ony the economic evelopmentecthe Iineeenth centry would provide the material bass for tly atonal ‘prising. ewasthe Katipunan that forged centuries long uation cf ues ith the liberal idea thatthe usados had introduced. Bu becaune Bonifacio “had the instincts of the masses" whose desires Were inchoate, he owe declarations were “primiive.” inchoate, and needed lustre artulation ‘Constantino in effec, pts Bonacio and the Katipunan at the head of Late Tadtion” poles, ‘The general contours of Stutevants study appa in the ltr chapters of {Constantinos book on the mystical milena revolts that subeqnt taro 12, oa ber em ofa Suncast a Kap aan ten rece emengtnae mente cae tote elie gous neon he gh" An gan Lae Tae Ware anes rape arn 195 18 Rees Ci! he ne «Pashia ry Ping8 History from Botow Ito. more secular, cass-conscious movements in the late 19508" But an Impcatantefference exists: whereas Sturtevant practically ignores patie ‘or nationalist dimension of posrevoliion mys movements, Constantine iewesthese moverentsasfenuine vehicles forthe expression othe pepe» dreasn of national iberation and economic amslioration "= Despite the seme of fustrido leadership, the masses dung the American colonial erica kept alive the spirit of 1836intheir own primitive snd fragmented se In a way, Constantino provides a touehstone or the present work, Me resents systematic an clear analysis of popular movements ele cing, and ater the revolution. "The preset vole deals with pracy the sane ‘evens rng 140-1910 bot eso loka them from within that fom the Perspocive ofthe masses themselves iso as the data allow i Hom for cexaraple, did the masses actualy perceive their condition how did they pot thei feelings and aspiauonsinta words? How precisely cd Boniscountine Katipunan effect a connection between tradition and national revolution? How could the pos-1902 mystical and illenil movements have taken the form they cid and sillbe extremely radical? Instead of using preconcetved or rele categories of nationalism and revolution a the mate ugh which ceventsare viewed, have tied bingo light the masse? own categories of ‘meaning that shaped their perceptions of events and their pricpaon "hem. AsStutevantredto show, the conditions of rol fe greatly inucred ‘the mass’ syle of action. But the relationship mas nt deterministic nora {heir culture ie, the “superstuctre") without some autonomy tlre to their materia life In early revolts, as we shal se, certain types of beer ‘often regarded a frat, rational, or even “Feudal ean be inerpeted se ‘asa atemps to restructure the weld in ters of ideal socal forms tnd ‘modes of behavior Understanding Philippine Society “The issues that this book is eoncemed with go beyond the subject of the masses and thei pantcipation inthe revolution Allround use Nea of he inti int un Act Ft 0 Se att ik a an eh 1S. Conan, Pa ti 399 as) 16 enw immo ar hep the Crier of oan 1, ‘ay tiie the ace of tempera pels sn, pe ed 2) isi Bt plohural wig ie PC tar Peano ‘heh ama urs ry cgi ‘second in els iter ne eh, shew te meee oats Eo ane ragron sont Pip New Yom Day A ‘sory from Below 9 ‘edo define the Filipino personaly seo polis, an socal system, Yet the masses are hardly encouraged to parcpate inthis effo. Theyre tha statements in idealized portats of tural fe orto take the other extreme, soxial realist represenatons of enchfisted tong peasants Bir may is the elite, pariculaly the middle cls, chat prs is print on every” {rom culture to national development and revolution The standard tere tation ofthe revlon agains Spain as dhe working cut of Sea aed pas stemming from the ustados i symptomatic ofthe widespread accepeance among scholars that the educated cite functions to ail Flips lcs 2nd aspirations ‘The mode! of Philippine sociery a6 patron lie oriented, wherein the patons or ete are the source not only of money and favors but cure: 23 well exemplifies the dominant view acurent schlarship, The masses of or and uneducated to ae indced linked, thogh various forms of eet ‘relationship and social condoning tothe ral cite, who inturn ere ncetaed ‘o patronsinthe wan centers, In actual fat, the shape of preset Plilippne Society is tiangular, with a wealthy and educated faction of the popubeion athe apex. But problems arse when “normal society ls defined aterm ot such a tungular structure with buitin mechanisms of selepresenation ‘When behavioral sietss today speak of socal valves Me slang ha food {elon debit another for some vor bestowed), bia (shame). Ik once interpersonal relations) nd patikicama (motual cooperation), they give the impression that these values make Philippine society natural tnd toward stasis and equiliem.” Since debeoesar obliged a fepay their beneactors, vera loyatiesto landlords and local politicians ovete horizontal elation ships. The society reduced to setsof lesan pattems of behavior tenes no room for“atypical challenges to the socal onde. Confit an snins ae smoothed out, defused with 2 minimum of disruption, instead of being resolved. Soci change, when unavoidably occurs is atibuted ess to ome inner dynamism of Philippine society han to extemal seses and ies Influences we accept most current definitions of te Filipino, we come up with something ike the image ofthe sling, peacekiving religious, defer, hard-working, faily-bound and hosptable native. The masses ia pacar, te regard as passive acceptors of change on which he modem mae eda