INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. ‘The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g, maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI ‘A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600NOTE TO USERS The original document received by UMI contains pages with slanted print. Pages were microfilmed as received. This reproduction is the best copy availablePROPAGANDA AND UTOPIANISM: THE FAMILY AND VISUAL CULTURE IN EARLY THIRD REPUBLIC FRANCE (1871-1905) VOLUME I A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY JILL MILLER, IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GABRIEL P. WEISBERG, ADVISER JULY, 1998UMI Number: 9903642 Copyright 1998 by Miller, Jill Eileen All rights reserved. UMI Microform 9903642 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. ‘This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road ‘Ann Arbor, MI 48103©Copyright Jill Miller 1998UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA This is to certify that I have examined this bound copy of a doctoral thesis by Si Miller and have found that it is complete and satisfactory in all respects, and that any and all revisions required by the final examining committee have been made. Cabal? Wershes CAN ignature of Faculty. July 30 1998 Date GRADUATE SCHOOLACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is a contribution to the study of visual culture. While social history studies focusing on early Third Republic family issues have been rich and varied in the last few decades, little has been done to explore period images in this context. Even fewer attempts have been made to focus upon images that the average person would have seen on a daily basis. The journals, children’s books, and posters of the era are only a few visual sources I have mined for an abundance of images. I have discovered that such images were profoundly propagandistic. These ubiquitous agents of persuasion stimulated the health of the family and the strength of the military. To understand and prove the status of these images as propaganda, I have consulted extensive archival sources. My effort to excavate these images and to give them meaning, however, has only been possible with the help of others. It is difficult to adequately thank those who assisted and inspired me in this project. Hopefully their identification here will serve as a small token of the huge debt of gratitude I owe each of them. As I reflect on the role Gabriel P. Weisberg has played in this study and in my life for the past several years, ideas surface as a prominent theme. Professor Weisberg has taught me that ideas are central to a vital existence and to expect. that the pursuit of them can be joyous, painful, plodding, and exhilarating all at once. From my first encounters with him and with his own publications, I realized that visual culture may be discovered and interpreted to tell a much more profound story about the turn-of-the-ccntury than I had ever imagined. Professor Weisberg encouraged me to think critically about the canonical, and gave me the inspiration and the tools to seek out thenon-canonical. The ferment of ideas in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century cannot be adequately understood without examination of objects people enjoyed on a daily basis. My work reflects Professor Weisberg’s perseverance in and enthusiasm for re-discovering and embracing printed imagery, the decorative arts, and other visual elements that were inextricable parts of fin-de-siécle life. My debt to him is much larger than that, however. His tireless contribution of ideas and time have been key factors in the earliest conception through to the ultimate success of this dissertation. I thank him for his extraordinary level of dedication and support. ‘Yvonne Weisberg’s generosity has been astounding. Both here and abroad, Mrs. Weisberg has lent great intellectual, temporal, spiritual, and technical support to this, dissertation. Throughout my years as a student in Minneapolis she has been a willing and patient sounding board for project ideas. Her cheerful support of my work and guidance through rough periods have been strong. Most of all, I cannot thank her enough for the considerable amounts of time and work she contributed in France. Her assistance with logistics of meeting key individuals and the securing of images from sources in northern France makes her irreplaceable. Elizabeth Menon is another person who made this work possible. Her perceptive readings of early projects that led to this dissertation and her continued willingness to foster ideas linked to it were crucial. Her orientation and assistance with research logistics, both in the United States and in France, profoundly influenced the original content of the work. Having Professor Menon as a model of a dedicated and original researcher has been even more important.‘The human, material, and financial resources I have been able to draw from at the University of Minnesota have been startlingly rich. Tam deeply grateful for the financial and intellectual support of the Department of Art History. The faculty have generously awarded me consistent funds for a period of time that allowed me to see this project to completion. The ideas and advice I have drawn from them, the staff, and my student colleagues in the department have been invaluable. The remarkable research facilities and personnel at Wilson Library at the university also largely contributed to the quality of my research. Those staffing the journal annex, the copy center, acquisitions, and the interlibrary loan departments deserve special admiration and thanks for doing their jobs extremely well. Talso wish to directly thank the members of my examining committee, whom I found most challenging, yet encouraging. Professor Gabriel Weisberg served as the primary advisor and Professor Eileen Sivert as Chair. The participation and ideas of Professors Lynde! King, Mary Jo Maynes, and John Steyaert have been invaluable. 1 thank them for their criticism and assistance with the work from its rudimentary concepts to its finished form. Norma Bartman and her family in Beverly Hills provided some of seminal source material on Steinlen. Mrs. Bartman warmly welcomed me into her home and could not have been kinder or more generous as she shared rare Steinlen materials with me. I thank her for allowing me learn from some of the great knowledge and insight she has gained from years of collecting and promoting the work of Steinlen.People on the other side of the Atlantic also gave me eager and timely assistance. ‘The staff at the Musée National de I’Education research facilities in Rouen provided some of the most important images, information, and ideological directions for my research. Director Madame Armelle Sentillhes and Curator Michel Manson provided particularly expert and willing help. Staff at the Paris branch of the Institut National de Recherche Pédagogique also helped a great deal. Tam one of countless researchers who have been impressed by and grateful for the considerable holdings and professional staffs at the Archives Nationale and the Bibliothéque Nationale. It is important to note that most of the B. N. divisions (imprimés, Estampes, Manuscrits, and Services de reproduction) were rich troves of source material and staff assistance. Other archives yielded similar profoundly valuable support, including: the Musée d’Orsay documentation, the Ville de Paris library, the archives of the Préfet de Police de la Ville de Paris, and the Musée de I’ Assistance Publique. Other individuals and museums yielded crucial images and guidance. Catherine Moindreau and the fine collection of the Musée d’Orléans were particularly helpful sources for Boutet de Monvel research. The Musée Poulaine at Vernon and the Musée Sociale in Paris also featured important works by featured artists in this dissertation. Staff within the Parisian goverment and school system provided access and photographing of crucial works of Geoffroy not on public display. Similar access to rarely-seen Geoffroy work was facilitated by the Institut Universitaire de la Formation des Maitres and the Ecole Normale Primaire, Batignolles. The family of the late RogerLepeltier (in Paris) was also generous in sharing their collections with me and providing photographs of some unique Steinlen work. Monsieur and Madame Frangois Boutet de Monvel deserve particular thanks and affection for their gracious acceptance of me into their charming home. Monsieur Boutet de Monvel was most generous in sharing his family history, rare publications, and even rarer source material about his great-uncle with me. Lastly, I would like to thank some of the scholars who laid the groundwork that help me place these images in a meaningful context. I was explosed to the work of social historians, such as: Philippe Ariés, Linda L. Clark, Lori Anne Loeb, George Mosse, and Karen Offen through Professor Mary Jo Maynes. I am grateful for their important research and ideas. Scholars and institutions who have worked more directly with the artists’ history and images I treat here also made this work possible, including: Réjane Bargiel, Francoise Beaugrand, Philip Dennis Cate, Serge Chassagne, Emest de Crauzat, ‘Christopher Zagrodski, the Musée National de I’Education, and the Trust for Museum Exhibitions. This is truly a collaborative effort and all of the individuals and institutions above have my respect and thanks.CONTENTS Acknowledgments Contents Abstract List of Illustrations Chapter One: Introduction Reconceptualizing the Family Administering the Propaganda The State and the Opposition The Artists Chapter Two: Repopulate and Repatriate: The Need for Persuasive Imagery A State of Fear Instability and Rehabilitation: Events and Politics of the Early Third Republic Nationalism and Normalism Regeneration Patrie Hygiene Cleanliness and Children The State of the Family Father and Mother Roles Motherhood: Joy, Duty, and Virtue Questioning the Nourrice Tradition The Working Class Family and Vice Protecting and Féting the Child Interest in the Child’s Mind and Environment Education Jules Ferry and the Ministry of Instruction Goals for Education Secular vs. Parochial Restructuring Primary Schools The Construction of the Ecole Maternelle Curriculum Content and Teacher Training Physical Environments Gender and Patriotic Duty Training une fille to be une femme 31 31 34 45 51 53 37 61 69 nR 16 81 85 89 100 108 109 M1 113 118 122 125 134 140 145The Male and Active Obligation Conclusion Chapter Three: Exhibiting the Image of the Child Art, Art History, and the Child Exhibitions Government Educational Programs at the Expositions Universelles: 1889 and 1900 Chapter Four: Jean-Jules Geoffroy and Control of the Child’s Mind Persuasion on Paper: Geoffroy’s Work in the Publishing World Reaching and Teaching Through Journals Books: Another Vehicle Le Peintre Réaliste des Meurs Contemporaines Recorder and Reporter: Geoffroy and Student Life Philanthropic Orientations Conclusion Chapter Five: Cultivating Frenchness Through Pretty Pictures: The Illustrations of Boutet de Monvel Painting, Drawing, and Twists of Fate Ideological Exposure Through Journals and Visual Culture at Large Imaging Power Lessons in Patriotism: Boutet de Monvel’s Political Children’s Books The Early Outlines Collaborations with Anatole France Joan of Arc: Regeneration’s Visual Paradigm Boutet de Monvel’s Conception as a Cultural Construct Jeanne d’Arc Imagery The Impact of Jeanne d'Arc and Boutet de Monvel Conclusion ‘Chapter Six: The Domestic Retreat vs. The Mean Street: Steinlen’s Art of Social Conscience The Creation of an Artist and an Advocate 153 167 170 170 176 191 194 195 219 226 227 240 250 254 255 274 284 279 280 295 307 308 313 319 322 324 327Tea and Sympathy: Steinlen’s Posters Ephemera and Charitable Causes Bound and Determined: Steinlen’s Voice in the Publishing World Conscience, Ambition, and Joumals Catering to the Book Readers Conclusion Chapter Seven: Conclusion Bibliography Illustrations 334 357 367 367 379 388 381 396ABSTRACT “Propaganda and Utopianism: The Family and Visual Culture in Early Third Republic France, 1871-1905” brings together visual images that have been understudied or ignored, interpreting them as agents produced with an intent to stimulate French patriotism and birth rates. The Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune (1870-71), had decimated France's military and morale; critics cried that population decreases would further diminish France’s status as an international power. Period literature and images were designed to stimulate deep-seated improvements in the family; parents and children became the targets of intensive propaganda designed to strengthen the nation. Based on social history studies and primary documents, this thesis presents paintings, printed journals, children’s books, and posters as persuasive tools used to stimulate French population growth and to restore needed optimism. Chapter One presents an overview of issues linked to this regeneration campaign and the criteria for the selection of images and artists. The complex interrelationship between popular culture imagery and issues of crisis and growth in the Early Third Republic are established in Chapter Two. Chapter Three studies the nature of public exhibitions of child imagery, such as the 1900 Education Pavilion at the Exposition Universelle in Paris. Previously ignored primary documents reveal propagandistic designs by the republican government, while stimulating interest in children and public education. The next three chapters are case studies of specific artists as regenerative propagandists. Jean-Jules Geoffroy (1853-1924), the subject of Chapter Four, was an illustrator for the children’s publishing industry and a painter of public school themes. Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel (1850-1913) was a primary ideological and artisticcontributor to children’s book and journal imagery, as referenced in Chapter Five. Chapter Six demonstrates that Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen’s (1859-1923) posters, books, and journal illustrations were also propagandistic agents for strengthening the nation. ‘Thus, images became crucial political tools in an information campaign designed to stimulate French growth and confidence. Regeneration propaganda in period texts has been previously recognized by social historians-, but the evaluation of the dissemination of such ideas through images emerges as an original contribution of this study.LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (CHAPTER ONE Fig. 1.1 Auguste Renoir, Madame Charpentier and Her Children, 1878. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Fig. 1.2 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L ‘Apothéose, 1885. Musée d’Orléans, Orléans CHAPTER TWO Fig. 2.1 Edouard Morin, L'An mil huit cent soixante et onze!..., 1871. Le Monde Mlustré, December, 1871 Fig. 2.2 Anonymous, 187/-1872. Le Journal Illustré, January, 1872 Fig. 2.3 Bertall, La Libération du territoire. Le Monde Mlustré, April, 1872 Fig. 2.4 Anonymous, Ecole francaise en Alsace, 1870s. Postcard Fig.2.5 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Pate Dentifrice du Docteur Pierre. Reproduced in Revue de I'Art Ancien et Moderne, January, 1898 Fig. 2.6 Léonce Petit, Une Epidémie de santé. Journal Amusant, August, 1874 Fig. 2.7 Maxime Faivre, Le Lever de bébé. Le Monde Ilustré, February, 1892 Fig.28 Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Cheminée Silberman, n. d. Reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste Fig. 2.9 Photograph, Classe des enfants infirmés, Ivry. Le Monde Ilustré, September, 1899 Fig.2.10 Claverie, Hépital maternité. Le Monde Mlustré, March, 1884 Fig.2.11 Pascale-Adolphe-Jean Dagnan-Bouveret, La Vaccination. Le Monde Mlustré--Figaro Exposition, 1889 Fig.2.12 Scalbert, La Vaccination gratuite & Paris, mairie du Panthéon. L'Mlustration, May, 1890 Fig.2.13 George Redon, Le Vaccin de la diphtérie: Culture du ‘Sérum.’ L ‘Illustration, October, 1894Fig. 2.14 Fig. 2.15 Fig. 2.16 Fig. 2.17 Fig. 2.18 Fig. 2.19 Fig. 2.20 Fig. 2.21 Fig. 2.22 Fig. 2.23 Fig. 2.24 Fig. 2.25 Fig. 2.26 Fig. 2.27 Fig. 2.28 Fig. 2.29 Fig. 2.30 Fig. 231 George Redon, Le Vaccin de la diphtérie: L'inoculation. L ‘Illustration, October, 1894 P. Semeghin, La Féte de Victor Hugo: La Délégation des enfants. L'Mustration, March, 1881 Anonymous, Illustration from Hugo’s L ‘Art d’étre grand-pére, 1884 Moreau de Tours, La Famille. Magasin Pittoresque, January, 1898 A. Forestier, La Petite fée, 1892. Figaro Illustré, 1893 Léon Lhermitte, La Sommeil de l'enfant. Magasin Pittoresque, May, 1891 Perrault, Joies maternelles, 1873. L Illustration, May, 1874 G. Dutriére, Joies d’enfance. Revue Mlustrée, January, 1903 Maximilenne Guyon, Maternité. L'Art Francais, January, 1901 Anonymous, La Mortalité des enfants en bas dge. L Illustration, December, 1874 Anonymous, Le Lait maternelle. Le Journal Illustré, February, 1879 Anonymous, Anciennes meurs francaises. Magasin Pittoresque, March, 1888 André Gill, L'Homme ivre. Le Journal Ilustré, 1880 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Ce que lalcool a fait du pére from Histoire d'une Bouteille, 1902 Anonymous, Anciennes maurs francaises: les emmaillotements, les berceaux, Magasin Pittoresque, April, 1888 Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Au Bénéfice de la créche du 16e Arrondissement, 1895. Reproduced in Crauzat, L 'Euvre gravé et lithographié de Steinlen Lobrichon, L ‘Hospice des enfants trouvés. L'Illustration, 1890-91 Hubim, Mendiantes bretonnes, 1872Fig. 2.32 Fig. 2.33, Fig. 234 Fig. 2.35 Fig. 2.36 Fig. 2.37 Fig. 2.38 Fig. 2.39 Fig. 2.40 Fig. 2.41 Fig. 2.42 Fig. 2.43 Fig. 2.44 Fig. 2.45 Fig. 2.46 Fig. 2.47 Fig. 2.48 Fig. 2.49 Fig. 2.50 L. Bombléd, La Misére en Bretagne, 1903 Anonymous, Le Noél des enfants pauvres au Palais de l'Elysée, 1889 T. Haever, Au dispensaire de Belleville: Distribution de jouets par Mme. Félix Faure, 1896 Anonymous, Chambre de jeune fille. Revue Illustrée, October, 1894 Lobrichon, Variations on a Known Theme. L'Iltustration, April, 1885 Tofani, Bal d’Enfants. Le Monde Mlustré, December, 1896 Mars, Matinée enfantine. L'Illustration, March, 1889 Mars, du Pare Monceau. L'Illustration, June, 1886 Anonymous, La Mode en aotit. Le Monde Ilustré, August, 1891 Photograph, Une classe d'orphelines & l'école de la rue Salneuve. L'llustration, August, 1902 Laurent, Dans I’école. Magasin Pittoresque, October, 1870 Photograph, Ecole primaire supérieure de garcons, Sens, 1900. Courtesy Musée National de I’Education, Rouen A. Langon, L ‘Instruction primaire. L'Mlustration, 1872 Albert Bettannier, La Tache noire. Salon, 1887 Photograph, Lavabo nouveau modéle, 1900. From Leblanc, Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale Photograph, Lavabo a l’école maternelle, 1900. From Leblanc, Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale Photograph, Lecon de Tempérance, 1900, Courtesy Musée National de Education, Rouen Anonymous, Amour filial, from Claude Augé’s Grammaire enfantine, 1394 Photograph, Vestibule, Lycée Victor Hugo. Figaro Mlustré, 1896 aiiFig. 251 Fig. 2.52 Fig. 2.54 Fig. 2.55 Fig. 2.56 Fig. 2.57 Fig. 258 Fig. 2.59 Fig. 2.60 Fig.2.61 Fig. 2.62 Fig. 2.63 Fig. 2.64 Fig. 2.65 Fig. 2.66 Fig. 2.67 Fig. 2.68 Photograph, Courtyard, Lycée Fénelon, Figaro Ilustré, 1896 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L Ecole maternelle, 1894. L’Ecole Normale des Batignolles, Paris Photograph, Une classe modéle avec une seule maitresse, 1900. From Leblane, Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale J. Mensina Ruzesz, Les Cantines scolaires. L'llustration, 1888 Paul Dubois, La Charité et le courage militaire. Le Monde Mlustré, 1876 Anonymous, Zouave and bergére, from Claude Augé’s Grammaire enfantine, 1894 Photograph, girls school, Courtesy Musée National de I'Education, Rouen, 1900 Photograph, boys’ school, Musée National de I’Education, Rouen, 1900 E. Delaplanche, Education maternelle. Le Monde Ilustré, May, 1873 Mme. Colin-Libour, Premiéres études. L Illustration, 1895 Janelle Bole, Allant & 1 école,1876 L. Kratke, Le Réve du lycéen. Figaro Ilustré, 1896 Anonymous, Illustration from La Toilette des enfants, January, 1886 Nils, Dis, papa, pourquoi il est habillé comme un petit garcon?, from Le Journal Amusant, Courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale Henri Girardet, L 'Invalide: Un volontaire de trois ans. Magasin Pittoresque, 1876 Paul Legrand, Un lecon de stratégie. L'Art Francais, 1890 René Fath, Les Premiéres armes. L ‘Illustration, 1886 B. Lemeunier, C'est la garde qui passe: Paris, 1900 xivFig. 2.69 Anonymous, Préparation aux exercices militaires des, ‘petites écoles du X1Xe arrondissement, sur la Place du Chdteau d'Eau. Le Monde Mlustré, July, 1872 Fig. 2.70 Anonymous, Petits soldats en marche, cover illustration, 1872 Fig. 2.71 Edmond Morin, Je serai soldat!, 1871 Fig. 2.72 Anonymous, Aux petits fréres, from Claude Augé’s Grammaire Enfantine, 1894 Fig. 2.73 Photograph, Adrien Vincent, from d’Haucour, Jeunes héros et grandes Heéroines, 1902 CHAPTER THREE Fig. 3.1 Photograph, L ‘Exposition de l'enfance, from Figaro Ilustré, 1901 Fig. 3.2 Photograph, Berceau offert au Prince Impérial par la Ville de Paris, 1856, from Figaro Mlustré, 1901 Fig. 3.3 Plan, 1889 Education Display, Courtesy Archives Nationales Fig. 3.4 Plan, 1889 Education Display, Courtesy Archives Nationales Fig. 3.5 Plan, 1889 Education Display, Courtesy Archives Nationales Fig. 3.6 Anonymous, A Portrait of a Father and His Children, Musée Tessé, Le Mans, c. 1784-1800 Fig. 3.7 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, En Classe, 1889. Education Ministry, Paris Fig.3.8 Photograph, Palais d’Enseignement, Exposition Universelle, from René Leblanc, Rapport du Jury international de 1900, Courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale Fig. 3.9 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L'Ecole bretonne, 1896, location unknown: Fig. 3.10 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Ecole indigéne, 1897, location unknown Fig. 3.11 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Legon de dessin, 1895, Institute Universitaire de la Formation des Maitres, Paris.Fig.3.12 _Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L ‘Atelier scolaire & Dellys, Courtesy Musée National de I’Education, Rouen Fig.3.13 Plan, Ground Floor, Education Pavilion, Exposition Universelle, from Leblanc, Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale CHAPTER FOUR Fig. 4.1 Anonymous, Collection Hetzel, from L ‘Illustration, December, 1885 Fig. 4.2 Jean-Jules Geoftroy, La Premidre Cause de l'avocat Juliette from Le Magasin d’Education et Récréation, 1881 Fig. 4.3 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L ‘Institutrice, from Le Magasin d' Education et Récréation, 1881 Fig. 4.4 Jean-Jules Geoftroy, L 'Institutrice, from Le Magasin d’Education et Récréation, 1881 Fig. 4.5 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, “La Bataille des petits soldats de plomb et des petits soldats de bois,” from Le Magasin d’Education et Récréation, 1879 Fig. 4.6 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Nuit de Noél, from Le Magasin d'Education et Récréation, 1880 Fig. 4.7 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Le Quart d’heure de Rabelais, from Le Magasin Education et Récréation, 1881 Fig. 4.8 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Page difficile, from Le Magasin d'Education et Récréation, 1883 Fig. 4.9 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L ’Union fait a la force, from Le Magasin Education et Récréation, 1889 Fig. 4.10 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Fiangailles d'Arlequin. L'Ecolier Iustré, May, 1900 Fig. 4.11 Jean-Jules Geofiroy, L'Enfant du troupe. L'Ecolier Mlustré, 1891 Fig. 4.12 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Affamés. L'Ecolier Mustré, 1890 Fig. 4.13 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Visite & l’hépital, reproduced in L'Ecolier Mlustré, January 1895Fig. 4.15 Fig. 4.16 Fig. 4.17 Fig. 4.18 Fig. 4.19 Fig. 4.20 Fig. 4.21 Fig. 4.22 Fig. 4.23 Fig. 4.24 Fig. 4.25 Fig. 4.26 Fig. 4.27 Fig. 4.28 Fig. 4.29 Fig. 4.30 Jean-lules Geoffroy, L ‘Huile Ricin, reproduced in L'Ecolier Mlus.ré, September, 1901 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Ecole maternelle, ftom Mon Journal, 1890 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Legon de couture. Magasin Pittoresque, 1885 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L ‘Histoire de bébé. Magasin Pitoresque, Sune, 1900 Jean-Jules Geofitoy, C'est une vipére!, from Les Deux Cétés du Mur, 1886 Jean-Jules Geoffroy Jean-Martin Charcot, from Claretie, L "Université Moderne, 1892 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Ravages de l'alcool, from Histoire d'une Bouteille, 1902 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Ce que l’alcool a fait du pére, from Histoire d'une Bouteille, 1902 Jean-Jules Geofiroy, Un futur savant, 1880. Courtesy Musée National de 1’Education, Rouen Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Nous les aurons..., 1885. Chassagne, Geoffroy, peintre de l'enfance Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Derniére goutte. L Illustration, 1888 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Un jour de féte de !'école. L Illustration, December, 1893 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La veille des prix, 1898. Chassagne, Geoffroy, peintre de Venfance Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Studies. Revue Mustrée, February, 1899 Jean-Jules Geofiroy, Les Infortunés, 1883 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L'Homme Roi, L'Ecolier Ilustré, 1890 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Créche, 1897, Chassagne, Geoffroy, peintre de V'enfance xviiFig.431 _Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Résignés. Magasin Pittoresque, 1901 Fig. 4.32 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L ‘uvre de la Goutte de Lait au dispensaire de Belleville, 1903. Musée de !’ Assistance Publique de Paris, Un Patriote aux Origines de la puériculture: Gaston Variot CHAPTER FIVE Fig. 5.1 Photograph, Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel in His Rue Rousselet Studio, 1876. ‘Trust for Museum Exhibitions, Maurice Boutet de Monvel: Master of French Ittustration and Portraiture Fig. 5.2 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Vente de Suzanne. Revue Illustrée, December, 1886 Fig. 5.3 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Vente de Suzanne. Revue Illustrée, December, 1886 Fig. 5.4 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from L'Ecolier Mlustré, October, 1898 Fig. 5.5 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L'Age sans Pitié, L'Ecolier Mlustré, August, 1896 Fig. 5.6 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Mustration from “Children's Costumes in the Nineteenth Century,” Century, 1908 Fig. 5.7 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Portrait of Rose Worms-Baretta, before 1910 Fig. 5.8 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Bernard et Roger. Figaro Ilustré, 1889 Fig. 5.9 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Program for Fifth Arrondissement Créche Fund-Raiser, c. 1898, Reproduction in Musée d’Orsay Documentation Archives Fig.5.10 _Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Le Pont d’Avignon, from Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les Petits Francais, 1883 Fig. 5.11 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Queue leu leu, from Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits Francais, 1883Fig. 5.12 Fig. 5.13 Fig. 5.14 Fig. 5.15 Fig. 5.16 Fig. 5.17 Fig. 5.18 Fig. 5.19 Fig. 5.21 Fig. 5.22 Fig. 5.23 Fig, 5.26 Fig. 5.27 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, As-tu vu la casquette?, from Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits Francais, 1883 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Le Petit Chasseur, from Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits Francais, 1883 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Fait Dodo, Colas, from Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits Francais, 1883 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Ah! Vous dirai-je, maman, from Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits Francais, 1883 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Bonne Aventure from Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits Francais, 1883 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Bonne Aventure, from Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits Francais, 1883 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, from La Civilité puérile et honnéte, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from La Civilité puérile et honnéte, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from La Civilité puérile et honnéte, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from La Civilité puérile et honnéte, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Laitiére au pot au lait from Fables choisies pour les enfants, 1888 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Cover Illustration, Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Convalescence from Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Convalescence from Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L ’Ecole from Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L ‘Ecole from Nos enfants, 1887Fig. 5.28 Fig. 5.29 Fig. 5.30 Fig. 5.31 Fig. 5.32 Fig. 5.33 Fig. 5.34 Fig. 5.35 Fig. 5.36 Fig. 5.37 Fig. 5.39 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Suzanne from Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L Ecurie de Roger from Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Revue from Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Péche from Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Les Petits loups de mer from Nos enfants, 1887 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Cover Illustration from Jeanne d'Arc, 1896 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from Jeanne d’Arc, 1896 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from Jeanne d’Arc, 1896 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from Jeanne d'Arc, 1896 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from Jeanne d’Arc, 1896 Chapu, Jeanne d’Arc, 1872. Magasin Pittoresque, 1873 Emile Chatrousse, Jeanne d’Arc. Le Monde Itustré, December, 1891 C.A.P. d’Epinay, Jeanne d’Arc. Figaro Mlustré, July, 1891 CHAPTER SIX Fig. 6.1 Fig. 6.2 Fig. 6.3 Fig. ‘Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Compagnie francaise des chocolats et des thés, 1895, reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Lait pur stérilisé, 1894 reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, La Rue, 1896, reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste ‘Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Le Coupable, 1896, reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, AffichisteFig. 6.5 Fig. 6.6 Fig. 6.7 Fig. 6.8 Fig. 6.9 Fig. 6.10 Fig. 6.11 Fig. 6.12 Fig. 6.13 Fig. 6.14 Fig. 6.15 Fig. 6.16 Fig. 6.17 Fig. 6.18 Fig. 6.19 Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Chemins de fer de L’Ouest, 1900, reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste ‘Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Dans la vie, 1901, reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Clinique Chéron, 1905, reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste ‘Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Chanson de la vie, 1894, from Crauzat, L'uwre gravé et lithographié de Steinlen ile-Alexandre Steinlen, En Attendant!, 1895, from Crauzat, L'Guvre gravé et lithographié de Steinlen ‘Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Lycée Racine, 1902, Courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale Photograph, Lycée Racine, c. 1900, Musée National de I’Education, Rouen Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Cover Illustration for L ‘Education de Demain, 1906, Musée Sociale Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Charity, L 'Mustration, Courtesy Bibliothéque Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, L ‘Attentat du Pas-du-Calais, Le Chambard Socialiste, 1893 Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Jolie société! Le Chambard Socialiste, January, 1894 Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Noel des petits sans-souliers, from Gil Blas Mlustré, December, 1892 Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Marchand de Marrons. Gil Blas Illustré, 1896, Courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Aprés 30 ans de République. L’Assiette au Beurre, 1901, Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale ile-Alexandre Steinlen, Gamines Sortant de l'Ecole. The Studio, 1912, Courtesy Bibliotheque NationaleFig. 6.20 Fig. 6.21 Fig. 6.22 Fig. 6.23 Fig. 6.24 ‘Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Ah! mon beau chdteau!, from Les Rondes de l'Enfance, 1895, Courtesy Norma Bartman ‘Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Quand nous serons views, from Chansons des femmes, 1897 Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Title Page from Histoire du Chien de Brisquet, 1899, Courtesy Norma Bartman Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, lustration from Almanach du Bibliophile pour l’Année 1900, 1900 ‘Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Jacket Illustration, La Maternelle, 1905, Courtesy Bibliothéque Nationale waiCHAPTER ONE PROPAGANDA AND UTOPIANISM: THE FAMILY AND VISUAL CULTURE IN EARLY THIRD REPUBLIC FRANCE (1871-1905) Fear of depopulation and the weakened state of the military threatened the existence of the early Third Republic in France from 1871-1905. The violence of the Franco-Prussian War (1870) and the ensuing Paris Commune (1870-71) had an immensely destructive impact. Events damaged French morale, causing increasing and instability.’ Regeneration was necessary, but there was by no means a consensus on who should lead such a campaign or what form such efforts should take? “French elites traced their nation’s downfall to an inferior educational system, and to the decline of familial Virtue, evident especially in birth control, which resulted in depopulation, and in divorce, a symbol of the egoistic and pleasure-seeking mores of the French people.” to Sanford Elwit The Making ofthe Third Republic: Class and Politics in France, 1868-1884, (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975). History texts on the Third Republic and the republican movement im France de Mause, ed. (New York: Bedrick Books, 1988): 407-31 4 The fear and suspicion that stemmed from fears of military weakness and the fallin bithrate resulted inthe {development of a “policing” attitude within the government and those who were trying to save the institution ofthe family. The best source in the explanation and proof ofa policing movement i Jacques Donzelot, The Policing of Families (New York: Pantheon Books, 1979). See also Philippe Meyer, The Child and the State (New Yorke (Cambridge University Press, 197); Roddey Reid, Families in Jeopardy: Regulating the Social Body in France, 1750- 1910 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993); and Theodore Zeldin, France, 1848-1945, vl. 1, (London: Oxford University Press, 1973) 7 fituia ScheckKseiman, The Modernization of the French Family: The Politics and Ideology of Family Reform in Third Republic France (Unpublished dissertation, University of Michigan, 1981): 12.‘The government which succeeded the Second Empire (and the chaotic rule of the Commune)‘ was one founded by individuals who had visualized a new republic. But even though this objective finally became reality, the would-be republicans were not united in their causes, nor did they have a stable grasp on their power. In The Making of the Third Republic, Sanford Elwitt states that contemporary historians agree that survival ‘was to be the primary focus of whichever form of government was in power at any given time.* Thus, social change and concem for a fair, orderly society often came from institutions other than the government. Private businesses and investors were critical to the rebuilding of France. As Elwitt describes, entities such as European railway cartels culturally influenced the French for commercial gain.* In a 1987 dissertation, The Modernization of Family Law: The Politics and Ideology of Family Reform in Third Republic France, Claudia Scheck Kselman also points out that while republicans promised social change, they delivered little actual reform.” The government was not the influential beacon for society it claimed to be. Because one of the shared fears over the future of France was its rapid depopulation rate, the family became the target of movements promoting change.' For instance the Catholic church and the government were locked in bitter dispute, but each felt the need to promote and normalize the image of the two-parent family with several children.’ The medical profession assisted these “Fora visually oricted discussion ofthe uproar of the Commune and women within it, se Gay. Gullickson, Unruly Women of Paris: mages ofthe Commune (ithaca, NY: Comell University Press, 1996). 2 Soi’ cape, "Ral the Republi 100.135. ? Kelman 16. In her chapter “Divorce Restrein” the author outlines the nature and importance of 1886 divorce legislation, but explains that lawmakers were motivated to act more by their anti-clericalism than their desire to insitute positive social change. ‘Kselman 3. Both the republicans and those who supported and guided the church “..believed thatthe French family was essential to order and national defense and that it needed the assistance ofthe state. * Feminists, homosexuals, and even masturbators, it was thought, were undermining and perverting acceptable sexual practices and roles. The quest for the definition and practice of sexual “normalcy” is documented in Robert A. Nye’sefforts with treatises and pamphlets that encouraged heterosexuality, procreation, and ‘ways to achieve optimal reproductive health." Women as domestic nurturers and men as virile breadwinners were desired norms." Institutional propaganda adamantly asserted that this type of family was key to a revitalized France and stronger French people. There was also a focused attempt to project images and ideals onto children so they would find prescribed gender roles natural. Becoming parents, or training soldiers, became every citizen's required duty.® Major institutions chose several vehicles to visualize the messages of gender normalcy and necessary regeneration. One of the most conscious and organized efforts was through the establishment of accessible public schools. Several scholars, including Linda L. Clark in Schooling the Daughters of Marianne, have traced how governmental education officials ideologically designed instructor materials and training.” Particular sources of pride in the education system were the écoles normales, teacher schools that uniformly disseminated Third Republic ideals. But the Catholic church and the state bitterly fought over how education was to become widespread; public schools trained “Honor, Impotence, and Male Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century French Medicine,” French Historical Studies 14:1 (1989): 48-71 and George L. Mosse, “Nationalism and Respectability: Normal and Abnormal Sexuality in the teenth Century,” Journal of Contamporary History 17 (1982): 221-46. ‘An example, widely read in the Third Republic, was Dr. Lous Seraine's The Health of Married People, (Pati, 1865). Seraine wrote that children who are well-behaved were rewards for good unions and terrors as punishment for bad parents or marriages. Women were expected to behave as domestic nurturers and males as dedicated, but oRten absent breadwinners; these were the heavily promoted norms foreach gender. See Karen Offen, “Depopulation, Nationalism and Feminism in Fincde-siéele France,” American Historical Review 89 (1984): 648-67. Also in Offen 670, the author cites Third Republic political economist Charles Gide as claiming that bourgeois families owed the state four children, ' Kselman 7. In her dissertation Kselman found that the legislation passed throughout the Third Republic usually ‘centered around the welfare of children. The rights of children came under scrutiny, while parents seemed to be instructed on their patriotic duties rather than their rights, Kselman concludes. * Linda L.Clark, Schooling the Daughters of Marianne: Textbooks and the Socialization of Girls in Modern French Primary Schools (Albany: Stale University of New York Press, 1984). Instructors received propagandistic training in the écoles normales: the messages the education ministry wanted to spread were further reinforced by the curriculum ‘and newslener-style journals that existed in surprisingly large numbers during the Third Republic These included L Education Nationale: Journal Général deI'Enseignement Primaire and Journal des Ecoles: Politique Litraire et ‘Scientifique. These periodicals ran during the 1880s and 1890s,children in patriotism despite parochial efforts to minimize the impact of secular education. Ways to lead strong, hygienic lives also emerged as the center of government- sanctioned curricula."* Adults received significant family-oriented messages from advertisements, images, and articles in illustrated journals; the increasingly omnipresent large, colorful poster that advertised goods in the streets became important visual tools. Children’s literature was now written and illustrated with a new understanding of young people's interests and abilities to comprehend. There were record literacy rates and. parents responded by reading to their children. Children’s picture books and illustrated journals now became an effective tools for sending messages to the heart of the French family."* ‘The Ministry of Education and Fine Arts actively commissioned art to express its ‘own ideologies during the late 1880s and 1890s. Large paintings and sculpture were displayed in public places. Highly visible art reminded citizens of their patriotic duties. Opportunities for the Third Republic to demonstrate that France was a center of ambition, culture, and achievement came in the form of expositions (namely the Paris Exposition Universelle of 1889 and 1900). At these fairs special pavilions and galleries highlighted achievements in govemment-sponsored schools. Alll types of images were central to the development and control of early Third Republic family life. This chapter will introduce the state of family life that brought "* Documents recording the development of the government's schoo! curiculum are in the Archives Nationales, F/17/12964. Curricula were diferent for boys and for girls. Both were taught civic duty, but girls were also taught domestic duty. Girls were taught chanting (singing), movement, and hygiene (both personal and domestic). Boys and ils were instructed in drawing courses. ‘writers of fiction also assisted by championing patriotic, procreative, gender-specific ideals, including Zola in Fécondité.about the perceived need for propaganda. It will also address issues that were central to the system of messages dispersed. Further discussion will distinguish vehicles through which persuasion was attempted. Most important will be the identification of the images and the image-makers who were the most influential in developing a new public awareness of regeneration themes. Reconceptualizing the Fam ‘The middle class family was the target for much of popular culture propaganda. The quality of child-rearing was similarly scrutinized on a national level."* Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s 1762 novel, Emile, finally started taking effect."” Already devoutly followed in England and Germany," French parents took over a century to apply the mission of Emile. Rousseau’s message was this: adults needed to guide and mold children, who ‘were born as blank slates. In the past children had been identified as depraved agents of Original Sin that needed to be constantly monitored with cruelty. Frédéric Le Play's On Family, Work, and Social Change (1875) influenced the ideal of the Third Republic family. Le Play advocated freedom of testation (allowing the estate to be divided among the children as the father wished), rather than primogeniture (the automatic practice that \S Mona Ozouf, L Ecole, l'Eglise et la République, 1871-1914 (Patis: Editions Cana, 1982): 8. " Jean-Tacques Rousseau, Emile, Barbara Foxley, rans. (New York: Dutton, 1974). Rousseau’s work was both a ‘novel anda philosophical treatise on child-rearing. He advises by writing about his practices of raising aboy to whom hhehas become a guardian. Emile and his guardian-teacher spend a great deal of time out of doors and Emile reccives ‘no formal education until the age of fourteen. Until then, he is guided to use his natural curiosity and powers of | observation to leam. Parents who understood the message of Emile saw to it that their children could ask many uestions and were physically and intellectually freer than children of previous generations. "" The absorption of the teachings from Emile (primarily within France) are discussed in Robertson. The author treats the impact of Rousseauian theory on the creation of the child-oriented family and the increasing desire for privacy. See also Anne Pellowski, editor, World of Children's Literature (New York: R.R. Bowker, 1986): 102. “Emile gave England and Germany inspiration and momentum to develop literature for children, but in France, the ideal of Emile ‘seemed to be more one for adults to think about and to revel in, than one to actually practice on children...Despite the carly entrenchment of Rousseau's Emile it was childish forthe French to discuss children’s literature until late in the ‘twentieth century.”the eldest surviving son inherited all of his parents’ assets). Children were no longer simply a means of guaranteeing that the “family line” would be maintained. Le Play's ‘writings contributed to equal treatment, each child was seen as an individual. Parents now were more open than ever before to following the advice of Rousseau, Le Play, and other theorists. Quality of parenting became a central concern to mothers and fathers. Parenting skills were also highly valued by the government and the church.” These institutions, along with others such as the medical profession, educated parents to raise more children in cleaner, healthier homes. While living conditions did not immediately improve with the origin of the Third Republic, cities such as Paris gradually became cleaner. Sewers and running water in or created hygienic environments. These improvements lowered the chances of contracting deadly diseases, such as cholera~a plague from the past. Sanitary, pre-packaged foods such as cocoas and cookies became favorite middle-class foods, especially for feeding to children. The cleanliness and convenience of these foods further reinforced hygiene, allowing Third Republic mothers to spend more time with their children.” Some of the greatest concerns about food and health centered around milk. In 1893 Louis Pasteur announced the discovery of the microbe and dairies promoted the “‘pasteurization” milk.”* ‘The improvement of food quality, the consciousness of the presence of germs, and "S Good parenting, procreation, and gender and sexual normalcy were highly valued by the medical profession, the church, and the state ina rare instance of ideological harmony. See Mosse, as well as Anthony Copley, Sexual Moraliies in France, 1780-1980 (New York: Routledge, 1989): 42. although some brand names and specific imagery dered, English and French advertising shared many ofthe same tactics, claims, and stereotypes, as discussed in Lori Anne Loeb and Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of Vetorian England (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990). Lori Anne Loeb, Consuming Angels (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994): 14, Milk was at the center ofthe fight for cleanliness and against disease. Raw milk had been targeted as one ofthe most dangerous foods and those ‘who served itt their children were considered nearly immoral.fighting of filth in the home were concems that made the family of this era different from families of earlier times. : Why was there so much concem for child-raising methods and improvements Within the home? There were many concems that centered great attention on the family. Ona national level, the falling birthrate became a great source of dismay. Coupled with military Weakness after the disasters of 1870-71, the future of France as a nation was in serious doubt. Another condition that frightened demagogues and doctors was the new independence of women. Although by modem standards women in general were better and more involved mothers than ever before. The freedom of women threatened the family itself In addition the middle class became increasingly concerned with its standard of living and realized that having fewer children resulted in more comfortable homes. Information on birth control was slowly disseminated and practiced by the middle class who educated themselves on this subject. The declining birthrate, however, became a source of alarm for Third Republic officials and supporters. In the eyes of those who were trying to increase the birth-to-death ratio, parenthood was becoming a French citizen’s national duty. This would supposedly be achieved when men strove to be soldiers and strong providers and when women remained at home to be prolific, tender mothers. ® Ofcourse, most working class women worked and would not be lasified under the “New Woman” prototype. Many women had unprecedented economic independence as more of them were working outside the hme than earlier inthe century in France. In 1896 33% of women worked ouside the home, compared to 25% in 1866. Joan W. Scot and Louise A. Tilly, “Woman's Work and the Family in Nineteenth-Century Europe,” Comparative Studies in Society 4nd History (7:1 (1975): 37. Fora broader assessment of women's slowly increasing independence, see Copley. Angus McLaren, “Abortion in France: Women and the Regulation of Family-Size, 1800-1914," French Historical Snudies 10:3 (Spring, 1978): 461-85. The nineteenh-century felt decline actully appeared fst among peasants, rather than the mide class.Women as mothers were the most prevalent of all of the types of images in Third Republic visual propaganda. But who was the ideal Third Republic Mother? Perhaps she was the elegant, serene middle-class woman. This type was represented as one who lived for her family in a beautiful “nest."* She was visualized on posters, in illustrated journal articles and advertisements, and in many other forums.* One of the most important issues to note when considering the creation of this “type” is that it was ubiquitous in the lives of children—pressuring girls to grow up to want to be such women. Girls would encounter images of the ideal middle-class mother in their homes (including images in the picture books produced especially for them). Young females would also see images of the mother-goddess everywhere. Pictures, words, and literature were particularly propagandistic--they were clearly meant to influence girls to help raise the birth rate. The virile, healthy, refined male was just as much of a Third Republic ideal. Images of men and boys appeared in many of the same forums as those of women and girls, but their behavior and goals were clearly expected to be very different. Streng:h and independence through physical, commercial, and intellectual endeavors made the male a good provider. He would be a caring and polite gentleman. He would be a good role model and pleasant to be with in the home, if not always a doting father. Anti- alcohol pamphlets, medical treatises, and journals begged men to keep themselves fice from activities that drained their potency.”* The ideal male’s ability to procreate were 2 See Robertson for description of this term and a discussion ofthe fat that women were expected to create a beautiful respite from the outside world, much lke feathering a nest. Similar issues are treated throughout Bonnie G, Smith's Ladies of the Leisure Class: The Bourgeoises of Northern France in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981): 93-122. % See Consuming Angels. Locb describes this delicate, pale-skinned creature around whom the home revolved and itlusrates them in English advertisements, French types in posters and ther advertisements are nearly identical. > Appeals bombarded men and begged them to behave in ways that would maintain their potency, and thus regenerate the nation. Groups such as La Société Antialcoolique des Agents de Chemins de Fer sponsored joumals, such as La ‘Santé de la Famille, 1903-04. This journal was inexpensive and was blunt and condemning about the use of alcoholimpeded by masturbation, extramarital sex, and prostitution. These filthy activities made it harder for him to remain free from harmful microbes.”” Males had another sphere of moral responsibility. If France was to become strong again, male participation in and regard for military activity was critical. As mothering messages influenced girls, boys were bombarded by the promotions of positive qualities of being a soldiering. Even the clothes boys wore were patterned after military uniforms. Special military schools, the bataillons scolaires, were celebrated in popular images. There was also a common quality demanded from both males and females in visual propaganda for the Third Republic. Self-sacrifice was expected from both sexes; boys should be soldiers and providers before following their own interests, and girls should become mothers with no dreams of careers or even of the outside world that would hinder having babies. Family-directed propaganda was focused carefully and differently on each gender, as males and females were asked to put the survival and health of the country first. Administering the Propaganda It is important to look at who developed and promoted such demands for Third Republic citizens. The individuals, their goals, and their methods will be explored in ‘and tobacco. Men inthis periodical are encouraged 10 abstain from these vices to preserve themselves and their families. ” Recent studies haved focused upon a complete system of taboos and expectations of men and of women which, hopefully, would regulate and guarantee “normal” marital sex resulting in procreation. See Nye and Mosse, as well as Robert Wheaton and Tamara K. Hareven, Family and Sexuality in French History (Philadelphia: University of, Pennsylvania Press, 1980). * Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel's children’s book, Jeanne dAre (Paris: lon, 1896) isa paragon of propaganda aimed at children. Jeanne is willing to sacrifice herself for God, her country, service inthe military, and the litle children of her village. She is both nurturing and soldierly, and her androgeny makes her a perfect Third Republic child's hero,Chapter Two. Certainly the government ministers who held positions linked most closely to family and to the military had the most direct contact with the propaganda machine. There was no ministry with more desire and ability to influence the development of family life than that which oversaw both arts and education. The leader of this agency was a powerful agent of change in the lives of children-—Jules Ferry (1832-93). The Minister of Education and the Fine Arts from 1879-1885, Ferry caused great upheaval and controversy by sponsoring the law that caused some of the greatest changes in education in France's history. Specifically with legislation named for him and passed in 1881,” primary education became “free, compulsory, and secular” for children from ages six to thirteen. While the law was not widely enforced until the twentieth century, increasing numbers of French boys and girls attended school at the fin-de-siécle.” During the Second Empire there had been movements to democratize education. There were particular strides in opportunities for girls’ education with acts sponsored by Education Minister Victor Duruy in 1867 and Paul Bert in 1869." In some regions of France, schools were divided into primary, middle, and superior levels by Octave Gréard in 1868. Ferry imposed this model on the entire French school system in the 1880s. Further acts refined and strengthened the public schools and the power of those who worked within them. In 1886 the Goblet Law made the training and hiring of female teachers easier and Femy and his colleagues announced education that was “gratuite, obligatoire et laique” withthe 1881 act. Several saurces discuss the development of Ferry's act and the opposition to it. See Yves Gaulupeau, La France d l'Ecole, (aris: Découvertes Gallimard, 1992) and Ozouf. For specific documents conceming Third Republic education ‘ebates and content of curriculum and textbooks, see André Chervel, ed, L'Enseignement du Frarcais a ‘Ecole Primaire: Texes officiels, ome 21880-1939, (Paris: INRP Economica, 1995) and Alain Choppin and Martine Ciinkspoor, eds., Les Manuels Scolaires en France: Textes offiiels, 1791-1992, (Pais: Institut National de Réchérche eédagogique, 1993). **Gaulupeau 86. Between 1880 and 1900, 700,00 additional children began to attend French public elementary schools. * Gaulupeau 75-77. 10more frequent." The republicans committed a significant number of actions that weakened church-run schools~the Associations Law of 1901 imposed strong restrictions on congregations wanting to operate schools.” Great strides had been made in the shaping of education during the Second Empire, and Ferry liberally built upon and borrowed from these advances. His republican philosophies permeated changes he made in the public schools. Ferry and his colleagues believed that education was necessary for universal equality (they were naturally aware of its importance as a tool for their own political survival). The republicans “knew their sovereignty required education as a priority.” They believed a more educated citizenry would be mote supportive of the new government. One of the most important designs was to create a republic full of children trained with republican ideals. The previous educational system consisted largely of schools run by the Catholic church; the republican-schooled generation, it was thought, would be a more active agent of change. Ferdinand Buisson (1841-1927), Ferry’s Director of Primary Instruction, made clear the republican desire to diminish the power of catholic schools. He said, “in school, prayer and catechism will be replaced by moral and civic instruction." Republican propaganda infiltrated the students’ minds and the community at many levels. Republican control was present at every level; it can be seen in curricula, in school uniforms, in the construction of new buildings and classroom design, and even in the institution of night courses for adults. ® Onout 242. » Onouf 231. » Onout 79-80. > Gaulupeau 82.Asa prominent republican, Jules Ferry presented important educational groundwork and reform in the early 1870s, before he became education minister. Taking the position in 1879, Ferry assembled a supporting cabinet of directors and oversaw the passage of minor acts and actions that supported the 1881 law. Ferdinand Buisson was appointed in 1879 and remained in that position for sixteen years.* Thus, from the early 1870s until the mid-1890s, there was comparative stability and uniformity with the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts’ goals and operations. During the 1880s, in particular, there was great, but organized dedication to change the educational system. This relative harmony contrasted with the state of flux and anxiety in the other elements of the Third Republic government during the same years. The republican schools were effective through consistency in policies and policy-makers. Another way the government tried to exert its influence on education was by commissioning artists to create images for use in schools, as well as dispersing images of secular schools for publicity purposes. The ideological climate within the educational system was fairly stable for the making of images, making this thirty-five-year time period appropriate for this study. The laic, civic messages of the Third Republic were best spread by scores of the malleable young women hired to reach a large audience as teachers. The presence of more women in the schools provided more nurturing females as role models, similar to ‘what children were being taught to expect from the nation’s mothers.” > Chervel 12. In his introduction to primary texts concerning French primary education, Chervel asserts that under ‘Buisson's direction in particular, the Ministry's objectives and operations remained notably stable. Many acts of the Ministry were overseen by the twenty Ministers of Instruction. This unity in pupose and practice within this {government entity for over twenty years contrasts remarkably with the volatility of most aspects of early Third Republic ‘regimes. > Female teachers were also desirable for their perceived malleabilty as agents of state-directed messages. For a study of teachers’ gender in relation to their students and to the difference between what boys and girls were taught, see Clark. The teaching of girl students and female teachers was cyclical; females were indoctrinated 1o educate their children to be parents who educated their children. 2To ensure the defense of France, militarism was also embedded in school instruction. Bataillons scolaires were founded for boys twelve years-old and up. Physical education in schools was conducted in a militaristic fashion. The boys lined up neatly and performed exercises with items such as wooden bars that would increase their dexterity with bayonets." Rationalism, patriotism, and moral law remained central to teaching in the bataillons scolaires. (These concepts were commonplace in curriculum prepared for students in all government schools.) Another important component of education that the Third Republic was particularly proud of was the creation and development of nursery schools. The écoles maternelles were places in which children were taught by nurturing females. One of the most important tasks assigned to the écoles maternelles was the teaching of hygiene.” The government was especially proud of the installation of sinks in the schools. The children were washed and tidied up before beginning class (as this was often the only chance they had to keep clean). This contact between children and teachers, as well as the indoctrination of three-, four-, and five-year- olds into the benefits and importance of cleanliness, was central to a child’s primary education. In the 1880s action was also taken to make secondary education more widely available for boys as well as for girls. The imagery which is at the crux of this dissertation focused on primary school activity, and so will the discussion. French educational historian Jacques Ozouf was quick to point out that Ferry should not receive * Gautupeau 93. The batallons scolaires were created in 1882, accepting boys ages twelve and up. Thei- public parades and exercises helped rally public support around the effort to build military strength. However, in most boys" schools militarism was a part of the curriculum, but not atthe center of it. 2 The écoles maternelles were not new in concept; sallesd'asiles had gained some popularity throughout the nineteenth century. The curriculum and environment ofthe écoles materneiles was revitalized and regulaied. One of ‘the central issues within the schools was cleanliness; sinks were installed in most of the schools and the teachers were ‘responsible for cleaning up students as they arrived each day and before they left school for the day. See Jean-No8l Luc, La Petite Enfance &l'Ecole, XIXe-XXe Siécles (Paris: INRP Economica, 1982). Bprimary credit for these changes. It is true, as Mona Ozouf reports, that many of the mechanisms for secular, universal education were in place before the Third Republic was formed.” Ferry, however, regularized what was in place. He also expanded the facets of French public schooling and effectively assembled all aspects of French schools to support and spread republican ideologies. The special discipline and control desired by republican supporters of secular education was needed to bring the country together. Subtle messages would indoctrinate citizens into what it meant to be a good French person. Realizing the impressionable nature of children, the revised educational system Provided for the successful nurturing of future citizens and the Republic. The State and the Opposition The official Third Republic approach to education met bitter opposition. Some felt that by forcing its way into the provinces, mandatory schooling undermined the role of the patriarch in a rural family. The vigorous teaching of the French language and subjects such as économie domestique was met with accusations of “linguistic and cultural oppression.” The press exploited the inflammatory nature of this situation, but particularly the battle between those who supported secular, government-sponsored (laicisation) education and those who advocated parochial schools (cléricalisme). So deep and bitter was this split between the two that there were continual press references to les deux France.” The “two Frances” refers to life in rural areas dominated by the Catholic church and to urban life. The latter was more open to change and a new “© Ozout 124, * Ozouf 11 Gaulupeau 19.educational discourse. Catholic-controlled schools had existed for centuries, and the government fervently insisted on operating schools in areas with any significant population. It also demanded that Catholic schools meet certain standards and requirements. This caused great resentment and resistance among those involved in parochial education. Many educational journals were founded during the 1880s; few of these remained neutral about the issue of laicisation.® Periodicals on each side of the debate ranged from pragmatic journals (full of essays for teachers and those involved in educational politics) to propagandistic children’s entertainment (full of poems, stories, and illustrations of pious and patriotic heroes). Chapter Two examines the vehemence of the politics in the battle over the secularization of schools, but it is important to note that the Third Republic usually responded defensively with intensified propaganda to combat critics. This is why conceptual vehicles such as the education pavilion at the 1900 Exposition Universelle became so important. Nearly twenty years after the passing of the Ferry Law, 1900 became a time to assess what progress or damage had been caused by the schools formed by the efforts of Ferry and his colleagues. Objects, text, and images in the pavilion revealed the effectiveness of secular schools in spite of Catholic opposition, and to other detractors, such as anarchists and socialists. The display also served as a didactic showpiece for the rest of the world. ‘The government and those who were attempting to influence and strengthen the Third Republic family chose several visual avenues to promote their cause well before 1900 and continued into the new millennium. The most official forms of propaganda © One of the most vocal and inflammatory (as well as being the most instructive today for its presentation ofthe issues from the catholic point-of-view) isthe Gazette dEducation, which ran from 1882 until 1908. 15meant to promote the goodness of the Republic were works of art commissioned by the Minister of Education and Fine Arts. Large paintings were purchased, or commissioned from artists,“ depicting idyllic scenes, such as clean children flourishing under the eye of their teacher in the classroom. These hung in prominent public places to remind people of the good works being carried out by their tax money and by their government. Works in multiples, such as portraits of famous Third Republicans were another form of officially-commissioned propaganda. Individuals who supported and shared official views also sponsored the production of images that promoted identification with clearly defined gender roles that conformed to patriotic duties. Many of these images appeared in proliferating journals common in Third Republic homes.“ As journals became increasingly specialized and many homes subscribed to more than one; family members of all ages and both sexes read and were influenced by them. Engravings and lithographs with subjects ranging from fashion to sports and from toys to sea monsters all reached a mass audience. Another pervasive and eye-catching source of family propaganda were the large color lithograph posters that covered the walls along Paris streets. Images of the family helped promote novels, sterilized milk, as well as cocoas and teas. Some of the most widespread images were those of serene, responsible parents and rosy-checked, healthy, obedient children. It was impossible to ignore the posters--they were frequently immense and numerous. Another source for images that was very common in the Third “These commissions were usually awarded to artists well-ensconced in the academic system, and the majority of the {art was subsequently rather conservative. “The Archives Nationales series F21 documents the purchases and correspondences between artists and the ‘government regarding these transactions, Specific boxes and documents will be referred to when artists are discussed ‘who collaborated with the government. “ Robert Justin Goldstein, Censorship of Political Caricature in Nineteenth-Century France (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1989): 232. After the lifting of caricature censorship in 1881, over 200 journals ofthat genre were founded until 1914. Journals of all other sorts proliferated as other factors were ripe for growth of the industry-higher 16Republic home was the illustrated children’s book.” Even anti-republican artists created images in books for children and families that illustrated some of the most desired stereotypes. Texts and images revealed well-behaved children and illustrated the evil that could befall bad children. By the tum-of-the-century, advances in color printing techniques, a new pride in bookmaking artistry, and a new realization that children were an important audience to reach established the children’s book as a primary vehicle for idyllic, but potent images. This direct, child-oriented source of propaganda was a major promotional tool for the patriotic, productive, harmonious family. The Artists Who were the artists who created images of the regenerated Third Republic family, and how were they chosen to participate in the regeneration campaign? Depending on the medium, there are several answers to this question. Some entered into agreements with the government to create imagery in a variety of media. Artists who represented the family sometimes were subsidized by achats (government purchases). ‘The Republic both commissioned and purchased work that illustrated its ideologies and then displayed or disseminated them to the public. Many of these paintings, sculptures, and prints were seen at the Salon (the official, government-sponsored art exhibition held in Paris usually on a yearly basis) and were hung in public places, such as schools, city halls, and expositions after the government obtained the works from the artists. Iiteracy, cheaper and bene quality paper, improved printmaking techniques, increases in literacy, and higher availabilty of discretionary income. "An unparalleled proliferation of literature for children and adolescents in France took place in the 1890s. Zeldin ‘credits parents’ cagemess to purchase these books for children to an 1890s adult nostalgia for the state of childhood, Zeldin 339. 7‘Companies who produced goods and services significant to the cause also recruited artists to spread the message of that product as an ingredient of a healthy Third Republic family. Some created imagery for advertising within joumals. Others illustrated articles, poems, or simply created independent images. Some of these works were commissioned; some were executed by artists who were or hoped to be associated with a certain journal and hence were submitted on speculation. This system was similar to that of the book illustrators. Of course, there were artists who created family-related imagery with absolutely no “establishment motivation or connections.” Some, like Mary Cassatt, painted images of mothers and children to follow her own inspiration, not to propagandize. Yet when we look at such works, there is a tendemess and gravity of the ‘contemporary French mother and child that is new. Mother, child, and the quality of their relationship were now on center stage. This coincided with the type of family life the republicans were attempting to promote. The new family ideal surfaced everywhere within the fine arts. In portrait commissions there was a new desire by parents to be envisioned as attentive and someone around whom their children were relaxed and happy. Such a painting is Pierre-Auguste Renoir’s Madame Charpentier and Her Children (Fig. 1.1). Whether Renoir was creating for personal reasons for those dictated to him, the importance of a happy, healthy family led to the production of images that supported basic Third Republic goals. This was true even if the artist maintained political affiliations opposing the state. ‘There were three artists who produced works that were more specifically intended to manipulate family members about issues of nationalism and family importance. Theseartists were: Jean-Jules Geoffroy (1853-1924), Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel (1850- 1913), and Théophile-Alexandre Steinlen (1859-1923). They have been selected as case studies for this project as they were each prolific image makers who communicated strong messages about the French family. As the individual chapters featuring their works will indicate, the works of these three artists were propagandistic in nature and were pervasive to members of the middle class during the early Third Republic. Here propaganda will refer to materials that were designed with the intent to influence. The imagery included in this study was often designed to inform and entertain. However, they all share a common subtext that relates to a desire to promote a vision of childhood and the family that artists were offering as an ideal. Clearly artists of this era had a wide variety of reasons for working with children and the family as subject matter. Their varying intents and the impact of the images they created that function within the body of regeneration propaganda will be explored here. The personal politics and goals of Geoffroy, Boutet de Monvel, and Steinlen were each radically different from the next."* Whether attempting to project or reject establishment values, the work these three artists were significant elements of the era’s visual culture. Their work also reached everyone from the youngest to the oldest French. citizens of their era, making them essential for examining educational value of images. ‘These artists reached audiences with children’s books and journals, as well as periodicals and literature for adults. Geoffroy, Boutet de Monvel, and Steinlen are especially important because their work reached so many people at once. One or all of these artists created posters, journal illustrations, children’s books and highly visible public paintings. “ Bout de Monvel's and Stcinlen’s works were at times seen as threats to the republican regime. 19This dissertation will examine each of these artists as propagandists. Although their intentions and methods are diverse, the intertwining of their work and the social impact of each are significant. Jean-Jules Geoffroy is the artist whose goals and practices most closely resemble those identified with the Third Republic regime's political priorities. While both Geofftoy and Boutet de Monvel were trained as academics, Geoftroy’s republican loyalties allowed him to develop a close working relationship with the Minister of Education and Fine Arts. This ministry was responsible for selecting and processing state purchases and for commissioning works by artists (primarily paintings and sculpture). It was the most influential body within the Third Republic for devising the pictorial messages the government wanted to disseminate. Visual messages were arguably the most powerful, because they could be experienced by the most people and were most effective in reaching the large segment of the population that was still illiterate. As a central provider of images for the ministry’s visual arsenal, Geofiroy's paintings fostered the government's messages. The popular appeal and precise, complexly presented narratives he created came from the academic tradition in which he was trained. There is another element in Geoffroy’s work, however, that reveals his willingness to create an art of persuasion. Through much of his career, spanning the early Third Republic, Geoffroy depicted schoolchildren as happy cherubs or carefree imps. These images appeared over many years in multiples, most visible in illustrated children’s journals. Artistically, Geoffroy focused on children and the glorification of people who made children’s livesbetter, such as Louis Pasteur and Doctor Gaston Variot.” Geoffroy began selling work to the government in the early 1880s; later in this decade, the government sought him out to paint works for 2,000-5,000 francs. The large paintings that were the subject of abundant negotiations between the Ministry of Fine Arts and Geoffroy were primarily paintings of special sources of pride within government school programs. Pre-schools, well-run primary schools, and professional schools for adolescents had been the result of the effort and resources of Ferry and his colleagues. Geoffroy created images that appear to be objective and which will be discussed extensively in Chapter Four. The structure and content of his images, as well as photographs of actual schools included in the 1900 Exposition Universelle education pavilion,*' were extremely propagandistic. Geoffroy was carefully chosen by the government to show the significance of productivity, warm ‘human relations, and cleanliness within republican schools.” Geoffroy’s artistic preoccupation, in addition to painting, involved working for illustrated journals. He illustrated numerous poems and plays for children. Engravings of his paintings were made and printed in magazines (thus allowing the reproductions of his paintings to be seen by thousands of additional people). The most popular and plentiful of Geoffroy’s illustrations were for stories published as serials. Not only did these serials ‘ Geoitroy was commisioned to create a portait of Pasteur for the ministry's office in the late 1890s. Another hero of hygiene, Dr. Gaston Variot was the founder of a milk dispensary forthe poor and was a pioneer in pudriculture. See Museede I"Assistance Publique, Un Parrite aux Origines de la Puériculture (Paris: Musée de I"Assistance Publique, 1984) Geoffroy commemorated Variot in paint on several occasions~most strikingly ina large triptych, now inthe gpllecton of the Musée de I'Assistance Publique in Paris. 5 archives Nationales, F21/2083, 4213, and 7054. Records of state purchases and commissions atthe level of 2,000- 5,000 francs reveals the high regard the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts had for the work of Geoffroy bythe late 1890s, 8 These photographs are currently held and available for reproduction at the National Museum of Education in Rouen. * René Leblanc, Exposition Internationale de 1900: Rapports du Jury, vo. \ (Pari: Imprimerie Nationale, 1902). 2run for up to one year in weekly journals, but many of these were later printed in book form. The periodical that launched Geoffroy’s illustration career was the influential Magasin d'Education et Récréation. The Magasin was founded by Pierre-Jules Hetzel, who almost single-handedly created a children’s publishing industry.” Many of the books he put into print began as serialized stories in his journals. The connection between Geoflroy and another editor of this publication is also significant—Jean Macé (1815-94). The founder of the Ligue d’Education, Macé was the most recognized leader among citizens for secular education.” Branches of his organization were initiated in nearly every French city; they were underwritten by the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, Geoffroy’s long-lasting alliances further underscored his sympathy for the cause of schools run by the government. These included the Magasin d'Education et Récréation and the various printing enterprises of the flamboyant, powerful, republican Hetzel. Boutet de Monvel (1850-1913) was more independent in his approach to illustration, but no less propagandistic. In fact, once Boutet de Monvel was established as an illustrator, he promoted a specific agenda. Born to a long line of royalists and a family of painters, Boutet de Monvel entered the academic system as a young man. He became a nimble portraitist and painter of narrative scenes. His outlook changed, however, when he served in the Franco-Prussian war. He witnessed destruction and the experienced the dampness of the battlegrounds that caused life-long health problems. He became cynical ® See Esther Kanipe, “Hetzel and the Bibliotheque d’Education et de Réeréaion,” Yale French Studies 43 (1969): 73- 84. Correspondence between Geoffroy and Hetzel is held at Bibliothéque Nationale, Salle des Manuscrits, Hetzel ‘Archives Dossier d’Auteurs,n. a. f. 16953, volume XVI, numbers 222-84. Jean Macé founded the Ligue d’Enscignement in 1872 in opposition to catholic schools. He also worked to form an alliance with the fight for and eventually the fight o maintain secular education. Archives Nationales F17/12527. 2and began to think independently of his academic training.** In 1885 the pre-Salon removal of his painting, The Apotheosis (Fig. 1.2) changed his career. This large scale, satirical work, commented on the rise and ineffectiveness of the ruling power of the middle class. This led to Boutet’s removal from the academic system for painting a work critical of the Republic. Out of pity a friend invited Boutet de Monvel to join the French Watercolor Society, so that he would still be able to exhibit his work publicly. He began to gain commissions through watercolor society connections, although he already had some experience as a children’s book illustrator. The artist received some illustration commissions, namely black-and-white line drawings for children’s books.* Soon Boutet de Monvel was also illustrating journals. He and Geoffroy occasionally illustrated for the same journals, most notably one of the most lively illustrated children’s journals, L'tcolier Mlustré. Boutet de Monvel’s elegant, yet humorous style, kept him in demand asa journal illustrator until just after the tum-of-the-century, when another endeavor superseded his involvement. In 1881 Boutet de Monvel illustrated his first children’s book, Les Pourquois de Mademoiselle Suzanne." He collaborated with many authors during the remainder of his career, but he simultaneously developed his own projects. He was concemed that French children were not being patriotically educated. He also seems to have lamented a lack of ® Linle scholarly attention has been paid to this artist after his own time. One of the most recert and most valuable of Tombs explains the development of church-state antagonism in his chapter “A New Order,” (primarily inthe section ‘A Catholic Order”) 65-68. The lack of widespread enforcement of these laws until well into the twentieth century indicates that those ‘supporting state-sponsored education had an agenda that included much more than the education of all French children. Linda L. Cla, Schooling the Daughters of Marianne: Textbooks and the Socialization of Girls in Modern French Primary Schools (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1984). See Tombs’ chapter “A’New Order” 61-87 and Phyllis Stock-Morton, Moral Education fora Secular Society: The Development of Morale Laique in Nineteenth-Century France (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1988). abehave. However, “when the conservative ‘moral order’ government tried to rule with a strong hand in 1877, it was defeated.”*' The ardent republicans, headed by Gambetta and Fey, had their own concept of moral obligations. This was imposed, most notably, through Ferry’s role in establishing schools and school curriculum. From 1879 until the mid-1880s “stress (was placed upon) the patriotic duty of the individual to the nation and to defend the rights of private property.”** Naturally the Protestant and Catholic faiths had their own moral codes to promote--that of the Catholics often was carefully constructed to steer parishioners from republican moral influence. Robert Tombs describes the various entities’ battles to control the ethical base of France “rival utopianisms."* Certainly a French person would have no trouble finding or being influenced by prescribed codes of virtue, but the myriad definitions of “moral order” being prescribed to people of the early French Republic could only have added to the aura of bewilderment that was found in nearly every aspect of life during this highly-charged era. In this discussion of the atmosphere of uncertainty, the family and school climates of the early Third Republic are significant. Of course, the Ferry Laws changed the lives of French children, and subsequently their families. Children were now required to attend school. Since the laws were enforced only gradually and sporadically, children’s lives did not change overnight. In addition large numbers of middle-class boys were already > Tombs 67. * Tombs 72. On page 74 the author elaborates, “In the short term, the republican in government~soon nicknamed “oppcrtunists’-wanted to win the trust of the electorate and defeat both ‘reaction’ and ‘anarchy’. Inthe long term, they had an ambitious strategy—the utopian aspect of their new order-to create a republican society ied by a republican political lass drawn from what Gambetta called a ‘new socal trata’, a democracy based on shared secular aattending school. It was perhaps the lives of girls and very small children (who were suddenly required to attend school) that changed the most. Perhaps the most dramatic changes prompted by the Ferry Laws were also in the lives of working class children. As the least officially-monitored of French society's children, they were some of the last to be forced to attend school, but when they did, the lives of the whole family changed. Many working class children were breadwinners-their incomes were crucial to the family’s survival.* While most educational and child welfare reformers recognized that removing children from factories and twelve-to-fourteen-hour workdays was essential to these children’s futures, the families and the factories fought changes that would affect their meager family incomes. The education laws were well-timed with industrial developments. As machines took over more and more jobs in factories in the last decades of the nineteenth century, jobs were needed by those who had to be the major family breadwinners--predominantly the fathers. Also, children were not as efficient as new technology, and the menial tasks they performed were often replaced by machines. As the end of the century drew near, fewer women and especially fewer children were found in the factory. Children simultaneously were being called to come to school and had more freedom to attend. These changes sometimes were bewildering to the working classes, but only moderately changed the lives of those with higher incomes. The entire ™ Viviana Zelizet, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children, New York: Basic Books, 1981. The author traces the change of the child's oe inthe modem family to fellow money-camer to a cherished being atthe center ofthe family’s purpose and adoration. See also Colin Heywood, Childhood in Ninetcenth-Century France: Work, Health, and Education Among the clases populaires (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), Other sources that reat the changing value and treatment of cildren inthe ninetenth-century French family are Maurice Crubelir, L'Enfance eta Jeunesse dans la Société Frangase, 1800-1950 (Pais: A. Calin 1979), John Gillis ed, Youth and History: Traditions in European Age Relations, 1770-present (New York: Academic Press, 1981); and Catherine Rolle-Echalier, La Politique a1 Egard de la Petite Enfance sous la Trosiéme République (Pars: Institut national d’énudes demographiques, Presses Universitaires de France, 1990) >See Shai Weiss, Child Labor Reform in Nineteenth-Century France: Assuring the Future Harvest (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989).family structure was changing-another challenge for those trying to cope with the increasing speed and differences of modem life. It was with the early Third Republic that the child finally arrived at the center of the family in France. The new views of children had staggering ramifications for society and for visual culture. Nationalism and Normalism For the family to change, French behavior and procreative patterns had to be modified. It was necessary for the government, supported by the medical profession, the press, and literary figures, to successfully fight against depopulation.** The issue of the falling birthrate touches every image in this study. ‘The lament that France would soon be nothing if the population did not begin to drastically increase is found in both words and images from the period. France never lost hope that it would be able to amend the situation--authors, artists, and politicians believed that it was only temporary and could be overcome with effort and education. One of the best treatises on depopulation from the Third Republic is Jacques Bertillon’s La Dépopulation en France.*" Bertillon carefully outlined the problem and offered this prediction if immediate action was not taken: “La France, naguére si grande, devient une nation de second ou de troisiéme ordre.”"* 2 There are several scholars who have researched institutional monitoring and influencing of family life, down tothe ‘most private detils. Most important is facques Donzelot, La Police des Familles; see also Jean-Marc Berlitre, La Police des Marurs sous la TroisiémeRépublique (Paris: Seuil, 1992); Sack D. Ellis, The Physician-Legislators of French Medicine and Politics in the Early Third Republic. 1870-1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Philippe Meyer, The Child and the State: The Intervention of State and Family Life, Judith Ennew and Sanct Lioyd, ‘rans. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Roddey Reid, Families in Jeopardy: Regularties the Social Body in France, 1750-1910 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993). Dr, Jacques Betillon, La Dépopulation en France: ses conséquences, sex causes, mesures & prendre pour la ‘combatie (Paris: Librarie Félix Alcan, 1911). Bertllon was the head of the city of Paris’ statistics bureau atthe time ‘of publication. Other important discusions of depopulation discourses ofthe era appear in Arséne Dumont, ‘Dépopulation et Civilisation (Pati: Lecrosnier et Babe, 1890); Paul LeRoy-Beaulieu, La Question de la Dépopulation (Paris: Alcan, 1913); Emile Levasseur, La Population Frangaise (Paris: A. Rousseau, 1889-1892), and Charles Tily, 4. Historical Sudies of Changing Fertility (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978) >» Berilion 9 4sAlthough this text was printed in 1911, it represents beliefs that had accumulated since the 1880s. Fertility decline began in the 1870s” and the problem was recognized late in that decade and was addressed in the next thirty years. The fear of inferiority, mixed with hope (found in depopulation essays such as Bertillon’s) echo in the journal image, 187/- 1872 Fig. 2.2). Bertillon acknowledges the destruction of France’s human strength, but Places considerable hope in the child and the nation rallying behind. Although he was ‘writing nearly forty years later, Bertillon and the nation were still comparing themselves with the Germans; this was a motivation for change. “L’ Allemagne et la France (territoires actuels) comptaient en 1851, la méme population, a savoir 35 millions @habitants. Aujourd’hui, Allemagne posséde 65 millions d’habitants et la France 39.” Contemporary French social historian Martine Segalen corroborates Bertillon’s figures. While most of Europe’s population was increasing, France was the only country that showed"! virtually no growth. Considering the period 1800-1915, Segalen finds that the net birthrate in France was reduced by forty percent.” Historians argue, in some cases, that there was no depopulation problem in France, but indeed the birthrate was very low. It was low enough that some sort of national collective effort was needed, at least to create the belief that something was being done about the problem. Of course the solution would have to come from the most private spheres. The interest taken by major institutions in French men’s and women’s sex lives during this » Gillis, Tilly, and Levine 8. fase adtemer ne yt er ppt aro Te poy, Sn Michel eropeon soil Se 180-1970 (Nee Yess Neca OS “\ All major European nation experienced falling birthrates after the 1860s, however. ‘ Martine Segalen, “Exploring a Case of Late French Fertility Decline: Two Contrasted Breton Examples,” The European Experience of Declining Fertility, Gillis, Tilly, and Levine, eds. (New York: Blackwell, 1992): 227, 46period is astonishing, as are the lengths to which those with any control over public thought would go to use it. George L. Mosse, in “Nationalism and Respectability: Normal and Abnormal Sexuality in the Nineteenth Century,” explains."? While this article focuses on private life and public influences in England and Germany, he traces the ideal of “modem nationalism and the ideal of respectability’ to a patriotic consciousness linked to private life that emerged with the French Revolution. The attempt to cope with a nervous age brought to a climax changes in manners and morals which had been evolving slowly in previous centuries. The French Revolution was viewed as divine retribution for aristocratic frivolity, and modem manners and morals were to a large extent the products of pietistic and evangelical revivals, Religious revival and revolution were accompanied by the development of middle-class life, with its emphasis on hard work and the fulfillment of man’s vocation, and its endeavor to confront the restlessness of the age with respectability." Medical and theological texts on sexuality proliferated and were very influential in the nineteenth century, but some of the most influential were those written just after the Revolution. German physician Johann Valentin Miller wrote The Outline of Forensic Medicine in 1796. Miller’s advocated the use of outward appearances to cover up sins“ against conventions. Such connections between conventionality and the health of the state"” were incorporated into the ideologies of Third Republic repopulation propaganda. ‘A source that linked political and social problems to sexual aberration and © George L. Mosse, “Nationalism and Respectability: Normal and Abnormal Sexuality in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Contemporary History 7 (1982): 221-26. Mosse concentrates on male sexuality, primarily in Germany, in this article. “ Mosse 221. Complementary concepts are the subject of Robert A. Nye’s Masculinity and Male Codes of Honor in Modern France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), Mosse 222, “ Homosexuality and masturbation were practices under intense atack. Masturbation was cited as the cause of many ¢yils and was believed to lead to homosexuality. *" Mosse 223. Behavior and nationalism are subjects of essays in John R. Gillis, ed., Commenorations: The Politics of ‘National Identity (Princeton, N. Princeton University Press, 1994) and Raoul Girardet, ed, Le Nationalisme Francais, 1871-1914 (Paris, A. Colin, 1966). 47overindulgence was André Tissot’s L ‘Onanisme, first appearing in 1758.** Sexual excess, in his eyes, was a neurological disorder.” Tissot believed that masturbation led to imbecility, and that all sexual excesses, whether performed in the marriage bed or alone at night, led to disastrous consequences. The medical profession, became by the middle of the nineteenth century, the guardians of the ‘plaisirs d’amour.”...Physicians came to see themselves as guardians of the people’s health and morals.°° Physicians were the most credible group to promote gender and sexual norms among the masses, Mosse identifies sexual norms, differentiating males and females as central control mechanisms for countries seeking to develop their own brand of nationalism. The heavily-promoted behavioral expectations for each gender helped define what was “tespectable.” Physicians, educators and police advocated and promoted these norms. They assisted by regulating and subtly changing sexual attitudes. Institutional agents worked in tandem with the larger republican goals of controlling sexuality in order to establish normalcy and subsequently, nationalism.‘' By operating and cooperating as part of the machine of nationalism, doctors, police, and educators were given exceptional power. This occurred precisely at a time when public confidence in them flagged, as did trust in all things official and bureaucratic. “Frequently nationalism supplied the content “ Samuel Auguste David Tissot, L‘Onanisme, dissertation sur les maladies produites par la masturbation (Lausanne: Mare Chapuis, 1764). “This element of Tissot's theories was crucial for its relevance to nineteenth century medical treatises. Sexual aberrations and excesses needed tobe characterized as diseases to operate within reproduction and nationalistic ropsanda. Inthe nineteenth century, diseases were thought to have neurological eauses Mosse 225-26. ‘*!Mosse 222. See also Mosse 225: “Abnormal sexuality, exemplifying chaos and restlessness, threatened to upset (the social) order, and private vice increasingly became a public matter.” ® Many examples of doctors’ participation in the campaign for sexual norms and nationalism are presented and analyzed in Robert A. Nye, Crime, Madness and Politics in Modern France: The Medical Concept of National Decline (Princeton, N. J: Princeton University Press, 1994). 8and the goal of the inward spirit. The line between normalcy and abnormality had to be drawn in order to protect the nation against its enemies.” Of course, the enemy could be found within French citizens themselves. “Confusion between the sexes was feared all the more because it was thought that children were bisexual and their masculine and feminine components could develop in a normal or abnormal way,” writes Mosse. “During the second half of the nineteenth century Darwinism strengthened the nationalists: the survival of the fittest necessitated a healthy national organism, free of hereditary disease and moral weakness.** Demographic growth was dependent upon eliminating those vices that sapped men’s virility, led to physical sickness, and weakened will-power,”®* Isabell Hull adds, “Sexuality was a most suitable metaphor for the conflict between the individual and society, a conflict at the heart of nineteenth-century concerns.”®* Especially among the middle class, masturbation and the mere satisfaction of sexual desire without procreative intent was portrayed as selfish and unpatriotic. Such self-centered acts were the seeds of societal destruction, at least in contemporary authors’ predictions. “The emphasis on manliness in the struggle for survival went hand in hand with the concept of ‘degeneration.’ First formulated by Bénedict Augustin Morel in 1857, degeneration was a medical term describing the ® Mosse 229. Linda L. Clark, Social Darwinism in France (University, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1984). 35 Mosse 228-228. ‘% Hull 251-52. “Procreation as sexual, and therefore as social contro was one of the main reasons thatthe only “Tegitimate’ form of sexuality in the nineteenth century was heterosexual activity. Non-procreative sex (masturbation, homosexuality, oral and anal sex, bestiality, sex with or amoung children, and so forth) escaped the social fabric and therefore exemplified selfish individualism and contempt for the community.” Hull points out that before 1848 the ‘bourgeoisie wished to separate itself from the aristocracy and sexual selfrestant was seen as an important separation from the sef-graifying ancien régime. In the second half ofthe nineteenth century, however, it was the working class ‘which became more ofa threat and they were cast as animalistic and unable to control their sexual desires and channel them productively and conscientiously 9destruction of men and women through what he called moral and physical poison.”*” Being congenital, degeneracy, primarily in the guise of immorality, would weaken the gene pool. Degeneration would also sap the physical strength of the entire nation’s citizens. This aversion to immorality as a violation of national duty was firmly entrenched during the first decades of the Third Republic. In contrast licentiousness seems to have run rampant and was even cultivated by the young, avant-garde at the fin- de-siécle. The younger generation reacted against the bourgeoisie’s espousal of restrained, controlled, and nationalistic prescribed roles, particularly after these fermented for the first two decades of the Third Republic. Mosse attributes the “fear of the speed of time” to both the middle-class’ desire to find stability within a structure of patriotism and the new sexual freedom of youth.** Immorality and loneliness were particularly thought to breed in those who lived in larger cities. Urban dwellers were often mobile, or at least had lost some geographic connection to their roots. “The village, the small town close to nature, possessed no dark bowels within which vice could flourish; it symbolized those eternal values which stood outside the rush of time. Such values harked back to a healthy and happy universe, in contrast to the rush of time symbolized by the modem city.” This could not help but result in a loss of a feeling of belonging and ownership, especially in one’s country. Thus, sex, youth, and the teeming cities became perceived as threats to patriotism and French national health. *'Bénedict Ausgustin Morel, Traité des Dégénéresences Physiques, Inellectuelles et Morales de I'Espéce Humaine (Paris 1857) noted in Mosse 223. Mosse 229, % Mosse 227-28. Set also K. W. Swart, The Sense of Decadence in Nineteenth-Century France (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1964), 50When the revolt against respectability began to take place, it threatened the virtues linked to family. To protect these virtues, the differentiation between the ideal male and female needed to be promoted among the primary target citizenry—the middle class. In her response essay to Mosse’s article, Hull sums up clearly the strong connections between middle class and ideals linked to strengthening the birthrate to those of the nation. “Respectability, nationalism and liberalism were the bourgeois strata’s three greatest bequests to the nineteenth century... Respectability...had at least the dual purpose of defining the bourgeoisie (and defining it as better than other classes) and of protecting the status quo from demographic and hence political revolution.” It is primarily to the respectable bourgeoisie we now turn to inspect the dynamics of Third Republic family life. Regeneration With the birth rate falling and the military in shambles, France needed to regroup after the tragedies of 1870-71. The country needed to stimulate positive thoughts in its Population, its economy, and in its morale. It was clear why the military had fallen into such a weak state, but why and how the birth rate had descended was part of a larger debate. Those who participated in the discourse included doctors (writing medical treatises), church officials, government ministers, and feminists.' Every pundit seemed to suggest a cause. Henri Thulié, director of Paris’ Ecole Anthropologique, focused on Hull 248-249, “For discussions on the need to regenerate based on concerns over the falling birt rate, see Paul Leroy Beaulieu, La (Question de 1a Population (Paris: Librare Félix Alcan, 1913) and Jacques Bertillon. For contemporary analysis on twends, causes, and perceived problems conceming the French birth rate atthe finde-siécle, see John R. Gillis, Louise ‘A. Tilly, and David Levine, editors, The European Experience of Declining Fertility, 1850-1970 (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1992). See also Clark, Social Darwinism in France. sthigh rates of infant mortality as a force that would result in a negative population growth. Charles Richet, a Paris Faculty of Medicine professor, attacked those using birth control Ultimately, in his eyes, women taking control of their own lives were causing the declining birth rate.“ Feminist activists, namely Maria Deraismes, blamed child mortality and women’s declining productivity on the lack of legal rights and on the stagnant moral dilemmas she perceived women and children faced in tum-of-the-century France. Some of those who agreed with Deraismes tried to change the lives of women and their children by lobbying for financial and social support. Socialist feminist Léonie Rouzade argued that state subsidies should be given to women as their roles as mothers were central to women’s social function.” Anarchists, some under the neo-Malthusian banner, claimed “since women were only producing cannon fodder for the armies of the state, they should be given the wherewithal to refuse.” No matter who was blaming or being blamed, one concept became key--having children was the first step toward serving France. Parents’ patriotic duties were now enlarged to encompass how one rearedd children. Raising them in a morally and physically clean and healthy environment became the subject of direct propaganda. Jack D. Elis, The Physician-Legislators of France: Medicine and Politics in the Early Third Republic, 1870-1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990). This text treats the elevation of doctors to lawmakers, bolstered by public respect for physicians” knowledge and advice on hygiene and germs. See also Theodore Zeldin's chapter, “Doctors.” France, 1848-1945, vo. 1, (London: Oxford University Press, 1973): 23-42 and Jacques Donzelot's

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