Growth of Calcutta's Business District
Meera Guha
This article examines briefly the historical developments leading to the displacement of the Bengali popula-
tion from large commercial enterprise in Calcutta by trading castes from Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Gujarat
and the spatial changes which have followed this.
THE chief commercial concentra-
tion of Calcutta Is located in an
area lying along the Hoogly River,
covering wards 17, 19, 24 and 26. In
the immediate neighbourhood, where
commercial functions are also present
to a lesser degree, the density of po-
pulation rises as high as 761 (ward
25) and 586 (ward 20) per acre.
The tradition in the region which has
always been one of trade and com-
merce has attracted various communi-
ties of differing origins and composi-
tion. The geographical character of
the area formed one of the bases of
this tradition In a marshy deltaic
setting, the high levee hanks of the
river formed the site of several vil-
lages, while the river itself provided
an easy means of communication.
Some of these villages were religious
centres or centres of Brahmanical
learning, while some were centres of
trade or of manufacture by artisan
castes. Upon one portion of this levee,
Sutanuti, a reputed cotton yarn mar-
ket of the 17th century was located.
This place became the famous 'mid-
day halt' of Jub Charnock, and later
developed into the city of Calcutta.
It was around this nucleus that the
central commercial functions of the
city evolved. In the north lay the old
village site of Sutanuti, later known
as Hatkhola and Bcniatola (ward 17);
while to the south were Jorabagan-
Pathuriaghata (ward 19 and 24), and
Burrabazar (ward 26). At the time of
Plassey in 1757, Jorabagan-Pathuria-
ghata lay between the villages of Su-
tanuti in the north, and Kalikata to
the south. The latter was the site of
the English settlement, which lay to
the south and west of the Dalhousie
square of present times. There was a
bazaar north of Kalikata, known as
Burabazar (Bura is said to be the pet
name of Siva). The old name of Pa-
thuriaghata came from a jetty or
wharf (ghaut), where building stones
and fodder for draught-horses were
unloaded. Originally residential in
character, these together were known
as the 'native quarter' in the 18th
century.
The resident population in Haikhu-
la-Beniatola was composed chielty of
the trading and artisan castes of Su-
barnabanik (banker), Candhabanik
(spice merchant), and Tantubanik
(weaver), who followed their tradi-
tional hereditary callings. Most of
these people had migrated from Hoogh-
ly, in the north, to Calcutta, in the
18th century. This was when, because
of silting in the river, Saraswati the
famous port of Saptagram was on the
decline, and the new centre at Suta-
nuti offered fresh opportunities of
trade and commerce under British
patronage.
Southwards, in Jorabagan, Pathuria-
ghata and Burrabazar, the original re-
sident population was defined in se-
parate wards belonging to castes like
Kayastha (scribe), Brahman (priest),
Suri (distiller), Subarnabanik and
Tanlubanik. Several of them are said
to have been residenls of the village
of Govindapore, from where they were
displaced during the construction of
Port William in 1757, and were given
compensatory land by the Companv to
the north of the English settlement.
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
Several members of these groups be-
gan to participate in commercial acti-
vities with the East India Company,
as agents or 'banians'.
By the 18th century, fresh nisturi-
cal developments took place which led
to a number of significant social cnan-
ges. Revenue collection in Bengal
under the Mughals was made through
indigenous zemindars in charge of spe-
cified districts. When the East India
Company came into power in the 18th
century, proprietory rights were given
to these zemindars by the Permanent
Settlement Act of 1793, and the reve-
nue demands of the landlords' assets
were fixed in perpetuity. But in order
to ensure immediate payment, the
Sunset l a w was adopted. By this, the
lands of the estates were sold to meet
arrears if the revenues were unpaid by
sunset on a fixed date, the 30th of
Asvina of the Bengali year. Several of
the old zemindar families became de-
faulters through the operation of this
law, and the new citizens of Calcutta,
already engaged in trade, began to
buy up these estates when they were
offered for salo. Moreover, ar the
peace under British rule helped in the
extension of agriculture, hitherto neg-
lected in an unsettled atmosphere
investment in zemindari became a
highly profitable enterprise. Thus the
group of absentee landlords resident
in Calcutta emerged as a new class
altogether. Such were Butto Kristo
Paul (Gandhabanik), Brindaban Chan-
dra Basak (Tantubanik), Baisnav Cha-
ran Sett. (Tantubanik), Sovaram Basak
(Tantubanik), Lakshmikanta Dhar (Su-
barnabanik), Ramlochan Ghosh (Kay-
astha), Darpanarayan Tagore (Brah-
man), who were residents of the area
under discussion.
The Bengali landlords, once divert-
ed from trade, began to seek oppor-
tunities in other avenues of occupa-
tion: They had already taken readily
to western education by the beginning
of the 19th century, and their fami-
liarity with the English language made
it easy for them to move into the
services in European mercantile firms
as well as under the administration.
Many families consequently left the
field of commerce to which their
grandfathers had been attracted. This
change took place more rapidly among
the Kayastha and Brahman families.
For we find that among the other
castes, the Subarnabaniks have till to-
day, maintained their original banking
occupation besides making new invest-
ments in shipping, textiles, jute and
coal industries. Only a very small frac-
tion of these caste groups has moved
into the bureaucratic and learned pro-
fessions.
Thus the field of large commercial
November 13, 1965
enterprise was left open to a new
group which gradually moved in.
These were the trading castes from
Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Gujarat.
This transfer received further incen-
tive by the construction of railways,
when the north-western provinces of
India were brought within the trading
range of Calcutta. To-day the non-
Bengali population is a dominant group
in the economic life of Calcutta.
Spatial changes also have been ini-
tiated by this replacement. The new
commercial groups who have concen-
trated in the Burrabazar area are
gradually spreading out in a distinct
pattern all over the city. Whenever
old localities are redeveloped, the rich
non-Bengali businessmen purchase land
along the new traffic arteries and build
many storeyed structures. The original
resident Bengali families are moving
out to give place to the new settlers;
so much so, that, as in the case of the
central business district, only a small
fraction of the original core remains,
maintaining an oyster-like existence.
In consequence, to-day, Burrabazar is
populated mainly by non-Bengali bu-
sinessmen from Punjab, Uttar Pradesh
and Rajasthan. Jorabagan-Pathuria-
ghata, lying between this area and the
northern Bengali locality of Hatkbola-
Beniatola, has a mixed population of
both Bengali and non-Bengali popula-
November 13, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
tion. Thus certain social peculiarities livelihood or free schools run by the are: Marwari Relief Society, Mahesh-
are noticeable in the region described Calcutta Corporation, wari Sava, Sri Kashi Visvanath Sami-
above. Here, in spite of the predomin- The changing spatial forms have re- t i , Svetambar Tarapanthi Sava, Pun-
ance of commercial activity, the differ- sulted in a state of fluidity, so that jabi Seva Samiti, Gujarati Seva Samaj.
ent communities maintain discrete con- social integration is feeble with relax- On the other hand, a different set of
centrations. They are apparently mark- ed social responsibilities. In many organizations cuts through these inter-
ed off from one another by differences cases, where old recreation clubs, run communal differences. They are a
of language, dress, living habits and by Bengalis, existed, they are now number of trades associations like the
occupations. practically defunct. Similarly, social Federation of Mercantile Employees
There has also been an invasion of service organizations do not function Union, Bengal Bank Association, India
commercial functions in a once predo- properly. The only exceptions in this Bank Employees Association and so
minantly residential area. Occasionally connection are those non-Bengali com- on. But these have countrywide affi-
abandoned palatial residences have munity organizations which function for liations. It seems, therefore, that the
been converted into ware-houses. This the benefit of their caste groups social scene is characterized by an un-
is greatly in evidence on the northern spread over the whole of Calcutta. integrated group of distinctive com-
fringes of Jorabagan and in Beniatola. Such institutions are well organized munities, whose ties arc extremely
The market functions of Burrabazar and are founded in Trusts. Examples temporary.
have extended along the Hooghly bank
on its inner side, and also eastwards.
This is of wholesale trade in non-pe-
rishable foodstuffs and other commo-
dities. Consequently, heavy motor tra-
ffic has encroached upon the area,
giving rise to car-repairing and motor
ancillary trades. The wholesale com-
merce of Burrabazar has also brought
in a floating population of coolie la-
bour, which finds refuge on the pave-
ments every night, while a few rooms
in bustees are collectively rented by
them for storage of personal belong-
ings. The river front is in addition
lined with timber depots.
There has been a decline of resi-
dences in those localities where the ad-
vancing commercial functions make
demands upon space. Prosperous resi-
dences as a result are being replaced
by others of a poorer quality, while
land values have arisen tremendously.
The table on page 1695 bears out
some of these features of change be-
tween the years 1911 and 1961.
We find that although there has
been an increase in total land use, in
the nucleus of wards 26, 37 and 39,
the increase of commercial functions
is considerably larger than that of re-
sidential ones. Thus it is possible to
define a zonal arrangement of func-
tions lying around the core of Bur-
rabazar. The latter is extending out-
wards into a zone which now forms
the transition between advancing com-
merce and retreating residence. Still
farther away is an area which is still
mainly residential in character.
What is more striking is the almost
total absence of those functions which
are associated with residence, namely
educational amenities, clubs and pub-
lic parks. This is also substantiated by
a study of the voluntary communal in-
stitutions of the area. Interest in high-
er education is lacking among the re-
sidential commercial population. Ex-
cept for one or two schools which ca-
ter to pupils from outside the region,
all the schools are primary, either run
by schoolmasters mainly as a means of