Rethinking "apacheta"

Author(s): Carolyn Dean

Source: awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology, No. 28 (2006), pp. 93-108
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27977828
Accessed: 23-05-2016 05:54 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to awpa Pacha:
Journal of Andean Archaeology

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Rethinking apacheta
Carolyn Dean

Apacheta are traditionally thought of as accumulations of small stones piled by travelers at high mountain
passes, places of precarious crossing, or otherwise significant parts of a journey, such as crossroads. Two six
te enth-century watercolor depictions of apacheta, featured in a late sixteenth-century manuscript by the
Mercedarian friar Martin de Mur?a, suggest, however, that prehispanic apacheta may have varied greatly in
appearance. This paper explores some of the implications of the Mur?a images, including the possibility that the
piles of rock are not themselves the apacheta, but rather are the offerings made to apacheta. It also considers
apacheta as the miniature embodiments of Andean topography designed to secure the aid of the sacred land
scape for a traveler s journey.

Por tradici?n, la apacheta se conoce como un mont?culo o una acumulaci?n de piedras peque?as creada por
pasajeros m?ntenos cruzando Us alturas peligrosas o llegando a un cruze o alguna parte importante de su viaje.
Sin embargo, dos aquarelas de apachetas publicadas en un manuscrito por el cura mercedario Mart?n de Mur?a
a fin del siglo dieciseis sugieren que U apacheta prehisp?nica puede haber variado bastante. Aqu? se exphran Us
implicaciones de Us im?genes de Mur?a, tanto como la posibilidad que la apacheta no consisti? del mont?culo
mismo, sino que representaba una ofrenda. Tambi?n se considera que la apacheta es una representaci?n de la
topograf?a andina, creada en miniatura para asegurar el apoyo del paisaje sagrado para el viaje del pasajero.

A pacheta, usually called apachitas in the colonial
period, are traditionally thought of as accumu
lations of small stones piled by travelers at high moun
tain passes, places of precarious crossing, or otherwise
significant parts of a journey, such as crossroads.1
Diego Gonzalez de Holgu?n (1901: 27 [1608]), the
Jesuit author of an early Quechua-Spanish dictionary,
not only defines them as "piles of stones" (montones
1 Because the Quechua plural, the suffix -kuna, is confusing
to many modern readers, but because adding an V would
produce a jarring bilingualism, I will use Quechua words,
such as apacheta, saywa, waka, and so on, in their singular
form. Alternative spellings to Quechua words will be pro
vided in parentheses.
de piedras), but says they functioned as idolatrous
"shrines for travelers" {adoratorios de caminantes:
vana observancia idol?trica). The word apacheta is
related to Quechua verbs meaning to carry and to
have something carried, as well as to bring or send
things.2 Although apacheta was the Incas' preferred
2 Gonzalez de Holgu?n (1901: 26-27 [1608]) defines the fol
lowing Quechua verbs: apani, meaning llevar, apachini, mean
ing "dejar llevar ? hacer llevar"-, apachikupuni, meaning
"dejarse hurtar ? llevar algo por descuido"; apachikuni, mean
ing "enviar regalos de comida"-, and apachimuni meaning
"hacer traer" La Barre (1948: 166) suggests that the term
apacheta comes from an Aymara phrase, apacheta muchani,
meaning "I give thanks that this [a load or burden] has been
carried."

Carolyn Dean. History of Art & Visual Culture Dept., Porter Academic Services, University of California, Santa Cruz, CA, 95064,
csdean@ucsc.edu

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 ?awpa Pacha 28

term, they were also known by other names

such as cotorayaq rumi and camachico? Rumi
means "rock," and cotorayaq is derived from
the verb cutuni, defined by Gonz?lez de
Holgu?n (1901: 63 [1608]) as "to pile"
(amontonar); camachic or camachikuc is de
fined as "governor, magistrate, commander"
(gobernador, corregidor, mand?n) (ibid.: 48).
Cristobal de Albornoz (1988: 168 [1584]),
an investigator and extirpator of Andean
idolatries who recorded his findings in 1584,
describes them as a "very ordinary" (muy
ordenarlo) type of waka (huaca, that is, a sa
cred place or thing), and indicates that they Figure 1. Apacheta cairns at Patapampa, a mountain pass, Arequipa.
were commonly found along roads, especially
on slopes and where particular sights first come into
view; he also reports that reverence for them per
sisted despite the eradicating efforts of evangelizers
(ibid.).4 Apacheta cairns continue to be a feature of
the modern Andean landscape (Figure l).5
Two sixteenth-century watercolor depictions of
apacheta, featured in a late sixteenth-century manu
script by the Mercedarian friar Martin de Murila,
suggest, however, that prehispanic apacheta may have
varied greatly in appearance (Figures 2 and 3). Here
we explore some of the implications of the Murua

3 Polo (1916a: 189-190 [1571]) writes that ". . . los Serranos

adoran los montones de piedras que hazen ellos mesmos en
las llanadas, ? encruzijada, ? en cumbreras de montes, que en
el Cuzco y en los Co?as se ?aman, Apachitas, y en otras partes
las llaman Cotordyac rumi o por otros vocablos." Albornoz
(1988: 168 [1584]) reports that another word for apachita is
camachico.
4 Albornoz (1988: 168 [1584]) writes that apacheta are found
"en todas las asomadas y bertientes de los caminos, a las cuales
saludan y ofrescen los que van con cargas o fatigados de andar,
y les ofrescen una oraci?n o una piedra, de tal manera que en
los dichos lugares ay muchos montes d?lias." He adds, "Son
tantos estos que, si no es con amonestaciones buenas, no se
apartar?n de la creencia porque encuentran por momentos
con ellas en todos los caminos y puertos de toda la tierra,
Figure 2. Galvin manuscript, folio 80v, 1590 (Mur?a,
mandando a los corregidores y cl?rigos doctineros que cada 2004, v. 2, fol. 80v).
cual lo mande deshazer en sus partidos, es muy necesario se
haga" (ibid.).
5 For descriptions and analyses of modern apacheta, see Delfino
(2001: 117), Kuznar (1995: 82-85; 2001: 50-52), and La
Barre (1948: 166).

94

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dean: Rethinking apacheta

manuscript, as it can be called for convenience, is

dated 1590, and is the earlier of two known illus
trated manuscripts authored by the Mercedarian
friar.6 Thanks to the prodigious efforts of Juan M.
Ossio, who located, transcribed, and edited the
Galvin manuscript, its facsimile was published re
cently with Ossio's commentary (Murila 2004
[1590]). The publication in facsimile of this manu
script, which, being held in private hands, is not avail
able for general study, was long awaited owing in
large part to the 113 ink and watercolor illustrations
it contains. As Ossio (2004: 38-39) has observed,
many of its images appear to have been executed by
the indigenous author and artist Felipe Guarnan Poma
de Ayala. Given the current controversies over the
authorship of El primer nueva cor?nica y buen
gobierno, perhaps it is more prudent to say that many
of the Galvin illustrations were apparently completed
by the same hand responsible for the drawings in the
Nueva Cor?nica. For the purposes of this discussion,
however, I will refer to the author and illustrator of
the Nueva Cor?nica as Guarnan Poma, and so will
be deferring recent thorny questions raised about
Guarnan Pomas authorship and draftsmanship of the
Nueva Cor?nica.7 Ossio (ibid.: 38) points out that
Figure 3. Galvin manuscript, folio 104v, 1590 (Mur?a,
2004, v. 2, fol. 104v). there are striking similarities in theme and composi
tion between nearly one third of the images in the
Galvin manuscript and corresponding drawings in
images, including the possibility that the piles of rock,
described by Gonzalez de Holgu?n, Albornoz, and
6 The Wellington manuscript, now in the collection of the J.
others, are not themselves the apacheta, but rather
Paul Getty Museum, was finished around 1613. Manuel
are the offerings made to apacheta. We will further Ballesteros located it languishing in the collection of the Duke
consider apacheta as the miniature embodiments of of Wellington; for his transcription of its text without its thirty
Andean topography designed to secure the aid of the seven illustrations, see Mur?a 1986. In 1985, Ossio published

sacred landscape for a travelers journey. They were,
therefore, always waka, places of reverence; while
some were offered common Andean items, such as
small stones, coca leaves and flowers, others, appar
ently of very high status, received child sacrifices.
The two depictions of apacheta featured here
in Figures 2 and 3 can be found on folios 80 verso
and 104 verso of Mur?as Historia del origen y
genealogia real del origen de los reyes Ingas del Pini
de sus hechos, costumbres, trajes, y manera de
gouierno. The original manuscript is currently in Ire
land, in the collection of Sean Galvin. The Galvin
photographs of the watercolors from the Wellington manu
script; see Mur?a 1985.
7 It has been alleged that Guarnan Poma was neither the au
thor nor the illustrator of the Nueva Cor?nica. For a discus
sion of pertinent issues, see Adorno (2002), Barnes (2003),
Domenici and Domenici (1996), Estenssoro Fuchs (1997),
Guibovich P?rez (2003), Holland (2002), Hyland (2003:
195-235), Mumford (2000), and Ossio (2000), as well as
various essays, including some by authors named above, in
Cantil (2001). Clearly, the argument will not be settled any
time soon. However, given the self-referential nature of the
Nueva Cor?nica, both its text and images, I will continue to
credit Guarnan Poma as both author and artist of that prodi
gious work.

95

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 _?awpa Pacha 28_

Guarnan Pomas Nueva Cor?nica. Additionally, many

of the other watercolors in the Galvin manuscript
share distinctive stylistic traits and fine points of ex
ecution with those in the Nueva Cor?nica.
The details of much of Mu??as life are unclear.8
He was an accomplished member of the mendicant
order of Our Lady of Mercy who worked in the cen
tral and southern Andes in the latter half of the six
teenth century and the first decade of the seventeenth.
He is known to us not only through the two chron
icles he produced, but through the work of Guarnan
Poma who refers five times to Murua in the Nueva
Cor?nica, casting the Mercedarian in an unflatter
ing light by accusing the friar of stealing his wife and
abusing Indians, and showing him beating an eld
erly indigenous weaver (Figure 4).9 Ossio (2001b)
concludes that Guarnan Poma probably once worked
with Murua as both an informant and as an illustra
tor, if not as a copyist. While initially they may have
collaborated on Muruas history of the Incas, at some
point they had a falling out with the result that
Guarnan Poma disparaged the Mercedarian in his
own "new" chronicle. Ossio (2001a; 2001b: 71;
Figure 4. Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva
2004: 29-50) has also argued convincingly that cor?nica y buen gobierno, page 647[66l], c. 1615.
Muruas Galvin manuscript records information re
ceived from native informants in a less filtered man
ner than Muruas later version, known as the Wellington trators of the Galvin may well have been quite famil
manuscript, which dates to around 1613 and which iar with indigenous Andean beliefs and practices, and
the friar re-organized and revised in ways that make thus that we must take seriously the images of the
it more consonant with European histories.10 apacheta provided by the Galvin artist. Given that
My present concern is not so much who actu we have many colonial-period textual references to
ally executed the drawings in the Galvin manuscript, apacheta as piles of stones, the two depictions of
although many of them strongly resemble those in apacheta in Muruas Galvin manuscript are quite as
the Nueva Cor?nica, but that the illustrator or illus tonishing. Rather than depicting mounds of rocks,
the apacheta on folio 80 verso is represented as a
pyramidal structure, glossed "apachita? comprising
what looks like cut-stone masonry, and the apacheta
8 For discussion of what is known and can be surmised about
on folio 104 verso is a vertical stone surrounded by a
the life and work of Mart?n de Mur?a, see Ballesteros (1986:
6-11). dressed masonry wall. It would be rash to dismiss
9 See Guarnan Poma (pp. 517[521], 611 [625], 647-649[661 these Galvin apacheta just because they do not match
663], 906[920], 1080[1090]; 1988, v. 2: 480, 580, 613 our current understandings. After all, they are the
624, 848, and v. 3: 998 [1615]). For an insightful and con only visual depictions of apacheta surviving from the
cise discussion of the relationship between Mur?a and
colonial period. Even Guarnan Poma, who depicted
Guarnan Poma, see Ossio (2001b; 2004: 50-55).
10 For discussion of some of the alterations that Mur?a made a great many things in his Nueva Cor?nica, does not
to his text as well as additional insights regarding the picture any apacheta there.
Mercedarians unacknowledged sources, see Rowe (1987). While the apacheta on folio 80v is surprising in

96

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dean: Rethinking apacheta
its manner of construction, it is, however, consistent
with chroniclers' descriptions of the locations of
apacheta; that is, they are found near well-traveled
routes as the Galvin watercolor shows. The apacheta
of folio 80v is located centrally in the drawing along
a major road, running diagonally across the page,
from which paths branch. In the illustration, the land
scape setting appears wild, with rolling uncultivated
hills. Also pictured are four virtually identical stone
huts, one of which is identified as a puytuc uasiy as
well as a casa para los chaskis, 2. shelter for the long
distance running messengers of the Incas.11 The la
beled hut, like the other stone huts depicted, appears
to be constructed of stacked and apparently unworked
field stone. These huts roughly correspond to the
Jesuit Bernab? Cobo's (lib. II, cap. 32; 1979: 229
[1653]) description of some chuclla, the two-man,
oven-shaped, roadside huts made of stacked field
stone without mortar that he says were built for and
occupied by chaski}1 Comparing the Murua puytuc
uasi with the apacheta on folio 80v reveals that the
artist has very carefully differentiated between types
of stone construction. Whereas the stones compris
ing the former are rounded and irregular in size and
shape, the stones of the latter have straight edges and
are squared off Such distinct differences suggest a
purposeful rendering of the apacheta as a constructed
pyramid of cut and dressed ashlars fitted without
mortar in the manner of the Incas' renowned coursed
masonry (Figure 5). Because of the purposeful ren
dering of a cut and fitted stonemasonry apacheta in
the Galvin, we must at least consider the possibility
that, under the Incas, some apacheta might have been
structures of fine masonry, rather than just haphaz
ard piles of found rocks in their natural state.
The companion text on folio 81r of the Galvin
reports on the Inca road system without specifically
referring to apacheta. Mur?a reserves comment on
apacheta until his chapter on Andean idolatry. It is
in this section, on the verso of folio 104, that the
11 Santo Tom?s (1951: 342 [1560]) defines puytoc as b?ueda
(vault). Uasi (guasi, huasi, or wasi) means "house."
12 In this passage Cobo specifically refers to the chuclla of Callao;
he says that the huts for chaski varied in both medium and
appearance from region to region within Tawantinsuyu.
97
This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Figure 5. Inka wall of coursed, cut and fitted stone
masonry, Calle Loreto, Cuzco.
reader encounters a second picture of an apacheta.
Glossed "apachita? it is a pillar-shaped stone sur
rounded by a crenellated wall of mortarless cut-stone
masonry. This apacheta closely resembles the so
called, and surely misnamed, Puma Rock at Kenko
(Figure 6). The upright monolith has a rectilinear
masonry framing wall as does the Galvin apacheta.
In fact, as Maarten van de Guchte (1990: 144) has
observed, bedding joints on some of the ashlars in
the extant wall indicate that the barrier at Kenko was
once higher, obscuring the lower portion of the ver
tical monolith.13 This is precisely what occurs in the
Galvin image. The Galvins uncanny crenellations,
which are unlike known freestanding Inca walls,
might well refer to a once higher wall in a state of
disrepair, as worked ashlars were removed for re-use
in colonial-period structures. The Galvin artist might
thus have depicted the wall as it appeared in his time,
that is, the late sixteenth century The crenellations
might also be a nod to the semi-circular amphithe
ater wall at Kenko, which is associated with the ver
tical stone. In Figure 7 we see not only the monolith,
but portions of the concave wall beyond, its "cre
nellations" possibly produced by the removal of rows
of ashlars from a once higher niched wall, as first
proposed by Lu?s Valc?rcel (1934: 223-233), who
was in charge of the project that studied Kenko in
1934. It is as though the Galvin artist has collapsed
13 Van de Guchte (1990: 144) estimates the height of the origi
nal wall framing the upright stone as two meters in height.
 _?awpa Pacha 28_

*? 1

EHflll^F 'lili flffl?iitr 'fr '^^^BjWWWffW^B*^

Figure 6. Vertical monolith, Kenko.

significant features of this portion of the Kenko site,

as it was in the late sixteenth century, in order to
produce this image of an apacheta.
Curiously, neither of the Galvin apacheta are
simple piles of rock even though Muruas text de
scribes them as such.14 Like Murua, several knowl
edgeable individuals, such as the aforementioned
extirpator Albornoz and the linguist Gonz?lez de that the correct term is apachecta rather than the
Holgu?n, as well as native Andean chronicler Joan Hispanicized apachita, then proceeds to argue that
de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua (fol. the word does not refer to a place of idolatrous wor
9v; 1993: 200 [c. 1613]), unequivocally define
apacheta as piles of stone. Others, however, offer more
nuanced, if not more convoluted, perspectives. While
in one report, the well-informed colonial adminis
trator Polo de Ondegardo (1916a: 189-190 [1571];
1916b: 57 [1571]) refers to them as "piles of stones"
(montones de piedras), he also observes that they are
the summits of hills (cumbreras and cumbres). The
Jesuit Joseph de Acosta (lib. V, cap. 5; 1962: 224),
writing in 1590, likewise defines apachitas as "the
summits of hills" (las cumbres de los montes).
Writing some years later, the mestizo author and
Inca apologist, Garcilaso de la Vega (lib. 2, cap. IV;
1966, v. 1: 77 [1609]) identifies apachectas as mis
understood references to "very high hills" and "steep
mountain slopes" crossed by roads. He first notes
14 Mur?a (fol. 102r; 2004, v. 1: 185 [1590]) defines "apachitas"
as "los montones de piedra que hacen ellos mismos en las
llanadas o encrucijadas o en cumbreras de montes." Follow
ing Polo (see note 3 above), he adds that outside Cuzco and
the southern Andes they are called " cotorayacrumi."
Figure 7. Vertical monolith and concave
wall, Kenko.
ship, but rather is a sort of prayer of thanksgiving
issued to the creator deity by native peoples when
they succeed in climbing steep inclines; he says that
the word means loosely "that which causes to rise,"
and that it implies the following: "we give thanks
and offer something to the one who enables us to
carry these burdens and gives us health and strength
to scale such rugged slopes as this" (ibid.: 78).15
Garcilaso, who in this passage is clearly interested in
deflecting notions of Andean polytheism, argues that
15 Garcilaso (lib. 2, cap. IV; 1966, v. 1: 77-78 [1609]), writes,
"To explain the name apachitas given by the Spaniards to
the crests of steep slopes which they say the Indians worship,
it is necessary to note that the correct form is apachecta. This
is the dative: the genitive is apachecpa whence the present
participle ap?chec, which is the nominative. The syllable -ta
makes the dative." Garcilaso maintains that Andeans "never
use the word until they have reached the top, and that is why
the Spanish writers call the summits apachitas-, supposing
the Indians meant the latter when they were heard to use the
word apachecta and not understanding its real meaning, they
transferred it to the slopes."

98

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 _Dean: Rethinking apacheta_

indigenes were actually thanking the creator (whom
they called Pachacamac) when they reached certain
summits, rather than making offerings to the slopes
themselves. In fact, Garcilaso insists that "the gifts
[of piled stones] were really rather tokens of their
feelings than offerings" (ibid.).
While, as noted earlier, Guarnan Pomas well
illustrated Nueva Cor?nica, finished by 1615, does
not depict apacheta, the text does refer to them. He
identifies apacheta as roadside shrines for travelers
found throughout Tawantinsuyu, but does not spe
cifically describe them.16 Like Garcilaso, Guarnan
Poma (p. 263[265]; 1988, v. 1:236) says that apacheta
honored "Pacha Camac." Unlike Garcilaso, however,
Guarnan Poma does identify apacheta as sacred places
of reverence, saying that the mounds of rock and
other offerings were left as a sign (se?al) of reverence.
He also indicates that the tenth Inca ruler, Topa Ynga
Yupanqui, commanded that travelers stop at apacheta,
leaving flowers, or twined straw, or rocks in piles.17
Although the Jesuit extirpator of idolatries Pablo
Joseph de Arriaga (cap. VI; 1999: 69 [1621]) ac
knowledges his use of Garcilaso as a source, he iden
tifies the common focus of roadside reverence as a
"large stone" (piedra grande) which he says was nor
mally located on a hilltop; he maintains that the cor
rect term for these shrines is tocanca, from the verb
tucani meaning "to spit," a reference to the Andean
practice of spitting offerings of chewed coca and common variety, some researchers working in the
maize at the large rock shrines. Arriaga (ibid.) also Andes today find that apacheta vary in form.
identifies the cairns, or heaps of small stones, as of Lawrence A. Kuznar (2001: 50-52), for example,
ferings to the larger stones. Following his fellow Je describes apacheta as ubiquitous stone altars found
suit, Cobo (lib. I, cap. 11; 1990: 45 [1653]) also
16 Guarnan Poma (p. 262[264]; 1988, v. 1: 234 [1615]) writes,
"Los Yngas tienen tierra se?alado en todo este rreyno para
sacrificios llamado usno, que es para sacrificar cienpre capac
ocha al sol y a las uacas, uaca caray, al caminar apachita"
17 Guarnan Poma (p. 263[265]; 1988, v. 1: 236 [1615]) writes,
"Mand? Topa Ynga Yupanqui que los yndios de tierra caliente
o los yndios de la cierra fuesen a lo callente, llegasen al
apachita. En ello adorasen al Pacha Camac y por se?al
amontonasen piedra; cada qual lleuase una piedra y lo echasen
en ella y por se?al dexasen flores o paxa torcido a lo esquierdo.
Hasta oy lo hazen los yndios deste rreyno este uicio de
apachita." Guarnan Poma (p. 280[282]; 1988, v. 1: 253) also
says that "hichezeros como sazerdotes" served apachetas in
the provinces.
indicates that the cairns constitute the offerings of
rocks left to the apacheta by passers-by. In other words
the apacheta is the place where the offerings are left,
not the offerings themselves. More likely, however,
the cairns, although compiled as offerings, were also
considered to be waka. Indeed, as part of a different
discussion, one not part of the author s refutation of
polytheism, Garcilaso (lib. 2, cap. IV; 1966, v. 1: 76
[1609]) indicates that Andean offerings to sacred
entities were frequently held to be sacred themselves.
As diverse as these descriptions and definitions
of apacheta may be, it appears as though they were
travelers' shrines, just as they are still. Given Garci
laso's particular bias, we can set aside, at least for the
moment, his assertion that the word apacheta does
not refer to a place of reverence. We can conclude
that prehispanic apacheta assumed a variety of forms,
from natural hilltops, to pyramidal masonry struc
tures (like that on Galvin folio 80 verso), to mono
liths and outcrops, which could be either shaped or
natural (like that on Galvin 104 verso). What all
forms of prehispanic apacheta appear to have in com
mon is that they received offerings from travelers
desiring comfort and assistance, or, as Arriaga phrases
it, "to get rid of their weariness" (cap. VI; 1999: 69
[1621]). The ethnohistorical sources mentioned
above correspond to modern ethnographic accounts
of apacheta. While piles of rock are clearly the most
along roads, at boundaries, and on mountain passes;
although they most often consist of a few large stones
with smaller ones stacked on top, they can become
very elaborate, sometimes having their exterior sur
faces finished with mortar. Modern ethnographers
also engage in the debate, initiated in the sixteenth
century, concerning whether the apacheta is a place
of reverence or the actual object of worship. While
La Barre (1948: 166) concludes that the apacheta
itself is a spirit to which offerings must be made,
Kuznar (ibid.: 51) clarifies that it is because apacheta
are located in auspicious places, that they themselves
are considered sacred.
While in prehispanic times, as in the present,

99

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 _?awpa Pacha 28_^_
the form and composition of apacheta may have var
ied greatly, location and substance seem to have re
mained constant: apacheta were located along places
of passage and were petrous. That is, they were stones,
stone constructions, or stony places found on well
traveled routes. Recall that Albornoz (1988: 168
[1584]) identified them as particularly occupying
sloping roads {bertientes de los caminos) and places
where certain sights first come into view {asomadas).
This is interesting because John Hyslop (1984: 3 -
3), in his survey of various sections of Inca road,
found the remains of a roadside shrine just southeast
of Hu?nuco Pampa at a place where "a traveler would
either lose sight of the city, or see it clearly for the
first time, depending on the direction in which he
was traveling." Hyslop (ibid.: 313) tentatively iden
tifies these ruins as a zeque {ceque) shrine, but did
not consider them as apacheta, a term that he re
served for piles of rocks exclusively. The images in
the Galvin manuscript, however, as well as the
ethnohistorical textual sources, encourage us to re
think such methods of categorization based on ap
pearance alone. The Galvin depictions as well as the
various colonial-period descriptions clearly suggest
that apacheta did not have to be piles of rock and
that they could look very different from one another
and yet apparently function similarly. This should
come as little surprise since the same can be said of
other categories of Inca lithic monuments. Saywa
{sayhua, saybd), for example, were rocks or piles of
rocks that served as territorial markers. The Domini
can linguist Domingo de Santo Tom?s (1951: 350
[1560]) defines sayua as a boundary marker {moj?n
o lindero de heredad). Likewise, Gonz?lez de Holgu?n
(1901: 330 [1608]) identifies say hua as a "marker of
property, territory, or boundaries" {moj?n de here
dades, territorios, los linderos). The carved mono
lith at Saywite in Apurimac, the site s toponym itself
derived from the word saywa, is likely one of these
(van de Guchte 1990: 212) (Figure 8).18 As van de
In the colonial period, the village was called San Pedro de
Saywita. Although there are many carved boulders and out
crops at Saywite, the most elaborately carved is the so-called
Saywite monolith. The effusively carved stone is likely the
saywa referred to by the name of the village.
100
This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Figure 8. Carved monolith, Saywite.
Guchte (ibid.: 210) points out, Saywite occupies the
borderlands between the Incas and their notorious
enemy, the Chancas, and thus is an appropriate site
for a territorial marker.
The Saywite monolith, a carved granite rock
measuring approximately ten feet in length, nine feet
in width, and eight feet in height, located near a
waterworks, features an upper surface that has been
elaborately carved with terraces, channels, and a va
riety of creatures.19 If the Saywite monolith were our
only example, we might well conclude that saywa
are carved boulders situated near borderlands. The
Galvin manuscript, however, depicts six saywa set in
a rolling landscape with one prominent mountain
(Murua 2004, v. 2, fol. 79v [1590]) (Figure 9). They
are glossed sayhua, written in one hand, and mojones
delynga, inscribed in another.20 All six are shown as
cut and dressed stone pillars. They each formally echo
the mountain that looms over the portrayed land
scape. Guarnan Poma (pp. 352[354] and 354[356];
1988, v. 1: 324 and 326 [1615]) depicts somewhat
similar pillars of dressed stonemasonry (Figures 10
and 11). On page 352 of the Nueva Cor?nica he
shows two amojonadores who are in the process of
constructing saywa. The companion text identifies
them as sayua checta suyoyoc, individuals who de
19 For analyses of the carved images on the Saywite monolith,
see Carrion Cachot (1955) and van de Guchte (1990: 212
236).
20 Ossio also makes this observation (in Murua 2004, v. 1:
163, note 134).
 Dean: Rethinking apacheta

SIP-:; \ ?-v
Km!.::.;: ?

Figure 9. Galvin manuscript, folio 79v, 1590 Figure 10. Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala, El primer
(Murua, 2004, v. 2, fol. 79v). nueva cor?nica y buen gobierno, page 352[354], c. 1615.

fine boundaries by setting markers and trenches (p. as saywa and as mojones. Like apacheta, then, saywa
353[355]; Guarnan Poma 1988: 325). The follow were petrous, but apparently varied gready in form.
ing illustration, on page 354[356], depicts three very They could be carved or not, and monolithic or com
similar monuments situated along Inca roads. Al posed of many stones; if comprising many stones, those
though Hyslop (1984: 296) tentatively identifies stones could either be dressed and fitted, or left in
them as markers used for measurement, they could their natural state and piled up.
also be saywa, markers of boundaries.21 While the In the text associated with the depiction of saywa,
saywa in Mu??as manuscript might be either circular Murua (2004, vol. 2, fol. 80r [1590]) credits Topa
or rectilinear, Guarnan Pomas more clearly appear Inga Yupangui, the tenth ruler, with re-districting the
to be circular, with the ashlars possibly enveloping empire and with establishing new boundaries by
stone in its natural state. This latter aspect can be means of saywa that delimited agricultural lands,
seen particularly on page 352[354] where one builder mining zones, community property, and so on.22 This
places an ashlar against the upper section of a stone is the same ruler whom Guarnan Poma (pp. 263 [265]
with a rounded surface, creating the appearance of a
pillar of cut stone masonry with a curved top. Today 22 In Mur?a's revised manuscript of 1613 (the Wellington),
in the Andes, large piles of rocks are identified both the Galvin's chapter on boundary markers ("Del orden que
hab?a en lo de los mojones y jurisdicci?n de provincia") was
integrated with few changes into one entitled "Del orden
21 Specifically, Hyslop (1984: 296-297) identifies them as tupu que hab?a en bs distritos de las provincias, y en los caminos"
markers with a tupu being an Inca measurement equivalent (Murua 1986: 370-372 [1613]). The later manuscript does
to something between 6.2 and 9.5 km. not illustrate any saywa.

101

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 ?awpa Pacha 28

cluding a wanka from serving as a saywa, and also as

an apacheta. In fact, a particular apacheta might even
have been thought of as the "owner of the road" where
it resides. Sukanka (sucanca), pillar-shaped rocks used
for solar observation, and saykuska {saycusca, saicusca,
saycuscca), megaliths abandoned en route to a build
ing site (and, therefore, like apacheta, frequendy found
roadside), could also have functioned in multiple ca
pacities. The point is that, to the Incas, and with re
gard to many petrous waka, form apparendy did not
follow function. Consequently, the same rock, or piles
of rock, might have been categorized in several dif
ferent ways depending on how they were being used.
Because the key to identifying Inca petrous
monuments does not seem to have resided in their
outward appearance, let us return to our discussion
of apacheta, focusing for the moment on the two
traits identified above: stoniness and roadside loca
tion. Given these two indicators, we might nomi
nate at least two of Machu Picchu s prominent rock
monuments as contenders for being apacheta. First
is the so-called Sacred Rock, located at the northern
end of the Machu Picchu palace complex, near the
somewhat precarious path to Wayna Picchu (Figure
Figure 11. Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala, El primer 12). Also at Machu Picchu is the so-called Funerary
nueva cor?nica y buen gobierno, page 354[356], c. 1615. Rock, also sometimes known as the Sacrificial Stone
and the Ceremonial Rock (Figure 13). It is found at
and353[355]; 1988, v. 1:236 and 325 [1615]) cred the southern end of the site near the exit to the Inca

its with instituting the reverence for apacheta, as well road. Because rounded river stones were deposited
as setting saywa. It would not be surprising that a in the area near this rock, and rocks are the kind of
saywa located on a road might also have been an offering we are told was commonly made to apacheta,
apacheta. In other words, one function likely did not and since it is itself a rock located near a well-traveled

preclude a lithic monument from serving other func
tions as well. It may well be that certain rocks served
several functions simultaneously. In addition to
apacheta and saywa, the Incas and other Andeans
likely identified many kinds of petrous waka accord
ing to function rather than form. Wanka {huanca,
route, we might well conclude that it functioned, at
least sometimes, as an apacheta, as a place for offer
ings made by travelers. Although today apacheta are
usually thought of as occupying lonely stretches of
road apart from human occupation, there is nothing
definitive in the ethnohistorical record that indicates

guanea), for example, were rocks (and waka) that were
understood to be the petrified owners of places, such
as fields, valleys, and villages (Duviols 1979). Lo
cated in the place that it owned, the wanka was a
symbol of occupation and possession. Llaqtayoq and
chakrayoq (the lithic "owners" of towns and fields,
respectively) are both particular types of wanka
(ibid.). There is nothing, aside from location, pre
apacheta were only located in the wilderness. Likely
settlement growth, both in colonial and modern times,
as well as extirpative activity, would have obscured
or destroyed many apacheta associated with sites that
have been inhabited since the Spanish incursion.
In addition to their location and substance, both
of which make them possible apacheta candidates,
both the Sacred Rock and the Funerary Rock formally

102

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dean: Rethinking apacheta

replicate mountains. This trait is consistent with many

known apacheta, whether constructed in pyramidal
form (as in Galvin folio 80v) or gradually assuming
a mountains shape through accretion over time (as
in the familiar piles of rock). Other apacheta were
themselves the summits of mountains, or otherwise
identified with mountains. The Apacheta Inga?an
(Apacheta Inca Road), for example, a pile of rocks
which today measures approximately one and a half
meters in height and four meters in breadth, and is
located on the Ca?ar-Azuay Inca Road in Ecuador,
bears the same name as the mountain located to its
west (Hyslop 1984: 23). While it is impossible to
sort out which one was named first, the identifica
tion of this apacheta with a mountain that overlooks
it, and the road it companions, is clear. Thus, we
might suspect that apacheta embody significant to
pographical features, such as hills and mountains,
the great watchers of the Andes who oversee all they
survey. While mountain-shaped apacheta clearly form
miniature peaks, a hilltop or summit crossed by a
traveler is also a small portion of the larger moun
tain it occupies. In valleys, or at crossroads, the cairns
made up of offered stones actually create, through
the addition of rock offerings over time, the hill
Figure 12. "Sacred Rock," Machu Picchu. shaped apacheta where the hill-shape did not origi
nally exist. The "large stones" mentioned by Arriaga,
whether or not they were actually peak-like in form,
could also embody sacred mountains, as it is the case

Figure 13. "Funerary Rock," Machu Picchu.

103

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 _?awpa Pacha 28 _
that throughout the Andes, boulders and outcrops
near or in villages commonly are regarded as the
embodiments of important hills or mountains located
on the distant horizon. In the Cuzco region, for ex
ample, small rocks are capable of embodying the
powers of sacred peaks such as Mount Ausangate
(Gow and Condori 1982: 13). In northern Chile,
anthropologist Thomas Barthel tells us, the residents
of the village of Socaire use a boulder in their Octo
ber agricultural rituals which is named Chilique, the
same name as a nearby mountain; the mountain
Chilique, the provider of water for crops, is embod
ied at the ceremonies through the miniature Chilique
boulder to which offerings can be made directly (see
Zuidema 1986: 184-185). Although in these ex
amples, the large stones are not used as apacheta, it is
clear that, in Andean visual culture, rocks of various
sizes and shapes could and did embody topographi
cal features in miniature. Thus, it is not hard to imag
ine boulders or outcrops functioning as apacheta in
prehispanic times.
Whether or not apacheta are representations of
actual hills and mountains, I suggest that they are
always "presentations" of them. That is, regardless of
appearance, of whether they look like specific peaks,
apacheta embody mountains, hills, and other signifi
cant topographic features by or over which travelers
must pass.23 Embodiment, which can be thought of
as material metonymy, is distinct from representa
tion. A representation necessarily operates though
alleged similitude (that is, one thing looks like an
other) and thus can be described as a visual meta
phor, owing to the fact that it operates through the
perceived likeness of things. A material metonym, in
contrast, operates by means of a relationship of parts
in which one thing that is perceived to be a part of,
or materially related to, a second thing, becomes it.
Thus, embodiments are neither substitutes nor sur
23 Delfino (2001: 117) tells us that today in the southern Ar
gentine puna, after offerings of stone, coca, alcohol, and to
bacco are made, "Pachamama," "SantaTierra," or other names
for the earth are invoked for a good journey. While I believe
that apacheta are more often associated with specific topo
graphic features, the practice of thanking the earth over which
one must travel is clearly related.
104
This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
rogates for topographic features, a function implied
by the term representation.
Apacheta, as embodiments, are the very stuff of
Andean topography, focused?in miniature?and so
readily accessible and available to receive the gifts
they are offered. The use of miniatures throughout
the Andes, both past and present, is well documented.
By manipulating miniatures, Andeans assert a mea
sure of control over many aspects of their world from
crops, to domesticated animals, to society itself. Thus,
we might surmise that at least some apacheta were
(and are) perceived as the diminutive incarnation,
or, better yet, the miniaturized petrescence of spirits
associated with Andean topography. As small-scale
embodiments of aspects of the sacred Andean land
scape, apacheta could function as places where offer
ings were made, whether located on hills themselves
or at a distance, and could also have been themselves
the objects of reverence.
Interestingly, in the Andes, miniatures may be,
but are not necessarily, resemblant. Illa {yIla), for
example, amulets carried for luck, vary widely in form
(Rowe 1946: 297).24 An ilia can be a small stone
sculpture, often shaped like a camelid or a bird, with
or without a depression for offerings. According to
Gonzalez de Holgu?n (1901: 154 [1608]), illa also
means piedra vezar, a bezoar (a stone-like concretion
found in the stomachs of camelids and other rumi
nants). Ilia, which can be translated "bright or shin
ing one," also refers to shiny things or to stones that
are sacred because they have been struck by light
ning (called illapa) (Lira in Niles 1999: 205). The
Incas apparently referred to a variety of small things
that were associated with the bringing of good for
tune as illa Thus what they did (their function)
24 Flores Ochoa (1979: 85) describes illa used in modern Parada,
Department of Puno, as "shapes representing animals, made
of white stone or metal, or [they] can even be a simple rock
of a whimsical shape found in the countryside." For more on
contemporary ilk, see Flores Ochoa 1977.
25 According to Salomon (Salomon and Urioste 1991: 74, note
257) ilh are sacred objects containing "the fecundating es
sence of the good they represent." While they are usually
petrous, itta can also refer to magical persons such as twins
(ibid.: 255).
 Dean: Rethinking apacheta
trumped what they looked like. Similar to ilia and
other miniaturized items, then, apacheta may some
times visually resemble the topographic features they
embody, but it is not necessary that they do so.
On Galvin folio 104 verso, the apacheta is shown
as the recipient of the most precious of offerings?a
child. In the drawing a priest, labeled echisero (wiz
ard), offers bundles of coca leaves and colorful feath
ers to the apacheta in addition to the youngster. The
companion text indicates that while apacheta com
monly received offerings of feathers, shells, chewed
coca and maize, stones, and sandals worn from trav
eling, some were offered fine cloth, camelids and
children (fol. 103r-104r; Murua 2004, v. 1: 185 were the focus of elaborate state-conducted rites with
188 [1590]). Albornoz (1988: 168 [1584]) confirms
that apacheta were offered a great variety of things,
although his list, which includes flowers, feathers,
and branches, as well as chewed coca and maize, con
sists of fairly common items. Albornoz also describes
how straw found near the apacheta would be knot
ted.26 The knotted straw may be explained by the
fact that those who made offerings at apacheta con
fided in the waka, telling it of either their travails or
good fortune (sus travajos o prosperidades) (1988:
168 [1584]). Like a poor persons khipu, the knot
ted straw may have functioned mnemonically as a
record of the travelers accounts of good or ill tid
ings. Arriaga (cap. VI; 1999: 69 [1621]) says that
old sandals and knotted straw as well as chewed coca
and maize could be left, as could little stones piled
into heaps.
The offering of children was generally an activ
ity regulated and overseen by the Inca state, and child
sacrifice was usually associated with the most impor
tant of Andean waka. The Galvin manuscript s de
piction of a framed outcrop apacheta receiving a child
sacrifice, then, requires us to rethink not only the
form, but the relative status of prehispanic apacheta.
The Galvin may show here an important state-con
structed and administered apacheta, the kind that
the Nueva Cor?nica says was permanently served by
priests (hichezeros como sazerdotes) in service to the
state (Guarnan Poma, p. 280[282]; 1988, v. 1: 253
26 Albornoz (1988: 168 [1584]) writes: "Otros hazen nudos a
las pajas quest?n cerca [Us apachitas]"
105
This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
[1615]). Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua (fol. 9v;
1993: 200 [c. 1613]) avers that the Incas invented
apacheta and introduced them throughout the Andes.
If this is true, the Incas may well have had a hierar
chy of apacheta, some with much higher status than
others. Likely, however, given their widespread and
perduring usage, the making of travelers shrines pre
dates the Incas, and the Incas, with their unparal
leled road system, co-opted pre-existing local prac
tices. The Galvin text and illustration suggests that
while common pile-of-stone apacheta might have
received small offerings, such as flowers, stones, and
straw, there were also prestigious apacheta shrines that
copious offerings of the most valued kind.
In conclusion, while the offerings of rocks pre
sented in piles to apacheta were both more common
and more commonplace, the Galvin manuscript hints
that some apacheta also received very precious offer
ings, and thus that some apacheta were waka of great
importance in prehispanic times. The two Galvin
apacheta, long hidden away but now brought to light
(at least in facsimile), open the door to the reinterpre
tation of some extant rock monuments. Kenko's Puma
Rock and Machu Picchu s Sacred and Funerary Rocks
are three examples of known lithic monuments lo
cated along well-traveled routes that I have tentatively
identified as apacheta here. At the very least, the
Galvin watercolors insist that we rethink our notions
of prehispanic apacheta, both what they might have
looked like and how important they were in the con
tinuum of Tawantinsuyu's many sacred monuments.
Acknowledgments
This material was presented at the 46th annual meet
ing of the Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley (Janu
ary, 2006). My thanks to those in attendance who
offered insights and helpful comments. I am also
grateful to the following: Christine Bunting and the
staff of the UCSC Library's Special Collections, Steve
Chiappari, Nicholas Tripcevich, Enrique Mayer, and
the editor and anonymous reviewers at Nawpa Pacha.
Manuscript preparation was funded by UCSC Arts
Research Institute and Faculty Research Grants.
 _?awpa Pacha 28_
References Cited
Acosta, Joseph de
1962 Historia natural y moral de Us Indias [1590], 2nd
ed., edited by Edmundo O'Gorman. Fondo de
Cultura Economica, Mexico.
Adorno, Rolena
2002 A witness unto itself: The integrity of the auto
graph manuscript of Felipe Guarnan Poma de
Ayala's El primer nueva cor?nica y buen gobierno
(1615-1616). http://www.kb.dk/elib/mss/poma
Albornoz, Crist?bal de
1988 Instrucci?n para descubrir todas las guacas del Pir?
y sus camayos y haziendas [1584]. In F?buUs y
mitos de los incas by C. de Molina and C. de
Albornoz, edited by Henrique Urbano and Pierre
Duviols, pp. 161-198. Historia 16, Madrid.
Arriaga, Pablo Joseph de
1999 La extirpaci?n de la idolatr?a en el Pir? [1621],
edited by Henrique Urbano. Centro de Estudios
Regionales Andinos "Bartolom? de Las Casas,"
Cuzco.
Ballesteros Gaibrois, Manuel
1986 Introduction. In Historia general del Per? by
Mart?n de Mur?a, Cr?nicas de Am?rica 35: 5
25. Historia 16, Madrid.
Barnes, Monica
2003 Review of the conference 'Peru in black and white
and in color: unique texts and images in the colo
nial Andean manuscripts of Mart?n de Mur?a and
Guarnan Poma held at the Newberry Library,
Chicago, 19-20 April 2002. Colonial Latin
American Review 12(1): 129-134. Abingdon, UK.
Cant?, Francesca, editor
2001 Guarnan Poma y BUs Valera: Tradici?n andina e
historia colonial. Istituto Italo-Latinoamericano,
Rome.
Carrion Cachot, Rebecca
1955 El culto de agua en el antiguo Per?. Separata de
la Revista del Museo Nacional II, no. 2, Lima.
Cobo, Bernab?
1979 History of the Inca empire: an account of the
Indians' customs and their origins together with
a treatise on Inca legends, history, and social in
stitutions [1653]. Translated and edited by Roland
Hamilton. University of Texas Press, Austin.
106
This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
1990 Inca religion and customs [1653]. Translated and
edited by Roland Hamilton. University of Texas
Press, Austin.
Delfino, Daniel D.
2001 Of pircas and the limits of society: Ethnoarchaeo
logy in the Puna, Laguna Blanca, Catamarca. In
Ethnoarchaeology of Andean South America: con
tributions to archaeological method and theory,
edited by Lawrence A. Kuznar, pp. 116-137.
Ethnoarchaeological Series 4. International Mono
graphs in Prehistory, Ann Arbor.
Domenici, Viviano and Davide Domenici
1996 Talking knots of the Inka: a curious manuscript
may hold the key to Andean writing. Archaeol
ogy 49(6): 50-56. Long Island City, NY.
Duviols, Pierre.
1979 Un symbolisme de l'occupation, de l'am?nage
ment et de l'exploitation de l'espace. Le monolithe
huanca et sa fonction dans les Andes pr?hispa
niques. L'Homme 19(2): 7-31. Paris.
Estenssoro Fuchs, Juan Carlos
1997 ?Historia de un fraude o fraude hist?rico? Revista
de Indias 57(210): 566-578. Madrid.
Flores Ochoa, Jorge
1977 Enqa, enqaychu, illa, y khuya rumi. In Pastores
de Puna: Uywamichiq Punarunakuna, edited by
Jorge Flores Ochoa, pp. 211-237. Lima: Instituto
de Estudios Peruanos.
1979 Pastoralists of the Andes: the alpaca herders of
Paratia [1968]. Translated by Ralph Bolton. Phila
delphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues.
Garcilaso de la Vega, "El Inca" [G?mez Su?rez de Figueroa]
1966 Royal commentaries of the Incas and general his
tory of Peru [1609 and 1617], 2 vols. Translated
by Harold V. Livermore. University of Texas Press,
Austin and London.
Gonz?lez de Holgu?n, Diego
1901 Arte y diccionario Qquechua-Espa?ol, correjido
y aumentado por los RR. PP. Redentoristas al que
en 1608 public? el rvdo. p. Diego Gonz?lez de
Holgu?n, SJ. en esta ciudad de los Reyes [1608].
Imprenta del Estado, Lima.
Gow, Rosalind, and Bernab? Condori
1982 Kay pacha, 2nd ed. Centro de Estudios Rurales
Andinos "Bartolom? de las Casas," Cuzco.
 Dean: Rethinking apacheta
Guarnan Poma de Ayala, Felipe
1988 El primer nueva cor?nica y buen gobierno [1615],
2nd ed., 3 vols. Edited by John V. Murra and
Rolena Adorno. Quechua translated by Jorge L.
Urioste. Siglo Veintiuno, Mexico.
Guibovich P?rez, Pedro
2003 Review essay: Las pol?micas en torno a Guarnan
Poma de Ayala; Review of Guarnan Poma y Blas
Valera: Tradici?n andina e historia colonial, ed
ited by Francesca Cant? (Rome: Istituto Italo
Latinoamericano, 2001). Colonial Latin Ameri
can Review 12(1): 99-103. Abingdon, UK.
Holland, Augusta Emilia
2002 The drawings of El primer nueva cor?nica y buen
gobierno': an art historical study. Ph.D. disserta
tion in Art History, University of New Mexico,
Albuquerque.
Hyland, Sabine
2003 The Jesuit and the Incas: the extraordinary life of
Padre Blas Valera, S.J. University of Michigan
Press, Ann Arbor.
Hyslop, John
1984 The Inka road system. Academic Press, Orlando.
Kuznar, Lawrence
1995 Awatimarka: the ethnoarchaeology of an Andean
herding community. Harcourt Brace, Fort Worth.
2001 An introduction to Andean religious ethnoarchae
ology: Preliminary results and future directions.
In Ethnoarchaeology of Andean South America:
Contributions to archaeological method and
theory, edited by Lawrence A. Kuznar, pp. 38
66. Ethnoarchaeological Series 4, International
Monographs in Prehistory, Ann Arbor.
La Barre, Weston
1948 The Aymara Indians of the Lake Titicaca pUteau,
Bolivia. American Anthropological Association,
Washington, D. C.
Mumford, Jeremy
2000 Clara Miccinelli's cabinet of wonders. Lingua
franca 10(1): 36-45. Mamaroneck, NY.
Mur?a, Mart?n de
1985 Los retratos de los Incas en la cr?nica de Fray
Martin de Munta [1613], edited by Juan M. Ossio
A. Oficina de Asuntos Culturales de la Corpo
raci?n Financiera de Desarrollos, Lima.
107
This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
1986 Historia general del Per? [1613], edited by
Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois, Cr?nicas de Am?rica
no. 35. Historia 16, Madrid.
2004 C?dice Mur?a. Historia y genealog?a de los reyes
Incas del Per? (C?dice Galvin) [1590], 2 vols.,
edited by Juan M. Ossio. Testimonio Compa??a
Editorial, Madrid.
Niles, Susan A.
1999 The shape of Inca history. Iowa City: University
of Iowa Press.
Ossio, Juan M.
2000 Nota sobre el coloquio internacional 'Guarnan
Poma de Ayala y Blas Valera: tradici?n andina e
historia colonial', Instituto Italo-Latinoamericano,
Roma 29-30 de setiembre de 1999. Colonial Latin
American Review 9(1): 113-116. Abingdon, UK.
2001a Guarnan Poma y Mur?a ante la tradici?n oral
andina. Iconos 4 (Sept. 2000-Feb. 2001): 44-57.
Lima.
2001b Paralelismos entre las cr?ncias de Guarnan Poma y
Mur?a. In Guarnan Poma y Bks Valera: Tradici?n
andina e historia colonial, edited by Francesca
Cant?, pp. 63-84. Istituto Italo-Latinoamericano,
Rome.
2004 Introducci?n. In C?dice Mur?a. Historia y
genealog?a de Los Reyes Incas del Per? (C?dice
Galvin), 2 vols., by Mart?n de Mur?a, edited by
Juan M. Ossio, pp. 7-72. Testimonio Compa??a
Editorial, Madrid.
Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Joan de Santa Cruz
1993 Relaci?n de antig?edades deste reyno del Pir? [c.
1613], edited by Pierre Duviols and C?sar Itier.
Institut Fran?ais D'?tudes Andines; Centro de
Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolom? de Las
Casas," Cusco.
Polo de Ondegardo, Juan
1916a Instrucci?n contra las ceremonias y ritos que usan
los indios, conforme al tiempo de su infidelidad
[1571]. In Informaciones acerca de la religi?n y
gobierno de los Incas, edited by Horacio H.
Urteaga, Colecci?n de libros y documentos refe
rentes a la historia del Per?, vol. 3, pp. 189-203.
Imprenta y Librer?a Sanmart?, Lima.
 _?awpa Pacha 28_

1916b Relaci?n de los fundamentos acerca del notable
da?o que resulta de no guardar a los indios sus
fueros [1571]. In Informaciones acerca de la
religi?n y govierno de los Incas, edited by Horacio
H. Urteaga. Colecci?n de libros y documentos
referentes a la historia del Per?, vol. 3, pp. 45
188. Imprenta y Librer?a Sanmart?, Lima.
Rowe, John Howland
1946 Inca culture at the time of the Spanish conquest.
In Handbook of South American Indians, 7 vols.,
edited by J. H. Steward, vol. 2, pp. 183-330.
Washington, D.C.: United States Government
Printing Office.
Santo Tom?s, Domingo de
1951 Gramm?tica o arte de la lengua general de los
indios de los Rey nos del Peru [1560]. Universidad
Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima.
Valc?rcel, Lu?s
1934 Los trabajos arqueol?gicos en el Departamento
del Cusco. II. Sajsawaman redescubierto. Revista
del Museo Nacional 3(3): 211-233. Lima.
van de Guchte, Maarten
1990 'Carving the world': Inca monumental sculpture
and Undscape. Ph.D. dissertation in Anthropol
ogy, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.

1987 La mentira literaria en la obra de Mart?n de Zuidema, R. Tom

Mur?a. In Libro de homenaje a Aurelio Miro
Quesada Sosa, vol. 2, pp. 753-761. Talleres
Gr?ficos P. L. Villanueva, Lima.
Salomon, Frank, and George L. Urioste
1991 The Huarochiri manuscript: a testament of an
cient and Colonial Andean religion. Translation
from the Quechua by Frank Salomon and George
L. Urioste. University of Texas Press, Austin.
1986 Inka dynasty and irrigation: Another look at
Andean concepts of history. In Anthropological
History of Andean Politics, edited by John V.
Murra, Nathan Wachtel, and Jacques Revel, pp.
177-200. Cambridge University Press, Cam
bridge.

Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Joan de

1993 Relaci?n de antig?edades deste Reyno del Pir?
[1613], edited by Pierre Duviols and C?sar Itier.
Travaux de l'Institut Fran?ais d'?tudes Andines,
vol. 74. Institut Fran?ais d'?tudes Andines;
Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolom?
de Las Casas, Cusco.

108

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Mon, 23 May 2016 05:54:15 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms