Delisle 2015

8/31/2015 TheInternationalConferenceonPenalAbolition(ICOPA)
Champpnal/Penalfield
Vol.XII|2015:
AbolitionnismeAbolitionism
Dossier:Abolitionnisme
TheInternationalConferenceonPenal
Abolition(ICOPA)
ExploringDynamicsandControversiesasobservedatICOPA15onAlgonquin
Territory
CLAIREDELISLE,MARIABASUALDO,ADINAILEAETANDREAHUGHES
Rsums
EnglishFranais
DrawingondebatesobservedatthefifteentheditionoftheInternationalConferenceonPenalAbolition(ICOPA)thattookplaceon
Algonquin Territory at the University of Ottawa in June 2014, reflections by ICOPA 15 organizing committee and research group
members,andinterviewswithinternationalconferenceparticipants,thisqualitativestudyexploresfourrecurringthemesdebated
within this entity: allyship between reformers and abolitionists the extent of race analysis in abolitionist conceptualization and
strategy,aswellasoppressedandprivilegedpositionswithinICOPAthepowerequilibriumamongsurvivorsofstateorsocialharm,
https://champpenal.revues.org/9146 1/31
activistsandacademicsanddeliberativevitalityanddecisionmakingwithintheorganization.TheexplorationofICOPAasaloose
knit initiative serves to elicit debate about the challenges of collective praxis in the face of cooptation, multiple oppressions, and
unequalpowerstructuresshapingradicalorganizingandcontemporarylifemorebroadly.
La15eConfrenceinternationalesurlabolitionnismepnal(ICOPA)sesttenuesurterritoireAlgonquinlUniversitdOttawaen
juin2014.partirdesdbatsquiyfurentobservs,desrflexionsdemembresducomitorganisateuretdugroupederecherche
ICOPA 15, ainsi que dentretiens auprs de participants internationaux, cette tude qualitative met en scne quatre enjeux
rcurrents qui lont traverse : les alliances entre les rformistes et les abolitionnistes la place de la dimension raciale dans la
conceptualisation et la stratgie abolitionniste, de mme que la tension entre postures privilgies et opprimes au sein dICOPA
lquilibre des pouvoirs entre les survivants de torts sociaux ou tatiques, les militants et les universitaires et la vitalit de la
dlibrationetlaprisededcisionauseindelorganisation.LanalysedICOPAentantquemouvementclatchercherenouveler
les dbats autour dune praxis collective consciente des risques de cooptation, des ingalits, et des structures de pouvoir
asymtriquesquiaffectentautantlorganisationradicaleellemmequellefaonnelensembledessocitscontemporaines.
Entresdindex
Motscls: ICOPA,abolitionnismepnal,criminalisation,rformepnale,anarchisme
Keywords: ICOPA,penalabolitionism,criminalization,penalreform,anarchism
Gographique: Canada
Chronologique: annes2010
Texteintgral
TheauthorswishtothankSusanHainesandJustinPichfortheirinvaluablecontributionsontheresearchcommittee,
JamieGesualdoandSpencerGofortheirresearchassistance,andtheanonymousreviewersfortheirhelpfulcomments.
Wealsowishtoexpressourgratitudetothe12keyinformantsfortheirmuchneededinsights.
Abolitionisamovementtoendsystemicviolence,includingtheinterpersonalvulnerabilitiesanddisplacementsthat
keepthesystemgoing.Inotherwords,thegoalistochangehowweinteractwitheachotherandtheplanetbyputting
peoplebeforeprofits,welfarebeforewarfare,andlifeoverdeath(Gilmore,2014).
Introduction
1 Foroverthirtyyears,wehaveobservedtheravagesofneoliberalismwhereprofitisprivatizedanddebtissocialized.
Neoliberal policies, in part responsible for the emergence of a risk society paradigm (Ericson, Haggerty, 1997), have
propelledthecriminalizationofthepoor,themarginalized,thedissentingandtheOther(seeforinstance,Bourdieu,
Wacquant, 1998). This context has inspired contemporary radical organizing and mobilization on a wide range of
issuesincludingheightenedcriminalization,migration,work,planetarydevastationandcorruptioninallspheres.The
penal abolitionist struggle, that seeks to eradicate oppressive penal regimes/structures and create a cohesive, safe
society that accepts all, belongs to all and functions to serve all (SalehHanna, 2008, 465), is one facet of radical
organizingthatfindscommonalitywithotherstrugglesforsocialjustice.
2 TheInternationalConferenceonPenalAbolition(ICOPA)istheonlyinternationalpenalabolitionorganizationinthe
world. 1Foundedin1983,itbringstogetherpenalabolitioniststoshare,analyzeandstrategizeoverthecourseofthree
daysinadifferentcountryonabiennialbasis.Participantsattheconferenceincludeacademics,survivorsofstateor
socialharm,andactivists,manyofwhomareinvolvedinlocalandnationalstrugglestoabolishthepenalsystemin
partorinwhole,orotherviolentstateledpracticesthattargetspecificgroupsandindividuals.ICOPAhasstaged15
conferencesthusfar.Alocationforthenextiterationisusuallydecidedattheclosingplenaryofeachconferencebased
onproposalsreceivedbyparticipantswhowishtobringtheeventtotheirlocality.Itisorganizedlocallyandbringsa
unique focus depending on the issues of concern in the new destination. The many different voices that it gathers
contributes to the richness of the presentations, and brings to the fore the possibilities and challenges of living as
abolitionistsinacarceralworld,andofstrategizingtoabolishpenalsystems.Theongoingrenewalofparticipantsis
ensured by having the conference travel from one part of the world to another. This, in turn, promotes deliberative
vitality in respect of abolition issues. It also brings to the fore areas of contention. Some of the conversations taking
placetodayinICOPAareappositetootherresistancegroups,andincludethebestwaytoallywithnonabolitionistsfor
common purposes or, abolition versus reform the question of race, and the oppressionprivilege converse power
dynamics in the academicsurvivoractivist triune within ICOPA and leadership, deliberative vitality and decision
makingwithinICOPA.HerewepresentsomecurrentandhistoricaldebatesinICOPAwhichcanserveasaplatformfor
continuing the conversation within ICOPA and contribute to ongoing conversations about resistance, allyship and
changebeyondthisentitytoparticipantslocalsocialjusticemovementsandorganizing.
3 This article first presents the qualitative mixed method used to gather and consider input from a range of ICOPA
actors. Then, we address each area of contention mentioned above by considering theoretical frames that assist in
discerningtheissues,identifyinghistoricalmarkersthatinformourunderstandingofthefundamentalquestionsthat
shapethisentity,exploringhowitaffectedtheorganizationandunfoldingofICOPA15, 2andsituatingthecontention
withinbroadersocialjusticedebates.Inconclusion,wepresentsomeoftheinitiativesproposedbyvariousplayersto
improve ICOPAs abolitionist agenda and work. We elaborate questions for reflection as a springboard for further
conversation about the possibilities for deepening and energizing this abolitionist struggle. We also reflect on the
ongoingandimportantworkofabolishingthelimitationsofourownthinkingandfeelingprocessestohelpuscontinue
doing meaningful resistance work and create more gentle, solidary, communitydriven responses to social problems
outsideICOPA.Wesubmitthatthisexplorationfurthercontributestoacritiqueofthepunishmentframeworkmore
broadly and the possibilities of considering an alternative approach within which to understand social harm. It also
serves as an impetus to examine abolitionist principles and take stock of the challenges, successes and pitfalls of
abolitionistorganizingwithinandbeyondthisconference. 3
I.NoteonMethod
4 Abolitionist struggle forces us to examine the practices we espouse in every facet of our lives. It is discordant to
supportpenalabolition,ontheonehand,andparticipateinpunishmentinotherrealmsofaction.Thisextendstothe
way we engage with others in deliberating the merits of retributive versus transformative justice. 4 As a result, we
constantly struggle to engage in a praxis that is cohesive with our thrust toward such personal and social
transformation.AsFreire(Freire,1972)notes,reflectiontruereflectionleadstoaction[and]whenthesituation
calls for action, that action will constitute an authentic praxis only if its consequences become the object of critical
reflection(75).AccordingtoFreire,revolutionisachievedwithpraxis,meaningreflectionandactionaredirectedatthe
structures to be transformed (126). People become selfconscious and progressively transform their environment by
theirownpraxis,andthisiswhatFalsBorda(FalsBorda,Rahman,1991)callsparticipatoryactionresearch(12).This
qualitative research seeks to capture intersubjective knowledge about ICOPA from some of us who are committed to
penal abolition praxis. We have chosen to do a collective research endeavor where the information is collected and
systematizedonagroupbasis,aswellasacriticalrecoveryofhistoryandmeaningtodiscoverelementswhichmaybe
appliedtothepresentstrugglestoincreaseconscientization(8).Understandingconscientizationasaprocessofself
awarenessraisingthroughcollectiveselfinquiryandreflectionallowsfortheexchangeofknowledge(16).
5 We are engaged in a critical (Kincheloe, McLaren, 1998), autoethnographic (Anderson, 2006), participantaction
researchproject(FalsBorda,Rahman,1991Mathiesen,1974),inwhichweseeourselvesascoresearchers.Kincheloe,
McLaren(1998,264)considerthat:
Criticalresearchcanbestbeunderstoodinthecontextoftheempowermentofindividuals.Inquirythataspirestothe
namecriticalmustbeconnectedtoanattempttoconfronttheinjusticeofaparticularsocietyorspherewithinthe
society.Researchthusbecomesatransformativeendeavourunembarrassedbythelabelpoliticalandunafraidto
consummatearelationshipwithanemancipatoryconsciousness.Whereastraditionalresearchersclingtotheguard
railofneutrality,criticalresearchersfrequentlyannouncetheirpartisanshipinthestruggleforabetterworld.
6 Attheoutset,wechoseacombinedapproachtocollectingdata,encompassingaselfreflexive,dialogicalelementto
elucidate how local organizing unfolded (Freire, Bergman Ramos, 1972 Gomez et al., 2011) and semistructured
interviewswithinternationalICOPAparticipants5whohaveahistoryofinvolvementwiththeentity,inordertogarner
asenseofICOPAdynamicsbasedontheirperceptions.
7 The practice of autoethnographic inquiry enables us, as complete member researchers (CMR) to combine our
researcher and subject roles to produce written text about the topic under consideration in a selfreflexive manner
(Anderson, 2006 Denzin, Lincoln, 2000). We are also inspired by a critical communicative methodology (CCM)
(Gmezetal.,2011).Thisapproach,developedbyJesusGmez(ibid.),drawsitsinspirationfromPauloFreire(Freire,
Bergman Ramos, 1972 Freire, Macedo, 1985). It focuses on dialogism, essentially that communicative rationality is
basedondialogue:
...socialsituationsdependonmeaningsconstructedthroughsocialinteraction,andthereforerealitydoesnotexist
independentlyfromthesubjectswhoexperienceit.Fromthisperspective,objectivityisreachedthrough
intersubjectivitybetweenresearchersandthesocialactorsinvolvedintherealitystudied(Gmezetal.,2011,236).
8 First, the initiators of the project, Claire Delisle and Maria Basualdo, recruited a portion of ICOPA 15s organizing
committees membership. They did this by inviting all members to voluntarily take part. Of the group, six of us
committed to participating in the research (two activists and four academicactivists). We chose to do this
collaboratively,withC.DelisleandM.BasualdobeingresponsibleforobtainingtheauthorizationoftheUniversityof
Ottawa Social Sciences and Humanities Research Ethics Board, organizing reflection meetings, inciting the research
grouptofocusontheirthoughtsandfeelingsonhowtheorganizingprocesswasunfolding.Werecordedthesemeetings
andanalyzedthem.Second,weaskedtheremainingmembersoftheorganizingcommitteetovetquestionsandthenfill
outaquestionnaireontheirexperienceasorganizersofICOPA15.Third,weapproached14ICOPAmemberswhohad
eitherlongstandingICOPAexperience,orwhohadbeenpresentatICOPAsince2010andwhowerefamiliarwiththe
most recent events and conversations. Of this number, 13 responded positively, but one was not available. Of the 12
remaining,weaskedanumberofquestionspertainingtotheirconceptualizationofICOPA,howdecisionsaremade,
howknowledgeistransferred,andtheirhopesforICOPA.Fromthesegeneralquestionsemergedthefourthemesunder
consideration.Thisdatawasanalyzedfromwrittentranscriptsoftheinterviews.
II.ICOPAsAreasofContention
9 Basedonthereflexiveexerciseandinterviewssetoutabove,wefocusonfourrecurringconversationswithinICOPA,
that form longstanding questions of debate and that, from time to time, are heightened by participant deliberations
bothinformalpartsoftheconference,aswellasduringmoreinformalconversations.Wepresenteachbelow,drawing
ontheoreticalconsiderationsasweaddresshowthedebatehasplayedoutovertheyears,andhowitmanifestedduring
ICOPA15organizationandstaging.Foreachofthese,thereisrelevancetobroadersocialjusticeissues.Moreover,other
socialjusticemovementanalysis(CriticalResistance,NoOneisIllegal,CIRCA)isjuxtaposedtosomethemesasaway
todiscoveranddeepenthoughtandactionwithinICOPA.
1)ReformversusAbolition
10 It is important to make a distinction between two separate issues: Abolitionists engaging in shortterm coalitions
with reformists in particular campaigns on the ground and the space that reformoriented presentations should be
allottedwithinICOPA.Onthislatterpoint,thecontentionissituatedaroundthefeasibilityofincludingreformersin
ordertoundertakeaneducationalfunctionofpresentingabolitionasasoundresponsetoanalysesofpenality,thereby
extending their reform orientation in an abolitionist direction. We focus first on the abolition versus reform
connundrumontheground,thenlookatopennesstowardreformerswithinICOPA.
1.1.TheoreticalConsiderations
11 Sudbury(2009)distinguishesbetweenantiprisonactivists/movementsandthosewhoworktowardsreformingthe
criminaljusticesystem,whousuallyworkfornonprofitorganizations.Whilenonprofitorganizations/workerscan
haveaninfluenceongovernmentpolicy,theyarenotabletofacilitateradicalsocialchange(Sudbury,2009,26).The
differencebetweenthetwogroupsliesinwhomakesthemup.Antiprisonmovementstendtoincludecommunitiesand
people with experiences of criminalization and punishment who see the penal system as a form of racialized state
violencethatmustbedismantled(ibid.).Reformgroups,ontheotherhand,areusuallymadeupofpaidemployeesof
nonprofitorganizationswhotendtofocustheirworktowardssmallimprovements.
12 Comparedtoreformers,whousethelanguageofthestate,abolitionistspromulgatenewwaysofseeingandcounter
issuessuchasthewidelyperceivednecessityofprisons.Thisisachievedbyintroducinglinguisticconceptswhichin
timecanbecomemainstream.OneexampleofthisisCriticalResistances6introductionofthetermprisonindustrial
complex(PIC)in1998,which,intimehasbecomeacceptedbymany,includingDemocratpoliticians,asausefulterm
todescribetheforprofitpenalsystem(Sudbury,2009).
13 While a central goal is prison abolition, activists do sometimes work with prisoners or exprisoners to improve
conditionsofconfinement.Thesecouldbeconsideredreformgoals,buttheycandifferfromthosetargetedbyreformers.
Mathiesen (2015) draws on Gorz (1964) notion of nonreformist reforms to denote reforms that may facilitate the
improvementofconditionsforthoseincarceratedbutwhichdonotentrench,expandorbolsterthepenalsystem(231).
Forexample,whendrawingattentiontoprisoncrowding,onemustbecautiousnottofallintothetrapofallyingwith
those who propose building more prisons. Another danger of reform work is that well intentioned and potentially
beneficialreformscanbecooptedbythesystem(Mathiesen,2015,1974).AsPich(2009)describes,effortstoinclude
restorative justice programs in Canadian penitentiaries have not yielded the desired outcomes rather, restorative
justice has been coopted and used in a punitive manner. This is where the difference between reformers and
abolitionistsbecomesevident.Whilereformersmightinadvertentlyframeissuesinsuchawaythattheonlypossible
solutionsinvolveexpandingthepenalsystem,abolitionistsworktowardsdismantlingtheperceivedneedforapenal
system.Partofthelattergroupsworkistoincitediscussionandshowthatprisonsarenotnecessaryinthequestfor
increasedsecurity(Sudbury,2009).Forexample,therecentmovetowardsclosingprisonsinCaliforniaandamending
parole conditions that facilitated peoples return to prison for breaches, was in part due to the work of prison
abolitionistswhoalignedwithstaterepresentativesandproposedthatclosingprisonsmadefiscalsense.Thiswould
notbepossible,Sudbury(2009)argues,withouttheworkofantiprisonactivistswhohavefoughtfor,andprovideda
visionofaworldwheremoreprisonsdoesnotequalmoresecurity.
14 The very nature of abolitionist philosophy requires time to process, thereby making it a challenging philosophy to
appropriate.Reform,ontheotherhand,cangivesomeonetheopportunitytofeelliketheyaredoinggood,whilenot
reallyconfrontingthefallaciousanddetrimentalnatureofthesystemsunderpinnings.However,thiscanbeatricky
endeavor (see Walia, 2013, 177). It is difficult for penal abolitionists to ally with reformers or groups that focus on
specificabolitions(suchasthedeathpenalty)becausewhilethegoalmaybeagoodone,thediscursivestrategiesof
reformists may be in direct opposition to a penal abolitionist philosophy. For instance, in the US, death penalty
abolitionistshavecampaignedtogetridofsuchabarbaricpractice,andhavemadegainsinmanystates.However,in
tryingtopersuadeinfavourofabolishingthedeathpenalty,theyhaveheldupLWOPs(LifeWithoutParole)asasound
alternative,therebyobliteratingthecontinuitybetweenprisonanddeath.AsMcCann(2013)notes,...aconsiderationof
crimeandhistoryinAmerica(sic)7demonstratesthattheprisonandtheexecutionchamberareinextricablyboundto
eachother(189).
15 Yet,forsomeabolitionists,itremainsessentialtobuildstrategicallianceswithreformcampaigns,inordertoaddress
immediatelivedharm,withoutdilutingourabolitionistprinciples:Agenuineradicalimaginationholdsspaceforthose
whohavenotyetcometoadopttheentiretyofourworldviews,andseesthoseclosetousaspotentialallies,ratherthan
enemies(Russell,Goldberg,inWalia,2013,177).
1.2.HistoricalMarkers
16 Althoughopennesstowardsreformersisnotalwaysevidentamongparticipants,therearemomentswhentheissueis
debated.Forinstance,inIndianain1991,ICOPAVadoptedaresolutionthatwentsofarastoincludeofficialsworking
within penal systems. The resolution stated that ICOPA was a forum for the exchange of ideas between reformers,
academics,activists,officialsworkingwithinthecriminaljusticesystemandvictimsandvictimizersseekingtoidentify
andreachagreementonalternativewaysofdealingwithcrimeotherthansimplypunishingandputtingperpetrators
behindbars(ICOPAVIConferenceOverview).
17 ICOPAXII,whichwasorganizedbytheHowardLeagueforPenalReforminLondon(UnitedKingdom),illustrated
the tension around this issue. As the organizations name suggests, it was reformist in orientation and this was
apparent in the program. The audience was made up of penal practitioners and policy makers, as well as penal
abolitionists.TheUniversalCarceral(UC)ColloquiumwasorganizedwithinthisconferencebyaCanadiancontingent
in an effort to counterbalance what they perceived as a reform agenda. The UC space addressed the manylayered
natureofthecarceralarchipelagoanditsintegrationwithvarioussystemsofcontrolandprocessesofnormalization
(JusticeAction).PresentationsweremadeinsupportofThomasMathiesensUnfinished(seeMathiesen,1974,2014)
aimingatshorttermnegativereformssuchastheclosingofaparticularinstitutionortheeliminationofaparticular
policyandoftargetedactionsuchascarceraleradicationstrategies,engagingtherestoftheleftinpenalabolitionism
and an emphasis on public engagement and civic responsibility (Justice Action, op.cit.). The colloquium portion of
ICOPAXIIwaswellattendedbylongstandingICOPAparticipants,butnotbytheHowardLeagueparticipants,giving
theimpressionthattwodifferentconferenceswerebeingheld.
18 At ICOPA 14 held in Trinidad & Tobago in 2012, the proximity between local organizers and penal system players
exacerbatedthetensionbetweenparticipantswhoadoptamoreardentabolitioniststance(waryofcontentpresentedby
reformers) and those who consider that reform is a path on the journey toward abolition and who therefore view
engagementwithsystemplayersaslessproblematic(June14a,July2a,July14b). 8 Forthisandotherreasons, 9there
wasarelativelysmallinternationalturnout.Itissafetosaythat,forthemostpart,thosewhosestanceonabolitionis
stauncherdidnotattend.
19 Thosewhodidattendseemtoberelativelyopentotheideaofbeinginclusiveofnotyetabolitionists.Asoneperson
putit,...reformisastagetowardsabolitionism,soitisnotcontradictory.Iknownoabolitionistwhowasntareformist
before(June14).Anothersaid,Iknowthereareabolitionistsouttherewhoarepartofthesystemandmaybeitsnot
safeforthemtobeinconversationwithus,butIdsureliketoseethathappen,thatsoneofmydreams(July2a).On
thethirddayoftheconference,agreatdealofreformistcontentwasontheagenda,andtheconferencetookplaceinside
aprisonwherebothstaffandprisonersparticipated,whichexacerbatedthistensionfurther.Prisonerswereencouraged
to participate in front of guards who were also encouraged to participate. On this alone, one person commented:
Becauseofthefuckeduppowerrelationsinvolved,canaprisonerreallyspeakfreelyinsuchasetting?(July18).
1.3.ICOPA15andAbolitionversusReform
20 TheresultofhavingwitnessedafewICOPAsfromnearorfar,andexperiencinghowdebateoverissuesplaysoutin
this forum, greatly assists in avoiding certain pitfalls in organizing ICOPA. At the outset, wanting to ensure an
abolitionistflavour,theICOPA15organizingcommitteeacceptedallproposalsthatwereabolitionistinnature.Itwasa
centralquestionofthiscommitteethatnoonemistaketheconferenceagendaforareformagenda.Havingdonethat
seemedtogiveagreatervoicetoabolitionists.Ontheotherhand,whilstICOPA14hadracediversitybutthethrustwas
reformist,herethethrustwasabolitionist,butparticipantsofcolourwerefewer.Thisspeakstoanumberofoverlapping
problems:ICOPA14hadtheparticipationofpeopleofcolour,butwhoseemedtoemanatefromthegovernmentalor
academic establishment. The program, therefore, was reformist in orientation. It is unclear on what grounds either
prisonersortheirminderswereinvitedtoattendtheconference.Butattheveryleast,itwouldseemthatgrassroots
organizersandactivistswerelargelyabsentfromtheconference.Thissituationdemonstratesthecomplexityoftackling
certain issues (race diversity, educating prison officials on the problematic nature of incarceration) whilst hindering
progressonotherissues(abolition,andempoweredgrassrootsownership).
21 HavingbeenresponsiblefororganizingtheUniversalCarceralColloquiumatICOPAXII,C.DelisleandJ.Pichwere
particularlykeenonpreservinganabolitionistdiscoursethroughouttheconference.Itwasfromthisvantagepointthat
theproposalsforpanelsandpresentationswerevetted.Intheinterestofpromotingsuchaperspective,wemadespecial
calloutstoorganizationsbothinCanadaandtheUSwhoweregrassrootsandpenalabolitionistinperspective.Inthis
respect,wearesatisfiedthattheconferencewasanabolitionconference,withpresentationsthatwererespectfulofsuch
anapproach.ThismayhaveresultedinsomereformersnottakingpartinICOPA15.
22 ThoseespousingapureabolitioniststancewantICOPAtobeasafespaceandaspacewherethebasicsofabolitiondo
notneedtoberehashedateveryconference,asituationlikelytobepresentiftheconferenceisopentoreformers(June
25,July18).Becauseofthehighvolumeofpresentationsaroundlivedexperience,onecomradesuggestedanadvanced
abolitiontrackintheprogram,aplacedevotedtodeepeningabolitionistanalysisandstrategy(June25).Ontheother
hand,thereareabolitionistswhoconsideritdesirable,evenessential,thatconversationswithreformerstakeplaceasa
way to advance the abolition movement, and also in order to benefit from closer ties with reform allies. After all, for
some,reformersarenottheenemy(June14a,July2a,July14b).
23 ThistopicisdivisivewithintheranksofICOPA.TherefusalofsomestalwartabolitioniststoattendICOPA14speaks
to the gulf between the nocompromise and the opentoreformers abolitionists. More generally, it is about the
developmentofabolitionistanalysis.ReferringtoICOPA,oneinternationalcomradesaid,
Icomeintothatspace,like,Iwanttohavemymindblownaboutabolition.Iwanttoreallyengageinthat,andgetmy
thinkingreallyadvancedinthatway.AndsothosemomentslikehearingThomasMathiesenspeak,thatkindofstuff
isreallyjuicyforme.Whereashearingtheeightorninemilliondifferentwaysinwhichsolitaryconfinementkills
peopleorwhatever,alsohasvaluebutdoesntnecessarilyadvancemythinkingaboutabolition.(June25)
24 ThenotionthatICOPAshouldbeopentoreformersisoneuponwhichparticipantshavereflectedforsometime,for
instanceatICOPAV(seeabove).Whatneedstobeclarifiedishowabolitionistsshouldengagewithreformers.Itisone
thingtobeopentoarangeofparticipantsinICOPAinorderforthemtolearnaboutabolition.Itmaybedesirablethat
reformmindedpeopleandabolitionistsformalliancesandpresenttheirresearch,ortheirexperienceonsomeshort
termnegativereforms.Whattroublespureabolitionistsistheprospectofwateringdownofabolitionistprinciplesatan
abolitionist conference by accepting presentations that are clearly not abolitionist in outlook. One way for ICOPA
participants to revisit this question is to devote some time at ICOPA 16 to presenting differing views on this issue.
Notwithstanding the concern within ICOPA, abolitionists commitment to the struggle should include engaging
reformersonquestionsofabolitioninanopenandsustainedfashionbeyondICOPAconferences.
1.4.BroaderConsiderationsonAbolitionversusReform
25 AdistinctionshouldbemadebetweencopingwithareformagendawithinICOPAandbeingopentoreformoriented
participants. ICOPA is not the only space where these questions are raised. In the organization No One Is Illegal10
developingrelationshipswithothergroupsandstrategizingwiththemonmutualareasofinterestisessential.Walia
(2013)notes,itisimperativeformovementstobreakoutofouractivistbubblesandidentifywhattangibleimpactswe
can have within broader communities and what victories we can leverage that will bring us closer to our vision of
freedom, liberation and selfdetermination (176177). However, it is essential to clearly set out our principles of
abolitionwhenengagingwithothers.Theuseofintentionallanguageisonewaytoshifttheconversation(seeWalia,
2013,181182).Withinmigrantjusticeactivism,Waliainsiststhathighlightingthemoralillegitimacyofstatepractices
isanessentialpartofpreservingandfightingfortheabolitionofborders.Weareessentiallytalkingaboutreformversus
revolution (182). In unpacking the tension at the heart of these approaches, Walia (2013) says: Within this debate,
reformist strategies are denounced for engaging state institutions, while revolutionary strategies are criticized for
existing entirely outside and in confrontation with the state (ibid.). Using Mathiesens logic of the unfinished,
reformismisacompetingagreement,inthatwhilethemessagemaybesuggested,itisintegratedwithinthelanguage
and mores of the state. Revolution, on the other hand, is foreign in that it cannot be integrated within the existing
system.Weshouldensurethatitcompetesaswellascontradicts,however(seeMathiesen,2015),andcompelsusto
carefullyconsiderhowweframeabolition,intermsofourdiscursivetechniques.
26 WhileICOPAisconcernedwiththeabolitionofpenalsystems,othergroupsarealsotryingtoabolish,whetheritbe
theabolitionofbordersorthestateintoto.Whateverthetargetofourresistance,wenotonlystandtogaingroundby
allying with others on specific campaigns, but it remains imperative that our goal be to get our message out more
broadly. To do this, we must not only develop strategies of persuasion, but listen to and hear the preoccupations of
otherswhoarenotinagreementwithus(Walia,2013,176188).Tobuildsolidaritieswithawidercontingent,wemust
avoid preaching to the converted, and be engaged in authentic interaction so as to deepen solidarities, as well as
expandandmultiplyfieldsofresistanceanddisturbance.
2)RaceOppressionandWhitePrivilege
27 Thereisageneralconsensusaboutthesystemicnatureofracisminpunitivestatepracticesandinstitutionsamong
ICOPA penal abolitionists. However, within ICOPA, the lack of visibility, representation, and centrality of people of
colouriscontestedasistheperceivedlackofconsiderationforraceinabolitionistanalysiswithinICOPA.Attentionis
drawntoitasameansofconfrontingtheoppressionprivilegeconverse.Historically,thetensionaroundthisissuehas
surfacedfromtimetotimewithintheconference.
28 In CounterColonial Criminology, Agozino (2003) draws a clear link between social control and colonialist
domination. Therein, he performs a mammoth deconstruction of criminology as ...a tool for imperialist domination,
alongwith[o]thertechnologiesofdominationcraftedbyimperialismsuchasthearmy,thepoliceandtheprison(228).
WearealsoinfluencedbyLukayoEstrellas(2015)antioppressionworkshops,whicharegroundedinpartonAndrea
Smiths (n.d.) Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White Supremacy: Rethinking Women of Color Organizing.
HavinglistenedtokeyinformantsunderstandingofthisissuewithinICOPApromptedustodelvemoredeeplyintothe
raceoppressionandwhiteprivilegedebatebyattendingEstrellasworkshops.Wetakeasastartingpointthatprivilege
is something with which each owner must reckon. It is not enough to possess privilege and believe that one is in a
neutralpositionvisvisthequestionofraceoppression.Acknowledgingprivilegecanassistindevelopingadifferent
listeningofothersthoughtsandfeelingsaroundoppression.WealsodrawuponthewritingsofCannon(2012)and
bellhooks(1988)onthenecessityofaddressingwhiteprivilege.Ashooksremindsus,
Where[black]peoplearecalledupontotakeprimaryresponsibilityforsharingexperiences,ideas,andinformation
[theyareplaced]onceagaininaserviceposition,meetingtheneedsofwhites(hooks,1988,47,inCannon,2012,21).
29 While the question has surfaced regularly with ICOPA, we argue that antioppression work has been lacking. In
Undoing Border Imperialism, Walia (2013) considers that such work is a necessary part of movement building and
strengthening alliances (187). Yet, she cautions against a race to the bottom when approaching oppression as a
checklist.Sheremindsusthatwhilesomehavemoreoppressions,theyarenotnecessarilyworseoff(189).Toillustrate,
shereflectsonthefactthatwhileastraightwhitecisgenderedmanmayseemtohaveprivilegecomparedtosomeone
whohasmoreformsofoppression,ifheishomeless,hemayfaceaharsherrealitythanthosewhohavemoreformsof
oppressionwithwhichtocontend(189).
30 Although Walia raises many problems with how one approaches antioppression work, one of the issues that is
pertinent for ICOPA is the question of representation. Ensuring more oppressed identities are participating in a
movementorcampaigncanbesuperficialandatokenisticveneerofdiversity[that]replicatesmodelsofassimilation,
anddoeslittletoreframeouractivismwithinoppressedpeoplesownanalysisandexperiences(191).Onewaytoavoid
thisistohaveoppressedcommunitiesintheleadershipofourmovements(ibid.).
31 The issue of participation by people of colour and also the space dedicated in the ICOPA program to resisting
racialized oppression has been around a long time. This conflict was felt most acutely when ICOPA IX returned to
Torontoin2000.BitternessoverthisunresolvedepisodecontinuestohauntICOPAandwaskeenlyfeltattheclosing
plenary of ICOPA 15. Notably, ICOPA IX was attended by a United States contingent from the organization Critical
Resistance. Angela Davis, a leading voice in the fight against the prison industrial complex (PIC) in the US, and
founding member of Critical Resistance critiqued the racial homogeneity and related failure to incorporate an
analysis of race in ICOPAs abolitionist framework (Davis, in Davis & Rodriguez, 2000). One of our key informants
noted:
...aconversationonracismthatincludedadiscussionthatiscenteredonhowtheoppressionoperatesonthepartof
theoppressor,isareallysaneconversationtohave,thoughitwascontroversialinICOPApeopledidntwanttohave
thoseconversations...regardingICOPA.Theywerecomfortabletalkingabouthowracistthesystemwas,butnotbe
abletoconfrontthefactthatICOPAwasdominantlyawhitespace.(July14a)
32 ThiscritiqueleftabittertasteforsomewithlongstandingICOPAexperience.Thelatterconsiderthattheorganization
isalwaysconcernedwithdifferentformsofoppression,beitaboutrace,class,orpatriarchy,andcaninfactpointto
numerousconferencesthathaveincludedpanelsonissuesofrace.TheyalsodonotfeelthatthosecritiquingICOPAasa
mostlywhitespaceatthetimeactuallytookintoaccountthecontingentofIndigenouspeoplesandthefocusonthe
strugglestheyfaceatICOPAIX.
33 ThosefrustratedwiththepaucityofrepresentationofpeopleofcolouratICOPAIXwantedmorefocusontheirmass
incarceration in places like the United States and their disproportionate representation in many prisons across the
world, including in Canada. According to SalehHanna (2008), efforts to bring in stronger African and African
American representation resulted in the decision to hand ICOPA over to Nigerian representatives and was met with
muchresistanceandfear(468).ShethenaddsthatmostICOPAparticipantswereinfavouroftheNigeriadestination.
ICOPA did go to Nigeria in 2002 and was a successful first in Africa (ibid., 470488), organized by PRAWA, a non
governmentalorganizationaimedatpromotingsecurity,justiceanddevelopmentinAfrica(PRAWA.org)andViviane
SalehHannaherself.
34 ItbearsnotingthatICOPAhastraditionnallybeenmindfulofindigenousrepresentation.Forinstance,ICOPAIIIin
Montreal, ensured that Indigenous people were at the center of organizing and at the center of the conference.
Anishnabeelder,thelateArtSolomon,afierceadvocateforIndigenousprisoners,wasakeyorganizerforICOPAsince
itsinception.TheLeonardPeltierDefenseCommitteeandotherIndigenousabolitionistslikethelatePatriciaMonture
werealsoinattendanceandpresentedpapers.ICOPAIXinTorontohadstrongindigenousrepresentation,afactthat
somesayisforgottenbythosewhospeakofthenonrepresentativenessofICOPA.TheorganizersoftheICOPAeditions
inAustraliaandNewZealandwerealsomindfulofindigenouspresenceandrepresentation.
35 Ononehand,thereareparticipantswhobelievethemselvestobenonracistandwhotakeexceptiontohavingtobear
theonusofthewhitenessofICOPA.Accordingtosomeofthem,thereisadesiretoreachoutandbeinclusiveofpeople
ofcolour,butifthelatterdonotwanttoparticipate,thereislittletheycandotochangethesituation. 11Ontheother
hand, there are people in ICOPA who believe that the very notion of trying to be inclusive is a testament to white
supremacy and privilege, and wish to find an alternative vocabulary that might better translate the openness and
outreachthatisneededtowardcommunitiesofcolour(July14a)(seealsoCannon,2012).IfICOPAparticipantsdonot
takeseriouslytheissueofwhiteprivilege, 12ICOPAsandtheirown,itputstheonuson(thefew)peopleofcolourin
attendancetodothiswork(hooks,1984).Thosewhowishtohaveanhonestdiscussionaboutwhiteprivilegeandthe
paucityofparticipationfrompersonsofcolourarethusputintheuncomfortablepositionofbringingitupwithothers
who are perceived by them to be closedminded. The same goes for issues of class, patriarchy, heteronormativity,
ableism, ageism and so forth. It is imperative that abolitionists grasp the significance of this issue and how simply
beingapersonofcolourcanmakeoneatargetofstaterepression.Theprivilegeonegarnersbybeingwhiteislargelydue
toongoingandunresolvedcolonialpractices(July14a).Becausethebulkofthosewhoarecriminalizedemanatefrom
marginalized communities (often persons of colour), it is incumbent upon penal abolitionists to incorporate race in
their analysis in a more systematic fashion, and to be concerned about the centrality of race in our daytoday
interactions and our organizing strategies. Racism and colonialism continue to structure our daytoday lives, as do
classism,patriarchyandotherformsofoppression.WhileICOPAhasconsistentlygivencentralitytotheseissueswhere
Indigenouspeoplesareconcerned,developingapenalabolitionstrategythatisframedwithinamorecompleteanalysis
ofracismandcolonialismmayhelptopushtheconversationforward.WetakeheedofCannons(2012)andEstrellas
(2015)callforconfrontingpositionalityandaddressingprivilegeinourrelationswithoppressedothers.
2.3.ICOPA15andRaceOppressionandWhitePrivilege
36 TheorganizingcommitteeofICOPA15madeoutreacheffortstowardgroupswithapreponderanceofpeopleofcolour,
inanefforttotrytobringthemintotheICOPAfold.Onecomradeinparticularrecognizedtheseefforts,andfocusedon
theoverlapofdifferentareasofinternalstruggle,namelythetriuneandtheraceoppressionissues:
Ithinkhe[Justin]reallyworkedhardattryingtogetalocalorganizingcommitteethatwasdiverseandrepresented
differentexperiences.Ijustdontthinkthathappened,despitehisoutreachefforts.AndIthinksomeofthathastodo
withthereputationofICOPA.Andalsothatpeopledontreallyknowaboutitandthatitsheldinacademic
institutionsoften,andsoitspartlyassociatedwithacademiaandwithwhiteacademia(July7).
37 Anotheralsorecognizedeffortstohavearaciallydiverseparticipation:
Ithoughtthattheworkthatwentintotheleaduptoitwasmuchmoresolicitingofdifferentkindsofparticipation
andinclusiveandopen,maybethatsthewaytosayit.Itwasmuchmoreopenthanmyexperiencehasbeenatother
oneswhereitskindoflikeacallforpapersgoesoutandyoujustsubmitsomethingoryoudont.SoImeanthere
werecyclesofHey,wereallywanttosolicitinputandparticipationfromimprisonedpeople,canyoucirculatethis
specificcalloutforthattothemandremindersaboutgettingthatstuffin.Callsforparticipation,youknow,more
generalcallforpapersthatwentout...AndIknowthateffortsweremadealsototalktoBlackCanadiansandother
communitiesthatareimpactedbyimprisonmentthere(June25).
38 Theclosingplenaryisdevotedtoevaluatingthecurrentconference,selectingasiteforthenextevent,andadopting
resolutions.BytheafternoonofthethirddayofICOPA15someparticipantshadalreadyleft,andthosepresentusually
experiencefatigueafteranintensethreedayschedule.ThenatureofdeliberativecommunicationinICOPAisbasedona
consensusmodel,meaningthatareasofdisagreementcantakeupconsiderabletimebeforebeingresolved,ifatall.
39 Despitethemanifestationofsignificantinterestfromvariousparticipantstohostfutureconferences,thesiteforthe
nextconferencewasleftinlimbo.Theconferenceendedwithouthavingselectedasiteforthefollowingconference,even
thoughaproposalfromDartmouth,Massachusettshadbeensubmitted,albeitaskingforathreeyeargapuntilthenext
iteration.MeanwhiletwoparticipantshadexpressedaninterestinstagingICOPA16inTurkeyin2016,butneitherof
them were present at the plenary and no solid proposal had been submitted. There was also a firm proposal to hold
ICOPAintheUnitedKingdomin2018.Lastly,asaresultofthediscussiononsiteselectionandappropriateness,alast
minute suggestion to stage the conference in Ecuador was presented verbally pending more discussion among
Ecuadorianactivistsandscholars.
40 ThediscussionaroundwheretostageICOPA16wascrossedwiththediscussionaboutraceoppressionandwhite
privilege.AfterVivianeSalehHannaproposedthatICOPA16beheldin2017attheUniversityofMassachusettswhere
she is affiliated, discussion began about the appropriateness of having a conference in the United States for several
reasons:theproposalwasfor2017,ratherthan2016,entailingathreeyeargaptothenexteditionMassachusettswas
veryclosetothesiteofICOPA15anditwasfeltthateffortsshouldbemadetotaketheconferencetoasiteawayfrom
TurtleIsland(NorthAmerica)orEuropeandmoreimportantlyforafewpresent,therewasafearthatsendingittothe
UnitedStateswouldbeanimpetustoconcentrateonracismandracializationtothedetrimentofabroaderanalysison
penalabolitionthatencompassesotherformsofoppression.
41 Inaddition,theissueofthelackofracialdiversitypromptedtherepresentativeoftheFoundationforaPrisonless
Society(FPSistheentityestablishedbyRuthMorristofundICOPA)toremarkthattheentitywasconsideringwhether
to continue funding ICOPA given the paucity of representation of people of colour. The issue of race oppression
continued to occupy the attention of participants. Some adopted the stance that racialization and colonialism are
restrictive as prisms through which to analyze abolition and that all forms of oppression need to feature in our
deliberations.Indeed,inanarticleonacademicandactivistrelations,Routledge(2009)saysthatpowernegotiations
involve working through the distances created by culture, space, and positionality (88). While race is a significant
component of these broad concepts, these differentials are also not exclusively due to race/colour, but involve a
spectrum of overlapping issues (such as gender, ethnicity, sexuality, and class). One way to engender a broader
discussionofabolitionismcouldbetoencouragefutureICOPAsbeinghostedoutsideofEuropeorNorthAmerica,to
ensureagreaterglobaldiversity.OneparticipantsuggestedlookingintothepossibilityofhavinganICOPAinBrazilor
South Africa, and another suggested organizing one in Ecuador, which, as it turns out, is the next destination (see
([www.actionicopa.org]).
42 Notwithstandingcriticismaroundhomogeneityandprivilege,ICOPA15sprogramonDay2wasexclusivelyfocused
onastreamofpanelsdevotedtoracismandcolonialism,Indigenouspeoples,andimmigrationdetention,andanother
streamoninternationalperspectives,whichencompassedpresentationsdealingwithslaveryandcolonialism.Further,
TheShadowofLucasville,afilmaboutwrongfullyimprisonedAfricanAmericanKeithLaMar,screenedthatevening.It
focusedonLaMarswrongfulandunendingsegregationforhisroleintheLucasvilleriotintheUnitedStates(LaMar,
2014). In this respect, racialization and colonialism were a central part of the ICOPA 15 program. In addition, Bob
GaucherandClaireDelislemetwithlocalelderstogaintheirsupportfortheconferenceandtwoeldersparticipatedin
theopeningplenary,AlbertDumontwhoopenedtheconferencewithanindigenousprayerandClaudetteCommanda
whospokeontheimpactofcolonialismonIndigenouspeopleinCanada.Effortswerealsomadetoacknowledgethe
unceded and unsurrendered Algonquin Territory on which the conference was held and to honour the traditional
stewardsoftheland,thoughthisrecognitionwasnotasystematicpartofeachpanelopening.
43 ItisincumbentonICOPAtocontinuetoensurethatgroupswhoaremostimpactedbystaterepressionbeintegralto
thedeliberations.AsRoutledge(2009)hasdiscussed,activistsandactivistacademicsneedtocontendwithissuesof
powerandrelationalethics,aswellasrecognizetheirpersonalpoliticalresponsibility (83). While compassion and a
desiretocreatechangeareintegralcomponentsofcollectiveactionandsolidaritywork,akeypartistoreflectontherole
privilege(intermsofracial,genderist,classist,orotherpositionsofpower)hasonourabilitytoadvocateforandenact
suchchange.Cannon(2012)furtherpointsout,inreferencetoindigenousstruggleinCanada,Canadiansmustcometo
know and understand the privilege of not having to know, name, or otherwise mark their own subjectivity and
positionalityrelativetotheongoingprojectofsettlercolonialism(22).Soundallyshiptogroupssufferingoppression
necessitatesthatattentionbefocusedonputtingasideunknowingandlisteningtowhatpeoplewhosufferoppression
aretryingtosayaboutpowerdifferentialsandactaccordingly.
2.4.BroaderConsiderationsonRaceOppressionandWhitePrivilege
44 Thereiscatastrophicandongoingsystemicracisminmanypartsoftheworld,inlargepartanongoingconsequence
of colonialism and neoliberalism. In a world where tens of millions of people are displaced due to conflict and
persecution, all those working to abolish penal systems or other state underpinnings designed to bolster capital
interestsattheexpenseofentirecategoriesofhumanbeingsneedtoconstantlyadjust,rethink,andregroupinorder
to avoid falling into the trap of complicity. Our very conceptions of justice require us to undertake and continue an
ongoing process of reframing issues using an antioppression lens (Walia, 2013, 191). It is vital for ICOPAs penal
abolition movement to revisit its practices to ensure that those most impacted by colonial practices of caging and
controlarecentraltoabolitionistorganizing.Andwhereasitwouldbeashametoreplicatehierarchiesofwhoismost
oppressed,ortominimizeoppression,Waliacallsonustoconsistentlychallengeoppressionwiththegoalofachieving
genuinetrustandequityinourrelations(ibid.,194,emphasisintheoriginal).Inthisrespecttheworkdonetodateby
organizationslikeNoOneisIllegalandtheOntarioPublicInterestResearchGroup(OPIRG)inCanadaareexemplarsof
thekindofcommitmentandtransformativeworkneededtoundertakethemonumentaltaskofriddingoursocietiesof
penalframeworksthatcontrol,cageandkill.Thefirststepinthisprocessisforthosewhohaveprivilegetotakestockof
theirpositionality,tolisten,tolearnfrom,anddirectresourcestooppressedgroupsthemselves,anecessaryfirststepto
meaningfulallyship.
3)PowerDynamicsintheAcademicSurvivorActivistTriune
45 WithinICOPA,thereisaperceivedpowerdifferentialinthetriuneofICOPAparticipants(academicssurvivorsof
state or social harm activists). 13 On one hand, it is imperative that those who are survivors play a central role in
ICOPA.Effortsmustbeengagedtoensurethatprisonersandformerprisoners,aswellassurvivorsofsocialharm,who
tendnottohavethesameorganizationalresources,beavitalpartoftheconferenceagenda.Ontheotherhand,itisfelt
bysomethatacademics,whooftenhaveanabundanceofresources,tendtohavemoreleveragetoorganizeICOPAs,
andthustheconferencespaceandcontentcanappearandfeellikeatraditionalacademicconference.Thiscanalienate
nonacademics. Further, since it is often held on university campuses, this can further alienate the nonacademic
contingentwhomayfindthatthespacepromoteshierarchicalrelationsastheUniversityisconsideredbysometobea
bastionofprivilege,oftenbelongingtowhitemen.
46 Wedrawonananarchistperspectivetounderstandstrugglesandrelationshipwithinthem. 14WeespouseHeckerts
(2010)notionofanarchismasanethicsofrelationships(186),whichallowsustounderstandthatdominationsuchas
is found in whiteness, masculinity, and so forth, is rooted in individualism (189). Our own empowerment and the
ability to organize are interrelated, as well as dependent on relationships with ourselves and with others (190).
Writingsconcernedwithanarchismandleadership(Gordon,2005),andethicsinstruggle(Routledge,2009),standto
besthelpusconceptualizeICOPAdynamics.
47 Gordon(2005)assertsthatconcernsaboutleadershiparereallyaboutthedistributionofpower,aswellasautonomy
andsolidarity(131).Itistheconceptofpower,therefore,thatisthecruxoforganizing.HeusesStarhawks(1987)three
prongedconceptualizationofpower:powerover,whichisachievedthroughdomination(9)powerfromwithin,which
has to do with the sense of mastery such as we develop as children, and which extends to realms of creativity and
connectiontoothers(9)andpowerwithwhichreferstotheinfluencewecanexertinagroupofequals,ourpowerto
shapethegroupscourseandshiftitsdirection(10268).
48 Ifwefocusonpowerwith,equalityamongmembersisanimportantaspectofthistypeofpower.Gordonsuggests,
however, that it is wrong to assume equality among members (155). To do so would mean to ignore the differential
skills, resources, recognition and support [activists] need in order to be effective and feel valued (156). For Gordon,
differencesinresourcesaffecttheabilitytohavepowerwith(160).Hedividestheseresourcesintotwobasictypologies:
zerosumresourcesandnonzerosumresources.Zerosumresourcesarethingslikemoney,space,timeandlogistical
equipment that are difficult to duplicate or share amongst a group. By contrast, non zerosum resources like
information, skills, access to networks and publicity are more easily shared or duplicated. Other resources, such as
commitment,energyandpersonalitytraits,arealsononzerosumresources,butarehardertoduplicate(161).Below
weexploresocialdynamicsandseehowthesedifferentresourcesplayacrucialroleinwhohasmorelistening(July2),
andthusismoreinfluential.
49 Looking at communicative relations within ICOPA also brings us to explore the groups impetus for personal and
communitytransformation.Inmoreconventionalstudiesonsocialmovements,leadershipandinfluence,thepersonal
isoftenevacuatedbytheoriesthatfocusonleaderfollowerrelations,tothedetrimentofintramemberoramemberto
member acknowledgement and understanding. Given that ICOPA is composed of activists and activistacademics
(criminalizedornotvictimizedornot),Routledges(2009)reflectionsontheserelationsthroughhisinvolvementin
CIRCA(ClandestineInsurgentRebelClownArmy)informsourunderstandingoftheimpetusforquestioningthepower
dynamicanddecisionmakingmechanismswithintheICOPAentity.
50 CIRCA began in response to the 2005 G8 summit held in Gleaneagles, Scotland and had suddenly risen up from
nowhere and was everywhere (83). The name CIRCA was chosen to reflect that they considered themselves
approximateandambivalentandneitherherenorthere,butnonethelessinaplaceofultimatepower,theplacein
betweenorderandchaos(ibid.). 15SuchambivalencetowardanestablishedmandateissimilarinICOPA,wherebeyond
thepushforpenalabolitionanalysisandstrategizingthroughthestagingofabiennialconference,thegroupisdevoid
of action plans, and formal endofterm accounts and reports (although some are produced periodically after
conferences).
51 Routledge begins by asserting that activistacademics relations with activists in struggle necessitates ...action,
reflection,andempowerment(ofoneselfandothers)...inresistancetooppression(82).Heteasesoutanapproachfor
the considered relationship between the activistacademic and resisting others, and the ensuing possibility of active
resistance to oppression and domination. Such collaboration of activistacademics with resisting others involves
participatinginspacesofactionthatareinclusiveandantihierarchical(83). 16
52 Whiledirectactioniscertainlythemainstayofsomeactivistacademics,Routledgeunderlinesthattherearemyriad
waysinwhichacademicscanmakethemselvesrelevantincollaborativeendeavorstoendoppressionanddomination,
waysthatblurtheboundariesbetweenfulltimeactivistsandacademicresearcherswhochoose...toworkin,andwith,
particularcommunities(83).
53 Thecontoursofactivistmethodologiescanandshouldbeworkedoutincooperationwithactiviststhemselves.Doing
thiswillnecessarilyentailbeingfacedwithissuesofpower,ethics,andpersonalpoliticalresponsibility(83).Routledge
proposes a methodological manifesto based on his involvement in CIRCA that incorporates activism (which he
characterizesaslivingtheorybeyondwords),affinity,emotionandrelationalethics(ibid.).
54 Common values about nonhierarchical and participatory consensus decisionmaking call for flexible and fluid
modesofaction,andsuchapoliticsofaffinityconstitutesastructureoffeeling(85).Sodevelopingcloseinterpersonal
relationships assists in creating bonds of solidarity to imagine global subjectivities that call for an appreciation of
similarityanddifference.Moretothepoint,suchastructureoffeelingstretchesthelimitsofourunderstandingof
othersstruggles.Brainstorming,strategizingandarguingforoneactionoranother,putsusinfacetofaceencounters
thatenabletheembodyingofaffinity(86).
55 Emotionsarealsoanimportantpartoftheequation.Webecomepoliticallyinvolvedwhenwefeelsomething,like
injusticeoroppression,andthissparksourmotivationtoengageinpolitics.ForRoutledgeandCIRCA,itwasakeyto
transforming and sustaining the inner emotional life of the activists involved. He says that there is a destructive
tendency in many movements in that they forget the importance of the inner work of personal transformation and
healing.Theemotionallifeofactivistsisalsoasiteofstruggle,heclaims(87).ForCIRCAclownbatants,theirgroup
and their action were an attempt to change the way we feel and the way we struggle (87). It is understood that the
creativeprocessisaidedwhenonesemotionaljourneyisgivenavoiceandaspace.
56 Thebenefitsofcultivatingaconversationaboutethicsinpoliticalactivismincludecultivating...relationsofhonesty,
truthandinterpersonalacknowledgementitallowsus...tobuildagenuinemorallanguageandithelpsus...become
more fully conscious human beings (Routledge, 2009, 88). Selfconsciousness, we are reminded, is selfknowledge,
understandingonespastandonespresent,desires,fearsandneeds,andonesrelationshiptothelargerworld(ibid.).
This is helpful in the ...articulation of a temporary common ground, wherein relations of difference and power (for
example, concerning gender, age, ethnicity, class, sexuality, and so on) are negotiated across distances of culture,
space,andpositionalityinthesearchformutualunderstanding(88).Undertakingaprocessofdecolonizingonesself
andabdicatingtheroleofexpertisoneofthebenefitsofretainingrelationalethicsaspartofourongoingdemeanorin
struggle.
57 ItwasatICOPAIIinAmsterdamin1985,thattherepresentativenessofICOPAwasfirstbroughtintoquestion.That
conference was dominated by the academic contingent, with scholarly formats (e.g. paper sessions) and voices that
were seen to be, by some, as disconnected from abolitionist struggles on the ground. Claire Culhane, a stalwart
Canadianprisoneradvocateandabolitionist(Culhane,197919851991)expressedthecritiquethatICOPAwasnot
usefultoherworkonthegroundinjails,prisonsandpenitentiariesacrossCanada.Sheheldtheopinionthatprisoners
voiceswereobscured(July11).
58 OrganizersofICOPAIIIheededthecriticismabouttheacademiccontingentovershadowingthevoicesofprisoners.
At the 1987 Montreal conference there was a significant involvement of activists and prisoners. It is through these
effortsthataseriesofpanelsfeaturingpaperswrittenandpresentedby(ex)prisonerswasorganized,whichformedthe
firstissueoftheJournalofPrisonersonPrisons(Pich,Larsen,2010).ThethrustoftheJPPwasfoundedonthenotion
that:
...iftheprisonabolitionistargumentthatthegoalandnecessityoftheoutsidecriticshouldbetoempowerthe
disenfranchised,thenprovidingtheopportunityforprisonerstostatetheircase,toidentifythemajorproblems,and
toprovideuswithuptodateinformationandanalysisaboutwhatisactuallyoccurringinourprisonsisanecessity.
(jpp.org/History)
59 ICOPA III also had a greater number of presentations on and by Indigenous peoples and their struggles with
imprisonment, including those by the late Indigenous activistacademic and lawyer, Patricia Monture, Mylne
Jaccoud,anacademic,andtheLeonardPeltierDefenceCommittee(ICOPAIIIPresentationabstracts).
3.3.ICOPA15andPowerDynamicsintheAcademicSurvivorActivistTriune
60 Among the key informants of this study, one person mentioned that those who have more say are those with
resources and by and large, they tend to emanate from the academy and so dispose of access to funds, space,
equipment,toolsandtimetothink,plan,writeandorganize(June14a).Inthepowerwithcategoryofinfluence,as
Routledge(2009)remindsus,notallparticipantsplayonanequalfootingdependingontheiracademic,exprisoner
and/orsurvivor,oractivistidentity.Thiskeyinformantsaid:
Thedifficultyisthatusuallythepragmaticissuesoutweighthecontent.IwouldlovetoorganizeaconferencebutI
donthaveauniversityandIdonthavemoney...Sothatmakesitveryhardformetodothat...itcannothavethesame
caliberasanICOPAbecauseIdonthavethestudentsbecauseIamnot,inthatsense,inacademia.SoIthinkthe
pragmaticaccessyouhavetofunds,andtospace,andtocontexts,andtopeoplesupportingyoulikeasupportsystem,
thatoftenwillbemoredecisiveonhowICOPAisorganizedthantheideasyouhaveorwhoyouwantthere(June14a).
61 TheorganizingcommitteeofICOPA15madeoutreacheffortstowardgroupswithapreponderanceofpeopleofcolour
and those with lived experience (survivors) in an effort to try to bring them into the ICOPA fold. One comrade in
particular recognized these efforts, and focused on the overlap of the different areas of internal struggle, namely the
triuneandtheracismissues(seeJuly7interview,above,section3.2.3).AnotheralsoacknowledgedthattheICOPA15
organizing committee had made efforts to ensure the presence of those with lived experience (see June 25 interview,
above, section 3.2.3). In an effort to engage nonacademics, the call for contributions was not limited to papers, but
includedfilm,poetry,theatreandothertypesofpresentations.
62 Otheractivistshavevoicedcriticismthatthetenorofpanelsessionsistooacademicanditcanbedifficultfornon
academicstofeelathomeinthesesurroundings:
...itisaradicalcriminologyconference,andIdontdoradicalcriminology.Myorganizationdoesntdoradical
criminology,sowhetherornotitsanappropriatespacefororganizers...Ithink,isstillupintheair(June25).
63 Inaddition,someactivistsclaimthereisnotenoughemphasisonstrategyandactionatICOPAconferences(June
25).Yet,forthemostpart,academics17inICOPAareacutelyawareoftheneedtokeepsurvivorsofstaterepressionand
socialharmattheheartofICOPA,andbuildconferenceprogramsthatreflectadiversityofvoicesfrompeopleofcolour,
indigenouspopulations,thequeerandtranscommunity,andthosecontendingwithdisability.Inthisrespect,theJPP
isseenasanimportantplayer:
Ithinkthatgenerally,thepeoplewhoworkontheJournalofPrisonersonPrisonshaveensureditisapivotalspotfor
ensuringthatimprisonedpeoplesparticipationiscirculatingthroughICOPAonsomekindofregularbasis(June25).
64 Thisremainsanissueofconcern,however.Whilemanyscholarsconsiderthemselvesactivistacademicsinthatthey
areconnectedtorealstrugglesontheground,thereistheperceptionthatachasmexistsbetweenscholarswhobenefit
from institutional resources and activist struggles on the ground. In this respect, those in ICOPA who identify as
academics are motivated to nurture relationships with a range of organizations in struggle, to keep their ear to the
ground,andincreasethepotentialforapluralityofvoicestobeheardwithinICOPA.Academicsandacademicactivists
can often contribute both zerosum and nonzerosum resources (Gordon, 2005) to foster and amplify the voices of
survivorsofstaterepressionorsocialharm.Inparticular,academicscanaddtothenarrativesofactiviststrugglesina
way that can, at times, reach a broader public. It should be noted that not all scholars possess such institutional
resources. For instance, graduate students and parttime professors certainly do not benefit from the same access to
university resources as tenured or tenuretrack faculty. In addition, one should not always draw rigid lines between
thosewhoidentifyasacademics,andsurvivorsofstaterepressionorsocialharm.
3.4.BroaderConsiderationonPowerDynamics
65 Routledge(2009)remindsusthatethicsinpoliticalactivisminvolveshonesty,truthandpersonalacknowledgement
(88).Healsoconsidersitcriticaltobeselfconscious,to[understand]onespastandonespresent,desires,fearsand
needs,andonesrelationshiptothelargerworld(ibid.).Itisthusincumbentuponsocialjusticeactiviststoaddress
powerdifferentialsintermsofgender,age,ethnicity,class,sexuality,andsoforthweneedtoundertakeaprocessof
decolonizingonesselfifwearetoengageinmeaningfulstruggle(ibid.).Facilitatingaconversationandcreatingthe
right space for such potentially transformative work is a challenge taken up by other groups engaged in resistance
against state practices. To ensure struggles represent the voices of those repressed and marginalized, those at the
receivingendofsuchinjusticemustbefrontandcentreindeliberationsaroundstruggle.Walia(2013)remindsusthat:
Thosewhohavehistoricallybeendeniedanyvoiceorcontroloverissuesthatimpacttheirlivesaretheexpertsin
articulatingtheimpactsofinjustice,andcarrythenecessaryawarenessofhowtoeffectivelyorganizeagainstpower
(197).
4)Leadership,DeliberativeVitalityandDecisionMaking
66 Oneofthequestionsthatguidedthisresearchprojectwas:WholeadsICOPA?Composedofpeoplewhoareengaged
in struggle against domination and oppression, ICOPA is also an entity with no formal committees or councils, no
electionsforpositionsongoverningbodies,andnorepresentativemandateholders.Welookatleadershipanddecision
making in this entity with an attention to hierarchies of decisionmaking, both at the international and at the local
levels. While an indepth discussion of leadership is beyond the scope of this article, we focus on antiauthoritarian
leadershipasitbeststandstoinformprocessesofdeliberationwithinICOPA.
67 The concept of leadership is one that has mobilized generations of scholars, and is considered by some as the
quintessential element of organizations, without which progress cannot be achieved. Others believe that the very
categoryleadershipisproblematicasitreifieshierarchyandindividualism.Therearemanywaystoviewleadership,
forinstance,
Incommunaltransformation,leadershipisaboutintention,convening,valuingrelatedness,andpresentingchoices.It
isnotapersonalitycharacteristicoramatterofstyle,andthereforeitrequiresnothingmorethanwhatallofus
alreadyhave(Block,2008,85).
68 Aboutleadership,Routlege(2009)saysitisrelationalethicsthathelpustobeawareoftheinternalhierarchies,the
silencingofdissent,orhowtheinternalizedhegemonicpowerconceptualizationsworkandservetokeepusvigilantin
thefaceofminorreversalswithinresistancepractices(90).
69 Walia (2013) considers that leadership in many NGOs is based on principles of democratic centralism, based on
Leninisttendencies(196).Thetypicalfunctioningofsuchastructureisthatitreliesonastrongcoreleadershiptomake
decisions that members are expected to execute (ibid.). She says that centralization and a topdown structure is
alienating (ibid.). In contrast, she notes that antiauthoritarian leadership is mindful of the differential impact of
systemicmarginalizationand:
Insteadofseekingtoequalizeacrossdiverselivedexperiences,theopinionsofthosemostimpactedareprioritizedas
aninherentformofleadership.Thisformofleadershipintegratesanantioppressionanalysis,andassuch,isan
inversion:itstrivestoencourageratherthandiscourageordenyleadership.(Walia,2013,197,emphasisinthe
original)
70 Such an approach is useful for addressing decisionmaking within ICOPA. While for some, the characterization of
ICOPAasananarchistentitymaybedebatable,weareremindedbyWalby(2011)thatthepromiseofanarchoabolition
is to identify perversions of power and subvert them through selfgoverning, antiauthoritarian, nonhierarchical
relations(295).WhilenotallICOPAparticipantsarealignedalonganarchistprinciples,suchconsiderationmayenable
us, as abolitionists, to confront the many ways we internalize punishment as a framework, as well as to come to an
understanding of our resistance to confront the limits of our own conceptualizations of equality, privilege, and
oppression.
71 ThefirstICOPAestablishednotonlyaninternationalsteeringcommittee,butanewsletteraswell,althoughitdoes
notseemtobeexplainedwhatmechanismwasputinplacetoeitherelectorrotatemembershiponthecommittee,or
guidethenewsletter.ThebrainchildofRuthMorrisandLoukHulsman,ICOPAwassteeredformanyyearsbythesetwo
stalwartabolitionists,alongwithothers.Intheearlydays,theywouldtraveltothelocationofthenextICOPAandoffer
guidanceandhelptothelocalorganizers(July11).InrecentyearsandwiththedeathsofsomepastICOPAelders,it
hasbecomeunclearwhowasonthiscommitteeorevenwhetheritwasstillinexistence.
72 In an entity such as ICOPA that has little in the way of formal governance structure, questions of leadership and
power are central. It is acknowledged that whomsoever decides to get involved in ICOPA, by not only attending a
conference, but by engaging in offconference email conversations, initiating conversations on particular issues,
publishingworkonabolition,orvolunteeringtohostaconference,coleadsICOPA.Yet,therearethosewhothinkthat
some people have more listening than others, meaning that they have peoples attention or esteem (July 2b). In a
fuzzy way, it is often assumed that those who guide ICOPA are those we refer to as elders, mostly founding or
longstanding members like Ruth Morris and Louk Hulsman (both now deceased), Thomas Mathiesen, Bob Gaucher,
andHalPepinsky(June25,27,July11a,14a).ThefactthatamorerecentgenerationofICOPAcomradesmaybeatthe
helmseemstobelostonsome,especiallytheveryindividualswhoseemtobeemergingasinfluencers.
4.3.ICOPA15andLeadership,DeliberativeVitalityandDecisionMaking
73 ThestagingofICOPA15onAlgonquinTerritoryhadtheadvantageofbringingtogethermanypeoplewhowereformer
students of Bob Gaucher. Bob, a participant of ICOPA since its founding, is responsible for making abolitionism a
compulsorycourseintheDepartmentofCriminologyattheUniversityofOttawa(Quirion,2014).Asaresult,thereare
afewgenerationsofcriminologystudentswhohavebeeninfluencednotonlybyBobsanalysisofthepenalsystem,but
by learning about penal abolition. Some of his former students have moved away to ply their organizational and
analytical skills around abolition in different settings. Some have become members of the academy in Ottawa and
elsewhere,whileothershaveremainedactivistsandprisoneradvocatesinCanada.
74 ICOPA 15 was less than a year away by September 2013 and the organizing committee was recruited. In the first
instance, Justin Pich invited Kim Pate (a past ICOPA participant) and the Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry
Societies to cosponsor ICOPA. Invitations to organize were sent to students, No One Is Illegal (NOII), the Odawa
Native Friendship Centre, the Ontario Public Interest Group (OPIRG) Carleton, OPIRG Ottawa, the Criminalization
andPunishmentEducationProject(CPEP),PrisonerJusticeDayorganizersandvariouscommunityactivists.Initial
participantsincludedundergraduateandgraduatestudents,professorsfromtheEnglishandtheFrenchsidesofthe
DepartmentofCriminologyattheUniversityofOttawa,andcommunityactivists.Afteracoupleofmeetings,somelost
interest,orforotherreasonsdidnotparticipate.Theremainderofthegroupcomprisedaround15people,andbetween
10and12attendedregularly.
75 Theorganizingcommitteewasmadeupof10womenandfivemen.Fivememberswereactiviststoourknowledge,
twowereeitherformerprisonersorafamilymemberofastillcriminalizedpersonthereweretwoprofessors,andeight
graduateandundergraduatestudents.ThreepeoplewereFrenchCanadians,twowereofAsianheritage,atleastthree
were born outside Canada (US, Argentina and Romania), and two selfidentify as queer. Of the academics on the
committee,atleastfourconsiderthemselvesactivistacademics.SomeofthesearemembersoftheCriminalizationand
PunishmentEducationProject(CPEP),agroupthatorganizescampaigns,mostnotablyonthecatastrophicsituation
inCanadasjails,prisonsandpenitentiaries.ArepresentativefromtheCanadianAssociationofElizabethFrySocieties
alsomadeasporadicpresence,untilshewithdrewfromthecommitteeoveradisputeastothecontentofapanelonsex
work,whichcriticizedtheprohibitionistpositionofCAEFSandKimPatethatsupportsthecriminalizationofclients
and third parties. Three committee members had previous ICOPA experience. Many of the students had taken the
abolition course required for the undergraduate degree in criminology at the University of Ottawa and were familiar
withthesubject,ifnotwithICOPA.Forfourmembersofthegroup,workingonICOPAwasactuallypartoftheirpaidor
scholarlyduties(oneasaprofessor,oneasaresearchassistant,andtwoasplacementstudentsfortheJPP).
76 For our purposes, two things happened at ICOPA 13 in Belfast that affected the local organizers of ICOPA 15.
ConsiderationwasgiventomovingtheICOPAconferencetoeitherCanadaortoTrinidad&Tobago,whereCatherineAli
wantedtohostICOPA14.Someoftheparticipantsattheclosingplenarywereuncomfortablewiththeidea,because
theysuspectedthatitwouldbetooreformistinoutlook.Somealsocriticizedthemissionaryorsaviorzealperceivedin
choosing such sites as the Caribbean. At the same time, Catherine spoke adamantly of the merit of having it in her
jurisdiction because of the fantastic opportunity that having an openminded Director of Prisons at the time could
meanforadvancingprogressinalternativestocriminalization,aswellashowanabolitionconferencewouldbeaterrific
andtimelyoccurrenceinordertopropelthereformmovementtheretowardabolition.ClaireDelisleandJustinPich
(both graduate students at the time), and the only Canadians present at the closing plenary, were interested but
reticentaboutthetimingoftryingtoorganizeICOPA14inCanada(thealternativesuggestion)whilestillbeinginthe
finishingthroesofPhDdissertationwritingandensuingdefenses,andbecauseneitherhadinstitutionalaffiliationas
professorsatthetime.AcompromisewasstruckandCatherinewastaskedwithproducingadetailedproposalinthe
six months following Belfast, failing which, the conference would go to Canada. Catherine came through and the
conferenceheadedtoTrinidad&TobagowiththeunderstandingthatICOPA15wouldbeheldinCanada.
77 Inthesameclosingplenary,aconversationtookplaceontheviabilityofcreatingawebsiteforICOPA.J.PichandC.
Delisle were tasked with its development. Pich did the bulk of this work and since that time, has been actively
developingthewebsiteandtryingtokeeptheconversationgoinginbetweenICOPAsviatheemaillistthatincludes
the addresses of most past ICOPA attendees. Since ICOPA 14, he has attempted to do a renewal exercise and sent
newslettersviaemailtotheICOPAgroupinthehopesofkeepingaconversationalive.Unfortunately,thebroademail
listwasnotaproductiveplaceforsuchconversations(July18).
78 Traditionally,closingplenariesareanopportunityforparticipantstoprovidefeedbackonthecurrentconferenceto
selectthesiteofthesubsequentICOPAandtopassresolutionsincludingdirectiononmovingforward,ortoreiterate
supportforissuespresentedbyparticipants.Onusingtheclosingplenaryasaspacetodebriefabouttheconference,
onekeyinformantsaid:
IthinkdoingsomeassessmenttogetherattheendabouthowitwentisreallyimportantandIreallyvaluethatandI
reallyencouragepeopletokeepthat:thatwealljustsitintheroomtogetherandtalktoeachotherabouthowitwas,
youknow,andgivefeedbacktotheplanners,andinputtopeoplewhomighttakeupwhateversnext(June25).
79 However,thesamepersondidnotconsidertheclosingplenaryasanappropriatevenuetoconductbusiness,opening
upthepossibilityforstrikingasteeringcommitteetaskedwithmandatessuchaschoosingthenextsiteforICOPA:
Ithinkthebusinessaspectsofitshouldnothappenthere.AndIthinktheclosingplenarycouldbeaplacewherethat
bodycouldsolicitinput,andthenbeempoweredtomakesomedecisions.BecauseIthinkalotofpeoplewhocometo
theconferencedontnecessarily...itmightbetheirfirstengagementwithICOPAtheymightnothavealongterm
investmentinit,andtheretheyare,inthemiddleofoldconversations,anddecisionsandmaythinkIdontknow
howthehelltoassessthisor,Idontcare.SoIthinkifsomebodyexisted,thatcoulddosomeofthatbusiness,then
areportonthebusinessofICOPAcouldalsoopentheconference,itcouldbelike,ok,16isgoingtobeinthisplace
andherestheprocessbywhichwecametothatandwewanttogetyouexcitedtogothere,rightnowandhereswho
youcantalktoifyouhaveconcernsabouthowthathappenedorgiveinput.Or,thisishowmuch,orthekindof
natureandquantityofresourcesthatareavailabletoICOPArightnow.Ifyouwanttohelpusincreasethat,hereare
thepeopletotalkto,buttohavesomewayofprovidingagoodcontextforwhatdoesexistinsideofICOPAwithout
compellingwhoevershowsupinthatroomtobethepeopledoingthatbusiness.Whereeverybodywhojustgoestoa
conferencejustgetsaddedtoanemailchain,orwhateverthecasemightbe(June25).
80 Otherkeyinformantswerequitehappytocarryonaswehavebeen.Thattheclosingplenarygetslongorgetsmessy
was not seen to detract from this more consensusbased model (July 7, July 11). This raises a question as to the
desirabilityofestablishingasteeringcommittee(onceagain)inordertohaveamandatedgrouptaskedwithsomeof
the decisions to be taken at ICOPA, including the question of site selection and fundraising, as part of our
preoccupationwithmaintainingandgrowingarobustinternationalabolitionmovementorwhetherthecurrentmodel
servesICOPAsinterests.Theagendaofclosingplenariesisfull:siteselection,adoptingresolutions,andevaluatingthe
currentconference.ThenatureofdeliberativecommunicationinICOPAisbasedonaconsensusmodel,meaningthat
areasofdisagreementcantakealongtimebeforebeingresolved.
81 As noted previously, despite the manifestation of significant interest from various participants to host future
conferences,thesiteforthenextconferencewasleftinlimbo.Thus,ICOPA15endedwithouthavingselectedasitefor
thefollowingconference,eventhoughaproposalhadbeensubmittedpriortotheplenary,albeitaskingforathreeyear
gapuntilthenextiteration.MeanwhiletwoparticipantshadexpressedaninterestinstagingICOPA16inTurkeyin
2016,butneitherofthemwerepresentattheplenaryandnosolidproposalhadbeensubmitted.Therewasalsoafirm
proposalforICOPA17tobeheldintheUnitedKingdom.AlengthydiscussionensuedaboutwheretostagenextICOPA
andaboutraceoppressionandprivilegeinICOPA(Seesection3.2.3).
82 Theclosingplenaryadjournedwiththeunderstandingthatsometimewouldbeaffordedtheindividualswhohad
showedaninterestinorganizingthenextICOPAbutwhohadnotsubmittedaproposal.Itwasanunusualendingto
theconference.Onbothsidesoftheraceandprivilegeissue,peopleleftfeelingoutofsorts.Thosewhoareconcerned
with the lack of race diversity expressed frustration at the perceived resistance of ICOPA participants to take on the
issueconversely,othersweretakenabackbythewayinwhichitwasaddressedandwerefrustratedthattheyhadbeen
putonthespotforthelackofracediversity.Moreover,seasonedICOPAparticipantswhowerepartoftheICOPA15
organizingcommitteewerefamiliarwiththetenorofclosingplenaries,buthadnotbriefedotherorganizersaboutthe
natureoftheclosingplenary,whichcreatedfeelingsofsurpriseanddismaywithintheorganizinggroup.
83 ICOPA15organizers,whotaskedthemselveswithsteeringtheprocesstoselectthesitesforfutureconferences,tabled
aproposaltopastICOPAparticipantstoholdtheeventsonayearlybasisforatrialperiodofthreeyearsbeginningin
2016. First, we received two proposals for ICOPA 16, one from Ecuador and the other from Turkey. The Ecuadorian
proposal was chosen. Second, because there was a sound and fullfledged proposal to hold ICOPA in Dartmouth,
Massachusetts,UnitedStatesICOPA17willbeheldthere.Third,aproposaltoholdanICOPAwassubmittedbyan
English contingent, to coincide with the marking of 50 years of abolitionism in Europe. ICOPA 18 will thus head to
Liverpool,Englandin2018.
84 ThequestionremainswhethertokeepthestatusquointermsofhowbusinessisconductedatICOPA,ortostrike(yet
again), a steering committee to take care of site selection and other issues such as funding, thereby freeing up the
closing plenary for taking up resolutions and providing feedback on the conference. ICOPA could address this by
reservingsomespaceontheformalagendaforguidingissuesaboutICOPAatfutureconferences,conversationsabout
deliberativevitalityandthebestwayforwardcanbepurposefullytakenupwithinapaneloraministreamdevoted
exclusivelytoICOPA.
4.4.BroaderConsiderationsonLeadership,DeliberativeVitalityandDecisionMaking
85 Inmoststruggles,activistsarepreoccupiedwithdemocracy,andthedesiretoensurethatpeopleareconsideredand
haveavoiceinmakingdecisions.Theyareconcernedwithjustice,fairness,andwellbeinginthewiderworld.Butwhat
aboutwithintheirownorganizationsandgroups?Ifactivistsarenotmindfulofhowdecisionsaremade,theycaneasily
slipintothetyrannyofthemajority.Prefiguringgrouppractices,theexerciseofpraxis,standstobeaviablewayto
make democracy come alive. Paulo Freire (Freire, 1972) argued that a politics of liberation is based on knowledge
sharinginordertoworktogethertowardliberation.Grantingandacceptingmandatesamongagroupcanleadtopower
being vested in a small clique, precluding group members from actively engaging in deliberative vitality out of
internalized deference, fear, or misplaced regard for expert voices. About making democracy, Holst (2014, 8081)
asserts:Wemakedemocracywhenwetakepopular,deliberative,democraticcontroloverthedecisionsthataffectour
lives...Democracyisastrugglethatisneverfinished.
86 Itisincumbentuponallactiviststobemindfuloftheplacetakenupindiscussionsanddebatesbyothersandto
guardagainstamonopolyofdirectionemanatingfromafewendowedwithskillsofpersuasionandinfluence.Akey
part of this is striving to ensure that adequate space with a conducive environment for participation is provided in
gatheringsthatpromotesdeliberativevitalityratherthanshutsitdown.
Conclusion
87 ThisarticlehashighlightedfourongoingareasofconcernandtensionwithintheInternationalConferenceonPenal
Abolition. This provides a platform for further discussion of these issues within the entity, by focusing on past and
currenttrendsofcontentionandconsensusoneachtopic,andbyofferingsomeguidingtheoreticalconsiderationsto
anchorfuturedeliberations.ItalsodrawsconnectionsbetweenICOPApriorities,andthoseofothergroupsinstruggle,
includingsomewhoparticipateinICOPAconferences.
88 Intermsoftheoppositionbetweenabolitionandreform,Mathiesens(2015,1974)TheUnfinishedhadstoodthetest
oftimeandcontinuestoserveasaguidingreferenceforabolitionistsallyshipwithreformers.Hisexplicationoftheuse
ofnonreformistreform(2015,231232)canhelpabolitioniststostrategizeandallywithreformersforthepurposesof
diminishingharmwithoutentrenchingthesystem(ibid.foracautionarytaleonallyshipwithreformers,seeMcCann,
2013).AlongwithSudburys(2009)exampleoftheworkdonebyCriticalResistanceabolitioniststoclosedownsome
prisonsinCalifornia,thisshowsthepromiseofabolitionistallyshipwithothers,solongasdiscursivestrategiesareput
in place in order to validate and extend abolition principles. In addition, such discursive strategies stand to guard
againsttheerosionofabolitionprinciplesasweengagewithreformerseitheronthegroundoratICOPA.
89 Theraceprivilegedimensionisgroundedintherealitythatpunishmentisdisproportionatelymetedoutonpeople
whobearthebruntofraceoppression.Agozinos(2003)treatmentofimperialismmakesthepointthatthepolice,the
courts and corrections are all nefarious fabrications of imperialist domination. Using a framework of colonialist
dominationreaffirmsthatmostformsofraceoppressionaredirectresultsoftheegregioushistoricalrealitiesassociated
withimperialismandcolonialistdominationtheworldover.Inlightofthis,whetherweareconsideringIndigenous,
Blackandotherpeopleofcolour,ormigrationissuesrelatedtodisplacement,allresultfromthesamebasicmatrix.At
thesametime,focusingontheseoppressionsmustgohandinhandwitharecognitionofpositionalityonthepartof
thosewithprivilege,asCannon(2012)andhooks(1988)pointout.
90 Thisissuewillremainpartofthediscussionaslongasthosewhobearthebruntofraceoppressiondonotfeelthe
organizationinwhichtheyparticipatereflectstheirviewpointandposition,whichwouldseriouslydevalueICOPA.One
waytochangethisistocreateanenvironmentinwhichoppressedpeoplesvoiceshaveaprominentplaceintheentity,
and to avoid tokenism. We are reminded by Walia (2013) that our work must be based on oppressed peoples own
analysis and experiences (191). Creating an environment where oppressed communities give direction to the ICOPA
deliberations without feeling marginalized, and anchoring abolitionist analysis more systematically in a colonialist
dominationframeworkstandstocreatemorepositiveandalternativerelationshipsamongvariousgroups.
91 While the power dynamics in the academicsurvivoractivist triune receives consideration on the part of ICOPA
organizers, comments about the discomfort of academic settings for the conference for some, and the prominence of
academics in the organizing of conferences signals the need for attention to be given to what Routledge (2009) calls
relationalethicsandchangingsomeofthewaysconferenceorganizingisundertakentoensuremoreengagementonthe
partofsurvivorsandactivists.Thiscanbedonebysharingnonzerosumresources(Gordon,2005)moremeaningfully
andforacademicstorelinquishtheirroleasexpertsinamoresustainedfashiontogivespacefortheexpertiseoflived
andactivistexperience.Liketheissueofraceoppression,addressingacademicprivilegeisafirststepinreconfiguring
powerdynamicsinthisgroup,andsendingaclearermessageaboutthenecessityoflivedandactivistexperiencebeing
atthecenterofICOPAorganizing.
92 LeadershipanddeliberativevitalityinICOPArequiresparticipantstobeawareoftheinternalhierarchies(Routledge,
2009, 90) that can exist in the organization based on a number of factors, including academic and race privilege.
Sometimes the silence of some participants is not agreement, but dissent. Not hearing dissent in our deliberations
thwartsourdemocraticpracticeandthedesireforrelationalhonestyandintegrity.VibrancyinICOPAisdependenton
a heightened awareness of these issues and the relative certainty that controversial issues are raised and openly
considered.
93 AsforwhetherICOPAshouldhaveasteeringcommittee,thisissueshouldbeconsideredinlightofWalias(2013)
caution about having a strong core leadership to make decisions can take away from deliberative vitality, leaving
participants feeling alienated from decisionmaking. She contrasts this with antiauthoritairan leadership, which can
avoid such pitfalls by integrating antioppression analysis and by encouraging leadership from those with lived
experience.
94 Internal struggles notwithstanding, ICOPA is at a crossroads where it has the possibility not only of shifting the
conversation,butofbetterpositioningitselfatthecenterofthedebatesonpunishmentandcontrol.Asonestalwart
ICOPAcomradestates:
...wereallyhavetotrytogeneratemorevisibilitythanwevehad.Becausetheresalotofpeopleouttherethatare
unhappy,thatdontseethisshitworkingverywell.SomakingthemawareofusandthisabilitytocometogetherI
thinkisveryimportant(July11).
95 WecallonfellowICOPAabolitionistsandnewcomerstoexaminecollectivelysomeofthecustomsandtraditionsthat
characterizetheentityintermsnotonlyofleadershipanddecisionmaking,butalsointermsofwaystoensurethatits
resistance and analysis are fundamentally allied with oppressed groups who are the predominant targets of state
repression that the voices of activists, former prisoners, and survivors of state and social harm be central to the
conferenceagendaandthatarobustdiscussioncontinueonthemostpromisingwaysofengagingwithreformers.As
mentionedearlier,buildingaspace(panelorministream)intotheconferenceprogram,devotedtocollectivereflection
onICOPAitselfasapenalabolitionistentity,standstomakeICOPAparticipantsmoreconsciousofourcollectivegoals
andprocesses,andstandstogiveagreatersenseofownershipoftheseandotherissues.
96 Inaddition,wesuggestthatICOPAintegrateantioppressionworkshopsaspartoftheprogram,aspacetoconsider
privilegeandoppressioninanopenandsupportiveformat.Thiswouldnotonlyengageparticipantsinthinkingabout
race oppression and privilege, but also consider patriarchy, (cis)heteronormativity, ableism and other forms of
oppression.Further,aconcertedeffortisneededtoprovidespaceforICOPAparticipantstoprocessfeelingsaboutthese
topics,andhavespecificsupportssetuptoassistthosewhoaretriggeredbyparticipantswords(eitherwithinpanels
orinsocialinteraction),orthematerialbeingpresented.AnotherareathatmeritsworkistoaddressEnglishspeaking
privilege.ICOPA15,althoughstagedonabilingualcampus,andhavingFrenchspeakersontheorganizingcommittee,
lacked bilingual panels and written material that may have encouraged more participation. ICOPA 16 in Quito,
EcuadorwilltakeplacepredominantlyinSpanish,butstandstobeabetterexampleofhowtoprovidetranslationand
resourcestoparticipantswhospeakotherlanguages.
97 Penalabolitionismis,morethanever,appositetocurrentdebatesonpenalityandpenalregimes.Itiscrucialthat
penalandotherabolitionistsworktogethertowardincreasingourpotentialbyallyingwithothersocialjusticenetworks
and groups to maximize our efforts at dismantling systems of control, caging and madnessmaking. Abolitionists
continuetostandfirmagainst,andresistcallsfor,readymadeanswersaboutanewreplacementfortheoldmodel,
whilecontinuingtodispelfacilemythsaboutabolition(suchasopeningalljailandprisondoorsnow),andprovide
consideredresponsestoquestionsaboutdanger.Multiplyingoccasionstoengagewithothersoncampaignsthatbenefit
from broadbased alliances, and conceptualizing abolition in terms to which others may be responsive (i.e. the
decriminalizationofdrugsandsexwork,theeradicationofpoverty,andmigrantjustice,allofwhichareabolitions),
continues to be sound practiceThe current neoliberal stranglehold and the consequent victimization it fuels provides
ampleopportunitytodeconstructthemoraleconomyofpersonhood(Skeggs,2004)inwhichsomepeoplearegoodand
deservingofloveandrespect,whileothersarebadanddeservingofretribution.Initsplace,byongoinglisteningtoand
caringforourselvesandothers,byourcommitmenttocollectivepraxis,wenotonlyresistinjusticewritlarge,butstand
to create more gentle and solidary communitydriven responses to social conflicts. This is done by creating more
disturbance,onthestreets,inpolicymaking,inthemediaandinacademiccirclestoupsetthepenalstatusquo.
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Notes
1Whiletheonlyinternationalgroupofitstype,oneshouldnotethatitsbreadthislimited.Inmanyareasintheworldthereisno
awarenessofitsexistencedespiteparticipantscomingfrommanycountries.
2ICOPAusedromannumeralsfortheirconferenceuntiltheendofICOPAXIIwhenaresolutionwastakenattheclosingplenaryto
adoptarabicnumbers.ThistextusesromannumeralsforICOPAeditionsuntilICOPA13,whenitadoptedarabicnumbers.Theaim
ofthischangewastomakeitclearerforalltounderstand.
3Weunderstandorganizingtoencompasssocialdynamicswithinthegroup,includingnotionsofleadershipandpower.
4 Retributive justice is based on the idea that an unjust occurrence (social harm) can be made just by punishing the person
deemedresponsibleforincurringtheharm.Transformativejusticeontheotherhand,referstoovercominganunjustsituationby
enabling relationships to develop meaningfully among those who harm, those harmed, and their communities, by seeing future
possibilitiesandbytakingintoaccountabroaderunderstandingofdistributiveinjustice(seeMorris,2000b).
5InternationalcomradesincludesomeCanadianswhohaveextensiveICOPAexperience.
6CriticalResistance(criticalresistance.org)isaUSbasedabolitionistorganization.
7WenotethattheappellationAmericaisproblematic,asitencompassesmorethantheUnitedStates.
8Keyinformantsremainanonymous.Wehavethuselectedtorepresenteachkeyinformantinterviewbythedateinwhichittook
place.
9OtherreasonsincludethefearoftravellingoverUSairspace,especiallysinceUSHomelandSecurityisempoweredtohaveplanes
landiftheydiscoverthatasuspiciouspassengeronboard.Somepeoplewithcriminalrecordsarefearfulofbeingdetainedinthe
US.
10 No One Is Illegal is a migrant justice movement rooted in anticolonial, anticapitalist, ecological justice, indigenous self
determination,antioccupation,and&antioppressivepolitics.Wearepartofaworldwidemovementofresistancethatstrivesand
struggles for the freedom to stay, the freedom to move, and the freedom to return (No One Is Illegal Toronto
[http://toronto.nooneisillegal.org/demands]).
11InformalconversationswithICOPAparticipants.
12Privilegeexistswhenonegrouphassomethingofvaluethatisdeniedtootherssimplybecauseofthegroupstheybelongto,rather
than because of anything theyve done or failed to do. Access to privilege doesnt determine ones outcomes, but it is definitely an
asset that makes it more likely that whatever talent, ability, and aspirations a person with privilege has will result in something
positive for them. Peggy McIntosh at The White Privilege Conference
[http://www.whiteprivilegeconference.com/white_privilege.html].
13Activistsandacademicscanalsobesurvivorsofstateorsocialharm.
14Anexplorationofmoretraditionalleftand/orMarxistmodelsisbeyondthescopeofthisarticle.
15ThisisreminiscentofMathiesens(2015,4761)theunfinished,whereinhesaysthatalternativesshouldremainasketch.
16Wetakenoteofthefactthattheterminclusiveisproblematic(seesection3.2.2,paragraph5).
17ManyacademicparticipantsinICOPAareacademicactivists.
Pourcitercetarticle
Rfrencelectronique
ClaireDelisle,MariaBasualdo,AdinaIleaetAndreaHughes,TheInternationalConferenceonPenalAbolition(ICOPA),
Champpnal/Penalfield[Enligne],Vol.XII|2015,misenlignele20aot2015,consultle31aot2015.URL:
http://champpenal.revues.org/9146DOI:10.4000/champpenal.9146
Auteurs
ClaireDelisle
UniversityofOttawa.Contact:cdelisle@uottawa.ca
MariaBasualdo
OntarioPublicInterestResearchGroup(OPIRG)Ottawa.Contact:opirgresearch@gmail.com
AdinaIlea
UniversityofOttawa.Contact:adina.ilea@gmail.com
AndreaHughes
UniversityofOttawa.Contact:ahugh104@uottawa.ca
Droitsdauteur
Champpnal

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