4 Analogical Change ‘They have been at a great feast of I Love's Labour's api, Teotail nap Mos 4.1 Introduction Sound change, borrowing and analogy have traditionally been considered the three most important (most basic) types of linguistic change. In spite of the importance of analogy, linguistics textbooks seem to struggle ‘when it comes to offering a definition. Many do not even bother, but just begin straight away by presenting examples of analogical change. Some of the definitions of analogy that have been offered run along the fol- lowing Lines: analogy is a linguistic process involving generalisation of a relationship from one set of conditions to another set of conditions; analogy is change modelled on the example of other words or forms; and analogy is ahistorical process which projects a generalisation from ‘one set of expressions to another. Arlotto (1972: 130), recognising the problem of offering an adequate definition, gives what he calls ‘a pur- posely vague and general definition’: ‘{analogy] is a process whereby ‘one form of a language becomes more like another with which it has somehow associated’. The essential element in all these definitions, vague and inadequate though this may sound, is that analogical change involves a relation of similarity (compare Anttila 1989: 88). For the Neogrammarians, sound change was considered regular, bor- rowings needed to be identified, and analogy was, in effect, everything else that was left over, That is, almost everything that was not sound change or borrowing was analogy. Analogy became the default (or 88 99 artvhich has cogn: languages. The original sdrig changed to d and then was shortened to 0 under influence from sorrow (Old Eng! ), which had no analogical change, where the ‘There are many kinds of anal the different types of analogy and the role of anal treatments of lingt change (and to a mor forward to Chapter 9 change with morphological change, though is true that many analogical changes , not all do, and many changes in mor- book, aspects of morph: apter, but also in Chapters 2, involve changes in morpt phology are not analogic change are treated not only and 12. 4.2. Proportional Analogy ‘Traditionally, two major kinds of analogical changes have been distin- ‘guished, proportional and non-proportional, although the distinction is . Proportional analogical changes are those bac: x, where .der analogy with the class of verbs which behave rode, write : wrote, strive : strove, and so On. changed to dove un Tike drive : drove, ride 90 Analogical Change (Today, both dived and dove are considered acceptable in Standard though the use of these forms does vary regionally.) The four- sometimes presented in other forms, for example as: a: bis ¢ alb 7 x ‘Not all cases considered proportional analogy can be represented easily in this proportional formula, and some cases not normally thought to be proportional analogical changes can be fitted into such a formula. In the ’be especially important, so long as you ‘understand the general of analogy. Let us turn to examples of ‘part proportional analogy, which is example comes from the pattern of the verb speak/spoke/spoken (‘present ‘past participle’) developed through remo Jlogy with verbs of the pattern break/broke/broken. In Old English, “en (compare the spake ‘past tense’ of Early is found in some Spanish dialects in the non-standard pronoun pattern called lafsmo, Standard Spanish has distinct masculine and feminine third person pronominal direct object forms, but the indirect object pronominal forms do not distinguish gender, as in: To vé‘L saw him’ (him Lsaw), la le di ‘I gave him/her (somethin; (himher Leave). 1in Introduction -d a gender distinction also her (somethingy’ “we kill ourselves" and mo- 4.3 Analogical Levelling Many of the proportional analoy levelling. (Others are extensions; the number of allomorphs a form In analogical levelling, forms whic! +hanges are instances of analogical ¢/sung oF Write/wrote/wr a single stem form and -e Thus cleave/clove/cloven (ot cleave/cleaved/cleaved fc verb very early in English, now pattern.) (2) Some English strong pattern to another, with th ‘a partial levelling. For example, in earlier English the ‘present’ ‘past participle’ of the verb to bear was equivalent to bear/bare/born(e), and break was break/brake/broke(n). 92 Analogical Change They have shifted to the fight/fought/fought, spin/spun/spun pattern, where the root of the ‘past’ and “past participle” forms is now the same (bear/bore/born(e), break/broke/oroken}. (3) In a rather large class of verbs in Standard Spanish, o (unstressed) alternates with we (when stressed), as in voldr “wo fly’, vuéla “it fies’ Many speakers of Chicano Spanish have levelled the tue alone in these verbs: vueldr ‘to fly’, vuéla “it flies’. In English, the former ‘comparative’ and ‘superiative’ forms of old have been levelled from the pattern old/elder/eldest to the noo alternating pattern old/older/oldest. Here, o had been fronted by umlaut due to the former presence of front vowels in the second syllable of elder and eldest, but the effects of umlaut were levelled out, and now the words elder and eldest remain only in restricted contexts, not as the regular ‘comparative’ and ‘ (Sa) Near was origi it the original state of affairs had persisted for the pattern ‘near'/ 5", we should have ra ‘nearer’ Inéahsta ‘nearest’. However, this pattern was levelled the sixteenth century, then nearest subst new comparative farrer, which was replaced by farther under fluence of further ‘more ad the equivalent of inglish letra and the later replaced latter, st, though still in tthe para- Ww", hépetai “you follow’, hépai ‘he/she/it follows” (Bi (7) Many verbs which have the same form in the singular and plural in Modem German once had different vowels, which were levelled by analogy. Thus, for example, Martin Luther (1483-1546) still wrote er 93Neen 4.5. The Relationship between Analogy ‘and Sound Change between sound change and analogy is captured rea~ wean (sometimes called “Sturtevant’s paradox’): ‘change in which back Sater syllable, as in Brother + -en > ‘glar sound change, the root for “brother” other and brethr. Earlier English had “fione of this sor. However, an iregular analogical change the plural form, on analogy with the non- pattern in such nouns as sister/sisters. This gular in that it applied only now and then, here al alternating forms, not across the board 10 all same time This analogical change in the case of, in undoing the irregularity created by the alternating pais, fo example: aprendér ‘0 Sound change, leaving oaly a 25 the root in both ‘where Standard Spanish has aprendér ‘to the singular and plural forms; that tion left behind by the sound change (bret weteiced context wit specialised meaning) In this context, we should te careful to note that altough analogical changes are usually not ular processes (which would oecur Whenever their conditions are as diferiencia for (4) Where Standard Spanish such as créa “he/she creates'/credr ‘to create’, many Spanish dialects found), they can sometimes be regular undergo a change which neutralises the distinctions between ¢ and {in “The history of the verb to choose in English shows the interaction of Umstressed syllables. resulting in altemating forms as seen in créa ‘sound change well. Old English had the forms éosan “he/she ereates'/eridr “to create’. This alteration bas been extended in ‘infinitive’, céas (&=eas} ‘past singular’, curon (kuron] ‘past some dialects to forms which would not originally have been subject 0 «i coren {Koren} “past participle’. These come from the Proto- the neusalisation, Thus, for example, on analogy with forms of the ‘European root *geus- ‘to choose, to taste’ (which had vowel Crea/eriar type, illustrated again in menéa “he/she stirs'/menidy 0 alternations in ‘grammatical contexts Which gave also *gous- Sie come verbs which originally did not have the stress pattem have and *gus- — the is the root behind Latin gustus “taste” and the saeco to ths pater, as seen in dialect cambéa “he/she changes loanword gusto in English). From this Indo-European root came Proto- cambidr “to change’, replacing Standard Spanish cdmbia ‘he/she Germanic *keus-an (and its alternates in different grammatical contexts, 94 95‘Stage 3: after 2008c, analogical reformation of nominative singular honor labor nominative singular hondrem labore accusative singular honoris, labiris genitive singular In this example, the regular sound change in Stage 2, rhota 1/V_Y), creat smorphy (honos/honi irregularity in the paradigm, Later, iregular analogy changed hori and labos (nominative singular forms) to honor and Jabor, both now ending in r, matching the rr of the rest of the forms in the paradigm. Thus imegular analogy has 96 imediate model refers to a situation in which the ‘relation of similarity’ upon which the analogical change is based is found in the same speech context as the thing that changes. This refers to instances ‘here the thing that changes and the thing that influences it to change are immedi taposed to one another or are located very near each other in frequently repeated pieces of speech. Thus, analogical changes based on an immediate model are typically found in frequently recited routines, such as sequences of basic numbers, days of the week, months of the year, or in phrases used so frequently they can almost be taken as ‘8 unit. For example, month names are frequently said together in sequence; as @ result, for many English speakers, because of the imme- diate model of January, February has changed to Febuary {febjuwesi), becoming more like January {jzenjuwesi) English, female [fimeil] was earlier femelle {fe'mel]; however, in the immediate model of male and female, frequently uttered together, the earlier femelle (the Middle English form) changed to be more similar to male. (2) Modern Spanish has the following days of the week which end in s: lunes “Monday’, martes "Tuesday", miercoles “Wednesday’, jueves “Thursday’, viernes ‘Friday’; however, lunes and miercoles come from forms which originally lacked this finals, but took it by analogy to other day names which ended in s in this immediate context, where the days of the week are commonly recited as a list. The day names are derived from shortened versions of the Latin names which originally contained ”European *dek) “The numbers in several Mayan languages illustrate this tendenc} numbers counted in sequence to influence each other, as imme models for analogical change. For example, Pogom pi:B ‘the’, ki ‘come to have the same vowel in kiZi:6 “ distinct vowels: Proto- “four”. In Q’eqehi’, ‘ten’ has been influenced by , laxe:6 ‘ten’, from Proto-K’ *Be:lexeb ten’. The Proto-Mayan forms *wag- ‘six’ and *hug- ‘nine’, aux y i) or i in Middle English, and then was lost. The word was reformulated harebrained as hairbrained, spparently rmology from ‘one having a brain like a hare (fabbit)’ to a new folk etymology based on hair, “one having a brain associated in some in way with hair’ (8) Some dialects of English have wheelbarrel for wheelbarrow, it as having some association with barrel. rs have changed cappuccino to cuppacino, influ- enced analogically by the word cuppa ‘cup of tea’, unknown in ‘American English but widely used elsewhere, from cup of tea or coffee); ‘a seven-year-old boy called it caffeccino (based on coffee). Compare also such blends ~ see below - as mochaccino, muggaccino and cybereino (involving a coffeeshop with World Wide Web access for its customers). bras ‘darkness’ changed to Modern Spanish inieblas through the folk-etymological assumption that it had something, niebla ‘fog. true etymology of English outrage has nothing to do with out e, which are due to folk etymology. Rather, outrage is in origin a 101sot ‘sapjo st waned ‘usnug prepueig axp sein aseo stip ur sseadde 3 nap/Sup ancy yst Jo sanatsea swos ‘paBSvip/Snsp sey ysttsury PrEpUEIS HUN (Z) “Bunsq/BuosaySu4q 2110909 SOY ry8norgnySnoig/Sun4g userred amp “ysHaUg JO sI9oqeIP aos we ‘urea 11 moy ureydxe 07 1durome pue “@Bueyo Jo Pury at auIEN, ‘Sumortos atp ur poatoaur st S8ueyo yworBopeue Jo Puy Hs oK saBueyp je2j6ojeue Buykznuap| z'p 25)240x3 ‘ y-aantuurpay-2uto9, -ystuuyy prepueg ut paidsooe 100 — fod) wemouiaym wofod ESI ‘uo-Dut-ajnt ,2oINBUIGDANMUEH-K¢ :uonmnstoo panty ® anf8 or 29feIp 2u1Os 305 papua|g aAPY Om 252K, (98 -aym renBung ennsieg-£04, 2 m0, hyenos ids sok wosrad-ppyasnayd rai} yoru pom * resn0> smok sano pared ts Aes aKmMaty Ok BALLOTS BN wos Daeanap ym aaif Yor SORA FRAO Koad 061 yuh Yoru ULI) pap: (gor a ‘yorpg + yoni 2 46 9 pHa 4am Jo SomHmN oy 01 40 ssaiyo wioyy Apantsuarxe moxsog tony saBenBuvy JO SoueN (ET) + pdonBuey, puoqps pure werpuy, o1pus JO Puta agpuos youasg * ppt “fepuas 01, aapuad wr 1, apuas ystueds Ka porensny! saRendiuel eouewoy ur puotd amp ut panqnsou pure soxpowe au0 peouanur 22198 ‘30 PIOU apu(ay)aud yey) sound Supajonut) 2705 ‘epuess oweBiowem, UOXIN, prcyony ay JO anD8420MK4 ayn uo parears qWwoUIDIa 1S MOU B) aM -jayna wos 2ouanigur YBnomp 42yynoU JONES > 424 avo puw (Suijyo0f%qs :yo0hy uo paseq suoneulquios wos (8) youayua + wouDU (iow) ourzeseu emduioo suo Suu nos wey) aurunf 9sal Linguistics: An Introduction (Old Spanish siniestro ‘left’ changed from Lat fake on ie under the influence of the antonym. ido < Standard bacalao (a place name). forms such as Standard Spanish atras often lost, as in ara < asta (spelled hasta) ‘until’ ichoke (a kind of sunflower, wit le/ contains gira- “t iocco ‘artichoke’, with nothing associated in Florida) comes from the Spanish name x, small island’ and hueso is ‘bone’ “opter + airport; snazzy < snappy + jazzy: jumble < jump +tumble. (9) Colloquial and regional varieties of Spanish have haiga where ‘Standard Spanish has haya (subjunctive, ‘there may be') and vaiga where Standard Spanish has vaya (subjunctive, ‘may go’). These have been influenced by Standard Spanish verb forms such as traiga (sub- junctive of eraer ‘to bring’, ‘may bring’) and caiga (subjunctive of caer “to fall ‘Modern English has help, helped for these. to emote is derived from emotion; to ent from enthusiastic. ») Many varieties of ison. (13) English to diagnose is deriv to dare’ result shuse is derived English have a new verb to liaise based on Jed from diagnosis. ited from both rohjera “to be bold 43 Analogical changes in Mayan languages ‘where possible the analogical changes les from various Mayan languages. Proto-K’ichean *Jihk *hawk’, ‘wving’). (NOTE: the Toss of fs not relevant to this problem; k” = jottalised velar stop.) Exercise Name and attempt to explain illustrated in the following exampl 1) Uspanteko fi: ‘hawk’ (compare 106 Analogical Change @ 7 jalects ik’6in ‘weasel’ (other Mayan languages have sahbin sags compare Proto-Mayan *saq ‘white’, Tzeltal ik’ Kagchikel -fga?il ‘wife’ became -ifxayil in some dialects (com- “female prefix’, xay ‘house’ + -il ‘suffix’ (‘pertaining to"). (4) Yucatec ic ‘face’, w-id ‘my face’ (compare “face’, *in-wig ‘my face”; note w- “my” before vowel consonants). Pe