helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic

election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged

reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.