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ACADEMIE SERBE DES SCIENCES ET DES ARTS

COMITE POUR LHISTOIRE DES SERBES EN CROATIE

RECUEIL DES TRAVAUX


SUR LES SERBES
EN CROATIE
11

DIRECTEUR VASILIJE DJ. KRESTI

BELGRADE 2017
ISSN 0353-5967



11

2017

.


X 28. 2016.
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1750.
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: 400 :
BLE DES MATIERES

. ............................................................ 7
Vasilije . Kresti Greater Croatian Pretensions to Vojvodina............................................................ 28

 1831.

............................................................................................. 29
irjana Popovi Village of mokro polje according to the census of 1831 an example
of demographic circumstances at Serbian orthodox population in
northern Dalmatia..................................................................................................... 42

........................................................................... 43
Vojin Kalini Serbian girls school in Zadar................................................................................... 54

,
..................................................................................... 55
Ljubinka Toeva Sava Vukovi, Deputy of Rijeka at the National Church Congress
Karpowicz at Timioara and the Hungarian Diet (17901791)............................................... 62

(18561939): , , ............... 63
Sofija Boi Gavro Manojlovi (18561939): historian, academician, politician................... 86

.............................................................................. 87
Mira Radojevi From correspondence of Sava Kosanovi............................................................. 100


.......................................................................... 101
Miroslav Jovanovi Luka Maric in defense of cyrillic and Serbian cultural society prosvjeta
in Croatia................................................................................................................... 110

.
1991. . .................................................................................................. 111
Vladislav B. Sotirovi The first post-cold war humanitarian intervention Vukovar 1991............. 128

Vladislav B. Sotirovi Breaking cliche on the killing of Yugoslavia: a role of Croatia........................... 129
. :
......................................................................................................... 150


........................................................... 151
ore Peri Poems of Serbian poets in melographic notations of known and
less known croatian melographers ........................................................................ 184


................................................................................................... 185
Slavica Garonja Milo kari Life and customs of Serbian people
Radovanac in Lika and Krbava................................................................................................... 246

18941895...................... 247
Stania Vojinovi Magazine of Serbian youth in Zagreb omladina (18941895)........................ 268

......................................................................................................................... 273

............................................................................................................ 286
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Zagreb 1996; Hrvatski srijemski mjestopis, Zagreb 1997.
75 Hrvatski srijemski mjestopis,
Veernjem listu (Zagreb, 8. VI 1997) Ravnim Srijemom do
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27 .
GREATER CROATIAN PRETENSIONS TO VOJVODINA VASILIJE . KRESTI

Based on the so-far unpublished archival records, published sources, the


press and literature, the author shows that since the 1848/49 revolution to
date the Croats have sought ways to expand their state territory to the areas
which belonged and which still belong to Vojvodina. Invoking the historical
right or the national principle, while at the same time resorting even to gross
forgeries, they aimed to appropriate Vojvodinas territory, this being fertile
soil that Croatia would have great economic benefit from. By laying claims
to Vojvodina, the Croats were undermining Serbia, striving to bring discord
among inhabitants of Vojvodina and Serbia. They were thus consciously
destabilising the joint state as they did not intend to stay in it. By ruining
the joint state, both the one after World War I and the one after World War
II, they aimed to gain an independent and as bigger as possible Croatia. It is
with such intentions that Croatian politicians have always endorsed all auton-
omous movements in Vojvodina, not because they cared about the autonomy
of Vojvodina, but because such movements were breaking the unity of the
Serbs and weakening Serbias resistance. Despite showing greater Croatian
pretensions to Vojvodina, as well as to Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Croats
have been constantly accusing the Serbs of hegemony and greater Serbian
pretensions. Serbian politics has not managed to appropriately respond to
the Croats claims, which is why, until the present time, those less informed
have the impression that the Serbs have had greater Serbian plans and ap-
petites, and that the Croats have been ingenuous and under constant threat
from the Serbs. This paper demonstrates and proves that the actual facts are
different and that those attacking others have been trying to conceal their
own appetites for other nations lands.

28
1831.


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33 , 2, 3, 5556.
34 1995. .
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39 2008.

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Ardali, Bukovica: narodni ivot i obiaji, Zbornik za narodni ivot junih Slovena, 4 (1899),
113126. 40


. ( 58%)
1831. 24 .
23 , 29 .
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41
VILLAGE OF MOKRO POLJE ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF MIRJANA POPOVI

1831 AN EXAMPLE OF DEMOGRAPHIC CIRCUMSTANCES AT


SERBIAN ORTHODOX POPULATION IN NORTHERN DALMATIA

This essay uses a census of the Serbian Orthodox parish of Mokro polje
in Northern Dalmatia, dating back from 1831. Based on the census, a
demographic profile of the population in this part of Dalmatia is given,
including the analysis of the family structure, with reference to a number of
social, religous and cultural circumstamces in this area in the early decades
of the 19th century.
Based on the data in the census, as well as by comparing it with censuses
of other villages in different parts of the Dalmatian parish, it is noticable
that this village, as well as others nearby, had numerous households with
seven and more members, while southern areas and cities had around five.
Average age of an inhabitant was around 26, but men were slightly older
than women. Number of men and women was relatively balanced. More than
half of the population in this parish consisted of residents younger than 24.
Women entered marriage around 23, and men around 29 years of age. Men
were generally slightly older than their wives, although in some cases it was
reversed. Most marriages were concluded during the months of Fall, and
no wedding was registered in March and December, during the periods of
Lent. There were more widowers than widows, which corresponded to the
circumstances in the entire parish. As a consequence of deprivation and
hunger, many families moved away from this area, most often to Turkey,
namely to the area of Western Bosnia.

42
1

-
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(18431853).
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[...], .4
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1 1895.
, .
2 Kosta Milutinovi, Vojvodina i Dalmacija 17601914, Novi Sad 1973, str. 55.
3 , .
, , 1950, . 313.
4 , 1853, . 86.
43 5 . , . .
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(2.405 34 ).6
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6 u , - , 18541859, . 165.
7 , 1853, . 86.
8 1880. ( , 1880, . 51).
9 . , . .
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11 HR-DAZd-341-Spisi pravoslavne dalmatinske eparhije za 1854. god., sv. 63, br. 1293. 44


. . -
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25 ,
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(18941896), (18971902), (19021904),
(1905) 1906. -
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II II, III IV . ; III V VI . . 8.
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[...],
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, 1989, . 176).
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1889, . 47.
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, (18901902).
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10. 6. 1913. . Barunica Marija David (Narodni list, 1913, br. 51).
35 : ,
. , 48


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1899.
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1899/1900.
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1904. .
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1902. -
.
Calle del Tribunale . 859,

,
( , , 1892, . 51).
36 .
37 , 1897, . 29.
38 1901. , 1901, . 6, . 93.
39 , 1899, . 4.
40 , , 1900, . 26.
41 , , :
, 1971, . 133.
49 42 , 1904, . 23.
.

(Antonio Bacicchi).43
-
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, 1912.
.

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1912. 27 -
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43 , .
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19. . , ,
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.
. ,
,
(Marija Staglii, Zgrade na poluotoku, . Perii . (.), Zadar za austri-
jske uprave, Zadar 2011, str. 345).
44 HR-DAZd-90 Vlada/Namjesnitvo za Dalmaciju, Zaklade u Dalmaciji (18131918). Zak-
lada Zeli, sv. 35, br. 192/III.
45 . , . , . 130.
46 Ante Brali, kolstvo u Zadru za vrijeme Prvog svjetskog rata, Zadar 2005, str. 604. 50


( )

1854.
() .
. -
(Frbel).47
, 1846,
1900. .
Lega Nacionalle, 1904.
.48
aa
. .
.
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19. -
, , .53
47 (.), , , 1989, . 176
48 A. Brali, n. d. str. 601.
49 .
, , 1882, . 3.
50 , 1894, . 29.
51 1895, . 27.
52 . , . . . 130.
53 18. ,
51 , .

.
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- (18541859) -
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1863. .
. .
.58
-
.
1781, 1783. .
Teatro Nobile ( )
. Casino Nobile,
Teatro Nobile . 1865.
Teatro Nuovo (G. Rabac 4. azalina umjetnost, : . Perii . (.), Zadar
za austrijske uprave, Prolost Zadra, IV, Zadar 2011, str. 10801101).
54 A. Strgai, Neka dramatska prikazivanja u Zadru na narodnom jeziku u Zadru u 19.
stoljeu, Zadarska revija, 1952, br. 3, str. 112.
55 Srpski detinji teatar, Zadarska revija, 1953, br. 2, str. 100101.
56 , - , 18541859. ,
. 166.
57 , . 104105.
58 - , 1863, . 113. 52


1862. .

.59
12. 19.
,
. -
, -
, . ,

.60 ,
.
,
1854. , -
,
.
,
1864.
, .61

.62
,
,
, , ,
.63

59 , . 113114.
60 Vjekoslav Matrovi, Prilog povijesti hrvatske kazaline umjetnosti u Zadru, Zadarska revija,
Zadar 1953., br. 3, str. 160.
61 .
62 Neki vani sluaji u godini 1864, Narodni koledar, Zadar 1865, br. 3, str. 108.
53 63 V. Matrovi, n. d.
SERBIAN GIRLS SCHOOL IN ZADAR VOJIN KALINI

Serbian girls school in Zadar (18541914) was one the most important
Serbian educational institutions in Dalmatia before the First World War. It
was established by Dalmatian bishop Stefan Knezevic (18541890) and by
the rich Serbian citizens of Zadar. This institute continued its educational
work in very difficult circumstances in the Austrian province of Dalmatia
(18141918) but it managed to educate in the national spirit a significant
number of Serbian girls nd boys not only from Zadar, but also from the
whole of Dalmatia of that time. Also, as part of the school for some time
acted Serbian children's theater and the Serbian kindergarten. It stopped
working in the middle of the 1916/1917 war year.

54
(17401811),


.
, ,
II
.
,
. , ,
,
, , ,

.
,
.
-
,
.
5. 1778.
3.520 .
, , 110 -
,
800, 500 300 .
, , 2, 4,27 .1
,

. ,

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1 .
55 , .1* , , .
,

.2
-

1789. . 1790.
,
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.3 ,
50.000 -
.4
, 1435.
, -
, IV,
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:
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1791. .
II 1790. -
, II, -
. II -
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II
.
-
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500.000 .
, 700.000 ,
II .
, , ,
2 Imre Ress, Adami i Mihanovi na Saboru u Pounu, Adamievo doba 17801830, Rijeka 2005.
str. 187221; ,
17901792. 2005. . 257258.
3 , 18. 19. ,
, , . 34/1939, . 321.
4 , , .
17901897. , 1931. . 364.
5 iro Truhelka, Ko je bio slikar fojnikog grbovnika, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u BiH, knj.
I god. I/1889. , 15. .
. ,
, XVIII , , . 1965. 56

(17401811),
II
.

, 15. 1790. -
. 6. 1790.
, 17901791. .
-
.
-
,
.6 :
( ), ( ), (
), ( ) ( -
). -

.
22. 1790,
. , 15. 1790.
. II

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30. 1790.


. -
a a, II,
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.7
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- 6. 1790.
,
, -
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.

: )
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().
, ,
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6 , 1893, . , .7380.
7 .
1762. . ,
57 1776. .
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21. 1790. -
15/26. 1790.
,
II
.8 -
,
,
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,
( ) 29. 1790. -
. ,
,
(Nations Kongress) -
15. .9 ,

, . ,
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. , -


.
-
(Ungheresi di Nazione e del Rito Greco orientale non
unito).10 , -
, ,
.
, ,
, ,
.
16. ,
21. (1. ) 1790. . 11
.
-
.
,
, .
8 Robin Okey, The Habsburg Monarchy, 200. str. 50; ,
, . , 1893, . 7380; Denis Silagi, Ungarn und der geheime
Mitarbeiterkreis Kaiser Leopolds II . Mnchen 1961; J. H. Robert Schwicker, Die politische
Geschichte der Serben in Ungarn, Budapest1880.
9 , . 2.
10 .
11 , , 1790,
, , 1972, . 204205. 58

(17401811),
,
, . -

, -

.
,

, , .
20. 1790.
.

.
. -

4. 1790. .
, 28. 1790. -
.
, (-
) .
1791.
, 1791.
.
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. .12 ,
.
1791.
.
. ,
: 1. -
; 2.
; 3.
, (. , -
, ).13 ,
-
(?1815), -
(Deputatio regnicolaris in commercialibus).
, ,
-
1779. .

12 ,
1751. . 1776.
.
.
, ,
27. 1791,
. Lajo Horvat, Rijeki zastupnik u
madarskom dravnom saboru 184849, Vjesnik HAR, sv. XLIXLII, 2000, str. 127153.
59 13 Imre Ress, nav. delo, str. 187221.
,

,
. , ,
, , , ,
,
. , ,
,
.

,
,
II,
. ,
( Vigi-
lantia, ). ,
II.
,
, ,
1785. -
. 1776.

.14 1791, ,
,
. , (17881791),

, ,
Strict Observance.
( ,
1873. 1883. , 1898. 1903.
).

.15
, , ,
,

14 1787.
(Rosen-Orden), ,
. , ,
, , ,
-, . .
1789. .
3. 1883. .
je Hajnal, br. 17/1883. (18151895),
(A Dictionary of Freemasonry)
, 1989. .
18. . .
,
Strict Observance. . , . 329).
II ,
II 1785,. . Harry S. Truman
(ed.) 10.000 Famous Freemasons, 2002. vol. III, str. 45.
15 Ljubinka Toeva Karpowicz, Rijeki guverneri masoni, Suaka revija, br. 9394/2016. 60

(17401811),
,
, ,

,
II.

,
() -
, .16

16 O tome vie: Ljubinka Toeva Karpowicz, Masonerija, politika i Rijeka 17851944.


61 Rijeka, 2015.
SAVA VUKOVI, DEPUTY OF RIJEKA AT THE NATIONAL LJUBINKA TOEVA KARPOWICZ

CHURCH CONGRESS AT TIMIOARA AND THE HUNGARIAN


DIET (17901791)

Although Sava Vukovi, one of the founders of the Orthodox Community in


Rijeka, had been an inhabitant of Novi Sad for over ten years, the worshipers
of Rijekas Serbian Orthodox Church of St. Nicholas elected him as their
deputy in mid-July 1790 to the Church Congress at Timioara. Already at
the first session of the Congress (21 August/1 September), Sava Vukovi
put forth a proposal concerning the status of Serbs in Rijeka, in which they
sought for themselves the status of citizens (burghers). With the assistance of
Metropolitan Stevan Stratimirovi, who had been chosen as bishop (vladika)
at the Timioara Congress, Sava Vukovi succeeded in having his family
confirmed as members of the Venetian nobility. Thereafter, Sava Vukovi,
now as a nobleman and a Magyar, made a proposal to improve trade at the
Hungarian Diet on 10 July 1791, together with Rijekas delegates (who were
also members of the Hungarian nobility). Interestingly, all persons mentioned
in connection with the Timioara National Congress and the Hungarian Diet
belonged to the Rite of Strict Observance Rite of the Freemasons!

62
(18561939): ,
,

1.

, -
,

, , ,
.1 -
,2 15/27. 1856. .
,
.
. ,
. 1864.
, .
1868. , 1870. -
, 1871. 1876. . -
, , ,
. . , 1878.
- -
53. . 1880,

, -
(18921894). ,
. 18941895.
. 1895.
.

1896. ,
. , 1897.
, -
. 1901. , 1902. -
. 1908.
1 , , 2004, 109135.
2 ,
. (:
63 ), , 14560-III-3: .
.

-
, 1910.
17. 1924. . -
(5/18.
1908) (3. 1910).
- , -
, ,
1908. 1911. 1913. 1919, -
19101911. 1913. 1918, 19191920.
,
.

2.

,
. -
, 1881. ,
,
.3 -
,
, .
, 1881,
, ,
, . , -
1899.
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.4 , ,
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3 ,
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(: ), ,
R 4064 b: , , 4. IV 1881.

, ,
( , Mladi dani Veljkovi, , : , .
128, . 4 (1881), 144), .
,
.
, , 1987, 163.
4 J. idak, Dr. Gavro Manojlovi (U povodu 100-godinjice njegova roenja.), Historijski
zbornik 9 (1956), 253.
5 , R 4610 b: , , 11. VII 1896. 64

(18561939): ,
, ,
, ,
, , ,
.6
, -
.7 -

. ,
, 19.
20. , .8 -
, , De
administrando imperio VII
.
, -

.

,
.
,
,
, , -
, .
,
.9
-
() 400800 , -
,
, -
, . ,
(Henri Grgoire),
-
6
, .
, + , , . 289, . 5 (1912), 110112.
7 Jadransko pomorje IX stoljea u svjetlu istono-rimske (bizantinske) povijesti I, Rad JAZU
150 (1902), 1102; Carigradski narod (demos) od godine 400800 po Isusu, s osobitim
obzirom na njegove vojne sile, elemente njegove i njegova ustavna prava u ovoj periodi,
Nastavni vjesnik 12 (1904) [ : Byzantion 11 (1936) 617716]; Studije o spisu
De administrando imperio cara Konstantina VII. Porfirogenita, IIV, Rad JAZU, 182 (1910)
165; 186 (1911) 35103; 187 (1911), 132; O srodstvu patrijarha Fotija s carskom kuom,
Nastavni vjesnik 9 (1901); O godini prijenosa sv. Anastasije u Zadar, Zagreb 1901; Le
millnaire de l ancien royaume croate, Essai sur les questions historiques respectives, Zbornik
kralja Tomislava u spomen tisuugodinjice hrvatskoga kraljevstva, Zagreb 1925, XILXXI;
Povijest staroga Orijenta, Zagreb 1923; Sile pokretnice i pravilnosti u univerzalnoj historiji,
Zagreb 1927. .
8 . , , ,
, , 1997, 480.
9 , Dr Gavro Manojlovi, Studije o spisu De administrando imperio cara
65 Konstantina VII Porfirogenita, , . 280, . 8 (1911), 6671.
,

, -
, .
, , (Grgoire)
-
,
. -
(Bysantinische Zeitschrift)
, ,
. . -
.10
-
. 1883.
.
, -
(1923). ,

, -
, -
. , ,
, -
. -

.

.11
, , -
. ,
, -
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.
. -

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,

. . .12

10 Znaenje modrih i zelenih u carigradskom cirkusu za vrijeme istono-rimskih careva,


Novosti, br. 359, 31. XII 1937, 10.
11 Severus, Gavro Manojlovi: Povijest staroga Orijenta, Jugoslavenska njiva, knj. II, br. 10,
novembar 1923, 393394.
12 , Povijest staroga Orijenta, , . 3 (1929), 247252. 66

(18561939): ,
,
,
. -
-
. ,
, , ,
,
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) ,
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(1453) (1555).

, , .
1890. , 12. 1901.
-
: ,
. 1889 ,
,
, -
1453. ,
( , , )
. -
,
(861
). ,
, ,

13 B , Dr Gavro Manojlovi: Sile pokretnice i pravilnosti u univerzalnoj historiji,


, . 22 (1927), 5356.
14 ,
, , . 326 (1930), 285288.
15 Bosiljka Janjatovi, Shvaanje povijesti u Gavra Manojlovia, Jugoslovenski istorijski asopis,
12 (1971), 188. . .
67 6 ( 1965).
15. 16. , -

. ,
, , ,
, .16 , -
, -
: 1. II, 2.
(, [14531494], [14531509]),
3. (14531516) -
(14531495), 4. -
: ( ), 5.
( VIII I. [14981515]),
6. ( II., II.,
II. ), 7.
(, , [14531526]), 8. -
: ;
; , 9. - -
: ; I.; V;
, 10.
( II. I) ( ) 11. V.
(1530) ().

3. , ;

3.1.
, -
.
.
- , 11. 1901. -
,
IX. ,
,
.17 -
- , 26.
1907. , ,
.18
16 , , 14560-II-5: Povijest Novoga vijeka. Knjiga I.
Zapadna, juna i srednja Evropa od pada Carigrada (1453) do Augsburkoga vjerskoga mira
(1555). Napisao Gavro Manojlovi god. 1890.
17 Ljetopis Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti (dalje: Ljetopis JAZU), sv. 16 za
godinu 1901, Zagreb 1902, 21. Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti

. Rada,
: 1868. Monumenta spectantia historiam
Slavorum meridionalium, , 1869. Starine
,
Ljetopis Djela Jugoslavenske akademije Monumenta
historico-iuridica Slavorum meridionalium (150 godina Hrvatske akademije znanosti i
umjetnosti 1861 2011., Zagreb 2011, 16).
18 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 22 za godinu 1907, Zagreb 1908, 21. 68

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29 , 22.
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1912, Zagreb 1913, 27.
31 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 24 za godinu 1909, Zagreb 1910, 45.
32 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 26 za godinu 1911, Zagreb 1912, 39.
33 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 27 za godinu 1912, Zagreb 1913, 24.
34 , 46. 70

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39 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 31, II za godinu 1916, Zagreb 1917, 109.
40 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 32, I za godinu 1917, Zagreb 1917, 3647.
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51 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 35 za godinu 1920, Zagreb 1921, 28.
52 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 36 za godinu 1921, Zagreb 1922, 45.
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57 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 38 za godinu 1923, Zagreb 1924, 26.
58 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 39 za godinu 1924 i 1925, Zagreb 1926, 17.
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66 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 39 za godinu 1924 i 1925, Zagreb 1926, 138140.
67 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 41 za godinu 1927/1928, Zagreb 1928, 18.
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oko gradnje, , 4. XII 1930.
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74 , R 6965 b: , , 28. V 1927.
75 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 40 za godinu 1925/26 i 1926/27, Zagreb 1927, 18. . .
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76 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 41 za godinu 1927/1928, Zagreb 1928, 86.
77 , 9294.
78 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 43 za godinu 1929/1930, Zagreb 1931, 98103.
79 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 41 za godinu 1927/ 1928, Zagreb 1928, 18.
80 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 44 za godinu 1930/1931, Zagreb 1932, 18.
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88 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 42 za godinu 1928/1929, Zagreb 1930, 31.
89 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 44 za godinu 1930/1931, Zagreb 1932, 36.
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91 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 41 za godinu 1927/1928, Zagreb 1928, 31.
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95 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 41 za godinu 1927/1928, Zagreb 1928, 31.
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96 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 44 za godinu 1930/1931, Zagreb 1932, 3839.
97 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 43 za godinu 1929/1930, Zagreb 1931, 2629.
98 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 46 za godinu 1932/1933, Zagreb 1934, 27.
99 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 41 za godinu 1927/1928, Zagreb 1928, 3637.
100 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 52 za godinu 1938/1939, Zagreb 1940, 18.
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117 , , 14560-VI-5: Jedno objanjenje dra Gavre
Manojlovia, Novosti, br. 307, 4. XI 1936, 12.
118 Gavro Manojlovi, Osniva Jugoslavenske akademije : Josip Juraj Strossmayer. Spomen-
spis prigodom otkrivanja spomenika hrvatskom rodoljubu i narodnom prosvjetitelju, ur. Dr
S. Ritig i Dr. R. Maixner, Zagreb 1926, 1316. ,
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120 Stenografski zapisnik V. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije, drane
dne 21. oujka 1910, Stenografiki zapisnici sabora kralj. Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije (:
SZS), petogodita 1908.1913. od I. do ukljuivo XXXVIII. saborske sjednice od 12. oujka do
23. svibnja 1910, svezak I, Zagreb 1910, 71; Stenografski zapisnik II. sjednice sabora kraljevina
Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije, drane dne 27. prosinca 1913, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918.
od I. do ukljuivo XXXIV. saborske sjednice od 27. prosinca 1913. do 4. oujka 1914, svezak I,
godina 1913. i 1914, Zagreb 1914, 40.
121 Stenografski zapisnik CCXXXIII. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i
Dalmacije, drane dne 15. svibnja 1918, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od CC. do ukljuivo
CCLVI. saborske sjednice od 10. prosinca 1917. do 29. listopada 1918, (nastavak petog ratnog
zasedanja.), svezak VI, godina 1917. i 1918, Zagreb 1917, 710.
122 Stenografski zapisnik CCXLVII. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije,
drane dne 10. srpnja 1918, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od CC. do ukljuivo CCLVI. saborske
sjednice od 10. prosinca 1917. do 29. listopada 1918, (nastavak petog ratnog zasedanja.), svezak
VI, godina 1917. i 1918, Zagreb 1917, 1115.
123 Stenografski zapisnik CCXI. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije,
drane dne 7. veljae 1918, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od CC. do ukljuivo CCLVI. saborske
sjednice od 10. prosinca 1917. do 29. listopada 1918, (nastavak petog ratnog zasedanja.), svezak
VI, godina 1917. i 1918, Zagreb 1917, 294.
124 Stenografski zapisnik XXXVIII. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije,
drane dne 23. svibnja 1910, SZS, petogodita 1908.1913. od I. do ukljuivo XXXVIII. saborske 82

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sjednice od 12. oujka do 23. svibnja 1910, svezak I, Zagreb 1910, 1684; Stenografski zapisnik
VIII. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije, drane dne 5. sijenja 1914,
SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od I. do ukljuivo XXXIV. saborske sjednice od 27. prosinca 1913.
do 4. oujka 1914, svezak I, godina 1913. i 1914, Zagreb 1914, 313.
125 Stenografski zapisnik C. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije, drane
dne 30. prosinca 1915, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od LXXXV. do ukljuivo CXXXI. saborske
sjednice od 14. lipnja 1915. do 4. srpnja 1916, (ratno saborisanje.), svezak III, godina 1915. i
1916, Zagreb 1916, 333.
126 Stenografski zapisnik LIX. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije,
drane dne 5. lipnja 1914, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od XXXV. do ukljuivo LXXXIV.
saborske sjednice od 5. oujka 1914. do 13. srpnja 1914, svezak II, godina 1914, Zagreb 1914,
821823.
127 Stenografski zapisnik LXXIII. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije,
drane dne 26. lipnja 1914, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od XXXV. do ukljuivo LXXXIV.
saborske sjednice od 5. oujka 1914. do 13. srpnja 1914, svezak II, godina 1914, Zagreb 1914,
11801184.
128 Stenografski zapisnik LXXX. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije,
83 drane dne 9. srpnja 1914, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od XXXV. do ukljuivo LXXXIV.
-

1. 1917. 28. 1918. .


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.133
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saborske sjednice od 5. oujka 1914. do 13. srpnja 1914, svezak II, godina 1914, Zagreb 1914,
13601361.
129 Stenografski zapisnik CXCVII. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije,
drane dne 16. studenoga 1917, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od CLXIV. do ukljuivo CXCIX.
saborske sjednice od 5. lipnja do 19. studenoga 1917. (peto ratno zasjedanje.), svezak V, godina
1917, Zagreb 1917, 10681071.
130 Stenografski zapisnik CCLI. sjednice sabora kraljevina Hrvatske, Slavonije i Dalmacije,
drane dne 15. srpnja 1918, SZS, petogodita 1913.1918. od CC. do ukljuivo CCLVI. saborske
sjednice od 10. prosinca 1917. do 29. listopada 1918. (nastavak petog ratnog zasjedanja.), svezak
VI, godina 1917. i 1918, Zagreb 1917, 12801282.
131 Neda Engelsfeld, Prvi parlament Kraljevstva Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca Privremeno
narodno predstavnitvo, Zagreb 1989, 115.
132 , 228229.
133 , 232. 84

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134 Dr. Gavro Manojlovi, Jedno objanjenje dra Gavre Manojlovia, Novosti, br. 307, 4.
XI 1936, 12.
85 135 Ljetopis JAZU, sv. 53 za godinu 1939/40, Zagreb 1941, 35.
GAVRO MANOJLOVI (18561939): HISTORIAN, ACADEMICIAN,

POLITICIAN

Historian Gavro Manojlovi (18561939) was a regular member and presi-


dent of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts (JAZU). He first taught in
secondary schools and then became a university professor, specialising in the
history of the old century and the history of Byzantium. He wrote poetry and
philosophical treaties. He headed the JAZU from 1924 to 1933, contributing
to successful functioning of this institution. Among his numerous endeavours
as the Academys president, particularly noteworthy are the reorganisation of
Strossmayers picture gallery and particularly the general upgrade of JAZUs
material position owing to the state aid for the construction of Academys edi-
fice. Gavro Manojlovi received a high award for scientific work also from the
Serbian Royal Academy (SKA) in 1910 he became a corresponding member
of the Academy of Social Sciences. As a member of the JAZU and the SKA,
he advocated the closest possible cooperation between the two academies.
He fostered particularly cordial and friendly relations with Jovan Cviji, SKA
president. Being primarily a renowned scientist, he participated in political
life as well. As a member of the Serbian Independent Party and the Croatian-
Serbian Coalition, he was an MP at the Croatian and Hungarian Assembly.
After the unification of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918, he entered the
Temporary National Representation. From his youth until the end of his life,
he was faithful to the Yugoslav ideal. He belonged to a number of illustrious
Serbs who left an important mark in Croatian society.

86

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99 43 . , . , . 616.
FROM CORRESPONDENCE OF SAVA KOSANOVI MIRA RADOJEVI

In the rich correspondence of Sava Kosanovi, the leader of the Independent


Democratic Party and minister in the emigrant government of the Kingdom
of Yugoslavia, kept during World War II with numerous refugee politicians
and other prominent persons, particularly important is the letter which he
received in November 1941 from Milan Grol, the leader of the Democratic
Party and also one of the ministers. The letter was part of the response to
the non-objective interpretation that Sava Kosanovi, while in America,
gave to the events in the Independent State of Croatia. Kosanovis attempts
to present the Croatian people as entirely non-responsible for the crimes
committed against the Serbs, while at the same time overemphasising the
sins of Serbian inter-war politics, triggered great uproar and resentment
among the majority of Serbian politicians. Milan Grols response to him was
more open and substantiated than all others because Grol overtly stated that
the suffering of the Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia could not be
explained only by the intentions and acts of few Ustaa members.

100


, .
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(18991979).
,

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1 , - , LXIII 1961.
, 1963, . 201203; Vladimir Majer, Luka Mari (nekrolog), Ljetopis
JAZU knj. 83. za 1979. godinu, str. 404406; , . ,
(), LXXXVI 1979. , 1980, . 569571;
Spomenica Luke Maria 1899-1979, JAZU, Zagreb 1981; , ,
. 6, 2000, . 325360.
2 , 1976. ,
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101 , , ... . 345346.
.

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1960- 1970-
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3 , . 348.
4 edomir Vinji, Partizansko ljetovanje. Hrvatska i Srbi 19451950, Zagreb 2003, str. 204
205.
5 . (
), 1971, . 16; Tatjana ari, Srpsko kulturno
drutvo Prosvjeta u socijalizmuprilog uz sedamdesetu godinjicu osnutka, Arhivski vijesnik
57, Zagreb 2014, str. 324325.
6 Branko Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije 3, str. 405. 102


, ,
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15164/25-5. 104


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1976. , -
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Dalmacije, Vjesnika .
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naroda 18601914
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, 12. 1978, 15164/25-6.
18 . , -
, 1976,
15164/25-2.
19 , . 5.
20 Jaroslav idak, Mirjana Gross, Igor Karaman, Dragovan epi, Povijest hrvatskog naroda
g. 18601914, Zagreb 1968.
, : ,
1848/1849. 1860 .
: Vasilije Kresti, idakGrossKaramanepi, Povijest hrvatskog naroda g. 1860
1914, Zagreb 1968 (prikaz), Jugoslovenski istorijski asopis 3, Beograd 1969, str. 9198. 106


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. 25.
27 , . 15.
28 - 23. 1980. .
2. 1980.

. , , ,
, 1995, . 138139. 108


.


.

. ,
, ,
, .

109
LUKA MARI IN DEFENSE OF CYRILLIC AND SERBIAN MIROSLAV JOVANOVI

CULTURAL SOCIETY PROSVJETA IN CROATIA

The famous geologist Luka Mari (18991979) was a lifelong honorary


president of Serbian Cultural Society Prosvjeta in Zagreb. During the
strengthening of Croatian nationalism in the early 1970s the work of this
Society was interrupted and all its Cyrillic editions ceased to be published.
Since Mari considered that the work of Society and the existence of its
Cyrillic editions were of great importance for the Serbian people in Croatia,
he made efforts to change this situation. These efforts consisted in meetings
and correspondence with leading party officials on the republic and federal
level. Although these Maris attempts were unsuccessful, they represent
an important testimony of the effort of lifelong honorary president of SCS
Prosvjeta to preserve Prosvjeta and Cyrillic in Croatia.

110

1991.

. 1

1991. .,
19921994. . 1995. . -

;
, -
1990-,
- .
1991. . -
1990- -
- (,
19411945. .),

- . ,
1991. .

- .

() -
,
, .
, ()
1948. .2 -
1 sotirovic@global-politics.eu (Vladislav B. Sotirovic, Mykolas Romeris University Vilnius,
Faculty of Public Administration, Institute of Political Sciences, Lithuania).
2 -
1948,

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(2128. 1948. ) 28. 1948. .
[Branislav Ili, Vojislav irkovi (urednici), Hronologija revolucionarne delatnosti Josipa
Broza Tita, Beograd: Export-Press, 1978, 123].
111 [ . , , , 2004].
. .

() -


.3
( ) -
(1980)
-
(),
(19891991 .).4
-
, -
19911995,
.5
()
-
--
:
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(
) -
1878. 19121913.
(
1974. ) 1945.
6 , .
.

3 :
, , , , :
, , Informatika, 2008, 445610.
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York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2011, 3443.
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[Veljko
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: [Richard H. Ullman (ed.), The World and Yugoslavias Wars,
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[Trajan Stojanovi, Balkanski svetovi: Prva i poslednja Evropa, Beograd, Equilibrium, 1997,
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1941%E2%88%921945/.
: , : ,
, 19411945, , , 1999. 112

()
1981.

1991. .
7
,
- -
.

,8

-

() -
,
,
, -

.
9 -
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de facto , .
-
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, 25.
1991. .
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(19412006) ,
.11 , ,
,

7 . , , , , 2002, 243.
8 : [ ,
, , , , , 22.
1988].
9 1990. .
,
, ,

. ,
1990. .
. 1933. .
, - .
10 Susan L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War, Washington,
DC, The Brookings Institution, 1995, 132.
11 , .: [Louis Sell, Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of Yugoslavia, Durham
London, Duke University Press, 2003; Richard Overy, XX amiaus pasaulio istorijos atlasas,
Vilnius, Leidykla Briedis, 2008, 144; Kimberly L. Sullivan, Slobodan Milosevics Yugoslavia,
Minneapolis, MN, Twenty-First Century Books, 2010; Adam Lebor, Milosevic: A Biography,
113 LondonBerlinNew YorkSydney, Bloomsbury, 2012].
, .

(19221999) -
(), -
, -
- ,
, ,
1990. .
,
12,
-
.13
-
14
1844.15 . .

, ,
. , -

()

. -
, , ,

- -

-,
-
1836. . ( 1849. .)
() 1986. .16
12 Bernd J. Fier, Balkanski diktatori: Diktatori i autoritarni vladari jugoistone Evrope,
Beograd, IPS, BeogradIP Prosveta, Beograd, 2007, 481539.
13 Jill A. Irvine, Ultranationalist Ideology and State-Building in Croatia, 19901996,
Problems of Post-Communism, 44 (4), 1997, 3043. ,

,

, , [Irina
Lyubomirova Ognyanova, Nationalism and National Policy in Independent State of Croatia
(19411945), draft of the paper presented at the Special Convention Nationalism, Identity
and Regional Cooperation: Compatibilities and Incompatibilities, organized by the Centro per
lEuropa Centro orientale e balcanica, University of Bologna, Forli, Italy, June 49th, 2002, 5].
,

.
1990. - .
14 Richard W. Mansbach, Kirsten L. Taylor, Introduction to Global Politics, London New
York, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2012, 442.
15 : [ , :
(1844), , , 1993].
: [ , :
, , , 1987].
16 Ante Beljo et al. (eds.), Serbia from Ideology to Agression, Croatian Information Centre,
ZagrebLondonNew YorkTorontoSydney, Zagrebaka tiskara, 1992. , 114

, ,


1991. .
-
-
-
, ,
-
. -


19.
.17
,
,
,
(18891959) -

750.000 .18

, ,
, .
() 21. 1990. . 28.
1991. .
, .19
: [
. , (), : , , ,

2426. 2002. , , ,
2003].
: [Vladislav B. Sotirovi, Srpski komonvelt: Lingvistiki model definisanja
srpske nacije Vuka Stefanovia Karadia i projekat Ilije Garaanina o stvaranju lingvistiki
odreene drave Srba, Vilnius, privatno izdanje, 2011].

, .
[Vladislav B. Sotirovi, The Croatian National (Illyrian) Revival Movement
and the Serbs: From 1830 to 1847, Saarbrcken, LAP LAMBERT Academic Publishing, 2015].
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, , , 2002].
18 Richard W. Mansbach, Kirsten L. Taylor, Introduction to Global Politics, London New
York, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2012, 442. , .
() , 17. 1991. . .

, , , () .
( Croatia rubea)
,
Narod Glasilo za demografsku osnovu i
duhovni preporod hrvatskog naroda 1998. . [ . ,
, , , 2002, ]. 1990. .
() ,
1991. .
,
[Ivo Goldstein, Croatia: A History, London, C. Hurst & Co, 1999, 225].
19 , : , ,
115 , 2005, 1619.
25. 1991. .

. ( 200.000
),20

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.

[ . ,
, : , 2002, 260].
21 ,
: [Matthias Kntzel, Der Weg in den Krieg:
Deutschland, die NATO und das Kosovo, Berlin: Elefanten Press, 2000].
22 ,
,
,
: Dragutin Pavlievi, Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo, izmijenjeno i proireno izdanje,
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,
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1991. . (19252003) 1995. .23
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- 19911995.
.24

1991. .
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1. -

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1945. .,
;25
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23 1995. . ,
2011. .
[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FvqHWS_4AuM&index=13&list=PL999EB6ACC07
FC959].
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28
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28 . Etnografske granice Hrvata u Kralj. Jugoslaviji i okolnim zemljama
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-
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1991. .


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(14921992), , EVRO-GIUNTI, 2010, 548].

[Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s, New York, Columbia
University Press, 1999, 91], ,
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Press, 2000, 42; David Binder, The Yugoslav Earthquake, Mediterranean Quarterly, Winter
2001, 12]. ,
. , ., ,
, 24. 1990. .

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, , XIII, . 4750, 2011].
44 Grey Carter, Mass killings of Serbs for organs only boosted in Kosovo, but it started
earlier: In Croatia, Vukovar at: https://theremustbejustice.wordpress.com/2014/02/06/organ-
trafficking/.
45 , . , ,
, 2005, 23. 124


1991. .
,

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. ( ,
)46 .47


2. 1991. .
4. ,
25. 1991. .
,
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1991).48
20. 1991. .,
. -
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46 21. 1925. .
.
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47 ,
-. ,
,
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.
, [Jelena
Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (19902000), I, Beograd, Izdavaki grafiki atelje M,
2003, 244].
48 4. 1991. .
26 67 [ ,
. , , , 2005, 25].
49
125 !
25. .

1991. ., () 18.
50
. 16.
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.
8.000 (
1.300 2.000), ,
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50 13. 1991. .
[Dragutin Pavlievi, Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo,
izmijenjeno i proireno izdanje, Zagreb, Naklada P. I. P. Pavii, 2000, 535].
51
2.000 .
52 Jeffrey Haynes, Peter Hough, Shahin Malik, Lloyd Pettiford, World Politics, London New
York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2011, 659. 126

-
1991. . ( ) -

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53 ()
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54 ().
55 Branislav Ili, Vojislav irkovi (priredili), Hronologija revolucionarne delatnosti Josipa
Broza Tita, Beograd, Export-Press, 1978, 11; Branko Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije 19181988,
127 Beograd, Nolit, 1988, 108109.
THE FIRST POST-COLD WAR HUMANITARIAN VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVIC

INTERVENTION VUKOVAR 1991

This article is critical-scientific contribution to the next edition of the book:


D. ivi, S. poljar Vrina, S. Cviki, I. ebec ilj (eds.), Vukovar '91
Genocid i memoricidna batina Europske Unije, Zagreb: Institute of Social
Sciences Ivo Pilar, 2014. The fundamental aim of the article is to present an
alternative view and facts on the background of the military-political case of
the Vukovar Operation in 1991 in the broader context of the internal and
external brutal destruction of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(SFRY), historical disputes and struggles between the Serbs and the Croats
as well as in the context of the international law and moral guidelines of the
global politics and regional security at the time of the very beginning of the
post-Cold War era of the international relations. The article is breaking a
traditional post-Cold War Western historiographic and political standpoints
on the nature of the destruction of ex-Yugoslavia followed by the bloody wars
for her succession, and as such can be an important contribution to making
more objective scientific picture on the topic of disappearance of the SFRY
in the 1990s.

128
BREAKING CLICH ON THE KILLING
OF YUGOSLAVIA: A ROLE OF CROATIA1

VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

A HDZS ORDER IN CROATIA

The HDZ took power in Croatia after the spring parliamentary and presidential
elections in 1990 according to the majoritarian electoral principle. Therefore,
the party (established in 1989)2 had an absolute majority in Croatias
Parliament (Sabor) with Franjo Tudjman as both Croatias President and the
party leader a fact which, according to the German political analyst, H.
Hoppe, allows the HDZ to establish a full scale of the partys dictatorship
in Croatia for a decade (till 2000).3 A direct consequence of such electoral
results in Croatia, inspired by the electoral results in Bosnia-Herzegovina too,
there was election in Serbia of Slobodan Miloshevic and his Socialist Party
of Serbia (the SPS) in December 1990 according to the same majoritarian
electoral principle as in Croatia. In other words, election of Miloshevic and
his SPS in Serbia was in fact Serbias answer to the electoral results in Croatia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina two Yugoslav republics in which the ultraright
political parties won power at the eve of the new civil war. It was clear for
majority of the Serbs in ex-Yugoslavia that a neo-Nazi Croat Ustashi regime
was established in Croatia followed by a regime of the Islamic fundamentalist
Party of Democratic Action (the SDA) of Alija Izetbegovic in Bosnia-
Herzegovina. That became the main reason for Serbias electorate to vote for
its own strongman and nationalist who can above all protect their brethren
Serbs in other Yugoslav republics (Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina) from the
new Croat-Muslim-led holocaust as a continuation of the WWII Magnum
1 This article is critical contribution to the book: L. Sell, Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction
of Yugoslavia, DurhamLondon: Duke University Press, 2003.
2 The HDZ was officially established on June 17th, 1989. Its founder and leader, Dr. Franjo
Tudjman, strongly supported by all kinds of the Croat nationalists and neo-Ustashi groups,
stated that the party was founded as a consequence of the new political conditions in the
world and Yugoslavia and as a counterbalance to the neo-expansionistic policy of the
regime of Slobodan Miloshevic in Serbia [J. Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (19902000),
1, Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje M, 2003, 114]. However, the basic authentic partys
principles were: 1. A creation of the independent Croatia within her historical borders; 2.
Croatia has to be a state only of the Croat people; and 3. Bosnia-Herzegovina, according to
the ethnic, territorial and economic criteria, has to be a part of Croatia [J. Guskova, Istorija
jugoslovenske krize (19902000), 2, Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje M, 2003, 419].
3 J. Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (19902000), 2, Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje
129 M, 2003, 418.
Crimen against the Serbs.4 For Croatias Serbs (the Survivors of the WWII VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

Ustashi-led holocaust), especially in the Krajina region with the town of Knin
as its capital, Franjo Tudjman was nothing else than a new Ante Pavelic (the
WWII Nazi Croat leader) and the HDZ as democratically redressed WWII
Nazi Croat Ustashi movement.5
New HDZ's authorities succeeded very soon to introduce a state-building
construction by using a propaganda pattern of creation of a Greater Serbia by
Miloshevic's regime which was in absolute odds to the idea of (the western)
political liberal democracy and a society of multicultural and multiethnic
coexistence. A state-building partys policy was mainly based on traditional
Croat clerical right-wing nationalism that can be probably seen as the best in
appropriation of the extreme Croat national movements insignia and rhetoric
from the time of the 19411945 Independent State of Croatia (the NDH). A
German Nazi NSDAP salutation, for instance, was used even in the Parliament
in Zagreb by the HDZs members during the official parliamentary sessions.6
In the HDZs Croatia a new political elite was lesser interested in introducing
of the western liberal model of political democracy based on the rights and
role of the Parliament in the national political system and free media and
speech than in continuation of the WWII policy of the final solution of the
Serb Question in a Greater post-WWII Croatia with attempts to annex a
greater part of Bosnia-Herzegovina as this Yugoslav republic was an integral
part of Pavelics NDH. At such political atmosphere that was based on
traditional Croat Roman Catholic clericalism, the ultraright and even Nazi
ideologies found very proper ground in the post-Socialist Croatia a country
directly supported by Vatican and the western democracies but primarily by
Germany. Among all ex-Socialism East European countries, Croatia was the
best example of transition from state Socialism to quasi-democracy by brutal
nationalism and ethnic exclusivism.
It is known that creation of a new ideological foundation is essential in the
process of making a new state. In the 1990s, the new political leadership of
the HDZ in Croatia drew an extreme nationalistic and ultraright political-
national ideology, fundamentally based on Serbophobia, in order to get a
massive public support for their political goals and projects. An ideological
framework of anti-Serbism was the main ground on which the HDZs
Government was building a new independent state of Croatia by creating
a new army, security forces, institutional framework and normative order

4 On the holocaust of Serbs (Magnum Crimen) in the Independent State of Croatia, 19411945,
see [V. Dedijer, The Yugoslav Auschwitz and the Vatican, Prometheus Books, 1992; B. M.
Lituchy (ed.), Jasenovac and the Holocaust in Yugoslavia: Analyses and Survivor Testimonies,
New York: Jasenovac Research Institute, 2006; V. Novak, Magnum Crimen: Half a Century of
Clericalism in Croatia, III, Jagodina: Gambit, 2011; E. Paris, L. Perkins, Genocide in Satellite
Croatia, 19411945: A Record of Racial and Religious Persecutions and Massacres, Literary
Licencing, LLC, 2011].
5 On the WWII Nazi Croatia, see [S. Trifkovic, Ustaa: Croatian Fascism and European Politics,
19291945, The Lord Byron Foundation, 2011; R. McCormick, Croatia under Ante Pavelic:
America, The Ustae and Croatian Genocide, LondonNew York, I. B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2014].
6 See the USA documentary movie [Truth is the Victim in Bosnia, 1992 at https://youtu.be/
fNqHfIugmaU]. 130
BREAKING CLICH
ON THE KILLING OF
of a democratic and pro-European Croatia. It is of extreme importance to
YUGOSLAVIA: stress that an establishing of a new normative order was essential in the time
A ROLE OF CROATIA
of chaotic atmosphere during the process of final collapse of previous state-
Socialism system with its own norms and values, Croatias declaration of state
independence on June 25th, 19917 and the outbreak of the conflict against
both the central authorities in Belgrade and Croatias Serb population who
decisively opposed to live in any kind of a neo-Nazi independent Croatia
taking primarily into account their extremely bloody experience from the
time of the WWII NDH. Furthermore, an establishing of a new normative
order was important to legitimize political actions of the new authorities and
to mobilize the ethnic Croats for the state-building process and above all
for the final solution of the Serb Question in Croatia and parts of Bosnia-
Herzegovina. At such a way, a new Government succeeded to direct mass
actions of the ethnic Croats in regime-approved ways: a war against the
Yugoslav army and Croatias Serbs in the mid-1991 and finally the ethnic
cleansing of majority of Croatias Serbs in the mid-1995. The fact was that the
ultraright nationalistic ideology provided the biggest part of the content of
the new Croatias normative order and values, with profound ethno-political
consequences.
It has to be explained why exactly ultranationalistic, rather than any form of
a liberal democratic, ideas and ideology became predominated in the HDZs
Croatia in 19911995. There are five main reasons for such development of
Croatias politics and society at that period of time:
1. The Governments emphasizes on Croatias state-building and solving the
Serb Question in Croatia over all other political concerns helped propel
an ultranationalistic ideology, with its exclusive aim on creating a new
independent state of a Greater Croatia without the ethnolinguistic Serbs
who has to disappear from this state on that or another way.
2. The ultraright and extremely nationalistic (even Nazi) ideology, based
primarily on the 19th century self-proclaimed and self-interpreted
Croatian state rights, had a well-articulated state-building and ethnic
cleansing agenda and an acknowledged place in Croatian history.8
3. As the old Socialism political establishment and normative order and
values became after the spring elections in 1990 delegitimized while
new ideologies and political-normative order and values are not firmly
established, the traditional conservative-clerical ideology of the so-called
Croatian historical rights provided the basic and functioning framework
for public discourse and regime policy.
4. A popular receptivity to such ultranationalistic ideology and propaganda
was possible in the political atmosphere in which the Croats still claimed
that the territory of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (which borders were
fixed by the Yugoslav Communists led by half Slovene and half Croat,
Josip Broz Tito) was legitimate and based on (self-understood) ethnic
and historical rights of the Croats.
7 The countries of the European Community recognized independent Croatia (under the
German pressure) on January 15th 1992 Croatia became a member of the U.N. on May 22nd
1992 [J. Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (19902000), 2, Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje
M, 2003, 414].
8 D. Pavlievi, Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo, izmijenjeno i proireno izdanje, Zagreb: Naklada
131 P. I. P. Pavii, 2000, 245.
5. The HDZ co-opted the message and organization of the extreme right VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

with appropriation of basic symbolic and ideological elements of the


WWII Croat ultranationalism in order to create a new legitimizing
narrative of the state and national policy that became very quickly and
effectively appreciated by the demos of ethnic Croat origin as the Croats
were traditionally educated to such direction of viewpoint. Nevertheless,
as a direct consequence, a development of a real political democracy and
a civic society building process in Croatia became ruined and at least
postponed.

THE IDEOLOGICAL COMPONENTS AND ORGANIZATIONAL FORMS


OF THE CROAT ULTRARIGHT NATIONALISM

The Croat ultraright nationalism and nationalistic ideologies are mainly


based on the 19th century ideology of the Croat state rights favored and
maintained by the pravashi (the rightists). They and their groups and political
parties espouse the same ethno-political goals as the leader of the 19th
century extremist and racist strand of the same Croat national movement
and Croatian Party of Rights (the HSP, established in 1861), Ante Starchevic.
They appropriated two very essential elements of the HSP national ideology:
1. A creation of a Greater Croatia with Bosnia-Herzegovina and some other
South Slavic territories.
2. An extermination of all Orthodox Serbs from a Greater Croatia or their
Croatization.9
Ante Starchevic urged the creation of a Greater Croatia and not recognizing
the existence of any other South Slavs except the Croats and Bulgarians.10 His
ideology and the HSP partys program and narrative were markedly colored
by anti-Serb tone. Consequently, both of them became the main ideological
framework for the extermination of the Serbs on the territory of the NDH,
19411945 and for the ethnic cleansing of the Serbs by Tudjmans regime in
1995 (the Flash and Storm military-police operations in May and August).
In 1895 an even more radical and nationalistic party was established, headed
by Josip Frank and named the Pure Party of Rights (the SP) (of the Jewish
origin) whose members and ideological followers took active participations
in the pogroms against the Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina during
the WWI.11
9 For a more detailed discussion of this issue, see [. . ,
. , : , 2002].
10 On Croatian national identity, see [A. J. Bellamy, The Formation of Croatian National
Identity: A Centuries-Old Dream, Manchester New York: Manchester University Press, 2003].
11 On the ideology of the Croatian Party of Rights, see [M. Gross, Povijest pravake ideologije,
Zagreb: Institut za hrvatsku povijest, 1973; M. S. Spalatin, The Croatian Nationalism of
Ante Starevi, 18451871, Journal of Croatian Studies, 15, 1975, 19146; G. G. Gilbert,
Pravatvo and the Croatian National Issue, East European Quarterly, 1, 1978, 5768; M.
Gross. A. Szabo, Prema hrvatskome graanskom drutvu: Drutveni razvoj u civilnoj Hrvatskoj
i Slavoniji ezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina 19. stoljea, Zagreb: Globus nakladni zavod, 1992,
257265]. On historical account of the political parties ideologies in Croatia, see [. ,
, : , 1939]. On pogroms of
the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina during the Great War, see [. , :
19141918, 132
BREAKING CLICH
ON THE KILLING OF
The post-Yugoslav HSP, as the largest and most influential extreme Croat
YUGOSLAVIA: neo-Nazi Ustashi party, was re-established in February 1990 by domestic
A ROLE OF CROATIA
and migr Croat neo-Nazi Ustashi fellows. The party soon became relatively
popular and had a membership of approximately 100.000 by 1992 when the
party received 7 percent of the vote for the national Parliament. However,
the HSP became a favorable opposition party of the HDZ in the 1990s
and as such, in fact, unofficial spokesman of the ruling HDZ. A coalition
between these two ultraright nationalistic parties is visible at least from the
very fact that the HDZ violated the Croatian electoral law in 1995 in order
to permit the HSP to cross the famous 5 percent threshold (5.1). After 1993
when the party leadership was changed, the HSP obviously became a tool
of the ruling HDZ on political scene of Croatia. In February 1996 the HSP
became cleansed from all party leadership who opposed informal HDZ-HSP
coalition and cooperation.
Different factional struggles within the pravashi bloc led to the creation
of several new ultraright political parties in Croatia like the HSP-1861,
the Croatian Pure Party of Rights, the National Democratic League or the
Independent Party of Rights. All of them, including those unofficial groups
and movements of the Croat extremists, have been trying to propagate their
nationalistic messages through almost totally controlled mass-media by the
governmental HDZ. In these media efforts, only those groups who had been
approved by the HDZ (firstly the HSP) succeeded to send their messages
to the audience.
One of the most important features of Croatias political scene in the early
1990s was the fact that the HDZ itself was gradually passing to the hands of a
Herzegovinian lobby (like Vladimir Sheks, Vice Vukojevic, Gojko Shushak)
within the party leadership which meant that the WWII Ustashi ideology
and practice ultimately won against all other options in both the Central
Board of the HDZ and the Government of Croatia.12 However, the crucial
point of such HDZs course was that in fact the party and state leadership
became crucially dependent on and even governed by the Croat (Ustashi)
migr groups with whom the HDZs Herzegovinian lobby had extremely
close relations especially Gojko Shushak, a Minister of Defense, who was a
manager and owner of several firms in Canada before returning to Croatia in
1990 to become a member of the Central Board of the HDZ. Franjo Tudjman
favored Gojko Shushak exactly for the reason that he was a key figure in
maintaining contacts with the Croat diaspora which was giving substantial
financial support for the HDZs policy.
This Herzegovinian lobby succeeded to strengthen its own position within
the HDZ primarily by using regional identity as a basis for establishing
necessary networks of power, influence, and favors (for instance, a
Herzegovinian extremist Ivic Pashalic). The HDZs Herzegovinians are
, 1996]. On nationalistic ideologies and violence, see [S. Maleevi, Nation-States
and Nationalisms, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013].
12 The Herzegovinians are traditionally considered as the most belligerent and confrontational
mental group within the territory of ex-Yugoslavia. On mental and cultural characteristics
of the Yugoslavs, see [. , , : ,
133 2000].
usually seen as the cardinal factor which firmed Tudjman as a dictatorial VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

strongman in the party and the state. Tudjmans sympathy and support to
the Herzegovinian extremists is for sure unquestionable, especially when it
comes to authoritarianism on the domestic front and dealing with Croatias
Serbs. He became firstly convinced of his own personal and his partys
historic mission to bring state independence for (a Greater) Croatia and
finally to solve the Serb Question within her borders and in parts of a
Croat Bosnia-Herzegovina. He shared the same standpoint of the traditional
Croat nationalists that all aspects of the transition from state socialism to
(quasi)liberal democracy and market economy have to be subordinated to the
state-building process. Nonetheless, Tudjman was smart enough to project a
positive democratic image abroad, and this has prevented many of foreign
observers and politicians from getting the right picture of his ultraright views
and politics especially in dealing with Croatias Serbs.

THE BASIC CORNERSTONES OF THE CROAT ULTRARIGHT


NATIONALISTIC IDEOLOGY

From the point of ideology of the extreme Croat nationalism, the cardinal
goal of ultraright nationalistic parties, groups, ideologists and politicians was
to create an independent and as much as a Greater, and finally "Serben-frei"
Croatia, for the first time since 1102. In the 1990s it was exactly ultraright
nationalistic ideology that provided the main background for creation of a
new normative order and values in the HDZs Croatia. This ideology had
five cardinal cornerstones which gave the framework for building a new
institutional order, political values and means to achieve ultimate ethno-
political goals:
1. Legitimization of the Nazi Ustashi NDH from the WWII.
2. Establishing strong authoritarian governmental system in the state and
society for the sake to get state independence by the international
community by provoking a war against the local Serbs.
3. Territorial annexation of all historical and ethnic territories of Croatia
and the Croats.
4. Solving the Serbian Question within a Greater Croatia by military
means.
5. Protecting the ideological-clerical conservative stands against the western
liberal views.

Legitimization of the Nazi Ustashi NDH from the WWII

For all Croat ultranationalists the crucial political reference in regard with
the state-building process is the 19411945 NDH. They finally succeeded
with a great support by Tudjman and his HDZ to rehabilitate the NDH
and even to recognize its historical contribution to the Croat state-building
efforts. It was done chiefly by a brutal falsification of historical facts and
self-interpretation of historical events and the role and deeds of the Croat
Ustashi personalities. For the HDZs Croatia there were at least four reasons
for praising the Ustashi WWII state: 134
BREAKING CLICH
ON THE KILLING OF
a. The NDH gave a political-historical foundation for the post-Yugoslav
YUGOSLAVIA: Croatias statehood.
A ROLE OF CROATIA
b. It annexed majority of Croat claimed South-East European territories
and as such became a kind of historical realization of a Greater Croatia
projected by Pavao Ritter Vitezovic in 1700.13
c. The Ustashi regime showed a way of solving the Serb Question and
therefore became a blueprint for the coming generations of the Croat
patriots who had to deal with the Serbs.
d. The existence of the NDH provided a necessary link of a self-imagined
proof of the so-called Thousand-year-old legal continuity of the
Croatian de facto statehood.
All political parties and organizations in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina of
the Croatian rights profiles openly propagated their direct connections with
the NDH and its fhrer (poglavnik) Ante Pavelic who himself was a member
of the Croatian rights party.14 It is worth noticing that Franjo Tudjman was
fighting in the Ustashi uniform for several months during the WWII a
fact which gave a huge credibility to him in the eyes of any Croat extremist
despite of Tudjmans Communist past. It is obvious that the ultimate ethno-
political goals of both the pre- and WWII Ustashi movement post-Yugoslav
Croat rights fellows are absolutely identical including the idea how to
solve the Serb Question in a Greater Croatia. It was mostly the case with
the re-established HSP in 1990 as originally this party defined its program
exclusively in relation to the NDH and the WWII Ustashi movement using all
kinds of the NDH symbols and iconography. Nevertheless, an original 1990
HSPs leader, Dobroslav Paraga, never accepted any fascist or Nazi face of the
NDH even claiming that this state was anti-fascist.15 For all Croat extremists,
including Tudjman himself, the NDH represented democratic wishes of
overwhelming majority of the ethnic Croats for their own independent state
(from Yugoslavia as a Greater Serbia) and was legitimate continuation of
the independent Kingdom of Croatia which became de facto incorporated
into the Kingdom of Hungary in 1102. Furthermore, all of them negate
any engagement of the NDHs regime in any systematic and organized
persecutions or genocide committed on the racial, confessional or ethnic
grounds. Moreover, the HSP insists that the Ustashi terror against the Serbs
in 19411945 was provoked by the Serbs themselves, i.e. by the Partisan
uprising in July 1941 against the legitimate and internationally recognized
NDH,16 neglecting the fact that the Ustashi genocide against the Serbs started
three months before the outbreak of the Serb-(Partisan and non-Partisan)
revolt in the NDH. The HSPs political cynicism went to such absurd claims
that many of these massacred Serb civilians in fact have been killed by the
13 P. R. Vitezovi, Croatia rediviva: Regnante Leopoldo Magno Caesare, Zagreb, 1700.
14 On Pavelics biography, see [B. J. Fischer (ed.), Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and
Authoritarian Rulers of Southeast Europe, London: C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2006,
228271].
15 For instance, see, interview with Paraga, Danas, Zagreb, 1991-03-5.
16 The NDH was recognized by Germany, Italy, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Japan, Spain,
National China, Finland, Denmark and Manchuria. It existed from April 10th, 1941 to May
15th, 1945 [S. Srkulj, J. Lui, Hrvatska Povijest u dvadeset pet karata. Proireno i dopunjeno
135 izdanje, Zagreb: Hrvatski informativni centar, 1996, 105].
Serb-Chetniks or Partisans dressed in the Ustashi uniforms. Nevertheless, a VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

common issue among all Croat extremists regarding the Serb Question is the
WWII practice of creation of an Autocephalous Croatian Orthodox Church
as a bridge toward the final Catholization and Croatization of Croatias Serbs.
The excuse of the Ustashi regime violence in the NDH usually is followed
by the claim that the Nazi-Fascist feature and iconography of the NDH were
forced upon the Ustashi authorities by Germany and Italy, that the Ustashi
Government did as much as possible to protect the Jews within the NDH,
and finally, and what is of the crucial importance, that the real number of
murdered NDHs Serbs is very much overestimated by the pro-Serb Yugoslav
authorities after the WWII. For instance, instead of 700.000 killed people in
the death camp of Jasenovac (Yugoslav Auschwitz, of whom 500.000 were
the Serbs) today official Croatia recognizes only 86.000. In other words,
Jasenovac is a great Serbian falsification and political propaganda: a myth
projected by the supporters of an idea of a Greater Serbia.17 For the Croat
extremists, among the victims of Jasenovac the largest number have been
the ethnic Croats but not the ethnic Serbs.18 The Croat rightists as apologists
for the Ustashi movement and their Nazi racist regime claim that the NDH
is falsely represented for pure political reasons and therefore the picture of
the NDH has to be repainted. However, such repainting or rewriting of the
NDHs history is in a pure odd to historical sources and scientific account
of non-partisan historiography. Finally, Dr. Franjo Tudjman himself, as a
professional historian, in his most important book (Wastelands of Historical
Reality) sought to minimize the crimes of the Ustashi regime in the WWII
against both the Serbs and the Jews.19
A rehabilitation of the legacy of the NDH and Ustashi ideology with the
NDHs iconography was, however, only a formal problem for Franjo Tudjman
and his HDZ who have been officially ambivalent toward it. Tudjman knew
very well that any close association with the NDH and Ustashi ideology and
iconography will cause many problems for Croatias image abroad especially
among the Jewish communities and their political lobbies. However, on the
other hand, for Tudjman the NDH was giving the state-building example
as Croatia for the centuries did not have any experience of a real and
internationally recognized statehood. For that reason, for the HDZs ideologists
the NDH became a crucial element for completing the main partys task
to unify all Croats within the umbrella of the HDZ. In addition, the NDH
was giving a link to Vatican as the main supporter of both the Ustashi and
the HDZ regimes and ideology.20 Subsequently, the HDZs authorities did

17 On Tudjmans Croatias dealing with the population losses in the NDH and the rest of
Yugoslavia, see [V. erjavi, Population Losses in Yugoslavia 19411945, Zagreb: Hrvatski
institut za povijest, 1997]. Compare with [. ,
, , 1992].
18 See, for instance, Election Declaration of the Croatian Party of Rights in 1992 [Izborna
deklaracija Hrvatske stranke prava, Zagreb, 1992, 3].
19 F. Tudjman, Bespua povijesne zbiljosti, Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1989.
20 On direct links between the NDH and Vatican, see [Tajni dokumenti o odnosima izmeu
Vatikana i ustake NDH, Zagreb, 1948; V. Dedijer, Vatikan i Jasenovac. Dokumenti, Beograd,
1987; D. ivojinovi, D. Lui, Varvarstvo u ime Hristovo. Prilozi za Magnum Crimen, Beograd, 136
BREAKING CLICH
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not and do not openly endorse the Ustashi movement and the NDH, as it
YUGOSLAVIA: is the case with the Croat rightists, but on the other hand both Tudjman
A ROLE OF CROATIA
and his HDZ avoided any clear denunciation of the NDH Nazi, totalitarian,
genocidal and above all Serbocidal aspects. Moreover, the HDZs Croatia
adopted all important symbolic and iconographic aspects of the WWII NDH
(like kuna currency, state insignias, etc.) and dedicated streets, squares and
monuments in Croatia to the Ustashi WWII officials. Tudjman himself as a
President of Croatia nominated, for instance, two ex-WWII Ustashi officials
to high state posts: Ivo Rojnic Ustashi commander in Dubrovnik who
became Croatias ambassador in Argentina and Vinko Nikolic an official
in the Ministry of Education of the NDH who got a seat in the Parliament.
Alongside the rehabilitation of the Nazi NDH, in Tudjman's Croatia there
came to rehabilitation of the WWII Croatian Roman Catholic Church with its
head Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac who directly collaborated with the Ustashi
regime and headed the practice of Catholization of the Orthodox Serbs.21
A linguistic nationalism or purification of the official standardized Croat
language in the public usage, but mainly from the Serb language based
lexemes, was on the very agenda of the Croatization of Croatia by Tudjmans
regime.22 However, a lexical purification of the Croatian language in Tudjmans
Croatia was done basically according to the NDHs pattern. One of the first
steps in the process of Croatization and purification of the Croat language by
the new HDZs authorities was to make a clear difference between the Croat
and Serb languages from lexical, orthographic and grammatical points of
view. It was done by a set of scientific editions by the linguists and philologists
who, at the same time, have been trying to present and a proper history
of the Croat language with the cardinal political goal to show that the Croat
and the Serb always have been two different ethno-national languages and
what is of the most importance that the Shtokavian dialect was always also
a Croat national language but not only the Serb.23 As a final ethno-political
consequence of the HDZs policy of linguistic nationalism was that the Serb
ethnic name was expelled from the official name of the standardized language
1988; M. Bulaji, Misija Vatikana u Nezavisnoj Dravi Hrvatskoj, III, Beograd, 1992; . .
, : XII , : , 2003; .
. , , 19411958, :
, 1994, 11127].
21 21 On Stepinacs case, see [A. Benigar, Alojzije Stepinac hrvatski kardinal, Rim, 1974; S.
Alexander, The Triple Myth: A Life of Archbishop Stepinac, New York, 1987; . . ,
: ,
19411945, , 1999].
22 A linguistic nationalism was a common issue in all former East European countries after
1990 as the language was and still is understood as the main identifier of the (ethno)nation.
On the linguistic nationalism in ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s, see [S. Barbour, C. Carmichael
(eds.), Language and Nationalism in Europe, OxfordNew York: Oxford University Press,
2000, 221239].
23 On this issue, as examples, see [V. Brodnjak, Razlikovni rjenik srpskog i hrvatskog jezika,
Zagreb, 1991; M. Mogu, Povijest hrvatskoga knjievnoga jezika, Zagreb: Globus nakladni
zavod, 1993; M. Kai, Hrvatski i srpski: Zablude i krivotvorine; Zagreb: Zavod za lingvistiku
Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveuilita u Zagrebu, 1995; M. Lonari, Hrvatski jezik, Opole:
Uniwersytet OpolskiInstytut Filologii Polskiej, 1998]. Compare with [. ,
. , : ,
137 1997].
and its orthography in Croatia likewise everything what was in connection VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

with the Serbs in regard to the Croat language.24


As the best mean to hide its de facto support for the Nazi Ustashi ideology
and the WWII NDHs legacy, Tudjmans regime officially and rhetorically
supported the anti-fascist Josip Broz Titos Partisans from the WWII25 with
the manifestation of political option that the post-Yugoslav Croatia is building
her own statehood on the anti-fascist Peoples/Socialist Republic of Croatia
legitimacy after 1945. However, at the same time, the HDZ created a clear
atmosphere in Croatia in which the victims of the Ustashi terror (primarily
the Serbs) are regarded as the national enemies. For the matter of illustration,
up to January 1996 around 3.000 Partisan monuments were destroyed or
removed in Croatia.26 Tudjman launched an initiative to transform a death
camp of Jasenovacs memorial center (on the left bank of Sava River that is on
Croatias side) from the victims of fascism to the victims of the civil war
an initiative that was in fact just camouflaged association with the NDH
which pleased all Croat extremists. The Croat security forces even before the
beginning of the civil war in Croatia in 1991 heavily structurally damaged
the museum building of Jasenovac when a bigger part of documentation
and torture evidence simply disappeared but the monument itself was
not destroyed or damaged for the very reason as the monument is in fact
composed by four Ustashi U letter-symbols.
Franjo Tudjman, a Ph.D. in history, ran in conflict with the Yugoslav
Communist authorities in the mid-1960s when he started to refute the official
number of murdered ethnic Serbs in Jasenovac as too high, accusing at the
same time the Yugoslav Communists for deliberately falsifying the truth on
Jasenovac. It cost him dismissal from the post of the head of the Institute
for the History of the Workers Movement in Croatia (in Zagreb) but this
action marked the beginning of the process of Tudjmans transformation
from a Partisan General to the Croat nationalist and extremist. Nonetheless,
24 M. Okuka, O osamostaljivanju hrvatskog knjievnog jezika, . , . ,
. . (.), , , .
, , 2006, 231. On the Serbian point
on the Croat, Serb and Bosnian languages, see [B. Toovi, A. Wonisch, (eds.), Die serbische
Sichtweise des Verhltnisses zwischen dem Serbischen, Kroatischen und Bosniakischen, I/4, Novi
Sad: Institut fr Slawistik der Karl-Franzens-Universitt GrazBeogradska knjiga, 2012].
25 For the matter of historical accuracy, the Partisans of Josip Broz Tito (half Slovene and half
Croat) during the WWII have not been fighting against the Germans, Italians and Ustashi
forces if they are not attacked by them. Moreover, during the whole war the Partisans colla-
borated primarily with the NDH regime and its armed forces but with the Germans as well.
Therefore, the anti-fascist aspect of Titos Partisans and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
(the KPJ) is false and invented by the Yugoslav Communists themselves. On this issue, see
[. , , , :
, 2006; . . , ,
, 1941. .1945. ., :
, 2014]. About Josip Broz Tito, see
[. , : , , . ,
: Informatika, 2008, 445610; . , . , : .
, , 2010; . , : 20.
. , : , 2011; J. Pirjevec, Tito in tova-
rii, Ljubljana: Cankarjeva zaloba, 2011; V. Dini, Tito (ni)je Tito. Konana istina, Beograd:
Novmark doo, 2013].
26 Vreme, Beograd, 1996-01-15. 138
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his cosmetic political moves like removing a prominent Ustashi extremist
YUGOSLAVIA: Tomislav Merchep from the HDZs Executive Committee at the Third
A ROLE OF CROATIA
General Convention of the HDZ in October 1995, could not hide the HDZs
infatuation with the Ustashi iconography, ideology, legacy and ethno-political
goals.
Tudjmans and HDZs preoccupation with Croatias state-building and solving
the Serb Question rather than establishing liberal-democratic political
system and institutions, meant that the NDHs legacy continued to play
very important role in the HDZs strategy and policy of creation of the new
normative order and values. In the other words, the political-ideological
mainstream of the HDZs Croatia was and is grounded on appropriation of
the NDHs legacy.
Today, as a result of the HDZs policy of extreme ethno-confessional
nationalism, Croatia has been, since mid-1995, more ethnically homogeneous
than ever was in the historic past.27 The Serb population on the present-day
territory of Croatia fell from 24 percent in 1940 to 12 percent in 1990 and 4
percent in 1996 with the practice of its everyday assimilation (Croatization)
and emigration from Croatia.

Authoritarian militarization of the ethnic Croats

The Croat ultranationalists (i.e., the followers of the Ustashi movement) called
in the 1990s for the full scale of Croatias militarization in order to achieve
their chauvinistic and racist political goals of the Croat-based ethnically pure
independent (a Greater) Croatia. In their opinion, a full or complete political
independence of the ethnically pure Croatia within the borders of the Socialist
Republic of (a Greater) Croatia could be reached only by the open war against
Croatias Serbs and the Yugoslav authorities, but not negotiating with them. In
this respect, the leader of the most ultranationalistic political party in Croatia
the HSP, Ante Djapic, was clear in his statements to abandon the political
activity if a single part of the territory of Croatia is going to be lost by the
negotiations with the Serbs.28 The WWII Ustashi movement followers openly
advocated in the 1990s a full scale of the war against the Serb aggressors
for the sake of gaining Croatias independence and cleaning Croatia from the
ethnic Serbs. That was done at least for two crucial reasons:
1. They believe that struggling for the Croat nations ethno-political goals
was a legitimate framework of both beating the Serb nationalism and
fulfilling the Croat historical task of creating a Greater Roman Catholic
Croatia without the Orthodox infidels.
2. They sponsored the attitude that the Serbs cannot be trusted as a nation
to negotiate with them about the peaceful agreement on the disputed
issues with the Croatias Government and therefore the war was the only

27 S. Barbour, C. Carmichael (eds.), Language and Nationalism in Europe, Oxford New


York: Oxford University Press, 2000, 228.
28 Interview with Ante Djapic (July 13th, 1994), J. A. Irvine, Ultranationalist Ideology and
State-Building in Croatia, 19901996, Problems of Post-Communism, July/August 1997, pp.
139 36, 42; Glas Slavonije, Osijek, 1995-08-18.
way to pacify the Serbs from Croatia according to the pattern of the VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

pacification (i.e., the ethnic cleansing) of the Palestinians in Israel.29


Henceforth, the Israelization of a Greater Croatia became the ultimate goal
of the Croat ultranationalists in their policy to Croatias Serbs. In order to
achieve their Israelization political goals, the Ustashi followers in the HDZs
governed Croatia followed exactly the militarization pattern of the ethnic
Croat society in the WWII NDH. Therefore, the most ultranationalistic
Ustashi political party in the 1990s Croatia the HSP, established its own
ruthless paramilitary partys militia in 1991 under the name of the Croat
Defense Forces (the HOS) with using all kinds of the WWII Ustashi regime
insignia followed by several similar militia detachments by the other Croat
ultranationalistic organizations. During the 1990s the Croatian state army
(the HV) was under direct influence and control by the most extremist wing
of the ruling HDZ that successfully cooperated with the HOS and the other
Croat paramilitaries in the West Herzegovina and the North and Central
Bosnia in the military actions of ethnic cleansing of the Orthodox Serbs and
the Muslim Bosniaks.30
The eminent militarization of the ethnic Croat society in the 1990s was
in direct coordination with the fundamental task of all Croatias Croat
ultranationalists that all other rights and duties of the society have to be put
in the service of the state interests. As all ultranationalistic segments of the
ethnic Croat society in Croatia fought for an independent and pure ethnic
Croat Croatia, the ultimate ethno-political goal of them was to mobilize all
ethnic Croats for the execution of the final solution of the Serb Question in
a Greater Tito-Tudjmans Croatia. Therefore, the authoritarian political system
and government based on the absolute HDZs majority in the Parliament were
necessary in order to achieve this goal. As an example, the experience of the
Latin American dictatorships in the 1970s and the 1980s of a centralized
political system, strong military-police forces, oppressed freedom of the
mass-media, and above all a silent opposition was activated. A parliamentary
multi-party democracy became just a faade of a classical Latin American
dictatorship31, as a western parliamentary democracy32 was understood as
a harmful experiment for the realization of the Croat ethno-political goals
primarily against the Serbs.

29 Interview with Ante Djapic (July 13th, 1994), J. A. Irvine, Ultranationalist Ideology and
State-Building in Croatia, 19901996, Problems of Post-Communism, July/August 1997, pp.
36, 42. On the ethnic cleansing of Palestine by the Israeli Jewish authorities, see: I. Pappe, The
Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Oxford: Oneworld, 2011.
30 For instance, in the case of the village of Ahmici in the Lashva Valley (the Vitez
municipality) on April 16th, 1993 when around 120 Bosniaks were massacred by the forces
of the Croat Defense Council (Ch. R. Shrader, The Muslim-Croat Civil War in Central Bosnia:
A Military History, 19921994, College Station, Tex., 2003, 9295).
31 On the Latin American dictatorships, see: S. Mainwaring, A. Prez-Lin, Democracies
and Dictatorships in Latin America: Emergence, Survival, and Fall, New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2013; J. Dvila, Dictatorship in South America, Chichester: WileyBlackwell,
2013; J. A. Galvn, Latin American Dictators of the 20th century: The Lives and Regimes of 15
Rulers, Jefferson, NCLondon: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2013.
32 On democracy, see: B. Crick, Democracy: A Very Short Introduction, OxfordNew York:
Oxford University Press, 2002; Ch. Tilly, Democracy, CambridgeNew York: Cambridge
University Press, 2007; J. B. Pilet, W. P. Cross (eds.), The Selection of Political Party Leaders in
Contemporary Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Study, New York: Routledge, 2014. 140
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The alternative to the parliamentary democracy was only a one-partys
YUGOSLAVIA: dictatorship that could save Croat national interests from the destructive
A ROLE OF CROATIA
nature of the parliamentarianism. Subsequently in Croatia, with strong
cult of leadership of President Dr. Franjo Tudjman, who in the eyes of
the right-wing political structures was seen as a political reincarnation of
the WWII NDH's fuhrer Ante Pavelic, a HDZ's one-party political system
was established.33 Tudjman, as an inviolable dictator of Croatia, was even
proclaimed by some of the HDZs members and other right-wing followers
as the Father of the Homeland like by Hrvoje Shoshic who was the leader
of the Croat Party (the HS) and a MP.34 In essence, the Croat extremists only
declaratively supported liberal democratic institutions while in practice they
rejected them as the political framework within which the national goals are
going to be achieved. However, a formal support of the liberal democracy and
its political institutions were of the very practical nature to present a newly
independent Croatia as a western-type democratic political system in contrast
to Miloshevics Serbia as an expression of the Balkan/Oriental political
autocracy and cultural barbarism. Hence, the HDZs Croatia pretended to
present herself as a last bulwark of the European civilization and values in
the South-East Europe. Nevertheless, in practice, the HDZ functioned in
all ways that undermined a real democracy even to a greater extent than
Miloshevics regime in Serbia at the same time. The extremist wing within
the HDZ, including Tudjman himself, openly used all kind of mechanisms of
political opression against the opossition that was proclaimed as the enemy
of the Croat nation and Croatia and collaborators with the Serbo-Chetnik
aggressors. As in many cases of personal dictatorship, Tudjman as well saw
himself as a personalization of the state and state institutions. In other words,
he attempted to equate his own personality with the survival of Croatia. As
the oposition leaders and partys members have been constantly under the
physical and psychological intimidation as the betrayers of Croatia a very
inhospitable political atmosphere was created for any sincere democratic talks
and exchange of the views. Surely, Tudjmans regime in Croatia was much
more effective in silencing its own opossition than Miloshevics regime in
Serbia. It is visible at least from the fact that in Tudjmans Croatia there was
no single mass-meeting of the oposition against the regime differently to
Serbia under Miloshevics strong hands. The latter finally lost power exactly
after the mass-protests in Belgrade on October 5th, 2000 (the first Colored
Revolution in Europe).
Tudjmans authoritarian dictatorship was especially hostile towards the
opposition press that was considered as a fifth colomn in Croatia. The
opposition journalists were accused for irresponsible (miss)usage of their
freedom of expression. As a matter of fighting against the opposision press,
a special (illegal) taxation of independent weeklies was introduced, but
primarily of the most anti-regimes newspaper the Feral tribune from Split.35
33 It is known that Tudjman did not oppose often practice of the Nazi salutation to him as
it was, for instance, in 1995 on the football stadium in Split (Poljud) [J. Guskova, Istorija
jugoslovenske krize (19902000), 2, Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje M, 2003, 418].
34 According to Tanjug, 1995-05-21.
35 The Feral tribune was the most important Croatias newspaper that was writing about the
141 terrible war crimes committed by the regular Croatian police forces against the Serb civilians
During the election campaigns, the opposition parties were denied equal VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

and full access to the state-controlled press and TV, likewise in Serbia, and
therefore violating one of the fundamental elements and conditions of the
parliamentary democracy. Hence, the electoral results theoretically were not
fair which does not mean that the majority of the ethnic Croats from Croatia
would not vote for the HDZ in the case of fair electoral campaign. Similarly
to all totalitarian regimes, the HDZs controlled Parliament passed a special
law (in the spring 1996) for defamation against the state officials. However,
such or similar law did not exist in Miloshevics Serbia. Tudjmans personal
efforts to make his own political (authoritarian) position in Croatia stronger
at any cost of liberal democratic institutions are obvious and very similar
to his counterpart in Serbia in the 1990s with one difference: Tudjman was
more successful in destroying liberal democracy in Croatia in comparison to
Miloshevics efforts to do the same in Serbia.
For the HDZs political leadership, without Franjo Tudjman there would be
no HDZ and without the HDZ there would be no Croatia.36 It is clear that
Tudjmans party attempted to equate itself with the creation and survival of
the post-Yugoslav Croatia while Tudjman himself attempted to personalize
the institution of the presidency. Any opposition to himself or his political
party was seen as the opposition to Croatia as the state and the Croats
as the nation which is probably mostly visible from the fact that Tudjman
as a President of Croatia refused to ratify electoral results for the Zagreb
municipalitys mayor in 1995 as the opposition leader won under the excuse
that Croatias capital cannot be in the hands of the enemies of Croatia.37

Territorial imperialism of the HDZs Croatia

The fact was that all ultranationalistic parties and organizations in the 1990s
struggled for creation of a Greater Croatia according to the principle of the
ethnographic, historical and even natural rights. In all of those concepts,
Bosnia-Herzegovina was seen as an integral part of the united Croatia. There
were, in principle, two concepts of the united Croatia:
1. A minimal concept of Croatia within the borders of the Banovina
Hrvatska as it was in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 19391941 (when
a Greater Croatia as a separate and autonomous administrative territory
became a state within a state).38

during the bloody destruction of Yugoslavia. For instance, it published an interview with
Miro Bajramovic, who was a member of the First Zagreb police detachment for the special
tasks (the Autumn Rains detachment) in the autumn 1991. Bajramovic recognized that he
personally killed at that time 72 persons including 9 women in the region around the town
of Pakrac in Slavonia [Feral tribjun, Split, 1997-09-01]. About the Croat crimes against the
Serbs Croatias newspapaer Arkzin was also writing which, for instance, published in July
1994 a list of 75 killed Serbs from the town of Gospic in the Krajina region [S. Kovaevi, P.
Daji, Hronologija jugoslovenske krize 1994, Beograd: Institut za evropske studije, 1995, 127].
36 Novi list, 1995-10-15.
37 . , , , , 1995-12, 7.
38 The Banovina Hrvatska had a territory of 65.456 square km. with 4.024.601 inhabitants
according to the 1931 census. It was composed by 70.1 percent of the Croats, 19.1 percent of 142
BREAKING CLICH
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2. A maximal concept of Croatia within the borders of the WWII NDH
YUGOSLAVIA: in 19411945 that included all Bosnia-Herzegovina and parts of Serbia
A ROLE OF CROATIA
inhabited by 6.663.157 citizens of whom 1/3 were the Orthodox Serbs.39
The cardinal point of the question of Croatias state borders involves Bosnia-
Herzegovina as indivisible part of any kind of the natural Croatia. All
existed differences between the Croats and the Bosnian-Herzegovinian
Muslims were considered as artificial and created by the Yugoslav authorities.
The Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina were declared as the purest Croats
according to the WWII Ustashi ideological pattern. In general, for the
Croat politicians, academicians and public workers, the Drina River was a
demarcation line between the civilization and the barbarism, or between
Europe and the Orient. The Serbs were considered as the proponents of the
Byzantine-Ottoman Oriental anti-European culture, while the Croats and
Slovenes were saw as the last bulwark of the European civilization in front
of the Oriental primitivism. For all Croat nationalists, the Drina River was
and is the border that the Serbs must not be allowed to cross as well as the
border of the natural Croatia. In some conceptions of the ultraterritorial
enlargement of Croatia, the territory of Serbia had to be restricted to the area
around Belgrade only.40 Nevertheless, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia were
considered as the same land, people and blood of the same nation. Therefore,
Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina had to be united into a single national state
of the ethnic Croats. Croatias unification with Bosnia-Herzegovina was
explained by ethnic, historical economic and even civilizational reasons as
the historic mission of the Croat nation was seen to defend Europe from the
Oriental despotism, i.e. from Serbia and the Serbs.
It is known and proved that Tudjman had a set of secret negotiations with
Miloshevic to divide Bosnia-Herzegovina between Serbia and Croatia. Hence,
the Dayton Accords on November 21st, 1995 on the final division of Bosnia-
Herzegovina according to the mathematical formula of 51/49 percent can
be seen as a practical implementation of their secret agreement sponsored
by the U.S. administration of Bill Clinton.41 A creation of an ethnically pure
Croat portion of Bosnia-Herzegovina was a part of this Tudjman-Miloshevics
deal and in order to achieve this goal the Croats practiced in 19931994
the policy of ethnic cleansing of the West Herzegovina and a part of the
the Serbs, 3.6 percent of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims (today the Bosniaks) and 7.2
percent of the others (mainly the Germans and the Hungarians). It consisted the territories
of Croatia proper, Slavonia, the West Srem, Dalmatia, Dubrovnik, the West Herzegovina, the
parts of the Central Bosnia and the parts of the North Bosnia [S. Srkulj, J. Lui, Hrvatska
Povijest u dvadeset pet karata. Proireno i dopunjeno izdanje, Zagreb: Hrvatski informativni
centar, 1996, 101103]. The Banovina Hrvatska was created under the British diplomatic
pressure to solve the Croat Question in Yugoslavia before the German aggression. The final
political agreement on the creation of Banovina Hrvatska and her borders was reached by two
Yugoslav politicians one Croat (Vlatko Machek, a leader of the Croat opposition) and one
Gypsy/Roma (Dragia Cvetkovi, a Yugoslav Prime Minister). The ethnic Serb politicians did
not participate in the negotiations on the agreement and strongly opposed it.
39 In the eyes of some Croat ultranationalists, even the Bay of Kotor in Montenegro as well
Bachka and Sanjak from Serbia were seen as the parts of the ethnohistorical Croatia.
40 Profil, 1992-08-03.
41 On the Dayton Accords, see: D. Chollet, The Road to the Dayton Accords: A Study of
143 American Statecraft, New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005.
Central Bosnia within the territory of the Croat-proclaimed Herzeg-Bosnia VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

with the capital in Mostar on the Neretva River.42 The Croat-Muslim civil
war in Bosnia-Herzegovina was halted in the spring of 1994 just due to the
U.S. ultimatum to Zagreb: in order to liquidate the Republic of Serb Krajina
and to reintegrate it into Croatia the Croats had to unite their military forces
in Bosnia-Herzegovina against the Serbs. Therefore, a creation of the Croat-
Muslim federation in Bosnia-Herzegovina was agreed, that was advocated
by Washington (the Washington Framework Agreement). In practice, even
today, the Croat controlled part of Bosnia-Herzegovina is not under a virtual
administration by the central authorities of Bosnia-Herzegovina in Sarajevo
similar to the case of the Republic of Srpska. Nevertheless, Tudjmans policy
of the division of Bosnia-Herzegovina with the Serbs was opposed by all
kinds of the Ustashi groups either in Croatia or Bosnia-Herzegovina as for
them the whole territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina was indivisible part of a
Greater Croatia as a national state of all and only ethnic Croats including
the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims who were ideologically considered as
the ethnohistorical Croats as well. The Ustashi organizations and parties
advocated a common Croat-Muslim combat against the Serbs in Bosnia-
Herzegovina but only after the creation of ethnically pure Croat Herzeg-
Bosnia. In principle, they opposed the Dayton Accords as this agreement
gave Serbia a real possibility to cross the Drina River.

The Serb Question and its final solution

Undoubtedly, the question of the Serb existence on the ethnohistorical


lands of the Croat nation was at least during the last hundred years a very
fundamental element of any ultraright Croat ideology, party, organization
or movement, but above all of the Ustashi, as the Orthodox Serb were seen
and declared as the most dangerous natural enemy to both Croatia and the
Croat people. The Anti-Serbism became, however, the main cornerstone of
making the Croat national unity and gathering all Croats around a common
focus of ethnopolitical coherence.43 The Serbs were accused for the territorial
expansionism, occupation of the Croat land and its exploitation at the time
of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (19181929), the Kingdom
of Yugoslavia (19291941) and the Socialist Yugoslavia (19451991) as all
of these three multiethnic states were proclaimed as a Greater Serbia. The
Serbs and Serbia were seen as the main cause of all Croatias misfortunes
and above all as the only obstacle for Croatias independence.44 The Croatias
42 The Croat Community of Herzeg-Bosnia (the HZHB) was proclaimed on July 3rd, 1992
that is three months after the outbreak of the civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Herzeg-
Bosnia became in fact a South Croatia and just formally part of Bosnia-Herzegovina [J.
Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (19902000), 1, Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje M,
2003, 368369]. However, the HZHB was on August 28th, 1993 proclaimed as the Croat
Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia (the HRBH) with political aim to be united with the Republic
of Croatia.
43 The same ethnopolitical role of national coherence played anti-Semitism in the ideology
of the Nazi Germany. In the Croat case, the anti-Semitism was not important factor in the
ultranationalist ideology, at least up to the WWII.
44 For instance, see: J. Jareb, Pola stoljea hrvatske politike: Povodom Maekove autobiografije,
Zagreb: Institut za suvremenu povijest, 1995, VX. 144
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Government together with other right-wing nationalistic structures tried
YUGOSLAVIA: from the very beginning of the preparations for the proclamation of the new
A ROLE OF CROATIA
independence of Croatia in 1991 (the second Independent State of Croatia)
formally, but unsuccessfully, to convince the Serbs and Serbia that there was
no real Serb Question in Croatia and that the Serbs had nothing to fear in
independent and democratic post-Yugoslav Croatia. However, for the majority
of Serbs from both sides of the Drina River it was completely clear that a
new independent Croatia will be just a replica of the WWII Nazi-Ustashi
Independent State of Croatia in regard to the Serb Question just covered
by declarative and formal democracy. It was visible for them either from the
practical rehabilitation of the NDH in Tudjmans Croatia and the harsh anti-
Serb rhetoric by the officials or from the very fact that no political party or
official in Croatia wanted to discuss with the Serbs about their cultural and/
or political autonomy.
A policy of opposing and hating the Serbs in the HDZs Croatia had political,
confessional and moral connotation. To fight natural enemies was all the
time one of the fundamental requirements of any nationalistic ideology.
Hence, the national education system had to be rearranged on this way to
teach the nation who, and why, is the national enemy and how the nation
has to struggle against the enemy. In the case of Tudjmans Croatia, the
main national enemy were proclaimed to be the Serbs. Subsequently, the
Serb traces in Croatia had to be erased by different techniques including
the ban of Cyrillic alphabet or cleansing Croatias libraries from the Serb
authors. Nevertheless, a public vilification of the Serbs as a nation in Croatia
had its own racial dimension as it was exactly during the existence of the
WWII NDH. Probably the most racist MP from the HDZ Shime Djodan,
made a very abusing remark on the Serb physiognomy during his speech
in the Parliament. Usually, the Serbs were considered as a racially inferior
having the Byzantine or/and Turkish blood as it was noticed, for instance
in 1995, by the HDZs member Anton Vrdoljak, head of Croatias Radio
Television (the HRT).45 The political consequences of a Croat nationalistic
picturing of the Serbs as the root of all evil in Croatia lead the nationalists
to require the maximal restriction of political rights of the Serbs in Croatia
including the right to citizenship and therefore to vote. Such calling for
political discrimination on the ethnic basis was, however, formally not
presented in the official partys statutes in which there was a proclamation
of no discrimination on the basis on the national identity, as it was the case,
for instance, with the HSP.46 The leader of this party, Ante Djapic was quite
clear about the position of the Serbs in the post-Yugoslav Croatia: [the Serbs
should] either bow down or get out of the way.47 Subsequently, all Croat
nationalists firmly opposed any kind of political negotiations with Croatias
(Krajina) Serbs, rejected their representation in the Parliament and argued
that the Serb Orthodox Church in Croatia had to be abolished and instead of
it the Orthodox Church of Croatia should be established (like in the WWII
NDH). Since the Croat military-police operation Oluja (Storm) of ethnic
45 Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report: Eastern Europe, 1995-08-10.
46 Temeljna naela i statut, Hrvatska stranka prava, 1991-02-24.
145 47 Interview with Ante Djapic, Glas Slavonije, 1995-08-19.
cleansing of the Krajina Serbs in August 1995, all Croat nationalistic parties, VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

including above all the ruling HDZ, did everything in order to prevent the
return of the Serb refugees (about 250,000)48 to their homes. In order to
achieve this goal, usually three methods were used: 1. Demolition of the Serb
houses; 2. Publicly announcing the Serb names as wanted war criminals; and
3. Physical attacking, or even killing, the Serb refugees.
Nevertheless, either the HDZ or other right-wing Croat parties never
recognized the mass exodus of Krajina Serbs from Croatia in August 1995
as the ethnic cleansing as for them it was rather a free choice of homeland
as it was officially stated by the President Franjo Tudjman. The official
Croatia as well never recognized the existence of the concentration camps
for the Serbs in the 1990s on the territory of Croatia like it was in the Pakrac
poljana, around Gospic, and in Sisak.49 According to the Croat nationalists,
the problem of depopulated parts of Croatia (once inhabited by the Serbs)
after August 1995, should be solved by housing the ethnic Croat diaspora
and the Croat refugees. That was exactly the best option of the final solution
of the Serb Question in Croatia which mostly satisfied Franjo Tudjman
who, when he took his freedom train on August 26th, 1995 from Zagreb to
Split via depopulated Krajina region, said that the Serbs: had disappeared
ignominiously, as if they had never populated this land. We urged them to
stay, but they didnt listen to us and, well bon voyage.50 Regardless that the
HSP urged the Government to introduce a special legislation on restricting
the return of the Serb refugees,a law was, nevertheless, activated according
to which the refugees had right to reclaim their property during the three-
month period. That was a legal mechanism used in order to prevent creating
real conditions for the Serb refugees to return back. Therefore, the Serb
Question in Tudjmans Croatia was solved on the way that today there are
only 4 percent of the Serbs out of total Croatias population in comparison to
12 percent according to the 1991 census.51 The task from 1991, when Croatias
governmental forces started the war against their own citizens of the Serb
origin,52 was finally realized in August 1995: the Serbs who remained in
Croatia stop being politically dangerous and under complete governmental
control and served as a proof to the international community that Croatia is
formally multiethnic society.

48 . . (), : , :
, 2005, 48.
49 J. Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (19902000), 1, Beograd: Izdavaki grafiki atelje
M, 2003, 223.
50 J. A. Irvine, Ultranationalist Ideology and State-Building in Croatia, 19901996, Problems
of Post-Communism, July/August 1997, 40. It is clear from the transcripts of the meeting
between Croatias Government and military officials at Brioni just before the operation Storm
started that Tudjmans requirement were that the Serbs had to disappear from Croatia [http://
www.nspm.rs/dokumenti/tudjmanovi-brionski-transkripti-udariti-srbe-da-nestanu.html].
51 On the present-day territory of Croatia there were 24 percent of the Serbs before the
WWII.
52 The fact that Croatias Government launched the war against the Serbs in 1991 in order
to provoke them was confirmed by Tudjmans first minister of police, Josip Boljkovac in his
interview in 2014 [http://www.jugoslavologija.eu/2014/12/24/tudmanov-ministar-priznao-
prvi-smo-napali-srbe-da-bi-poceo-rat/]. 146
BREAKING CLICH
ON THE KILLING OF
Against the western liberalism for conservative order
YUGOSLAVIA:
A ROLE OF CROATIA The Croat ultranational parties and other organizations expressed a visible
form of anomaly in their ideological and programmatic concepts as on the
one hand promoted an idea of protection of the West European culture and
civilization but at the same time, on the other hand, expressed a great extent
of suspicion and even hostility towards the western liberalism.53 The western
liberalism, in their opinion, was speaking in the favor of an individual, his/her
freedom, rights and prosperity but not in the favor of a nation and national
interest. As for all ultranationalists, a nation was ber alles and therefore any
ideology that was not speaking primarily in the favor of a nation was not
acceptable and even seen as destructive since only the particularity of the
nation is giving a real meaning to the life of the individual. A destructive
nature of the western liberalism was primarily seen in regard to the liberal
approach toward the family question as the ultranationalists reject the liberal
emphasis on individual freedom of choice and rights and on personal benefits
from such choice. What they support instead of liberal ideology of personal
free choice is an ideology which is advocating the promotion of welfare
of the nation and realization of the national state policy. As for the Croat
ultranationalists the main problem and obstacle for prosperity of Croatia
and Croats were the Serbs, their requirement for demographic renewal of
the Croat nation was politically pointed against the Serbs. Basically they
adopted a demographic (boom) policy of Kosovo Albanians after the WWII
in their fight against the local Serbs. For the Croat ultraright parties, a family
structure has to be framed within the conservative-patriarchal order as the
best way to biologically increase the population of the ethnic Croats as, for
instance, Franjo Tudjman stated in one of his speeches in the Parliament.54
Subsequently, in order to ensure a higher rate of the ethnic Croat population
growth, the abortion was seen as a national suicide. Such clear calling for
national duties instead of individual right of free choice was a direct rejection
of the West European liberal political foundation of the society and state.
The HDZs economic policy was as well framed for the sake of subordinating
state economy to state-building task. For that reason, the members of HDZ
supported an idea and practice of significant state ownership that was also
in odd to the western liberalism. However, in the HDZs Croatia a process
of corruption and taycoonization of economic resources and infrastructure
by well-placed HDZs political leaders was well-known practice which led to
their personal and family enrichment.
As a part of anti-liberal policy, the liberal-democratic notion of the citizenship
was crucially challenged by the HDZs rulling authority as the voting rights
for the state and the other public officials became based on the ethnic (Croat)
background rather than on the residence criteria. Therefore, twelve seats were
practically reserved in Croatias Parliament for the ethnic Croat diaspora for
the very reason that the HDZ was and is traditionally supported by the Croat
diaspora especially from Bosnia-Herzegovina. The citizenship law was also
53 On the western liberalism, see [L. Mises, Liberalism in the Classical Tradition, San Francisco,
California: Cobden Press, 1985; E. Fawcett, Liberalism: The Life of an Idea, Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 2014; M. Freeden, Liberalism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford,
UK: Oxford University Press, 2015].
147 54 F. Tudjman, S vjerom u samostalnu Hrvatsku, Zagreb: Narodne novine, 1995, 7990.
changed in the favor of the ethnic Croat diaspora as Croatia was proclaimed VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

as the motherland of all ethnic Croats.55 However, a similar ethno-citizenship/


voting law in Miloshevics Serbia was never introduced at least for the very
political reason that the Serb diaspora in the West opposed his policy as anti-
Serbian. In other words, Miloshevics Serbia was seen, by the Constitution,
as a homeland of all her inhabitants, rather than only of all ethnic Serbs
wherever they live.
Probably, the HDZs denial of any kind of the regional autonomy in Croatia
was the expression of the policy of anti-liberal democracy concept of minority
rights. Therefore, the regional parties of Istria, (the Serb populated) Krajina
and Dalmatia suffered mostly from such policy of brutal centralization of
Croatia. However, in Miloshevics Serbia, two regions of Vojvodina and
Kosovo-Metochia enjoyed at least ethno-cultural regional autonomy if not
political one as it was fixed at the time of the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia according to the 1974 Constitution (up to 1989).
In general, the Croat ultranationalists were against the basic values of the
western liberalism but also and against many segments of the western culture
especially of the U.S. as they perceived such culture as an attempt to destroy
the authentic values of the Croat nation. The West became accused also for
the attempts to undermine the independence of Croatia and even to recreate
some form of the Yugoslav (or Balkan) confederation with the Serbs and
Serbia. Therefore, the U.N.s UNPROFORs detachments, deployed on the
territory of the Republic of Serb Krajina (as the U.N. protection zone) were
called to be removed from the territory of Croatia as the main obstacle for
her territorial reunification. Nevertheless, Croatia became finally reunited
within the borders of a Greater Croatia of Josip Broz Tito after the WWII
when Croatias military and police reoccupied the territory of Krajina in
August 1995 under the blessing of both the U.S.s administration and the
UNPROFORs command. Therefore, for the Croat ultranationalists the
suspicions of possible Western designs to recreate a form of Yugoslavia
disappeared after the operation Storm but their suspicions to the Western
political liberalism and cultural and social values of the liberal ideology are
present up to today.

CONCLUSION

The internal and external destruction of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s
celebrated its 20th anniversary in 2015. . However, this historical event still
needs a satisfactory research approach in regard to the true geopolitical
reasons and political-military course of the destruction of this South Slavic
and Balkan state. During the last quarter of century, the (western) global
mainstream media and academia unanimously accused Serbia and the Serbs
for the national chauvinism as the main cause of the bloody wars on the

55 On the concept of citizenship, see: W. Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory


of Minority Rights, Oxford New York: Oxford University Press, 1995; R. Bellamy, Citizenship:
A Very Short Introduction, Oxford New York: Oxford University Press, 2008; . Balibar,
Citizenship, Cambridge, UK Malden, USA: Polity Press, 2015. The same citizenship concept,
for example, was accepted by all three Baltic States after the collapse of the Soviet Union:
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. 148
BREAKING CLICH
ON THE KILLING OF
territory of ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s.56 However, the role and direct impact of
YUGOSLAVIA: the other Yugoslav republics and nations in the process of killing the common
A ROLE OF CROATIA
state was not taken (purposely) into consideration; especially of the Croats
and Croatia as the biggest nation and republic after the Serbs and Serbia.
This article is an attempt to contribute to the full-scale of understanding of
the process of destruction of the former Yugoslavia taking into account the
role of the Croats and Croatia.
Franjo Tudjmans authoritarian regime in Croatia and the territorial
expansionist policy of his HDZs ruling party during the bloody destruction
of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s were not noticed at all by the western
politicians, academicians and the global mass-media who, in contrast,
accused dictator-President of Serbia Slobodan Miloshevic (a Balkan
butcher) for the policy of creation of a Greater Serbia, Serbias aggression on
Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and later for the practice of ethnic cleansing
in Kosovo-Metochia. However, the main causer of the destruction of ex-
Yugoslavia was not Slobodan Milosevic but rather Dr. Franjo Tudjman in
Croatia who introduced tougher dictatorship than Miloshevic in Serbia with
the fundamental political goal to establish ethnically pure a Greater Croatia
within the ethnohistorical borders of the Croat nation as proclaimed by the
ultranationalist Croat ideologists in the 19th and the 20th century. His efforts in
the process of state-building of Croatia in the 1990s were aimed to nationalize
the state in which the political and cultural dominant position of the ethnic
Croats has been reserved. In essence, after the 1990 elections in Croatia a
new political leadership adopted a state-building form and methods which
have been crucially against the process of real democratization of political life
and society in this ex-Yugoslav republic. Their ideology and implementation
strategy was derived from the 19th and 20th century Croat ultranationalism
and legitimized by appropriating the symbols and iconography of the most
extremist and even Nazi-Fascist (the Ustashi) Croat nationalistic movements.
The ultraright-wing ideology on which the state-building process was executed
in Croatia in the 1990s was fundamentally anti-liberal and above all anti-Serb.
In order to solve, as proclaimed, the most important problem in Croatia the
Serb Question, Croatias authorities privileged national (ethnic Croat) rights
over the individual rights, ethnic (Croat) state over the civic multicultural
society and political authoritarianism instead of institutional democracy. As
the Croat ultranationalistic ideology was and is based on the both ethnic and
historic rights of the Croats for the sake of creating a united Greater Croatia,
a direct involvement of the regular Croatias military forces alongside with
the ethnic Croat paramilitary militia in the civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina
against the Serbs and Muslim Bosniaks was inevitable. The ethnic cleansing of
certain Bosnian-Herzegovinian territories (a Croat proclaimed the Republic
of Herzeg-Bosnia) by the Croat forces, directly or indirectly sponsored by
the Government in Zagreb, was done for the very purpose to finally include
those territories into ethnically pure Greater Croatia.

56 For instance [L. Silber, A. Little, Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation, London: Penguin Books,
1997; L. Sell, Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of Yugoslavia, DurhamLondon: Duke
149 University Press, 2003].
: VLADISLAV B. SOTIROVI

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[B. J. Fischer (ed.), Balkan Strongmen:
Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of Southeast Europe, London: C. Hurst
& Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2006]. , --

1991. .1995. .

. ,
L. Sell, Slobodan Milosevic and the
Destruction of Yugoslavia, DurhamLondon: Duke University Press, 2003.

150



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1942; m8-na, str. 324 + ilustracije. je O 100 godinjici Matice Hrvatske
u prvoj godini obnovljene Nezavisne drave Hrvatske (18421942).2 -
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Zagreb, Sveuilina naklada Liber, Mladost, 1974, V8-na, str. 470.

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se iri / a ja nemam s kime da zadremam.25 ,
.
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. .
: Jedanaest sela okolice Vinkovaca jesu ekavska:
Andrijaevci, Rokovci, Cerna, ikovci, Prkovci, Retkovci, Ivankovo, Voinci,
Mikanovci, Stari i Novi.
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24 . . , - , 1880, . III, . 1113.
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.30 -
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.34
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Tjeraj, tjeraj, lau od kraja
Sada se ja s dragom rastavljam,
[ ]: uje, Mila!
Kad se stane laa kretati,
Onda osta draga plakati.
Nemoj, nemoj, draga, plakati,
Mi emo se opet sastati.
Mi emo se opet sastati
I rumeno lice ljubiti.
to j(e) na srcu mojem i tvojem,
To ne kai, draga, nikome.
Kad nas dvoje mladih nestane,
Neka sladki spomen ostane !
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183
POEMS OF SERBIAN POETS IN MELOGRAPHIC NOTATIONS ORE PERI

OF KNOWN AND LESS KNOWN CROATIAN MELOGRAPHERS


(1) [BAROQUE AND PRE-ROMANTICISM]

Drawing on his research into Serbian topics in Croatian melography, the


author has identified, singled out and authorised a new group of popular
poems of Serbian poets (of Baroque and Pre-Romanticism), recorded in
notation by less known Croatian melographers. Information is presented
for popular poems of sixteen Serbian poets, who were generally unknown
in Serbian melography and ethnomusicology. The paper contains seven rare
examples of Serbian poems from Croatian melographic literature which are
discussed in the authors text. Each text of the poem contains exhaustive
information both on the poet and the poem and the Croatian melographic
source that the author refers to. A separate section in Serbian melography,
known as old-town songs of Serbian poets, has thus received another
element which complements it with newly explored examples of Serbian
artistic town folklore in the past.

184
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245
MILO KARI: LIFE AND CUSTOMS OF SERBIAN PEOPLE IN

LIKA AND KRBAVA
(from the Ethnographic Collection of the Archives of the Serbian Academy
of Sciences and Arts, No 388)
third and final part of the manuscript

The third and final part of Milo karis manuscript, created in the first half of
the 20th century, saved in the face of the Ustaa pogrom and completed on St
Georges Day in Belgrade in 1941, when it was delivered to the Ethnographic
Collection for repurchase, contains further systematic description of customs
of the Serbian people of Lika (already published in volumes of the Collection
of Papers on Serbs in Croatia (Nos 9 and 10), from chapter XII (covering the
already published Entertainment, Poems and Poetry) and continuing with the
following chapters: Tales, Stories and Witticism total 53 records; Riddles
(datalice) 145 records; Peoples Proverbs and Sayings 133 records; Playing
and Singing, Dances). The final part of the manuscript contains chapters XIII
(Spiritual Features) XIV (Bodily Features), XV (Folk Knowledge) and XVI
(Additions) in the form of the Dictionary of Vernacular in Lika (lexemes
not found in Vuks Dictionary). Milo karis manuscript ends there. We
hope that with its publication, following almost 75 years, this pearl of the
Ethnographic Collection has seen daylight. Besides, this manuscript gives
a valuable ethnographic contribution to the life and customs of the Serbian
people in areas of todays Croatia, where they practically no longer live. The
editor introduced only minor orthographical corrections in karis text and
intervened in the pagination with slash brackets. He also intervened in the
segment of some folklore notes, which in terms of their quantity and quality
(particularly small speech forms) can be a valuable source for studying genres
in our folkloristics.

246

(18941895)

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Junge Norveger 1893. ( . ), , 3839.
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(1894-1895) .:
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(1), 4549.
26. , . ,
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27. / /,
(2), 5155.
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(11681371): 1. , 2.
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28. //, . , 5556.

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29. , 5759.
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(2), 7577.
37. // , , ,
Leander / / (1), 7879.
.
38. , (), 79.
39. .// .//, , 8082.
Specialgeschichte der Militrgrenze (
1875).
40. //, , 8286.
; ( );
1892. : . . , . , . . , . . ,
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1894, 8687.
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47. . , ..., 93.
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48. , , 9499.
49. , , , Leander /
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50. / /, Fin de Sicle ( ), 100105.
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258


51. . //, ,
(1894-1895) 105110.
52. //, . , 110111.

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53. , , . .
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57. / /, 1848, 117119.
: Articuli et Constitutiones diaetarum seu generalum congregationum
regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, ( 1862).
.
58. , . .// . , 119
122.
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123.
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1894. . .
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, 132134.
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, 135137.
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73. . /. /, , 148150.
(1894-1895) - [ . ]
.
74. Leander / /, , 150
153.
.
75. . -, . Hadi Osman Nuri: Islam i Kultura,
(odgovor prof. M. Nedeljkoviu), u Zagrebu 1894, 153155.
76. /. /, . . ,
, 155156.
.
77. . . / /,
Satira, 156.
,. .
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; -
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1894, 156157.
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83. . , (), 169.
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86. , , , -
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87. .// , , 184.
1. ; 2. ; 3.
88. Leander / /, ?
261 (1), 184188.
. .

89. . , . , 188190.
.: 20. VIII 1894.
90. , , 190.
.: ` , ` , ,
.: !...
.: 15. . 1893.
91. , . ( -
XVIII XIX ), 191195.
. 1887.
92. . , ,
195199.
93. .// , . (
), 199203.
94. . . . . ,
. . 1893/4.
. . , 8(20)
1894. ., 203204.
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20 . : , , . ,
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95. - -, ,
. , 205.
96. /e /, ( -
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.
97. , 206208.
; . ; , , ;
; , . 18071828.
.

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98. , !, 209.
.: ,
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99. , , (2), 209212.
100. .// . , , 213.
.:
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101. , . III.
, // . (3), 213216.
102. , (2), 216218.
103. . , , 219.
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262


104. , , , -
(1894-1895) V ; (2), 219223.
105. / /,
, , .
I , 223227.
.
106. . , ! 1
(13) 1894, 227229.
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; ;
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: );
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1895; .
( 1894), , 232.

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109. / /, , 1. , 232234.
,
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; 2.
; 3. ; 4.
.
110. , (3), 235238.
111. . , , 239.
. ...
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.: 25. X 1894.
112. . , , : . ,
239241.
113. . //, , 241243.
() ()
114. , , ,
V , (3), 244248.
.
115. Leander / /, ?
2. (2), 248250.
116. , (),. , 250251.
117. -. .-, (), , 251252.
118. //, , , 252.
263
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119. , , 252.
120. , 253254.
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. 1 (1. )
121. /. /, , 1. I 1895, 14.
.
122. Junius, (1), 46.
123. .// ,
1699, 79
,
.
124. . . , ,
. (1), 911.
125. . , , .// (1),
1215.
La
congregation scientifique 1891. .
126. . ., , 1517.
127. --, . 12. , , 17.
128. . , . 24. . , 1820.
129. / /, (), ,
2021.
: , VII, 1955, . 34, 190.
130. //, , , 21.
.
131. , 2123.
; -
; ; ( -
).
132. , , 24.
, 7. 1872. ,
.

. 2 (1. )
133. / /, . (), 2526.
134. . , , 27.
.: 264
.:

(1894-1895) .: 3. VIII /18/94.
135. Henri Desmoulins, . (
), 2731.
136. Junius, (2), 3134.
137. . . , ,
. (2), 3438.
138. . , , .// (2),
3840.
139. -, , 4042.
; ... -
;
140. , 4247.
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141. //, , , 4748.
142. //, , , 48.

. 3 (1. )
143. //, . , , 4950.
144. / /, . , 5153.
:
. . (, 1900), 3247.
145. , . , 5358.
146. .// , , 5859.
1. ; 2. ; 3. ; 4.
...; 5. ; 6. ; 7. ; 8. :
9. ; 10. ; 11.
147. . , , .// (3),
5961.
148. . , .
, 6164.
149. / = /, ,
6465.
150. ., 7. . , 66.
151. -,
- . . . ,
265 6768.
152. //, , , -

, , 6869.
153. , 6972.
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155. . . , , 73.
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156. . / /,
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73.
157. , . , 7681.
I. . ; II. .
158. . / /, . , 8183.
159. . . / /, , . . , 8485.
, .
.
160. . , (1), 8590.

, ,
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.
161. . , .
. , 9093.
162. . ., . . III. , . 1894;
, . . -
. 1895, , 9394.
163. , 9496.
; ; (, );
; (); . .
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); (

(1894-1895) : , ,
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164. //, . , , 96.

. 5 (1. )
165. //, 18211895 ( ),
9798.
166. ., , 99.
.:
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167. / /,
(), 99101.
:
. (, 1900), 4856.
168. . . / /, .
, 101103.
, .
.
169. . , (2), 103108.
170. / /, . , 108109.
171. . , , 109113.
172. Lorenzo Rienzi / /, -
, 113117.
1885.
.
173. //, , , 117118
: ,
.
174. //, . (18891895).
1895. . 96. 50 . , 118.
175. , 118119.
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, ); (
)
176. , 120.
. , ,
177. , . . -
..., .
-.
, .
.

267

55 29
176 . 94
5
163 5
40 . 151
5 153
153 153
() 153, . 75
160, 169 . 5
. (., . , , :
. .), 3, 51, 60, 73, 113
17 10, 26, 33
() . 63, 19
67, 139 5
140, 165 . 30
55 (
109, 121, 154 , , ,
70 , . , .
5 , , . .,
107 , Lorenzo
Rienzi) 129, 144, 146, 149, 156,
. 162
158, 159, 167, 168, 170, 172
. 112
120
, :
.
. 43, 47, 54, 58,
5
72, 84, 89, 101, 103, 106, 108,
107 111, 112, 124, 134, 137, 148,
5 155, 171
120 88
120 18
() 48 . 120
, 17 5, 153
140
66 . . 162
95
. 9 79
. , : . 5
. Desmoulins Henri 135
39, 45 17
42 5
153 8 268
140 42
80, 99 17
5
5, 153 . 69
. 5 140
153 (
. 128 ) 10, 25, 33
, 7 . 5
17
5 6, 148
120 85, 102, 110
86, 104, . . 124, 137
114, 118 55
120
. 166 . 107
57
139
. . 126 , : -
76
. 163 , 134
41, 120 78
5 106
66 Leander, :
, :
() 17 Lorenzo Rienzi (),

. ., : .
30 , : -
125, 138, 147
. 1, 7, , :
41
95
153 151
175 4, 14
98 142
Junius () 122, 136 . 40
153
139 5, 163
159 5
15, 17 5
20 2
163 140
17 5
131 . 78
269 25, 36 . 24, 35
20 58
174
153 29
18, 92, 120
, : - 5
, :
140
. 3, 43,
57, 163 168
163
159 . 71
163 ., ; -
. 107 .
. ., : . 125, 138, 147
(, -
120 ) 57, 65
. 40, 140 17, 25, 36
. 5, 94 . 20
. 61 85, 102, 110, 132
. 19 ., :
. 76
164 . 140
5
127 . 5
. () 150 . 62
75 5
6, 60, 120, 139 , : -
.
() 161 5
175 . . 94
12, 27, 34 175
. 133, 145, (., )
157, 163 82, 105
120 176
5 152
66 . . 40
. 5 5
140
. 83 44, 57, 78, 95, 117
131 176
. 66 29
142 5
3 23
. 107 153
17, 160 163 270
. . 5 5
71 81
20 153
77 5
(Ratzel Fridrich)
72, 84, 101 119
5 13, 44, 140
. . 40
. 17, 22, 100 , :
5 21
5
17
. 120 5
17
17, 27, 42, 64
. 73 19
80, 99 5
() 5, 163
50, 70, 81, 87 75, 96
94 17
125, 138 37, 49
, : 164
30
, . 34
() 116
162 57
42 55
28 141
5, 107
5 153
34
27, 34 () 11, 32,
97 90, 140
(. .) 77 . 143
91 78
() 59, 94 38, 45
153 () 16
(,
, Leander) 4, 5,
6, 12, 14, 15, 19, 27, 34, 37, 39,
49, 62, 74, 88, 93, 96, 115, 120,
123, 133, 145,157,

4, 14
271 91
MAGAZINE OF SERBIAN YOUTH IN ZAGREB OMLADINA STANIA VOJINOVI

(18941895)

The magazine Omladina (18941895), at the crossroads of Romanticism


and Realism, had an important place among Serbian literary magazines
issued in Zagreb. It published poems and stories of belated Romanticism,
with the prevalence of articles reflecting the realistic movement with elements
of naturalism. The magazine is interesting also in the light of criticism
(literary and social) with elements of new trends both from the west and the
east. The most important associates were: Vladimir M. Jovanovi, Milorad P.
apanin, Aleksa anti, Svetozar orovi, Milorad Medakovi. In addition
to the introductory study, the paper also contains the bibliography with the
deciphered pseudonyms of Kamenko Suboti, Mihailo Vukevi and many
others.

272
*1

60 39
, 57 196, 197
77 - 174
. 136 142
Avramovski ivko 15 104
217 14
56, 59 Balibar . 148
. 138 50
112 175, 178
, 60 Barbour S. 137, 139
Alston Philip 117 Bartk Bla 172
40, 174 161
40 . 250
152, 160, 161, 166, , 39
173, 174, 183 ( ) 39
() 40 10, 12
153 254
158 50
152, 161, 166, 182 70
40 . 39
40, 205 - 153
() 40 , 39
169 69, 70
40 168
Antohi Sorin 121 Bellamy A. J. 132
Ardali Vladimir 40 Bellamy R. 148
64 76
P. 142 247, 248
40 Beljo Ante 114
162 98
94 43, 44, 45, 48
76, 77 , 39
, 39 () 163, 167
. 182 151, 152
80 . 252
200 , 39
II 68 40
* -
18941895. ( . 247267),
273 (. 268271).
Bilandi Duan 116 68
Binder David 121 154
93 201
45, 50 , 39
45 78
30, 32, 33, 38, 39 7
32 81
, 39 40
70 40
. . 118 . 156, 158,
108 170, 172
210 13
Boban Ljubo 17, 88 156
7 , 39
45 122
52 156, 155
15, 16, 63 64, 80
40 124
40 219
34 44, 46, 52
, 39 39
, 39 , 39
146 19, 97, 98
254 Vili Duan 23
124 173
250 156, 169
165 Vinji edomir 102
18, 19 96, 98
166 15
. . 156 166
45 247, 248
Brali Ante 50, 51 251
155 Wonisch A. 138
7 145
198 247, 250
156, 157, 159, 52
160, 180 Woodward Susan L. 113
Brodnjak V. 137 52
111115, 118, 156
125, 127, 131, 138, 140, 148 52
70 4850
87, 95 40
7 74
93, 97 , 39
Bulaji M. 137 55 274
21 65, 66
21, 22 125
55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 62 40
55 7
- 60 89, 9194, 96100
133 Gross M. 12, 106, 132
() 161,
( , 178
, . , 253
, . , Lorenzo Goodman Ryan 117
Rienzi) 250, 253, 254, 272 Guskova J. 125, 129, 131, 141, 144,
254 146
165 78
2325 30
67 40
40 48
169 48, 49
55, 56
, 48
58
Dvila J. 140
123
Daji . 142
9
40
- 121
113
Galvn J. A. 140
() 229
45, 46
40
114, 115
185 77
45 . 133
46 58, 59
. 113, 116 59
92 40
. 155, 169 . 173
Gemini F. 29 123
() 40 -, 48
Dedijer Vladimir 130, 136
159, 160 . 159
252 , 39
200 250
121123 . 31
216 48
66 . 138
191 - 154
. 250, 251 () 40
Goldstein Ivo 115 108
161 248
26 118
275 57, 58 . (Dini V.) 138
, 249
89 249
40 249
26 187
175177 174178
156, 158, 170 156, 158, 170
175177 ebec ilj I. 128
175 erjavi V. 136
94 ivi D. 128
105 163, 167,
31 168, 172, 178
Donnelly Jack 117 ivojinovi D. 137
. 111 253, 254
. 69 Gilbert G. G. 133
48 7
104, 106 163, 167, 168
94 Szamuely George 119
69 231
40
138 231
89 Zeli Benedikta 15
. . 219 161
139, 140, 145 16, 17, 19, 20
7 231
. 88 175
iki Ivica 24 . 200, 201
145 40
45, 47 40
248 247, 252
248 56
. 164, 170, 189
174, 177 188
12 79
170 40
40 195
(, ) 40 117, 130
, 39 40
40 Ili Branislav 111, 127
115, 124, 39
125, 146 Irvine Jill. A. 114, 140, 141, 146
167, 168, 170 182
(, ) 40 182
222, 223 198, 214
14 64, 71
121 40 276
173 ,
45 60
40, 168 , 48, 49
156 162, 178
156 40
162, 165, 177, () 40
181 250
31, 215 40
40 107
Janjatovi Bosiljka 67 173
(), 39 II 29, 56, 60, 213
Jareb J. 145 98
. 31 156, 157, 178
250 (Junius) 250
253 44
253
157
253
119, 112, 120,
88 125
9
13
40
43
156, 157, 178
171
45, 47, 48
252
168, 169
, 39
232
252
168
16, 87
40
() 40 19
40 I 78
58 II 93
159 . 173
, Karaman Igor 12, 106
32 101
, 107, 114,
29 115, 154, 159, 160, 164, 166,
249, 250 174, 185, 188, 190, 229, 243,
. 253, 272 244
163, 253 111, 112
19 V 68
, 57 VIII 68
79 Carter Grey 124
63 21
101 164
14, 9193 -
56 160, 162
44
277 IV, 56, 58 52
47, 51 251
151 j 45, 47, 48
Kai M. 137 153, 215
15, 23 . 159
95 , 30, 32
Kapleris Ignas 112 . 7, 10, 11, 13,
78 23, 25, 80, 81, 108, 115, 118,
Kymlicka W. 148 132, 153, 248
Kntzel Matthias 116 16, 88
40 71
165 Crick B. 140
. . 166 107
. 138 Krnjevi H. 154
68, 69, 71, 78, 17, 22, 9293, 97,
151, 152, 161, 163, 167, 168, 98
171, 173 Cross W. P. 140
164 170
143 248
166 40
, 43, 44, 151, 154156, 158,
46, 48, 51, 54 163165, 172, 177
(?), 40 40
158, 159, 178 . . 138
39 13
79, 248, 254 Kulundi Zvonimir 16
Kurelac Fran 170
45, 47, 48, 51 . 151, 152, 154,
Kovaevi S. 142 156, 157, 159, 161163, 167,
, 40 168, 171173
156, 163 12, 13
173178 40
157 215
165 64
, 40 168, 171
40 25
VII Lebor Adam 114
65, 69 II 5561
Konar Ranko 1921 163
64 45, 49
52 7
87, 8892, 9698, . 138
100 151
253 170
, 40 233
17 227 278
156, 163, 88, 91, 9799
167, . 52
Lonari M. 137 52
Lord Albert B. 172 52
170 90
164 52
68 20, 23
170 156
40 40
Lui D. 137 44, 45
Lui J. 135, 143 48
234 164
94, 95 66
40 254
116 205
40 40
23, 24 45, 51
71, 73, 74, 25, 26
77, 78 . 89
Mainwaring S. 140 70
Majer Vladimir 101 166, 167, 172
40 1520, 22, 25, 26,
177 88, 89, 93, 143
164 48
251 , 48
65 Matrovi Vjekoslav 53
158 84
Maleevi S. 133 63
Malik Shahin 112, 117, 119, 126 272
40 164
195 164
40 164
6367, 6986 212
63 234
63 . 250, 255
. 170 Meitas Antanas 112
63 60
Mansbach Richard W. 114, 115 123, 124, 139
71, 73 II 68
40 17
29, 57 56
. 156, 158, 169, 174 172, 173
247, 248 ,
101, 103108, 110 48, 49, 51
279 40 25
194 52, 53
155157, 178 84
166 , 40
, 63 Mulali Mustafa M. 177
175, 176, 177 Murgi Boidar 17
. 251 7
40 20, 23, 89, 90
234 , 43
253 156
164, 19
178 40
252
164 252
. 157, 166, 115
177 89, 90, 91, 94, 97
193 , 122
. 137
101
Miloevi Vlado 156, 170, 172
40, 153
113, 114,
,
129, 130, 141-144, 148, 149,
45
150
. 137
43
171174, 178
254
170 . 250
() 201 56
45, 51 106
93 89
Mises L. 147 Novak Viktor 130
. . 170 174
40 64, 65
84 162
164, 170, 215
94 167, 178
108 Overy Richard 113
65 Ognyanova Irina Lyubomirova
56, 59 114
Okey Robin 58
163 174
68 Okuka M. 138
200 77
Mogu M. 137 200
153, 161 , 40
. 251 161
47, 51 165
. 252 174
252 40 280
18, 2325, 89, 90, 40
9497, 115, 116, 118, 122, 124, 44, 53
130, 135, 141 16, 17, 19, 20,
200 102, 127
114 ,
Pavi M. 11 46, 52
7 52
V, 29 40
15, 24 173
Pavlievi D. 131 58
Pavlievi Dragutin 116, 126 , 253, 254
II
174 ( ) 254
79 , 57, 58, 60
101
XII, 95
167
23, 24, 77
70
Pilet J.B. 140
, 57, 60
() 237
169
204
40
Pili Damir 25
158
Palavri Ante 15
159
Pappe I. 140 78
135 21, 23, 27
Paris E. 130 21, 23, 27
153 166
, 59 67
133 177
14, 15 177
200 164
84 177
40 29
Prez-Lin A. 140 247
81 , 40
151, 159, 161, 171 -
Peri Ivo 116 160
Pettiford Lloyd 112, 117, 119, 126 167
Perii . 50, 52 14
Perii . 38 247
Perkins L. 130 17, 84,
170 88
237 , 213
. 8 40
40 165, 166, 178
( , 57
281 ) 250 253
Pfan D. 169 172
Rabac G. 52 64, 80
40, 174, 190193, 204 Sullivan Kimberly L. 113
4951 . 138
40 253
175, 176 60
80 , 59, 60
1316, 21, 2426 60
165, 166 , 60
204 Sari Tatjana 102
14, 1618, 21, 65
23, 87, 88, 94, 118 78
, 40 40, 208
77 39
65 39
250 39
120 155
, 9, 10, 39, 40
30, 32, 33, 37, 38 39, 40
21 47, 162
169 26
156 36
68 249
Roudometof Victor 112 92
81, 82 249
12, 77, 78 36
(), 40 , 40
39 Sell Louis 113, 129, 149, 150
Ress Imre 55, 56, 59 II 68
, 1012 60
77 153
. . 137 Silagi Denis 58
112 Silber L. 149
Ritter Vitezovic Pavao 135 125
. 250 40, 168
137 40
175 . 138
45 88, 89, 9193
106 250
93, 96 -
40 17, 19, 112
20 45
40 45
253 Srkulj S. 135, 143
177 . 122 282
40 52, 53
6870 , 39, 40
18 124
89, 94 , 58
. 111, Taylor Kirsten L. 114, 115
112, 115, 129, 138 Taylor Frederick 119
Spalatin M. S. 132 247
20 () 40
() 40 () 40
Staglii Marija 50 159
40 74
56 89
111, 112, 138 77
40 Tilly Ch. 140
40 170
14, 15 200
158, 162, Todorovi Boko 23
163 40
215 45
23, 24, 26, 132, 137 Thomas Robert 121
168170, 7
178 71, 82
22, 114 , 65, 80,
40 115
254 79
40 215
94 ( .
40 ) 254
40 158
Stojanovi Trajan 112 Tismaneanu Vladimir 121
88
156 55, 60, 61
. 166 Toovi B. 138
, 34
57, 59, 62 35
70 35
Strugai A. 52 , 39, 40
103 Trifkovic S. 130
163, 164, 178 40
( 88, 89,
, Leander) 248, 92, 93, 98
251, 272 40
248 , 115
155 , 73
283 II 68 Harry S. Truman 60
17, 24, 87 77
Truhelka iro 56 122
2326, 114, -
115, 117, 118, 120124, 153, 161
126, 129, 132142, 144147, Heywood Andrew 117119
149, 150 153
92 20, 23, 89, 90, 95,
250 96, 112, 113, 138
A 125 . 132
. 19 Horvat Lajo 59
irkovi Vojislav 111, 127 77
65 Hough Peter 112, 119, 120, 124
. 132 170, 248
251, 253, 40
255, 272 40
104 . 171
249 251
. 250 19, 20, 93, 96,
104, 105 143
199 - 177
204 79, 86, 106, 248
190 40
225 Cviki S. 128
187 176
192 Ceneri Ivan 170
199, 200 Cepeli M. 11
Richard H. Ullman 112 177
Fawcett E. 147 91
I 68 III,
40 155
169 173, 174, 183
252 7
Fischer B. J. 135, 150 159
Fier Bernd J. 114 Chollet D. 143
, 65 47
89 93, 96
132 244
I 68 106
10 Haynes Jeffrey 126
Freeden M. 147 , 57
. 250 124
55 250, 253,
Hain Joseph 3436, 38 255, 272
Haynes Jeffrey 112, 117, 120 . 272
Hungtington Samuel P. 112 254 284
9 122
Schwicker Robert J. H. 58 () 40
122, 124, 133 poljar Vrina S. 128
64 20
epi Dragovan 12, 106 Shrader Ch. R. 140
218 Sthr Ante 161, 166
idak Jaroslav 12, 64, 67, 106 1012, 69,
252 71, 72, 78, 81, 85
7 . . 101
152, 153, 179 22, 88, 89, 93, 97,
185, 246 99
193 ulek Bogoslav 8
82 178
157, 160, 180 93, 96
141 133

285

125 8
200 19
15, 94, 113 90
113, 147 31
88-91, 94, 98, 99, 100, 248
111, 194, 213, 215, 219 16, 17, 23, 25, 31, 33,
162 115, 264
92 143
18 161
137 125
123, 125
9, 10, 54, 68, 94
96
7, 13, 15, 25,
16
50, 57, 81, 82, 84, 98, 213, 268
8, 16, 20, 21, 23, 27, 31, 41,
7, 148, 151, 257, 258
76, 77, 92, 93, 96, 140, 143, 203,
12, 14, 15, 16, 21, 23, 26, 215, 222, 250, 258, 262
49, 57, 60, 156, 168, 222, 253, 1420, 2325,
263, 264, 268 28, 63, 81, 115, 117, 129131, 134,
8 135, 142144, 148, 149, 153, 160,
115, 155, 166 170, 177
19, 20, 21, 116, 140
22,142, 143 120
25 74, 117, 125
261 16
8, 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 23, 104
26, 124 19
248 132, 260, 267
8, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 170
22, 23, 26, 49, 118, 143, 161, 165, 154, 155, 173
166, 222, 268 74, 81, 258, 262.
1719
18, 19 31
60 8, 18, 21, 182
15, 16, 18, 21, 22,30, 56, 68
72, 76, 77, 79, 85, 88, 92, 94, 104, 156
105, 123, 127, 131, 141, 143, 166, 125, 166
174, 177, 178, 185, 249, 255, 93, 114, 130, 136, 137
256260, 263267 98, 117
95, 125 75
9, 11, 12, 48, 57, 61, 63, 81, 63, 66, 80, 86
163, 248, 254259, 263, 264 104, 125, 159, 164,
166 253, 254, 265 286
162 18
7, 8, 9, 1113, 1623, 254
2528, 43, 56, 158, 171, 174, 119, 162
264 17, 24, 26, 27, 87, 115, 121,
10 143145
56 174
, 19, 33, 43, 49, 104, 122,
8, 12, 13, 56, 57, 101, 105, 137, 143, 250
196, 201, 213, 214, 216 17, 27, 59, 83, 87, 116, 118,
105 123
212 18
254
19, 20 26
95 67, 68, 114, 117, 126, 135,
60, 166 137, 141, 143, 260
116 () 116,
30, 105, 111, 116118, 120, 121, 122
119, 121128, 120, 248; 14, 98, 215; 68, 91
121; 116, 124
121 148
125 252, 258
216
158, 170
142, 146, 174, 196, 200, 10, 1618, 2022, 24, 25, 63,
204, 259 64, 68, 69, 7277, 7981, 95, 96, 98,
83 101, 104, 105, 106, 108, 110, 113,
115, 117, 122, 123, 125, 127, 130,
207 138, 142, 144, 146, 150, 152, 161,
248, 255, 256, 258, 260, 262 247, 248, 250, 252259, 261267,
91 272; 12
8, 1419, 2936, 38, 30, 33, 4345, 4754, 63, 65,
4043, 47, 49, 50, 51, 54, 78, 105, 123, 251, 259
8284, 103, 105, 107, 143, 148, 14, 16, 17, 19, 21, 26, 59, 115,
151, 162, 163, 178, 222, 259; 118, 259, 266
30, 40, 31, 190, 219
41, 43, 47 162
116, 124 140
135 97
18, 116, 124 17, 19, 20, 22;
122 63, 83
249 125
143, 144 261
30 159
97 121
254 24
24, 68, 76, 88, 90, 95, 135,
287 90 136; 48, 254
30 194, 196, 198, 201, 209, 212,
15, 16, 59, 70, 73 213, 215, 216, 217, 219, 237
65, 68 200, 207, 208
169 14, 90, 91, 91, 92, 97, 98, 100
253, 254 165
135 254
130, 136, 138 72, 75, 78, 101, 113
136, 194 135,168; 9, 14, 16,
1520, 2325, 27, 64, 18, 21, 55, 5759, 143, 135, 168
7476, 84, 87, 88, 9194, 97, , 195
98102, 105, 106, 109, 111122, 195, 199
124, 125, 128 129, 142, 144, 145, 163, 164
148, 149, 151; 17, 81, 14, 94, 212, 262, 264;
121, 125 125
140 248
132 135
83 168
133 156
59, 46, 101, 125, 260 15
30, 58 ( ) 162
15 252
215 193, 216
8 168
135 2942;
39
39
173, 174
77, 105, 130, 258
69
115, 151, 162
215, 252
187 56, 111, 119, 144, 251, 261
15, 94, 113, 174
114, 116, 147, 174, 215, 222,
16
257, 258, 260
() 143, 144
17
101
248, 255
178
130, 142, 146, 148, 160
23, 24,
,
8791, 92, 94, 95, 97, 98, 100, 101,

111, 112, 114116, 118, 121, 122,
185, 199 124, 130, 134141, 145, 152, 179
15 88, 116, 121, 135, 136, 138,
116, 124 143, 144, 213; 8, 9, 14, 16,
19 18, 20, 21, 48, 91, 92, 94, 95,
248 98, 121 , 215
148 145
87, 115, 151, 162, 198, 199, 255
214, 215, 220, 246 22, 55, 56, 58, 59, 52,
192, 193 105, 164, 168, 171, 172, 175, 177,
148 249, 253, 254, 255, 261, 265, 266 288
89, 97 200
63 158, 159
171 258
143 144
63, 80, 116, 124, 170, 174 117,
94 120, 124, 144, 146, 148
63 162
196, 199 24, 55, 56, 5861
18 63, 76, 251
31 68
105, 142, 146, 266 162
140 22
167, 170, 254, 259, 261 135, 165, 166; 9,
101 16, 56, 215
63, 101 75, 127, 155; 159, 215
154, 155 16
195, 196, 200 17, 27, 59, 87, 104
19
101, 105
() 26, 115, 143, 156
58;
11, 117, 153, 258, 267
159 59, 159
196 168
266 63, 219
57, 59, 159, 165, 168, 248, 146, 77, 78
254
89, 91, 93
31 98
158, 159 8, 1315, 17, 18, 22, 80,
82, 83, 84, 108, 124, 125, 142, 146,
32, 87
151, 154, 156, 158, 159, 161, 162,
174 164, 165, 169, 171173, 178, 194,
172 211, 222, 259
69, 105, 254 63, 160
156 20, 157, 159, 160
68 248
56, 57, 59 135, 171; 16
68 8, 14, 15, 20, 90, 94,
169 113, 120, 121, 210;
39 8, 84, 86, 88, 94125, 133
70, 72, 248, 249, 255, 256, 105
259, 262, 263, 265 56
15 91, 254
156, 169, 172 17, 18, 50, 254, 255, 260
19 14
162 90, 104, 141, 142, 146
289 153 255
, passim 68, 261; 215
111, 117 248
814, 1623, 26, 49, 118, 78
121, 124, 125, 143, 158, 173, 29, 30, 37,
210, 221, 222, 248, 268 38, 55, 56, 84; 57
12 16, 19, 125, 133, 134,
248, 254, 140, 143, 222, 258
266 , passim
12, 57, 248, 65, 67, 68, 254
256, 261, 265, 266 162
105, 257, 264
115, 116 165, 190, 191, 195, 201
112, 148 78
() 66, 67 24,
195, 196 25
15, 1719, 21, 115, 166
101 208
93
31
166, 182 63
10, 59 62
58, 6062 8, 1417, 19, 20, 88,
108 94, 115, 143, 177, 262, 265267;
59 26, 250
105 170
101 60, 165, 166
19 98
56 68; 72, 151
123 178
, 8
8, 9, 1113, 17, 18
255, 257 258
39, 41, 261; 12, 56, 77, 33, 43, 44, 108, 122
168, 169, 196, 197, 219, 258 20, 22
8, 1012, 5559, 68, 83, 135, 113
170 169
69 162
135 18, 21, 161
19 68, 135
153


, . 290
291