6 Between Qumm and the West: The Occultation According to al-Kulaynt and al-Katib al-Nu‘mani Andrew J. Newman In our study, The Formative Peviod of Twelver Shi'ism, based on the traditions on the subject in abKafi film ab-din, the collection of over 16,000 traditions assembled by Muhammad b, Ya‘qub al-Ku- layni (4.329/941), we have noted the problematic nature of ‘Qumm's understanding of the occultation (al ghayba). Qummis, and particularly members of the city’s dominant Ash'ati clan, ac- count for 23 of the 34 traditions on the occultation in Chapters 7g and 80 which are dedicated to the subject in the Kitab alhujia, in the first part of the collection entitled al-Uyil min al-Kafi. OL these 23 uaditions, Muhammad b. Yahya alAuar al-Ash'ari al Qummi narrated ten; al-Iusayn b. Muhammad al-Ash‘ari alQummiand ‘Alt b. Ibrahim al-Qummi (4. after 507/919) each narrated five; and Abmad b, Idris al-Ash'ati aLQummi narrated three, The Qummi/Ash‘ari dominance of these traditions paral- Iels their dominance of the isnad of the bulk of alKaf’s traditions more generally. Qummis, including Ash‘aris, narrated neatly three- quarters of the 7599 traditions in al Kafi examined for our earlier o4BETWEEN QUMM AND THE WEST study; ‘Alb, Ibrahim and Muhammad b, Yahya alone narrated 53 per cent. These uaditionists narrated the texts on the occultation and other subjects from such figures as the money-changer Mufaddal ‘Umar (d, before 179/795), Muhammad b. Sinan (d.220/835), Muhammad b, Hassin a-Razi and Akmad b, al-Hillal, all con- demmed a8 unreliable by some later scholars such as Ahmad b. “All al-Najashi (4.450/ 1058-9) and Muhammad b. allasan al Tast (d.460/1067), both based in Iraq. They also narrated traditions from ‘Abdallah b. Bukayr and the Kiifans Ayyab b, Nab, Aban b, Taghlib, ‘Abd al-Rahman b, Abi Najrdn, al-Hasan b. ‘Mahbub al Sarrad/al-Zarrad (d.224/838) and ‘Abdallah b. Jabala, the latter all ‘trustworthy (thiga)’ according to al-Najashi and al Tusi.t Despite this mixture of ‘reliable’ and ‘unreliable’ names in the isnad of their traditions, the above-named Qummi/Ash‘ari traditionists were themselves judged reliable? Tn some of these texts, the Imams spoke of al-ga’im as having fone occultation, whereas in others the same narrators narrated uaditions pointing to two. In one, Imam ‘Ali spoke of one occu tation as lasting six days, six months or six years. Moreover, alKaft contained no references to an individual formally designated to act as the Imam’s intermediary (safir) during the occultation, let alone to any of the four individuals Inter understood as having been specifically designated as the intermediaries (sufard’). The ‘Qummi origins of the majority of al-Kaf’s traditions on the occul- tation bespeak Qummt uncertainties over, and apprehension with, the nature and length of the occultation, Less than fifteen years after the death of al-Kulaynt in 329/ (942, segments of the community outside Quinm were addressing precisely those occultation issues which had concerned the ‘Qummis. This is demonstrated by examination of both the isnad and the substance of the go 'mumbered’ and 15 ‘unnumbered traditions on the occultation in the six sections (fusil) of Chapter (bab) 10 of the Kitab al-ghayba, compiled around 342/953 by al- Kulaynt’s student Muhammad b. Ibrahim alNu'mant (4.345/956 or 360/971), known as ‘the Scribe’ (al-Katib) based on his studentship with the compiler of alKaft98 ANDREW J. NEWMAN AbNu‘mani studied with alKulayni and visited Shiraz in 313/ (925 where he studied with, and narrated traditions from, a rela- tive of Sad b. ‘Abdallah al-Ash‘arT (d.301/915-14), the noted ‘Qummi taditionist, clan and political leader. Around 327/938 alNu'mani was in Baghdad studying with the Kagan Ahmad b. ‘Muhammad b. Sa‘Id, Ibn ‘Ugda (d.333/944), and others. In 333/ 44, he was in Syria, visiting Damascus and Aleppo; he died in Syria. ALNajashi called al-Nu'mani a ‘shaykh of our companions and correct of belief (sahih al“ agida)’; his essay in refutation of the Ismailis and a tafsir work are also noted.° ‘The Sources of al Nu‘mani's Traditions on the Occultation, Of the 105 traditions cited by al-Nu‘mani, go (28 per cent) were narrated? from Muhammad b. Hammam allskafi (4336/9047) Classified as ‘uustworthy’ by aL Tasi* 27 (26 per cent) were cited from abKaf, all from the 54 traditions in a-Kafi’s Kitab athayjia, Thus, alNu‘méni cited more than three-quarters of alKafi's 34 traditions on the occultation.* Eighteen (17 per cent), of the 105 were narrated from the Kifan Ahmad b Muhammad b, Sa‘ b. ‘Cada (4.383/044), @ cient (aula) of the Bana Hashim. Al though Ibn ‘Ugda was a Zaydi Jartdi, alNajashi noted ‘all our companions attest to his being trustworthy:’ ALTisi said he re- lated traditions from Thn ‘Uqda via one of his teachers, Later Twelvers also praised him.'° Nine traditions (8 per cent) of the 105, were narrated from ‘Ali b, alHlusayn b, Babawayh (d.320/ 940), father of al-Shaykh al-Sadiq (d.381/991~2), praised by al- Najishi and akTasi, who visited Iraq and met with al-[Tusayn b. Rub alNawbakhti (d.326/937), the third sajir"’ ‘Abd ak Wahid b. ‘Abdallah b Yinis, from Mawsil, and judged ‘trustworthy’ by one of ak Tasi’s teachers, narrated seven." These five, judged reliable by al-Najashi and alTusi, narrated 89 (85 per cent) of the 105 traditions. ALIskaf, Tbn ‘Uqda and al- Kulayni alone narrated 73 (70 per cent). Whereas Qummis naurated more than two-thirds of al Kafi's waditions on the occul- tation, the above-named three ‘reliable’ non-Qummis, excluding alKulayni and Ibn Babawayh’s father, narrated 55 (52 per cent)BETWEEN QUMM AND THE WEST 97 of al-Nw'mani's 105 traditions on the subject; aHskafi and Ibn. “Cqda narrated 48, accounting for 46 per cent. Some of the individuals whose names feature in the tindd of ak Nu'mani's waditions were later adjudged reliable. These include “Ubaydallah b, Musa al“Alawi al‘Abbasi, whose name appears in ten isnad, ‘Abdalla b. Bukayr al-Shaybaai,in nine, including some ited from al-Kafi (anraunbeved tadition on 244, abKafi, 1: 337/ 55 258/14, abKaf, a: 537-8/6; 257/16, abKapy, 1: 539/12); the Kufan Wagifi ‘Abdallah b.Jabala (d.219/834) in eight, one from alKulayni (tunnumbered tradition on 259, al Kaji, 1358/9); the ‘Qumm-based ‘Abdallah b, J'far al-Himyaui, who tavelled to Kaa in the 290s/q02-12 and narrated traditions from Kufans, in seven; the Kufan ‘Abd alRahman b, Abi Najran, called ‘trustworthy’ by alNajashi, in six, inchding two cited from al Kafi (e.g. wnnum- bered uadition on 219, alKaf, 1: 536/3; unnumbered wadition, on 258-9, abKafi, 1: 536-7/4); the Kian Fathi ‘Alb, aldlasan, a five; the Kian alfTasan b Mabbab al-Sarrad/abZarrad in five, including one from al Kafi (249-50/2, alKafi, 1: 340/19); the Kiufan Abin b. Taghlib (d.143/738-39), in thtee, one from al Kafi (unnumbered tradition on 251, abKaji, 1: 340/17); Humayd b.Ziyad (d.310/922~25), from Nineveh but of Kafan origin, who narrated three; the Kufan Wagifi moneychanger al-Hasan b. Muhammad b, Sama‘a (4.203 /876-77) in three; Hammad b. ‘Isa (dca, 208/825), a Kiifan based in Basra, in three; the Kafan Muhammad b, Isma‘il b, Bazi‘, a companion of Imam Musa, also in three; Ayyab b. Nah, the Kafan financial agent of the Imams, in three, two from alKafi (246/9, alKafi, 1: 341-2/25; 273/30, alKaft, 1 341/24); the Kifan Fathi Yanis b. Ya'qab, in two; and the Kisfan Muhammad b, al-Mufaddal b, Tbrahim, in one, Together these individuals appeared in 71 isnad, 68 per cent of the total, Allin all, Kians narrated 45 (43 per cent), of the 105, uaditions."* While these scholats, like al-Nu'mani himself, were judged re- liable by later Twelver scholars ~ like the Ash‘ari-Qummi traditionists from whom al-Kulayni narrated so many texts - oth- ers from whom al-Nu‘mini collected traditions or whose names featured in their isnad were not. ALNu‘mani narrated ten of the chapter's traditions from the Ramalla-based ‘Ali b, Ahmad al-98 ANDREW J. NEWMAN Bandaniji, deemed ‘weak,’ all narrated via the reliable “Ubaydallah b, Musa al“Alawi. Together with the 55 traditions from the three reliable non-Quinmni taditionists, 65, (62 per cent) of al-Nu'mani'’s 105 traditions on the occultation were narrated by non-Quinmis, Among the problematic individuals whose names appeared in alNu'mani’s ima, that of Mufaddal b. ‘Umar appeared in 13 of the 105, including traditions natzated by abIskafi (218/10, 255/ 11), Th Ugda (257/3, 2501/5, 255/10), "Abd al Wahid (217— 8/g), an unnumbered tradition narrated from alKulayns from ‘Muhammad b, Yabya alAsh‘ari via the Kitfan Ibn Abi Najran (219, at Kafi 1: 336/3) and other traditions cited by a-Nu‘mini from abKulayni (2535/2, al-KGfi, 1: 333/15 2583/9, al-Kafi, 1: 340/20) The Kufan Ja‘far b. Mubammiad b, Malik was condemned by al- Najashias weak in hadith, as having fabricated texts and narrated {yom unknown individuals. Condemned by al-Tasi and Ahmad b. “Ubaydallah, Ibn alGhadiini (early 5th/11th centuy), Jafar b. Muhammad appears in 13 isnad (12 per cent), all collected by al Nu‘mini from aldskiff and some narrated via Mufaddal (218/ 10, 255/11) and Muhammad b. Sinin (264/29, 266~7/32) Muhammad b, Sinan, condemned as ‘weak’ by alNajashi and al Tasi, features in 11 (10 per cent), These include traditions narrated to alNu‘mani from such reliable traditionists as aHskafi (264/20, 2667/32), Ibn Babawayh's father (278/1, 279/2, 279/ 3. 279/4), ‘Abd alWahid b. ‘Abdallah (279-80/5) and “Ubaydallah (266/31, 266/33) The Kiifan Abw'lJartid Ziyad b, al Mundhir (dafter 150/767), condemned by al-Kashshi and Ibn akGhadi’ii, narrated nine, including traditions collected from ablskafi (261/24, 2667/32). bn Babawayh's father (278/1, 279/2, 279/3) ~ all three via Muhammad b. Sinan—and the Mawsili ‘Abd al-Wahid b. ‘Abdallah, (279-80/5), also via Muhammad b. Sinan. Ahmad b, abil, (€.267/880-1), deemed extremist (ghali) by al-Tusi, features in cight isnad, including taditions narrated via ‘Ubaydallah (237— 8/4, 271) and an unnumbered tradition cited from alKafi (244, al-Kafi, 1: 342/29). The Kiifan ‘Abd al-Karim b. “imra al- Khath'ami, called ‘reliable’ by alNajashi but a wagifi and “evil” (Pabith) by al-Tasi, featured in cight, six collected from ‘Abd akBETWEEN QUMM AND THE WEST 99 Wahid b, ‘Abdallah and one from alIskafi (226/20). The Kifan moneychanger Muhammad b. ‘Ali b, Ibrahim, ‘weak’ and ‘cor rupt of belie!’ and expelled from Quam as such in the late 2008/ early goos according to al-Najashi, appeared in five of the nine traditions collected by akNu'mani from Tbn Babawayh's father (225/18, 225/19, 274/43, 27/45, 278/1); these featured the ‘weak’ al-Razi, the ‘trustworthy’ Kifan Yanis b. Ya‘qab narrating from Mufaddal b. ‘Umay, the ‘reliable’ scholars Muhammad b. Yahya alAsh‘an, Hasan b, Mahbub and ‘Abdallah b. Jabala, and the ‘unreliable’ a-Yamani, Mubammad b, Sinan and Abw'LJarad, Muhammad b. Hussin al-Rizi, condemned by al-Najasht as hav- ing transmitted texts from ‘weak’ figures, appears in four traditions, all collected from Tbn Babawayh’s father, one (274/ 43) narrated from the reliable Quimmi Muhammad b. Yahya. The Kiifan Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Qalinisi, ‘wustworthy" according to al-Kashshi but ‘weak’ according to alNajashi and Ibn ak Ghadiviri, narrated three traditions, all collected from the problematic al Bandaniji. Two (258/18, 267/33) were narrated via the ‘reliable’ “Ubaydallah, the first via Ayyab b. Nab, the ‘trust. worthy’ Kafan, via Ibn Bukayr, the second via Muhammad b. Sinan, ‘The Shami traditionist Ummiyat b, ‘AH al-Qaysi, condemned as ‘weak’ by al-Najashi and Ibn a-Ghada’iri, appeared in three, one collected from aLIskaft (270-1/36), and two unnumbered uadi- tions, one collected from al-Bandaniji (271) and another, unnumbered, cited via Ahmad b. al-Hillal (271), Tbrabim b, ‘Umar akYamani, from San‘a’, deemed ‘ustworthy’ by alNajashi but condemned as ‘weak’ by Ibn al-Ghada’iti, appeared in one uadi- tion narrated by Ibn ‘Ugda via Ibn Abi Najran (250/3) and another collected from Ibn Babawayh’s father via the “trustwor thy’ Muhammad b. Yahya via the ‘weak’ ab Rial (27/45)." Taken together, these individuals, all later deemed ‘wneliable,’ featured in 88 isnad, accounting for 84 per cent of the 105, Thus, like alKafi, compiled by al-Kulayni in Baghdad during the last two decades before his death in 29/941, al-Nu'mani's Kitab al ghayba, assembled around 342/953, contained the traditions of narrators whose reliability was questioned, in the main, only in Inter decades. The Baghdadi comnmunity of the stb.100 ANDREW J. NEWMAN ‘nury, as represented by a-Najashi and al-Tsi, scems to have been more discriminating than those at the turn of the century in ‘Qumm and the early 4th/ oth century in rag and Syria. ‘The Occultation Resolved The key difference between the two collections’ uaditions on the occultation lies in the origins of their sources. The bulk of al- Kulayny’s traditions on the subject were drawn from Qummi sources while the majority of al-Nu‘mani’s traditions derive from non-Qui A brief synopsis of the six sections of the Kitab al ghayba's Chap- ter 10 suggests that to the west of Qumm in particular, based on a body of traditions not available in Qumm earlier, the community was addressing and evolving solutions not snderstood by ot avail able in Quam a few decades eatlier. AL-Nu'mani’s collection suggests the community was now coming to understand that there would be a shorter and longer occultation, that during the first, shorter absence, the commnity was in contact with the Imam via intermediaries, and that the second occultation in which the com- munity was now living, would be prolonged, and that the occultation’s end was a matter for divine, not human, determination In the first section’s ten numbered and two unnumbered tra- ditions, the latter both from al-Kafi, the Imams stated that Allah, ‘would raise up a member of their family who would enter occulta- tion, that the earth would never be devoid of a hjja, that men, would not recognize him and he would be in hiding owing to oppression, that the Imami Shi‘is would be mocked in their be- lief, that the occultation of a member of ‘Ali's family was like that of the prophet Yasuf or ‘ls, and that his return would be accom- panied by such events as war among the sons of al‘Abbas and plague. After the fifth tradition, akNu‘mani commented (214) that the traditions mention the occultation, the Lord of the Oc- cultation (sahib al-ghayba) and that information about the occultation would itself be hidden, In the remaining traditions, the Imams noted the Imam would disappear in the year 260/BETWEEN QUMM AND THE WEST 101 875-4 (214/6, 215/7, the latter from al Kafi 1: 341/29), thatin this period believers were to stay together, do good and be kind to each other; and that the absence would be so long that people would ask if he had been killed or had died. ALNw'mani ended the section stating that the Shi'a should take heart in the midst of Jfitnas and challenges from ‘false schools’ (al madhabib al fsida), ‘those who separate themselves from the Shi'a and false ‘Alid ais ants to the imamate, The section's traditions contained wo references to the number twelve (217/9, 219/10) The ten traditions of the second section (221-34) are num- bered in sequence from the ten of the frst. In these, the Imams cautioned believers to keep the faith especially during the absence of the fith of the children (wuld)’ of the seventh Imam (221/1, at afi, 336/2), stated that when al gam returns people would marvel, cited the Prophet as saying his family are like sta, that when one disappeared another would appeat, stated that the Lord of the Age (sahib al-anr or alqa’im) was the family member of whom all would ask if he had died and that he would aise with a sword (225/19, cited via Mufaddal b, ‘Umat), and identified the period of disagreements among the S gain would revurn AFNu'mani ended the chapter commenting that these tradi tions highlighted disagreements among the Shi'a. Some were saying the Imam had died, or asking how long he could possibly live, especially since he would now be more than eighty years old, while others held he had died, that the imamate had passed to others or that he had never existed at all. They did not believe in Allah's power to extend life beyond human comprehension and experience, as with such earlier proph ended with an appeal to the community: °O Shi'a ..stand firm, praise Him (i.e. Allah] for having been chosen as a special com- munity and having received such a blessing (1a) Tn the eight numbered and two unnumbered traditions, both, from al Kaji ofthe third section (228-35), the Imams are quoted as stating that the occultation might be prolonged and believers might not know their Imam, that believers were to hold fast to their friends, continue to know their enemies and be watchful for shi'a as the time in which al- as Musi, ALNu'mani102 ANDREW J. NEWMAN the return ~ to emphasise this latter point al-Nu‘mani referred to a similar wadition from al-Kaft (229, alKafi, 1: 342/28) ~ that this period was one in which knowledge (‘ilim) was to be gathered, that the community was to hold firm but that suddenly one day the Imam would return and that there would be disputes among the Shi‘a such that some would call others iars— again, al-Nu‘mani referred to a similar uadition {rom alKafi (232, 1: 340/17) After the eighth and last tradition, alNu'mani explained (232 434) that these traditions attested to the occultation and the disappearance of knowledge and that this time would be difficult because believers would not know him, his name or his wherea- bouts. ALNu'mani explained the: (229/4), narrated from aLIskafi from al-Himyari, on the absence in ‘the period of confusion (hayra)" of any guide or sign from the Imam, a8 a xelerence to the end of the role of the intermediaries ;atement in the fourth tradition, (syjara) who had stood bevween the Imam and the Shi'a. In this period the intermediary would be knowledge (‘iln) itsel The fourth section (235-49) contained 11 numbered and five ‘unnumbered! waditions, the latter all drawn from abKafi In these the Imams stated that the most dificult time for the community when they could not sce the Aujja, was when they must remember thatneither the hujjanor the pre-existential pact (mithag) between Alla and the Shi‘a was invalid,"S and they compared the absence ofthe hujia, or the Lord of the Age (sa/ib alam), to the abse of Masa, ‘sa, Yisuf and Muhammad (237-0/3, 4. 5); between the fourth and fifth al-Nw'mani referred to a further, similar text wom al-Kafi (237, abKafi 1: 336/4). In the sixth uadition, Imam Jafar al Sadiq stated that the ga’im would be in occultation befoxe he arose, that some would say his father died without children, others that a child was still in his mother's womb, that he was in hiding or that he had predeceased his father: This was a test. The Imam counselled a special prayer and advised on the signs pre- ceding the return. AFNu'mani then referred to two similar tuaditions from abKafi (244, abKafi, 1: 587/55, 342/29), the sec- ond namrated via the extremist Ahmad b, al-Hillal who said he hhad heard the statement and the prayer from the Imam fifty-six years carlier, In the remaining traditions, the Imams stated thatBETWEEN QUMM AND THE WEST 103 the one who would undertake the Ahurij was one whose birth would be secret, chat Allah would choose a child of whose birth and life nothing would be known and that the sahib hadhd alamr would be in occultation. One numbered and two wanumbered traditions from al Kafi (246/9, abKafi,: 341/25; 245, atKafi, 342/26; 247, al Kafi, a: 335/11) reinforced alNu'mani’s ‘new uaditions ALNu‘mani then commented that the individual who would be in occultation was the expected Imam (atindm ab-muntazan) Of whom else, he asked, were people 40 unsure about his birth and whereabouts but the one whom people could not see, knew nothing of, and of whose existence they had no faith? Those who mocked the believers would be condemned at his rising, he said But, given that he had not been seen for so long, many would forget the promise of the Imam’ existence. The fith section (249-78) contained 45 numbered and seven unnumbered traditions, three of the latter were cited from al Kéfi. In a number of these taditions the Imams speak of wo occultations, a shorter and a longer one," and that the Imam vwas not beholden to anyone as to when he would reappear: Dur ing the longer occultation, it would be said that he had died, had been killed or had fled; only a few would have any information about him (250/5, Ibu ‘Uqda via Mufaddal). The na’ib or vicege- rent would appearin the second, stated Imam Ja'far al Sadiq (251/ 6). Other traditions also mentioned two occultations (snnum- bered on 251 and 252/8, both from ‘Abd al-Wahid via the problematic alKhath’ami). Others noted shorter and longer o¢- altations and listed signs that would precede the Imam's return, including the coming of abSufyani (252/7),"? and that there would be two occultations, in one of which the sahibwould return and in the other it would be said he had died (253/4) ALNu'mani then explained (253-4) that during the first oc- cultation the intermediaries (sufara’) between the Tmam and the people (khalg) would deal with issues and problems posed to the Imam. ‘The second occultation (alghayba althaniya),’ he ex plained, is thatin which the intermediaries and mediators (was) who assumed certain tasks for which Allah had prepared them,104 ANDREW J. NEWMAN citing the Quran 3: 179, were mo longer present, “This age is ‘upon uis now,’ stated al-Nu'mant ‘A number of traditions explained verses fom the Qur'an as references to the occultation. The verses included a6: 21 (2 10,11, 12, the ist two via Mufaddal and the latvia al-Khath'ami), after which al-Nu'mani explained (254) that these supported the {ith tradition of the previous chapter (20/5), in which Imam al Bagir had explained that the lmam's absence was similar to those of Masa, ‘Isa, Yusuf and Muhammad (see also 262/27); 67: 30 (257/17), after which he referred toa similar tadition in abKafi (2: 330/14); 27: 62, as refering to the expected Imam (264/ go); and that 74: 8 meant that an Imam from the family of the Prophet would be hidden and would reappear at the command of Allah (278/40, cited from alKafi 1: 343/30, via Mufaddal b. “Umar) In three subsequent uaditions, two from al-Kafi and all via Iba. Bukayr (254/14, aPKaf, 1: 3937/6: 256/15; 257/16, abKafi,» 330/12), the Imams referred to two occultations and said that ‘the Imam will appear during the pilgrimage and be able to see his people without their seeing him. Four traditions (258-9/18, 19, 20, 21), the first from a-Bandaniji via a-Qalanisi and Ayyab b. Nab, all cited via Tbn Bukays, attested that fear of being murdered was the cause of the occultation. ALNu'mani referred also to a similar tradition in alKafi (259, alKafi, 1: 338/9). Four tradi- tions follow in which the Imams noted that the qa’im would have the name of the Prophet himself (259/22, 261/24, 262/26) and would arise from Mecca given the right circumstances (261/25). What is more clear, asked al-Nu'mani (261-2), about the occulta- tion for the community? In three traditions the Imams predicted that singing from heaven would presage the end of the occulta- tion. In one (262/28) this was when the Shi‘a would lose the third child and all will be heartbroken, In another (264/29) the sing- ing would be of the qa’im's name, which was that of the Prophet In the next four (2667/31, $2, 33, 34), two narrated from al- Bandaniji, wo from Ibn Babawayh’s father and all via Muhammad . Sinan, the Imams remarked that often people would think a certain individual was the 4d’én, but that Allah would in the endBETWEEN QUMM AND THE WEST 105 raise up someone of whom no one knew anything Al-Nu‘mani then reiterated (267-9) that the earth would not be devoid of an. Imam and he would return with a sword. In subsequent waditions, the Imams stated that the qa’im would be the youngest and least known of the Imams (269/35), that after al-Rida, the eighth Imam, his son ‘AI and two more ‘Alis would follow a ‘period of confusion’ (hayra) after which the lis: tener was told to be in Medina (270/36), and that after the death, of his descendant ‘Ah there would be another light which would then disappear, but in this period no one should doubt (271/ 497). AFNu‘mani referred to two further, similar, umnumbered tra- itions, one each from Ahmad b, Hillal and al-Bandaniji (271) Which ‘period of confusion’ is greater than that in which we now live, asked al-Nu‘mani (271-2), when so many no longer believe? Imam Ja‘far al-Sidiq then denied that he, his son, grandson or greatgrandson were the Lord of the Age (sahib alamr) (272/38, Gited from alKafi, 1: 341/21) In the last seven taditions of this section, the Imams referred to an occultation (273/41, from abKafi, 1: 340/16; 274/42, a Kafi,: 540/15; 274, unnumbered tradition from al-Kapi, 1: 338/ g}, stated that when the qi?im arose all would deny him except those with whom Allah had a pact (274/43, from Ibn Babawayh's father from al-Razi), that the qaim would live as long as al-Khalil (Ibrahim), who had lived more than 120 years, and would reap- pear as a g2-yearcold to fill the earth with justice (275/44); alNu‘mani then emphasized (275-7) the reassurance in the Im- am’s statement concerning the qa’im’s age. The Imam had cautioned against believing those who claim to know when the Imam would reappear The last two traditions, cited from Ton, Babawayh’s father from Muhammad b. Yahya from the unreliable abRizi (277/45) and from abKafi (278/46, abKéfi 1: 342/27, ited also by al-Nu'mani as 250/4), stated that the 4@’im would not arise at a time of human choosing, ‘The sixth and last section contained five numbered traditions. The first three, from Imam ‘Ali, according to al-Nu'mani, ‘con- firm the matter of the occultation and attest to its reality and its existence and to the situation of ‘the period of confusion’ in which,100° ANDREW J. NEWMAN people are now, and that there will be discord (/ita) and that no ‘one will be saved unless he is steadfast.” In the fourth, Imam al- Bagir stated that the believers’ situation would be as if they were entirely alone. In the fifth, the same Imam, echoing the state- ments of ‘AK, compared the believers and their waiting to that of a tentified goat before a butcher, without any higher recourse or refuge. ALNu‘mani closed the section and the chapter with the comment that (280-1) the absent Imam was that higher refuge. Allah, at His own time of choosing, will restore the Imam and those who have held fast will be delivered, AENu‘mant's contuibution bespeaks a continuing effort by sec- tors of the community outside of Qumm to collect further traditions and thereby address points of concern in the corpus of texts on the occultation collected earlier from Quoi traditionists, Although alNuw'mani did include a large number of waditions previously cited by alKulayni - 27 of al-Kaf’s 34 and not cited, from al-Kafi mainly reinforced alNu'mani's ‘new’ tuaditions. Significantly, however, al-Nu‘mani dropped the text in which Inam ‘AIT spoke of one occultation as lasting six days, six months or six years (al-Kafi 1: 338/7) Discussion of nature and length of the occultation, and the those cited, manner in which the community might communicate with the Imam in this period would be further refined by such later schol- are as Ibn Babawayh and, especially, al-Tusi.”* The latter, in particular, was also among those who also began formally differ- entiating between reliable and unreliable traditionists, a process as yer of less import to alKulayni and his student al-Nu'mani, Notes 1. On these individuals, see Andrew J, Newman, Th Formative Period of Tueloer Shi'ism (Richmond, Surrey, 2000), especially p.195, and our discussion below, The reference is to Muhammad b, Ya'qu al-Kulayni, atUsil min abKafied. ‘Ali Akbar al-Ghaffari (Tehran, 1377/1957).vol, PP.333-843 2, On the term thiga, see Newman, Formative Period, p61. n6, citing Hossein Modarress, Cists and Consolidation in the Formative Prod of ShiiteBETWEEN QUMM AND THE WEST 107 Islam (Princeton, NJ, 1998), Po5- 4:73» noting the term might refer to financial trustworthiness. Ayyth b. Nah (The Formative Pred, especially 1-72, 88 n.24) was known to have been a financial agent ofthe Imam 5. On these individuals see Newman, Formative Prod, and our dis cussion below 4, AFKulayni, a K9f, vol, 35/1. 338/0) $36/4. 387/50 338/10, 4338/7. See MA. Amir-Moeazi, The Dine Guide n Early Shim, . David Sureight (Albans, NY, 1994), pp.2oBMl, 1g3Hf. 136-197 and 137 3-731 In one of these traditions (941/25), Imam alBiqir said an mam would disappear from the communityin 260/874. In another, Imam Misi spoke ofthe (single) occultation as test set by Allah forthe community (536/ 2) 5 Tn AbiZaynab, Mulparnmad b,Ibrahima abNwimani, Kitab algheyb, Pessian te MJ. Ghaffari (Tehran, 1965/ 1085), pp.-201-281. The chap- ter is entitled simply ‘That which is related concerning the occultation ofthe twelfth expected fram (alimam al muntazar althani“asha)” “Nusa ered! refers to the traditions assigned numbers by the editor; ‘unnumbered! refers to those additional texts referred to by al-Nw'mani imsett 6, See Abmad b. "All a-Najishi, Rial al Naas (Qunm, 1407/1986), 1pp-383-384; Muhammad b, ‘Alt abArdabili, Jami alruwat (Iran, nd), vol.a, p43: Muhammad Biqir alKhwinsiti, Rewdat aljannat, ed. MIT abRashfiand A Ismiiin (Qumm, 1390-92/1970-72),voL6, pp.a27 129. 7, AENumint commenced the iad with “athbarand”(he informed 1) oF "haddathand? (he told us), suggesting he had heard the teadtion Jn question himself. Elsewhere, he named an individual and said ‘akhbarana,’ perhaps a suggestion that he had the tradition from a work composed by the individual named who narrated it from a third patty On these terms, see Fareed YY M. ak Mutt, “The Sources of ak-Tabati’s Tap: An Analytical Study of the Jade in His Commentary on Surat ak Fatihaand Surat al Bagara’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Edinburg, 1998), pp.111-112. All 105 traditions have somad which permit identification of the tradition’s sources, if not always the precise manner ia which it ‘was obsained 8, On ablskifi, ee Muhammad b. aHlasan abTisi, alfibrit, ed. Muhammad Siig Al Bahr al*Utsien (Najaf, 1957), p-14ni abArdabili, vol.a, pp.212-215, 9. OnalKulayn, se al Najishi, Rial pp.377 pp.ig5-156; Newman, Formative Pood pp-a5, 48 8-1108 ANDREW J. NEWMAN 10, On Ibn ‘Uqda, see al-Najishi, Rial, pp.qs-o5 ab si, abit, pp.28-29; al-Tusi, Bijal al Tis, ed, Muhammad Sadiq Al Baby alUlim (Najal, 1380/1061), pp-agt—a4asalArdabil Jame al yuswat vol, pp.6 67. See also Etan Kohlberg, A Mediroal Muslin Scholar at Werk: lin Tass and his Litvary (Leiden, 1992) sx Yasuf b, Ahmad aFBabtant, Lu’tu’at atBabrayn (Beirut, 1405/1986), pp.49i~43.4, citing Sunni sources on, hn "Ugda; aFKhwinsiti, Rawat aljannat, vol.1, pp.208-209, 11, On ‘AUD, akHusayn, see abNajasht, Rijal pp.201~262; alTUst, a Bilyist, pg; alshedabili, Jam ara, vol. pp-574-575- On ab Husayn , Rab, see Newman, Formative Pood, pp.19tT 12, ALArdabili, Jami abruwat, vol1, p-532 15, On these individuals, see al-Najasht, Rial, pp.7n13, 40-42, 152, 142-45, 216, 219-220, 222, 255-259, 330-352, $40. 4461 ALTRI, ak Bibvist, pp.a7-18, 46-47, 51-52, 51, 92-98, 102, 104-106, 109, 139-40, 155, 182} abAxdabili, Jam? alraseat,vol.3, pp.9-11, 59-76, 221-225, 273- 276, 284, 444-445, 473-478, 580, 3607572 vol.2, pp.203, 360-363, 14. On these individuals, see alNajshi, Rial, pp.20, 83, 105, 170, 122, 245, $28, 352-393, 398, 3415 aLTSsi, alist, pp.o, 36, 43, 7, 109, 143, 146, 147: akTisi,Pijal p.g5q3 abArdabili, Rij, vol, pp.51— 4. 74-75, 180-161, 330-840, 465-454: vol.2, pp.2g, 60, 88-89, 108, 156-157. 392 15, On this pact, reached between Allah and the Shi tion, see AmitMoez2i, The Divine Guide 88. 16, See 249/1, alKulayai, al KBP, vol.1, pp.249/2, 250/5,252/'7, 340/ 19; ef Amit-Moez2i, The Divine Guide, pp.111. 2.599, 214-220. 15. On abSulvani, see Newman, The Farmative Period, pp.26, 201; a- Kulayni, alKaf, vol 8, pp.224-235. 18. K. Yoshida has recently studied aspects of this process in her ‘A Formative Procedure of Ghaybah Theory in Twelver ShPism, an analysis (of the Kamal al din wa tamam al n'mah by al Shaykh al-Sadi,” in Japa- nese (Ph.D. thesis, Department of Islamic Studies, Tokyo University, 1998) at their exes