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#YoSoy132 and The Mexican Spring' of 2012 - Between Electoral Engagement and Democratisation PDF
#YoSoy132 and The Mexican Spring' of 2012 - Between Electoral Engagement and Democratisation PDF
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This article examines the origins, trajectory and limitations of the Mexi-
can students’ movement, #YoSoy132 (YS132, I Am [number] 132), that
emerged during the 2012 presidential election campaign in opposition to
the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI, Institutional Revolution-
ary Party) candidate, Enrique Peña. The movement’s electoral engagement
led to internal crisis, and demobilisation following the PRI’s return to
power. After its creation at a private university, the movement became the
first nationwide student movement since 1968. It will be argued that the
internal tension between democratisation and electoral inclination and
engagement did not allow the movement to develop autonomously from
the party system nor to organise around its own political agenda.
The #YoSoy132 movement raised a broad range of educational, political and social
demands based on democratisation and voiced them through local, regional, national
and international mobilisations. The movement (top ten Twitter trending topic in
mid-May 2012) organised itself similarly to the Indignados and Occupy social move-
ment networks: through horizontal directly democratic assemblies, without a formal
leadership structure. In the course of the protests, it became more deeply engaged
in the presidential and national elections and was erroneously identified by the mass
media with the 2012 candidacy of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (popularly known
as AMLO) of the centre-left coalition, despite its claims to be neutral and non-party.
As press scrutiny grew, the movement tended to withdraw into itself and its Asamblea
General Interuniversitaria (AGI, Interuniversity General Assembly) became closed to
outside observers and participants, so limiting its democratic and political potential.
After the presidential elections on 1 July 2012, the movement went into crisis and
decline, divided by the effects of state repression and affected by the demoralisation that
afflicted the left once the federal electoral tribunal found against any claims of electoral
fraud in September 2012. This article aims to analyse the causes and consequences of
the movement’s sudden rise, its democratisation demands to the media and other areas
of public life, its switch to a strategy of more open electoral engagement, its subsequent
post-electoral decline and more recent revival as part of the Ayotzinapa movement
since October 2014. It will do this by engaging in the theoretical debates of Mexican
© 2016 The Author. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2016 Society for Latin American Studies.
Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK
and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 1
Patrick Gun Cuninghame
and Latin American sociologies of social movements and contentious politics about
this and previous Mexican social movements, particularly the Asamblea Popular de
los Pueblos de Oaxaca (APPO, Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca) and the
Frente Popular por la Defensa de la Tierra (FPDT, Popular Front for the Defence of
the Land), based in Atenco, State of Mexico. Finally, the article will argue that YS132,
despite its spectacular rise and its highly creative and democratic forms of organisation,
mobilisation and communication, was unable to maintain its initial momentum and
fell into a time-honoured cycle of internal cleavage (radical direct action versus a more
moderate electoral inclination and its reformist demands), collective withdrawal and
demoralisation in the face of press criticism, state infiltration and political repression.
In so doing, it changed its nature from being primarily a student movement to being
a broader citizens’ movement, including university and high school students, lecturers,
teachers, researchers, young people and other members of civil society. I argue that
electoral engagement, following Alonso (2013), was a trap for the movement as its
novelty, autonomy and force depended on its rupture with all political parties and the
political class overall. However, through a combination of political skulduggery by the
parties and naiveté by the movement, it was drawn into an increasing focus on the
elections to the exclusion of other more important medium and long-term issues it had
already identified through its assemblies and manifesto. The article concludes that this
change in social composition allowed it to prepare itself to create alliances with more
recent and more radical movements of opposition to the ‘Pact for Mexico’ coalition
government’s 2013–2014 and its programme of neoliberal reforms. Similarly, I argue
that this change allowed the movement to denounce the severe crises in human rights
and governance since the massacres of Tlatlaya, Iguala, Apatzingan, Tanhuato and
Narvarte in 2014 and 2015, which security and/or paramilitary forces are alleged to
have perpetrated (Castellanos, 2015).
Methodologically, the article is based on qualitative research methods, particularly
participant observation, in-depth interviews and documentary analysis. It is theoreti-
cally informed by the debates among sociologists, some of whom participated in the
#YoSoy132academic@s, a spinoff of the YS132 movement formed mainly by faculty
members and researchers appointed in Mexican universities. The YS132 was both
remarkably innovative in terms of its social composition, artistic and linguistic cre-
ativity and use of social media technology, while at the same time showing continuity
with Mexico’s series of students’ movements since 1968. The principal line of division
in the debate has been whether YS132 was more of an aesthetic and emotional social
phenomenon, interested more in projecting a new political style and feeling in contrast
with the more serious aesthetic of previous students’ movements. This perspective also
claims that YS132 was more interested in changing the terms of the political debate,
particularly over Mexico’s urgent need for a non-partisan and accountable mass media
as a guarantor for a more genuine and deep-rooted transition to democracy than
what has taken place since 2000, than changing the highly unequal nature of Mexican
society (Fernández Poncela, 2013; Galindo Cáceres and González-Acosta, 2013; Salazar
Villava and Cabrera Amador, 2013; Fernández Poncela et al., 2014). Pineda (2012)
and Cadena-Roa and Serrano Campos (2013) have emphasised the social and political
divisions within the movement. Pineda identified some seven ideological tendencies,
some diametrically opposed to each other, such as the progressive liberalism of the
private university students and the socialist, autonomist and libertarian orientation of
most of the state university students. These tendencies simultaneously energised and
fractured the movement, while making it a broadly representative if ambiguous instance
© 2016 The Author. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2016 Society for Latin American Studies
2 Bulletin of Latin American Research
YS132 and the Mexican Spring of 2012
of the political desires of Mexican youth tired of political corruption, dishonesty and
inertia. This more political analysis links back to previous works, such as Rhoads
and Mina (2001), on the Consejo General de Huelga (CGH, Strike General Council)
of the Universidad Nacional Auóonoma de México (UNAM, National Autonomous
University of Mexico) student strike and occupation in 1999–2000, the last significant
students’ movement. Acosta (2012) has emphasised and criticised the utopian, and
by implication, unrealistic and ingenuous nature of its practices and demands, while
Sosa Plata (2012), Candón Mena (2013) and Rovira Sancho (2013) focus on its use of
social media and its demand for the democratisation of the media. By contrast, Alonso
(2013) has criticised YS132’s electoral inclination and engagement, a stance I share
along with Pineda’s more politically sensitive analysis. Thus, the theoretical framework
informing this article is more socio-political than socio-cultural and seeks to explain
the movement’s political actions on the basis of its social composition and ideological
standpoints.
of the same year, was mentioned in their manifesto but never mobilised around, being
seen more as a local issue where traditional radical students’ movements could better
intervene (We Are 132, 2012). While EPN’s ‘Pact for Mexico’ government – a coalition
of five political parties, including the centre-left Partido Revolucionario Democrático
(PRD, Democratic Revolutionary Party) – introduced a telecommunications reform
in 2013, one of whose aims was supposed to be the creation of an autonomous
cross-party media monitoring organisation, similar to the role of the National Elec-
toral Institute in electoral politics, the political class appears unable and unwilling to
promote such a democratic reform of the media. Thus it seems that a reform of the
media will have to be pushed from below by civil society, as YS132 correctly analysed
(Rovira Sancho, 2013).
The high point of YS132 in terms of massified directly democratic discussion and
decision-making was the movement’s first AGI on 30 May in UNAM, the second largest
university in the Americas, which was attended by approximately 10,000 students and
youth from all the main public and private universities and high schools in and around
Mexico City in an impressive example of leaderless, horizontal, direct democracy. Hun-
dreds of proposals were generated, including one for free, public, secular, high quality
education for all from children to postgraduate, with the state to increase expenditure
to 8–10 percent of GDP (at the moment it is less than 1 percent), among many other
demands, most of which were eventually incorporated into the movement’s manifesto
(We Are 132, 2012).
The assembly divided itself into fourteen discussion tables, each one tasked with pro-
ducing a set of demands through open, democratic discussion. The best attended was
the table on the overall political position of the movement, while the two other largest
tables were dedicated to media reform and electoral politics, each attended by over
1000 people, making open-air discussion and decision-making highly problematic (Gun
Cuninghame, participant observation, 2012). Nonetheless, discussion summaries and
demands were presented by each table for approval by the reconvened general assem-
bly. Thus the movement had a complex and full agenda of agreed demands, practices
and self-regulations with which to meet the challenge of becoming overnight one of
the largest social movements in Mexican history. However, as Pineda (2012) states, this
foundational event marked a sharp move in the direction of anti-neoliberalism, to the
dismay of many of the progressive liberals from the private universities who feared the
growing influence of the distrusted, but politically more experienced and radical UNAM
students’ collectives and committees.
The proposals were then discussed at each university and high school involved in
the movement, and a second AGI took place on 5 June which ratified the proposals
amended and approved at local level. Thus the movement started to build links with
other more autonomous, localist, movements, like that of the Huichol First Nation,
against the destruction of their UN World Heritage-protected religious site at Wirikuta
by Canadian opencast mining company First Majestic, and of Cheran, an autonomous
Purepecha first nation community in the state of Michoacan, fighting to protect their
ancestral forests from narco-controlled illegal logging (Boni, Garibay and McCall,
2014; Del Conde, 2015). However, the autonomist, anarchist and anti-capitalist lefts,
based mainly in the state universities, remained diffident towards the movement. This
was probably due to its upper middle-class origins, radical but reformist demands,
ultra-polite demonstration tactics (its marches did not disrupt traffic, and swear words
were not used in slogans and placards out of respect for ordinary citizens), and the ways
it drew press attention away from the less fashionable but more deep-seated protest
© 2016 The Author. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2016 Society for Latin American Studies
Bulletin of Latin American Research 5
Patrick Gun Cuninghame
movements of workers, peasants, migrants, the unemployed, First Nations and of the
poor (interviews with UAM-Xochimilco students, 2012; Nain, 2012).
Nevertheless, the movement gave voice to those who were horrified at the prospect
of the return to power of the authoritarian PRI, and were determined to prevent that
from happening by any non-violent means necessary This was the largest ideological
tendency in YS132, and described by Pineda (2012) as politically inexperienced ‘indig-
nados’. Wherever EPN made a public appearance during the rest of the election cam-
paign, YS132 organised protests. Some of the demonstrations outside Mexico City were
attacked by PRI members, contradicting its claim to have abandoned the violently repres-
sive methods of its past. Despite YS132’s internal contradictions and lines of social,
political and ideological cleavage, the movement seemed set to grow still further, hav-
ing wrong-footed those who described the present generation of students and youth as
apathetic, consumerist, conservative conformists (Howe and Strauss, 2008).
Shortly after the first AGI, YS132 issued its manifesto, in which the electorally
inclined and institutional nature of the origins and demands of the movement were
made clear:
Firstly – we are a nonpartisan movement made up of citizens. As such we
do not express signs of support for any candidate or political party, but
we respect the plurality and diversity of the members of this movement.
Our desires and demands focus on the defence of freedom of expression
and the right to have access to information; with the understanding that
both of these are essential to form a conscientious and participatory citi-
zenry. Therefore, we promote an informed and reasoned vote. We believe
that in the current political circumstances, abstaining from or not voting are
ineffective actions to advance the construction of our democracy. We are a
movement concerned for the democratisation of the country; as such, we
think that a necessary condition to achieve this is through the democratisa-
tion of the media. This concern stems from the current state of the national
press and from the centralisation of the media in the hands of the few. Sec-
ondly – YoSoy132 is an inclusive movement that does not represent only
one university. Its representation depends only on the people who join this
cause, which is articulated through the university committees. In essence,
our movement seeks the democratisation of the media in order to ensure
transparent, plural, and minimal standards of objectivity to promote aware-
ness and critical thinking. This is why we demand:
• Real competition in the media sector, particularly with regard to
the media duopoly of Televisa and TV Azteca.
• All media (radio, television, and print) incorporate instruments
to safeguard the public interest.
• The various schools of communication publically bid for their
public channel’s licence.
• Access to internet to be a constitutional right, under the terms
established in the first article of the Mexican Constitution.
• There be spaces for debate between youth, academics, and the
media about the above demands.
• [Respect for] the safety of the members of this movement, who
express themselves freely throughout the country and for those
journalists who have been struck by violence.
© 2016 The Author. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2016 Society for Latin American Studies
6 Bulletin of Latin American Research
YS132 and the Mexican Spring of 2012
The manifesto made clear the overwhelming preoccupation of the first generation of stu-
dents in Mexican history to have been acculturated since childhood through the medium
of the ‘new technologies’ with the issues of the democratisation and freedom. They
recognised the democratisation of Mexican society as an issue going far beyond the
organisation of free, fair and informed elections. The movement also showed its more
moderate stance on the question of ‘real democracy’, compared to its Spanish cousin,
The Indignados/15M, who at that time refused to participate in elections or vote until
their change of tactics in 2014 with the establishment of the radical left political party
Podemos, representing a marked break with its previous horizontal and anti-institutional
orientations. However, YS132’s declaration in favour of electoral participation, includ-
ing the voluntary protection of ballot boxes and voting stations from theft and other
forms of electoral fraud and the democratisation of the media, immediately attracted
criticisms from both within and outside the movement:
Is not the protection of the polls on July 2 evidence that this movement
wants to legitimate the democracy of the political parties in Mexico? Do
the youth of #YoSoy132 limit their concept of democracy only to voting
and legitimating party structures in this country? Does it come down to
voting for the least worse of the candidates, and what is the ‘least worst’?
Do the young citizens that make up the #YoSoy132 movement really have
no notion of their organisational capabilities, or are they so limited as to
having to be reflected in one of the four political parties running for the
presidency? Do we no longer have historical memory or consciousness?
(Nain, 2012)
the perceived pro-EPN anti-AMLO bias of the supposedly autonomous and neutral regu-
latory body the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE). On June 10, the day of a second televised
presidential debate that IFE decided not to broadcast on all channels nationally despite
the demands of the movement, there was a major demonstration by YS132 in the central
square of Mexico City.
The two rightist parties, the majoritarian PRI and the governing Partido de Acción
Nacional (PAN, National Action Party) counter-attacked, using FinFinder software to
identify, harass and arrest the key activists, as well as with more traditional methods,
such as infiltration, according to the political hacktivist group Anonymous. The result
of was the creation of a ‘dissenting group’, Generación MX (GMX), which on 11 June
announced their split, claiming that YS132 was not electorally neutral as it had claimed
in its Declaration of General Principles, but favoured AMLO. Mocking the origins of
YS132, GMX uploaded a video entitled ‘I am no longer 132’, but declaring its objectives
to be identical, i.e. democratisation of the media, political reform, environmental pro-
tection, and greater attention by politicians to the plight of Mexican youth. On 12 June,
Rodrigo Ocampo, spokesperson of GMX, gave a press conference in which he reiterated
that YS132 had been captured by the PRD and other leftist parties. He denied being a
member of the PRI or that he was an employee of COPARMEX, the Mexican employers
association, claiming that his involvement was ‘only in my free time’ (Proceso, 2012a).
to the transitional 2000 elections (Rhoads and Mina, 2001). Despite YS132’s claim to
be scrupulously above party politics, which was core to its initially broad attraction to
urban youth disillusioned with electoral politics, confusion arose over the nature of the
relationship between the movement and the PRD with the organisation of a fund-raising
rock concert by activists later discovered to be linked to the PRD. This damaged its claim
to be non-party and permitted the PRI and CISEN to create splits within the movement
(Proceso, 2012a; Revolución 3.0, 2013). The pro-PRD activists within the movement
began to push it towards a more openly pro-AMLO stance, as could be seen at the
third (online) presidential debate, this time organised by YS132 and not by IFE, with
the presence of three of the four candidates, EPN being the obvious absentee. In this
debate, AMLO failed to follow the highly technical format of the discussion, apparently
presuming that he already had the support of the movement, but appearing out of touch
with the younger generation and its cyber-politics. It was no surprise that he lost the
election on 1 July by a much greater margin than in 2006, and was unable to mobilise
the same public outrage against an alleged electoral fraud, this time based on vote-buying
among poorer voters by the PRI.
YS132 claimed to be non-party and was more a reformist than a radical social
movement, especially during its peak period in May–June 2012. The majority did not
accept the left wing of the movement’s demand at the first AGI for marches and a general
strike on 2 July, whoever won, and many of whom openly expressed anti-trade union
and anti-strike positions. In any case, the movement took no immediate action against
the apparent electoral fraud until September when the National Convention against the
Imposition was formed, but neither did AMLO, the PRD or any other left-wing party.
AMLO had seemed to have benefitted electorally from the movement and support for
EPN was falling in the final days of the campaign, according to opinion polls. While
the movement was clearly anti-PRI and anti-EPN in particular, this also caused internal
unease as many wanted to express their rejection of all the candidates, of IFE and of the
whole electoral process, which they considered fraudulent, biased and anti-democratic
from the outset.
© 2016 The Author. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2016 Society for Latin American Studies
Bulletin of Latin American Research 9
Patrick Gun Cuninghame
to sustain and even increase their resistance against the counter-reforms and increased
repression of the new government.
© 2016 The Author. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2016 Society for Latin American Studies
10 Bulletin of Latin American Research
YS132 and the Mexican Spring of 2012
Paradoxically and very differently from student movements elsewhere in the Americas
and Europe, YS132 has given much less emphasis to the neoliberalisation of the ‘enter-
prise university’ and much more to the questions of media democratisation and electoral
reform, due to its apparently strong internal social and political divisions, between stu-
dents from the working and lower-middle classes at state universities and those with
middle and upper-middle class backgrounds at private universities. However, according
to the theory of cognitive capitalism (Hardt and Negri, 2009), these previously opposed
social groups are all becoming part of a precarious deprofessionalised cognitariat due
to the levelling-down effects of the new information and communication technologies;
therefore, their political union, if only temporary in the case of YS132, is a sign of a
more profound social and political shift. This would have begun in the central capitalist
economies around 2000 and now affects the working and middle classes of the emer-
gent Latin American countries, forming a ‘multitude’ that is increasingly socially and
geographically mobile, politically amorphous, prone to swings both to the extreme left
and right, and economically integrated into the circuits of global cognitive capitalism
(Negri and Cocco, 2006). While YS132 declared its opposition to the neoliberalisation
of public universities and pressed for much wider access to higher education as part
of its manifesto, it did not launch a national campaign of action on these demands,
preferring to coordinate with other social movements against the imposition of EPN,
claiming that the presidential elections of 1 July 2012 were as plagued by irregularities
as those of 2006. The Pact for Mexico government has so far not followed the ‘Bologna
Process’ model of the United States and the European Union for the neoliberalisation
of higher education. But a reform of higher education in line with its other neoliberal
counter-reforms is expected before the end of EPN’s presidency in 2018.
Conclusions
YS132 has undoubtedly been the most important student movement in Mexico since
the 1999–2000 CGH movement. That the movement was unable to consolidate on
such promising beginnings in May 2012 and instead had to contend with increasing
government repression, media vilification, internal divisions and attempts by the PRD
to co-opt and convert it into its electoral youth wing, have clearly outlined the size of the
task facing any student and youth-based social movement which aims to change Mexico
democratically, non-violently and from below.
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Calderón, Eligio (2012) Professor of Sociology, Universidad Autónoma Metropoli-
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Gun Cuninghame, P. (2012) First Inter-university General Assembly, 30 May, UNAM,
Mexico City.
© 2016 The Author. Bulletin of Latin American Research © 2016 Society for Latin American Studies
14 Bulletin of Latin American Research