(VDSavarakar) 6 Glorious Epochs of Indian History PDF

^înayak ^bamodar iSavarkar
Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History

By
V . D . Savarkar
Translated and Edited
By
S. T . G o d b o l e
COPYRIGHT R E S E R V E D
First Edition : January 1971
Pages I to V I I I + 5 6 8
Price R s . T h i r t y F i v e [35.00]
3f Publishers
BAL SAVARKAR
Savarkar Sadan, Bombay—28
3f Associate Publishers & Sole Distributors
Rajdhani Granthagar,
59, H IV Lajpat Nagar, New Delhi—24 (India)
Jf. Printers
AJAY PRINTERS
Navin Shahdara, Delhi—32.
PUBLISHER'S NOTE
This is the last w o r k of Veer Savarkarji which he

oompleted during his illness a n d o l d age. After its M a r a t h i
a n d H i n d i e d i t i o n s h a v e b e e n C i r c u l a t e d , w e feel i t a m a t t e r
of profound pleasure and pride to offer to the p u b l i c the
E n g l i s h version o f the book. H o w far the book h a s been
popular c a n e a s i l y be seen f r o m t h e f a c t t h a t i t s H i n d i and
J U a r a t h i editions have been p u b l i s h e d repeatedly.
The author wanted to translate this voluminous work
i n t o E n g l i s h himself, b u t he c o u l d n o t d o so b e c a u s e o f h i s
f a i l i n g h e a l t h . H i s w o r l d f a m o u s b o o k , The Indian War of Inde
pendence, 1857 w a s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h f r o m the o r i g i n a l
M a r a t h i b y h i s s e v e r a l p a t r i o t c o l l e a g u e s , b u t the final t o u c h
given to the b o o k was of the author himself. H e wrote
Hindutva a n d Hindu-Pad-Padashahi originally in English,
Savarkar was a writer of great eminence i n M a r a t h i ,
Besides the charm o f language, there is a s t r i k i n g o r i g i n a l i t y
i n his w r i t i n g s , a n d thought is paramount. H e n c e t h e neces
s i t y o f m a k i n g his w o r k available i n other languages arises
invariably. But translation, they say, is l i k e a faithless
mistress. The charm o f the o r i g i n a l goes. The learned
• t r a n s l a t o r , h i s l a b o u r t e m p e r e d w i t h d e v o t i o n , has, h o w e v e r ,
t r i e d t o g i v e h i s best.
S h r i S.T. Godbole has not translated the book in the
c u s t o m a r y w a y . T h e scores o f b o o k s ( g i v e n i n t h e A p p e n d i x )
w h i c h he has q u o t e d i n support of the assertions made by
t h e a u t h o r w h i l e , o n t h e one h a n d , lend a u t h e n t i c i t y to the
book, they, on the other h a n d , show the colossal labour p u t i n
b y h i m i n the project. W e are e x t r e m e l y t h a n k f u l t o h i m .
S a v a r k a r saw the p a n o r a m a o f I n d i a n h i s t o r y i n the rise
and fall of the H i n d u s . This concept of history moulded his
p o l i t i c a l t h i n k i n g a n d career. H o w f a r he has b e e n success
ful i n presenting h i s p o i n t o f v i e w is l e f t t o t h e discerning
reader.
A W o r d In Confidence
I t is w i t h great pleasure and satisfaction t h a t I p r e s e n t

to the readers this translation of the original book i n
Marathi. I consider i t a piece of good l u c k to have had a n
opportunity of translating such an i m p o r t a n t book b y the
l a t e S w a n t a n t r y a - V e e r V . D. S a v a r k a r , w h i c h c r o p p e d u p in.
m y casual talk with Shree B a l a r a o S a v a r k a r , the devoted
private secretary of that Prince of Patriots. A f t e r i t was-
translated every chapter went t o the illustrious author who
h o n o u r e d me by going through it very carefully and when I
h a d the good fortune to meet h i m personally o n the comple
t i o n o f t h e u n d e r t a k i n g , he o b l i g e d m e b y s a y i n g t h a t he w a s
satisfied w i t h the t r a n s l a t i o n a n d appreciated the h a r d l a b o u r
it entailed. W o u l d t h a t S w a . Veer S a v a r k a r h a d been aliv&
t o d a y t o see t h i s E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n o f h i s b o o k i n p r i n t !
Veer Savarkar's book, "*in?ftq ^fafRRnoT g f l is a
commentary—not a history i n its academic sense—on the
significant events and p e r i o d s i n o u r n a t i o n a l l i f e , t a k i n g a.
broad survey of the g r o w t h a n d s u r v i v a l o f our H i n d u race.
I n a w a y t h i s a t t e m p t o f S a v a r k a r has been s i n g u l a r , b a r r i n g
a few honourable exceptions.
The general trend of the Histories, w r i t t e n , read a n d
t a u g h t i n s c h o o l s a n d colleges has b e e n one o f e u l o g i z i n g t h e
foreigners and deprecating the H i n d u race, r e l y i n g w h o l l y o n
the biased records o f the foreign historians and travellers,.
Attempts are, happily, being made to reconstruct and
r e s t a t e t h e h i s t o r y o f I n d i a f r o m t h e n a t i o n a l p o i n t o f view,^
using to the utmost a l l a v a i l a b l e n a t i v e records o f coins a n d
inscriptions and covert allusions i n the otherwise non-histo
r i c a l w o r k s , s l e n d e r t h o u g h I h e y m a y be ; b u t t h e y a r e s t i l l
sporadic and isolated, relating to this or that p a r t i c u l a r
phase of Indian History. This volume presents 'Six
Glorious Epochs of Indian History' since the beginning
of our recorded history i.e. f r o m the days o f Chandragupta.
Maurya to the end o f the British dominance over India.
H e n c e , l i k e its predecessor, ' T h e W a r of I n d i a n Independence
•of 1 8 5 7 ' , w h i c h g a l v a n i z e d the p u b l i c o p i n i o n a n d changed
the w o r l d outlook on that phase o f o u r n a t i o n a l life, t h i s
b o o k too is very likely to start re-orientation o f our histori
cal concepts and the accepted h i s t o r i c a l theories. A need
f o r a n E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h i s b o o k w a s , therefore, sorely
felt with a view to introducing i t to the people who are
unable to read or understand M a r a t h i .
A b o o k o f t h i s t y p e h a d t o be s u b s t a n t i a t e d w i t h p r o o f s ,
e s p e c i a l l y w h e n i t was replete w i t h thought-provoking—even
-at t i m e s s h o c k i n g — s t a t e m e n t s a n d c o n c l u s i o n s . B a s i c refer
ences w e r e , therefore, an unavoidable necessity ; but the
a u t h o r , w h o h a d a l r e a d y crossed t h e b a r o f e i g h t y y e a r s , a n d
whose p h y s i c a l ailments h a d already created insurmountable
diflSculties i n the very writing of this book, c o u l d n o t be
expected to s t a n d the r i g o u r o f p i n - p o i n t i n g his references,
voluminous as t h e y w e r e . I, therefore, h a d to shoulder t h a t
responsibility. The appendage of the b a s i c references to
this v o l u m e is thus my humble contribution. They will
c l e a r l y show to the reader t h a t t h e facts mentioned i n this
v o l u m e are f u l l y b a c k e d b y e v i d e n c e . The interpretation of
these facts and the conclusions d r a w n from them, however,
a r e t h e a u t h o r ' s s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s , i f o n l y t h e y o b e y t h e laws
o f l o g i c a l r e a s o n i n g . T h e c h a p t e r s are n u m b e r e d s e r i a l l y f r o m
one t o t w e n t y - t h r e e . Each paragraph is serially numbered
a t the beginning, w h i l e the figures i n the b o d y of the p a r a
graphs indicate the reference number. In preparing the
index, reference i s m a d e to the paragraphs a n d n o t to t h e
pages.
My thanks are due to my son, S h r i P . S . Godbole for
going through the type w r i t t e n sheets a n d p r e p a r i n g the
Index. I am t h a n k f u l to S h r i B . D . V e l a n k a r , the Asiatic
S o c i e t y o f B o m b a y a n d the U n i v e r s i t y o f B o m b a y for l i b r a r y
facilities. I am also thankful t o the publishers who have
brought out this book.
S. T. Godbole
C O N T E N T S
1st G l o r i o u s E p o c b
Chapter I. Chanakya-Chandragupta 1—Sft
2nd G l o r i o u s E p o c h
Chapter II. Yavana-Destroyer, Pushyamitra 60—87
3rd Glorious Epoch
Chapter III. Vikramaditya,Shaka-KushanMenace 88^111
4th G l o r i o u s E p o c h
Chapter IV. Y a s h o d h a r m a , the C o n q u e r o r of
the H u n s 112—127
5th G l o r i o u s E p o c h 128—454
Chapter V. The Climax of Maharashtrian Valour 128
Chapter VI. The Beginning of Muslim Incursion 131
Chapter VII. T h e P e c u l i a r N a t u r e o f the M u s l i m
Atrocities 148
Chapter VIII. Perverted Conception of Virtues 167
Chapter IX. S u p e r - D i a b o l i c Counter-OfFensive 188
Chapter X. Intermittent H i n d u Retaliation 198
Chapter XL T i p u S u l t a n , The Savage 223
Chapter XII. A Resume 251
Chapter XIII. Hindu War Policy 254
Chapter XIV- A g e - L o n g R e l a t i o n s o f the A r a b s
with India 259
Chapter XV- Twelfth to Thirteenth Century 266
Chapter XVI- M u s l i m Invasions on South India 281
Chapter XVII. Khushrukhan and Devaldevi 294-
Chapter XVIII. B e g i n n i n g of the F i n a l O v e r t h r o w o f
the M u s l i m E m p i r e 324
Chapter XIX. New H i n d u E m p i r e of Vijayanagar 341
Chapter XX. T h e E n d of the 16th C e n t u r y 370
Chapter XXI. The Marathas 403
Chapter XXII. Attock and B e y o n d 449
6th G l o r i o u s E p o c h 455—475
Chapter XXIII. India Freed From British Domination 455
Appendix—Books Referred 477

Index 537
Abbreviations 559
Errata 567
The Author
Born 1883—Died 1966
Six Glorious Epochs of
Indian History
Completed in 1963
7
J Glorious Epoch
CHAPTER 1
CHANDRAGUPTA—CHANAKYA I
1. According to modern historical research, the first

phase o f t h e d a w n o f o u r n a t i o n a l life dates back almost
from five to ten thousand y e a r s ago^. L i k e t h a t of China,.
Babylon, Greece a n d o t h e r ancient nations our ancient his
t o r y , too, is clothed i n the p o e t i c a l garb o f mythology. It is
replete w i t h anecdotes, folk-lore, a n d deification o f n a t i o n a l
heroes a n d h e r o i n e s , a n d r e s o r t s t o s u p e r n a t u r a l a n d s y m b o l i c
description. Y e t these ancient mythologies (Puranas) o f ours
a r e t h e p i l l a r s s u p p o r t i n g t h e edifice o f o u r a n c i e n t h i s t o r y * .
Just as t h e s e e x t e n s i v e P u r a n i c t e x t s o f ours are a m a g n i
ficent t r e a s u r e o f o u r a n c i e n t l i t e r a t u r e , o u r k n o w l e d g e , o u r
glorious deeds a n d o u r g r a n d e u r and w e a l t h , i n a s i m i l a r w a y
t h e y are a v a s t store-house o f t h e a c c o u n t s o f o u r p a s t , d e s u l
t o r y , chaotic, even at times, a m b i g u o u s t h o u g h i t m a y be.
2. Our 'Puranas, h o w e v e r , are n o t 'history' pure and
unadulterated'.
3. Hence, I propose t o set a s i d e t h e consideration o f
the ' P a u r a n i c times' i n the present context. F o r the 'Glorious
The number indicate reference to the book given in the Appendix.

2 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
E p o c h s ' , t h a t I a m g o i n g t o refer t o , a n d d i l a t e u p o n , b e l o n g
n o t so m u c h t o t h e P a u r a n i c t i m e s , a s t o t h e h i s t o r i c p e r i o d s
o f o u r n a t i o n a l life.
T H E BEGINNING O F INDIAN HISTORY
4. The main criterion of history is t h a t t h e d a t e s a n d

places and descriptions o f events referred to therein must
necessarily bear the s t a m p o f a u t h e n t i c i t y , and they should
be corroborated, as f a r as possible, b y foreign as w e l l as
indigenous evidence.
6. The account of our past w h i c h f a i r l y stands t h i s test
begins a p p r o x i m a t e l y from the t i m e o f L o r d B u d d h a . Hence
many Indian and Western Orientalists have accepted the
Buddhist p e r i o d as t h e b e g i n n i n g o f I n d i a n h i s t o r y * . The
i n c e s s a n t a n d i n d e f a t i g a b l e l a b o u r s o f these O r i e n t a l i s t s m a y
i n f u t u r e i n c l u d e some o f t h e s o - c a l l e d 'Pauranic period' into
t h e h i s t o r i c a l one i f s o m e n e w e v i d e n c e w e r e t o come t o l i g h t .
T i l l t h e n a t l e a s t we h a v e t o r e g a r d the B u d d h i s t i c p e r i o d as
the s t a r t i n g p o i n t of our h i s t o r y .
6. A g a i n , i n respect of establishing the authentic h i s t o r y
of any nation beyond doubt, t h e c o n v i n c i n g references i n t h e
contemporary literature of other n a t i o n s are r e a l l y invalu
able. T h e a n c i e n t p e r i o d o f o u r h i s t o r y w h i c h c a n be s u p p o r
ted b y the now available, unimpeachable evidence in the
historical records of countries other than India is the one
w h i c h begins r o u n d a b o u t the times of E m p e r o r C h a n d r a g u p t a
M o u r y a ^ . For, s i n c e t h e d a t e o f A l e x a n d e r ' s s o - c a l l e d i n v a s i o n
of I n d i a numerous r e f e r e n c e s t o e v e n t s i n I n d i a are t o be
found i n the h i s t o r i c a l accounts o f the Greek w r i t e r s and the
description of their travels b y the Chinese travellers.
7. W h a t s h o u l d be the c r i t e r i o n for determining the
G l o r i o u s E p o c h s , I a m g o i n g t o discuss here. F o r t h a t m a t t e r
there are h u n d r e d s o f g l o r i o u s epochs i n t h e h i s t o r y o f o u r
nation which stand the tests o f poetic exuberance, music,
p r o w e s s , affluence, t h e h e i g h t o f p h i l o s o p h y a n d d e p t h o f t h e o
l o g y and m a n y other criteria. B u t b y the ' G l o r i o u s E p o c h '
3 ST GLORIOUS EPOCH 3
T m e a n the one f r o m t h e h i s t o r y o f t h a t w a r l i k e g e n e r a t i o n
•and t h e b r a v e leaders a n d successful warriors who inspire
and lead i t on to a w a r o f l i b e r a t i o n i n order to free their
n a t i o n from the shackles o f foreign d o m i n a t i o n , whenever i t
has the misfortune to fall a prey to such powerful fatal
aggression and to grovel abjectly under it, and who u l t i
m a t e l y drive away the enemy m a k i n g i t an absolutely free
a n d sovereign n a t i o n . E v e r y n a t i o n extols such epochs o f the
wars o f independence w h i c h inflict crushing defeats o n the
enemy. T a k e for instance, the A m e r i c a n W a r of Indepen
dence. The day on which A m e r i c a wrenched her indepen
dence f r o m England, vanquishing her completely on the
battlefield, is a red-letter d a y i n the history of America and
is celebrated l i k e a f e s t i v a l a l l over the country. T h e moment
r e c o r d i n g t h i s s u c c e s s f u l s t r u g g l e f o r f r e e d o m is a c k n o w l e d g e d
as a g l o r i o u s e p o c h i n t h e h i s t o r y o f A m e r i c a .
GREAT NATIONS AND T H E CALAMITY

OF FOREIGN DOMINATION
8. Moreover, the b i r t h o f the U n i t e d States of America,

is o n l y o f a recent date. I n the v e r y short span o f her h i s t o r y
i t i s n o t u n n a t u r a l t h a t o n l y one s u c h t e r r i b l e c a l a m i t y b e f e l l
lier and consequently gave her o n l y one glorious occasion to
overcome it. B u t the nations like China, B a b y l o n , Persia,
E g y p t , ancient Peru, ancient Mexico, Greece a n d Rome and
m a n y others, w h i c h can boast of a history of thousands of
years, naturally had many occasions of being overcome
and oppressed b y m i g h t i e r f o r e i g n aggressors*. P r o m these
m o n s t r o u s c a l a m i t i e s some o f these n a t i o n s freed themselves
again and again w i t h exceptional valour, and humbled and
r o u t e d the enemy. These nations with a long tradition of
t h o u s a n d s o f y e a r s are n a t u r a l l y p r o u d o f m a n y s u c h g l o r i o u s
moments recording their signal victories over t h e i r enemies.
T h e h i s t o r y o f I n d i a as c o m p a r e d w i t h t h a t o f o t h e r nations,
has a consistent and unbroken record. M o s t o f the n a t i o n s
that flourished side b y side w i t h her i n the past are uow
extinct and are remembered only by their names. China

s t a n d s t o d a y as a n o l d w i t n e s s o f t h e g r e a t n e s s o f I n d i a .
9. Both China and India are v a s t countries a n d have
maintained their independence and power right from the
ancient days. N o wonder they had to face many more
m o r t a l dangers o f foreign domination than the other short
lived nations. The unerring w h e e l o f f o r t u n e affected them
too. J u s t as I n d i a w a s a t t a c k e d b y t h e S a k a s , t h e H u n s , t h e
M u g h a l s a n d o t h e r s , so w a s C h i n a t o o a v i c t i m o f t h e i n v a s i o n s
o f these a n d o t h e r a l i e n n a t i o n s ' ' . S h e h a d t o b u i l d t h e w o r l d -
famous China-wall all around her t e r r i t o r y as a bulwark
against the H u n n i s h inroads. Nevertheless the enemies did
conquer C h i n a , sometimes b y c i r c u m v e n t i n g the great w a l l or
at times crossing it^. M o s t l y o n l y i n parts, but sometimes at
least, w h o l l y , C h i n a h a d to w r i t h e a n d s q u i r m u n d e r the y o k e
of foreign domination^. Yet e v e r y t i m e she c o u l d r e v i v e
her strength a n d overthrow the foreign aggression a n d regain
h e r i n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d e v e n t o d a y she i s a n independent and
powerful nation. This i n itself is a marvel of history. A n
appraisal of I n d i a n h i s t o r y d e m a n d s the s a m e c r i t e r i o n t o be
adopted. But specially when our country was smarting
under the B r i t i s h sway, many E n g l i s h w r i t e r s h a d so m u c h
p e r v e r t e d the I n d i a n h i s t o r y a n d o b l i g e d t w o o r three genera
t i o n s o f I n d i a n s t u d e n t s i n t h e i r schools a n d colleges to l e a r n
i t i n such a way, that not o n l y the rest o f the world but
even our o w n people were m i s l e d . A b s u r d a n d m a l i c i o u s state
m e n t s i m p l y i n g t h a t I n d i a as a n a t i o n has a l w a y s been u n d e r
some f o r e i g n rule or the other or t h a t I n d i a n h i s t o r y is a n
u n b r o k e n c h a i n o f defeat after defeat o f the H i n d u s ^ " , h a v e
been used l i k e currency a n d are accepted b y our people w i t h
o u t affront o r r e m o n s t r a n c e or even a formal protest. To
r e f u t e these s t a t e m e n t s i s e s s e n t i a l n o t o n l y f r o m the point
of view of honour of the nation b u t also f o r the s a k e o f
historical truth. Efforts being made b y other historians i n
this direction have to be supported, as f a r as p o s s i b l e , b y
propaganda. T h a t i n itself is a n a t i o n a l d u t y . T h a t is w h y
1ST GLORIOUS E P O C H 5
I h a v e d e c i d e d here to describe the historical achievements

o f those generations a n d of their representative leaders w h o
vanquished the aggressors from t i m e to t i m e and liberated
their country.
ALEXANDER'S AGGRESSION
10. A l e x a n d e r ' s a t t a c k o n I n d i a is the first well-known

foreign i n v a s i o n d u r i n g the ancient p e r i o d o f I n d i a n h i s t o r y .
I t t o o k place i n 326 B . C . " , a period of human history when
the modern E u r o p e a n nations l i k e E n g l a n d , F r a n c e , G e r m a n y
^ n d others were not even b o r n . The R o m a n Empire had not
^s yet any foundation l a i d for i t . I t was o n l y the Greeks
who were resounding the European stage^*. S m a l l Greek
•city-states r u l e d t h e m s e l v e s i n d e p e n d e n t l y . O f these Sparta
a n d A t h e n s were the m o s t progressive. B u t w h e n these s m a l l
separate city-states were invaded by the ruler of a vast,
well-organized, unitary and very powerful Persian empire,^'
they were unable to face him successfully. Those s m a l l
•Greek r e p u b l i c s d i d t h e i r b e s t t o fight t h e enemy back, but
a l l their efforts p r o v e d fruitless before the vast ocean-like
Persian armies. N a t u r a l l y , the Greeks earnestly thought of
effecting a fusion o f a l l t h e i r separated s m a l l c i t y - s t a t e s into
•a, p o w e r f u l G r e e k K i n g d o m and forming a united front. So
Philip, K i n g of M a c e d o n i a , who was fired w i t h the same
ambition, conquered a l l those small Greek republics"; but
h e d i e d before he c o u l d d e v e l o p t h e m i n t o a m i g h t y nation^^.
H o w e v e r , his son w h o succeeded h i m to the throne, was m u c h
more ambitious, more eager t o g a i n power t h a n his father
w h o m he surpassed i n valour^*. I t was A l e x a n d e r . H e ins
pired t h e w h o l e G r e e k C o m m u n i t y w i t h a sense o f s o l i d a r i t y
and militant nationalism. H e organised an i n v i n c i b l e army,
and marched o n the Persian E m p e r o r , Darius, himself, who
h a d been the arch-enemy of the Greeks^'. T h i s well-organised
Greek a r m y s i m p l y routed the vast but i l l - o r g a n i z e d Persian
army. A t the b a t t l e field o f A r b e l a (331 B . C . ) w h o l e o f t h e
P e r s i a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n v i r t u a l l y collapsed^^. W i t h his victo-
6 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORV
rious army Alexander marched straight on to the Persian

capital a n d after c o n q u e r i n g i t he proclaimed himself the
emperor of that country^*. This unprecedented success
whetted his lust for conquests. W i t h the Greek a n d P e r s i a n
empires a t h i s feet, the s k y seemed to h i m well w i t h i n his-
limit. H e was i n t o x i c a t e d w i t h the w i l d a m b i t i o n to conquer
t h e w h o l e w o r l d a n d t h e r e f o r e he p l a n n e d to i n v j i d e I n d i a , o f
w h i c h the Greeks h a d been h e a r i n g so m u c h for g e n e r a t i o n s
t o g e t h e r . H e t h o u g h t he w o u l d r u n o v e r I n d i a as e a s i l y as he^
h a d crushed the P e r s i a n as w e l l as t h e a n c i e n t B a b y l o n i a n
e m p i r e . I n o r d e r t o e x e c u t e t h i s d a r i n g p l a n he f o r m e d a n e w
powerful army w i t h the p i c k of his Greek soldiers, full of
y o u t h f u l e n t h u s i a s m a n d e q u i p p e d i t w i t h g l i t t e r i n g -weapons.
This a r m y consisted o f one hundred and twenty thousand
foot-soldiers a n d a c a v a l r y fifteen thousand strong*". These-
brave soldiers, m a d w i t h v i c t o r y after v i c t o r y , h a d b e e n so-
much impressed b y the u n b r o k e n chain of Alexander's con
quests t h a t t h e y looked u p o n this great general a n d emperor
as a d i v i n e b e i n g . A l e x a n d e r h i m s e l f b e g a n t o p o s e as t h e s o n
o f t h e G r e e k G o d , Zeus^^.
G E O G R A P H I C A L DIMENSIONS O F INDIA
11. I n t h o s e d a y s , s o m e t w o t h o u s a n d a n d five h u n d r e d
years ago, the I n d i a n c o m m u n i t y a n d I n d i a n W n g d o m s h a d
spread far b e y o n d the Indus, right up to the boundary o f
Persia. T h e m o u n t a i n r a n g e k n o w n t o d a y as t h e H i n d u k u s h
was a t t h a t t i m e c a l l e d P a r o p n i s u s * * , b y t h e G r e e k s . Modern
A f g h a n i s t a n was c a l l e d G a n d h a r , known in Indian tradition
b y the name, Ahiganasthan*^, w h i l e the r i v e r K a b u l has been
called Kubha i n our ancient literature**. Throughout the
whole region up to the H i n d u k u s h m o u n t a i n , r u l e d peacefully
v a r i o u s s t a t e s , some s m a l l , o t h e r s large*^. R i g h t f r o m these
I n d i a n states, a l l a l o n g the b a n k s o f the I n d u s , straight up
to the place where i t leaps i n t o t h e sea, w a s a l o n g a n d un
broken chain of I n d i a n states w h i c h strictly followed the
Vedic religion. M o s t o f t h e m -were r e p u b l i c s * " a n d w e r e t h e n
called 'Ganas' or 'Ganarajyas'. T h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n w a s essen

tially democratic. There were o n l y t w o or three monarchies
w o r t h t h e n a m e , one o f w h i c h t h e b i g g e s t a n d s t r o n g e s t , was
r u l e d b y a P o u r a v K i n g , w h o m the G r e e k s called Porus*'.
DR. JAYASWAL'S HINDU POLITY'
12. D r . J a y a s w a l , one o f the p r o m i n e n t m e m b e r s of the

revolutionary party, 'Abhinava Bharat', d u r i n g the critical
y e a r s o f 1907-1910, and later on a world-famous Orientalist,
has g i v e n , after a c r i t i c a l research, a v e r y d e t a i l e d account o f
the different ' B h a r a t e e y a G a n a s ' spread a l o n g b o t h the b a n k s
o f t h e I n d u s r i g h t u p t o i t s confluence w i t h t h e s e a .
13. A c c o r d i n g t o G r e e k m y t h o l o g i e s , t h e y seem t o h a v e
believed that their ancestors had migrated as a s e p a r a t e
branch of the original A r y a n S t o c k from the Gandhar and
o t h e r r e g i o n s b e y o n d t h e Indus**. W h e n A l e x a n d e r ' s forces
entered the precincts o f I n d i a t h e y a c c i d e n t a l l y came across a
s m a l l c o m m u n i t y of people w h o c a l l e d themselves the o r i g i n a l
Greeks*'. T h e y h a d been c o m p l e t e l y m e r g e d w i t h the I n d i a n s ,
b u t as s o o n as t h e y s a w this Greek army they avowed that
t h e y w e r e t h e a n c i e n t b r e t h r e n o f t h o s e Greeks'**. A l e x a n d e r ,
too, was l e d to believe t h a t I n d i a m u s t be the o r i g i n a l abode
of his ancestors. H e a n d h i s w h o l e a r m y w e r e so m u c h de
lighted at the sight of this, their antique fatherland, that
they stopped fighting f o r some days a n d celebrated a great
festival. The Greeks performed a sacrifice and offered
oblations to p r o p i t i a t e t h e i r G r e e k deities'^.
14. The Greek Gods resembled the Vedic ones v e r y
closely. Their names h a d undergone changes i n pronuncia
t i o n b y c o r r u p t i o n i n course o f t i m e . The Greeks too perfor
m e d sacrifices as t h e Indo-Aryans did, a n d offered o b l a t i o n s
t h r o u g h t h e fire t o t h e i r various deities'*. T h e y were also
called lonians.
IONIAN' A N D YAVAN'
15. I t is l i k e l y t h a t these Greeks were the descendants

o f A n u , the son of Y a y a t i ? One wonders i f A n w a y a n was

later o n corrupted to I n d i a n . T h i s b i t o f a guess m u s t , h o w
e v e r , be l e f t t o t h e r e s e a r c h s c h o l a r s . The fact remains t h a t
the Indians called these Greeks ' Y a v a n a s ' f r o m the very
b e g i n n i n g , as i s seen f r o m t h e S a n s k r i t l i t e r a t u r e ' * . I t is f r o m
t h e G r e e k w o r d ' l o n i a n s ' t h a t t h e y came t o be c a l l e d ' Y a v a n s '
or ' Y o n s ' i n I n d i a .
BUDDHA NOT HEARD OF FROM GANDHAR-

PANCHANAD T O SINDH
16. O n e m o r e f a c t d e s e r v e s m e n t i o n here. The contem

porary Greek writers have given i n their books detailed
descriptions o f the v a r i e d life o f the people from those p a r t s
of I n d i a where A l e x a n d e r m o v e d — f r o m G a n d h a r to P a n c h a n a d
(the P u n j a b ) a n d t h e n c e a l o n g b o t h t h e b a n k s o f t h e I n d u s t o
the v e r y place where i t flows i n t o t h e sea. But throughout
a l l t h e s e d e s c r i p t i o n s n o t a s i n g l e reference t o either Lord
B u d d h a o r t h e B u d d h i s t i c c u l t o r sect c a n b e f o u n d , whereas
t h e r e a r e n u m e r o u s references t o the V e d i c H i n d u s ' * . From
t h i s a n d , o f course, f r o m o t h e r c o n t e m p o r a r y references i t i s
quite clear t h a t at least t i l l t h a t t i m e the B u d d h i s t ; sect was
quite u n k n o w n b e y o n d the S h a t a d r u (Sutlej) r i v e r . It means
that for a b o u t t w o h u n d r e d a n d fifty t o t h r e e h u n d r e d y e a r s
after t h e d e a t h o f t h e B u d d h a t h e B u d d h i s t c u l t s p r e a d h e r e
a n d there r o u n d a b o u t M a g a d h a a n d n o t f a r t h e r off, a fact
w h i c h deserves special notice for the p r o p e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f
subsequent history'*".
A GREEK MEANS A YAVAN !
17. Our contemporary Indian ancestors called these

aggressive Greek foreigners, w h o professed a slightly alien
r e l i g i o n , ' Y a v a n s ' . B u t t h a t is n o t the r e a s o n w h y we s h o u l d
c a l l a l l f o r e i g n aggressors ' Y a v a n s ' . I t is o b v i o u s l y a m i s
take. Especially when our people began to call.the M u s l i m s
'Yavans', they really committed a blunder. Although the
G r e e k s w e r e aggressors a n d foreigners, they were, compara-
tively speaking, considered to be particularly devoted to

learning and highly cultured and civilized according to the
standards o f the time. The M u s l i m hordes that i n v a d e d I n d i a ,
centuries afterwards, were h i g h l y f a n a t i c a l , d i a b o l i c a n d r u t h
lessly destructive. It w o u l d have been i n the fitness of things
to call them 'Mussalmans' i n view of their demonic nature.
T o c a l l t h e m ' Y a v a n s , is d o u b l y w r o n g i n as m u c h as i t u n
duly flatters t h e m a n d does a v e r y g r e a t i n j u s t i c e t o t h e w o r d
' Y a v a n ' itself. The Mussalmans may be c a l l e d ' M l e n c h h a s ' ,
mot ' Y a v a n s ' .
A L E X A N D E R AND STUPID MUSLIMS
18. A s t u p i d n o t i o n common amongst most of the M u s

l i m s is w o r t h a m e n t i o n here. The name 'Alexander' was
•corrupted i n t o ' S h i k a n d a r ' i n the P e r s i a n language. So long
as t h e G r e e k e m p i r e h a d Persia under its sway many of the
P e r s i a n people h i g h l y impressed b y the unprecedented v a l o u r
•of A l e x a n d e r n a m e d t h e i r n e w - b o r n sons S h i k a n d a r . Later
on even after the Persians were converted to Islam this
practice of naming their children 'Shikandar' persisted.
T h e M u s l i m converts i n I n d i a adopted that practice. But
ignorant o f the h i s t o r i c a l o r i g i n o f the word 'Shikandar'
thousands of Muslims i n India fondly believe that, like
M o h a m m a d A l i , K a s i m and others, the n a m e S h i k a n d a r is a
^ M u s l i m n a m e ; a n d ( t h a t v a l i a n t A l e x a n d e r m u s t be s o m e M u s
l i m p e r s o n a l i t y ) . N a y , he c o u l d be so v e r y v a l i a n t a n d a w o r l d
•conqueror s i m p l y b e c a u s e he w a s a M u s l i m . I f a n y one t r i e s
to convince these fanatics, v u l g a r a n d v a i n - g l o r i o u s M u s l i m s
t h a t ' S h i k a n d a r (Alexander) was not a M u s l i m , t h a t he c o u l d
n e v e r be o n e , as M o h a m m e d Paighamber, the founder of the
M u s l i m r e l i g i o n , w a s h i m s e l f b o r n n o t less t h a n a thousand
years after the d e a t h o f S h i k a n d a r , these, d i e - h a r d M u s l i m s ,
would call that person un-informed.
19. The eastern boundary of Alexander's empire at
that time was the H i n d u k u s h mountains. After having
•crossed these m o u n t a i n s he marched with his vast armies
Straight to T a x i l a i n I n d i a The K i n g of Taxila, K i n g Ambuj

(Ambhi) accepted his overlordship w i t h o u t giving him any
battle'®. Some Greek writers assert t h a t this v e r y K i n g o f
T a x i l a had i n v i t e d A l e x a n d e r i n order to put d o w n his r i v a l ,
K i n g Porus'*". I f t h a t i s so, A m b h i h a d q u i t e n a t u r a l l y to
p a y for his treachery b y his w i l l i n g , t h o u g h abject submission
t o the Greeks.
U N I V E R S I T Y IN T A X I L A A N D A
STRANGE COINCIDENCE
20. T a x i l a was the seat o f the most famous Indian

U n i v e r s i t y of the t i m e , where students from different count
ries c a m e t o s t u d y v a r i o u s sciences a n d a r t s . E v e n t h e P r i n c e s ,
of different states came there, l e a r n t p o l i t i c a l science a n d got
lessons i n t h e a r t o f g o v e r n a n c e , w a r f a r e a n d s t r i c t l y o b s e r v e d
the rules of discipline prevalent t h e r e ' ' .
21. B y some s t r a n g e c o i n c i d e n c e , j u s t w h e n A l e x a n d e r
was m a r c h i n g at the head o f his a r m y i n t o I n d i a , after reduc
ing T a x i l a , a brilliant y o u t h , who, a little later, was destined
to carve a glorious page i n the h i s t o r y o f I n d i a was l e a r n i n g
the sciences o f war a n d politics i n the same U n i v e r s i t y of
T a x i l a ' 8 . H e was c a l l e d C h a n d r a g u p t a . The o l d teacher who
w a s w e l l - v e r s e d i n different l o r e s o f t h e t i m e a n d w a s a l s o a n
astute p o l i t i c i a n a n d was g i v i n g lessons i n p o l i t i c s a n d n a
tional revolutionary activities to this splendid y o u t h under
the p o r t a l s o f the same U n i v e r s i t y , was C h a n a k y a ' * .
22. B u t i n the confusion wrought b y this invasion of
A l e x a n d e r these t w o exceptionally gifted personalities had
not yet attracted public attention to themselves. Both of
t h e m h a d been w a t c h i n g v e r y closely the movements o f A l e x
ander's vast forces. Alexander had, as it were, p u t a l l the
crowns a n d coronets of K i n g s , and kings of kings and of a l l
the s m a l l R a v ' s a n d R a v a l ' s , into a m e l t i n g pot and forged
a single c r o w n to p r o c l a i m himself the Emperor of I n d i a ;
w h i l e t h e o l d sage, A c h a r y a C h a n a k y a , was s e c r e t l y p l a n n i n g
an easy transfer of that covetable crown to his young

d i s c i p l e ' s h e a d b y m e a n s o f a coup d'etat.
WAR WITH PORUS
23. T h e k i n g o f T a x i l a , A m b u j o r A m b h i h a d , as a l r e a d y
said, bowed down to the Greek might without fighting a
single battle, a n d therefore e v e r y b o d y b e g a n t o jeer a t h i s
treacherous act, as it h u m i l i a t e d the braver spirits. In
order to counteract i t , the neighbouring I n d i a n monarchies
a n d r e p u b l i c s d e c i d e d t o force a b i t t e r s t r u g g l e o n t h e G r e e k s .
It is really unfortunate that these various independent
I n d i a n states d i d not t h i n k of m a k i n g i t a c o m m o n cause, o r
perhaps h a d no t i m e to do i t . A s s o o n as he r e a c h e d T a x i l a , .
A l e x a n d e r w i t h o u t a n y loss o f t i m e , s e n t u l t i m a t u m , to a l l
the n e i g h b o u r i n g I n d i a n states, demanding unconditional
surrender, and when Taxila's very next neighbour. King
P o r u s , ignored his u l t i m a t u m a n d t o o k u p the challenge, the
G r e e k captain-general macrhed o n him*".
24. K i n g Porus mainly depended on his war-chariots
and elephants, whereas the Greeks relied u p o n their cavalry
brigades. The river V i t a s t a (Jhelum) separated the two
armies. A l l o f a s u d d e n , e v e n before t h e t w o a r m i e s joined
b a t t l e , t o r r e n t i a l rains overflowing the r i v e r w i t h h i g h floods
began to assail t h e m a l l r o u n d . A l e x a n d e r searched high
a n d l o w a n d i n a few d a y s found to the n o r t h a place where
the r i v e r was fordable. W i t h p r e c i p i t a t e h a s t e , he crossed
t h e r i v e r a n d w i t h h i s fine c a v a l r y , d a s h e d a g a i n s t t h e f o r c e s
of K i n g P o r u s " . This disturbed the whole p l a n o f Porus;
s t i l l he f o u g h t o n a f i e r c e b a t t l e . B u t the rains h a d turned
the field m u d d y ^ô, r e n d e r i n g u t t e r l y useless Porus's two
great instruments of war, namely chariots and elephants.
H e could not, therefore, successfully check the brisk and
energetic attacks of A l e x a n d e r ' s horsemen. I n the thick of
the battle, Porus seated on his elephant and desperatly
fighting, w a s g r i e v o u s l y wounded*^'' a n d fell i n t o the h a n d s
of the enemy. T h u s , p a r t l y because o f P o r u s ' s misfortune a n d
partly because o f A l e x a n d e r ' s m i l i t a r y s k i l l on the battle

field, t h e G r e e k s w e r e c r o w n e d w i t h success.
VICTORY—SHREWD POLITICAL STRATEGY
25. W h e n Porus w a s t a k e n as a c a p t i v e before A l e x a n

der, the latter asked the I n d i a n K i n g , " H o w should I treat
you ?" Porus promptly replied, 'like a K i n g ' . This apt reply
has evoked the comment of E u r o p e a n as w e l l as our own
historians that impressed by this bold reply, Alexander
returned to Porus his t e r r i t o r y m a k i n g h i m a governor under
him, instead of putting h i m to death"". But this inter
pretation of A l e x a n d e r ' s treatment of P o r u s is wrong, and
therefore, s u c h p l a t i t u d e s s h o u l d be avoided i n school text
books.
26. O b v i o u s l y , A l e x a n d e r was not like the artless simple
I n d i a n K i n g , H a r i s h c h a n d r a , who gave away his k i n g d o m i n
his w a k e f u l hours i n order to fulfil a promise m a d e i n d r e a m .
H e k n e w i f he k i l l e d P o r u s o r l i q u i d a t e d h i s k i n g d o m , p l a c i n g
in his place some Greek Satrap, the highminded people
o f t h e s t a t e w o u l d be aflame w i t h r a g e a n d hatred towards
the Greeks. Now Alexander wanted to fight his w a y a l l
a l o n g to the chief C a p i t a l o f I n d i a , n a m e l y P a t a l i p u t r a ! C o u l d
he e v e r d o so w i t h t h e sole support of his own Greek a r m y ?
O n the other h a n d , i t was far more profitable to w i n over
Porus w i t h apparent magnanimity and k i n d n e s s as h e h a d
done to king A m b h i of T a x i l a (Takshashila) a n d enlist his
active support i n order to facilitate the a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f his
d a r i n g p l a n o f the conquest o f I n d i a . I t is, therefore, n o t for
the sake of appreciating the b o l d rejoinder of Porus b u t as
a clever p o l i t i c a l strategy, that arch diplomat Alexander
returned to Porus his K i n g d o m . H e even annexed the smaller
neighbouring states, w h i c h he had conquered immediately
before or after his clash w i t h P o r u s to the l a t t e r ' s kingdom.
H e h a d a p p o i n t e d h i m as h i s S a t r a p (governor) of this vast
I n d i a n province**. P o r u s t o o g a v e h i s a s s e n t uo A l e x a n d e r ' s
proposals to simply wait f o r h i s t i m e f o r f o r t u n e h.ad p l a y e d
1ST GLORIOUS EPOCH IS
f o u l w i t h h i m . P o r u s h a d d o n e h i s d u t y , as a K s h a t r i y a w a r
rior w o u l d do, of fighting t i l l the end against the enemy o f
his n a t i o n . In fact cIRcT t^^^J^ ( B i d e t h e t i m e ! ) is a
v l u a b l e tenet i n political science. K n o w i n g t h a t the submis
sion of k i n g P o r u s was o n l y t i m e serving, the I n d i a n popu
l a c e a l s o d i d n o t t a k e i t a m i s s . I t w i l l be s h o w n l a t e r h o w a t
the opportune time K i n g Porus (now S a t r a p Porus) turned
the tables against A l e x a n d e r himself.
27. A f t e r the end o f the war w i t h P o r u s , A l e x a n d e r set
himself up to the task o f s t a b i l i s i n g the n e w l y conquered
n e i g h b o u r i n g states a n d began a careful s t u d y of the life of
the people there a n d i n the yonder regions. Besides, to
replenish his a r m y t h a t was depleted i n numbers a n d energy
because of the incessant wars from the H i n d u k u s h to the
P a n c h a n a d , A l e x a n d e r o r d e r e d fresh r e g i m e n t s o f forces f r o m
his Satraps i n B a b y l o n and Greece, a n d sent b a c k those of
his fighting forces w h o were w o u n d e d a n d r e n d e r e d i n v a l i d
a n d also those w h o were shirkers*'.
INQUIRY O F T H E INDIAN ASCETICS
28. The scouts whom Alexander had sent r o u n d to-

s u r v e y the local c o n d i t i o n o f the people i n the subjugated
as w e l l as n o n - s u b j u g a t e d provinces, brought, among other
reports, detailed descriptions of the penance-groves i n the
forests, a n d o f the ascetics, anchorites, recluses, freed from
o i l w o r l d l y bonds, wandering about a l l alone i n search of
k n o w l e d g e a n d a l s o o f t h o s e sages w h o w e r e d e e p l y e n g r o s s e d
in philosophical thought. Alexander himself was fond of
learning a n d p h i l o s o p h i c a l discussions, for he c a l l e d h i m s e l f
the disciple of the great philosopher, Aristotle. He had
already heard m u c h i n Greece i t s e l f o f such ascetics and o f
austere Brahmins. S o he e a r n e s t l y desired to see p e r s o n
a l l y at least some o f these austere B r a h m i n s i n I n d i a , who the
Greeks called 'Gymnosophists' and have talks with them. So -
he s e n t f o r some o f such hermits from their forest-abodes**
a n d some he s a w i n t h e i r s e c l u d e d c e l l s . The Greek writers.
themselves have g i v e n some interesting tales about such

occasions. I would like to cite a tale or two f r o m among
those i n the words o f the G r e e k w r i t e r s t h e m s e l v e s , so as t o
t h r o w some l i g h t o n t h e t h o u g h t s a n d feelings o f the Greeks
a n d t h e i r leader, A l e x a n d e r .
29. " T h i s p h i l o s o p h e r ( K a l a n o s ) , we are told, showed
A l e x a n d e r a s y m b o l of his empire. H e threw down on the
g r o u n d a d r y a n d s h r i v e l l e d h i d e a n d p l a n t e d his foot o n the
edge o f i t . B u t w h e n i t was trodden d o w n i n one p l a c e , i t
started up e v e r y w h e r e else. He then walked all round it
a n d s h o w e d t h a t t h e s a m e t h i n g t o o k p l a c e w h e r e v e r he t r o d ,
u n t i l a t l e n g t h he stepped i n t o the m i d d l e a n d b y d o i n g so
made it a l l lie flat. T h i s s y m b o l was intended to show
A l e x a n d e r t h a t he s h o u l d c o n t r o l his empire from its centre
a n d not wander away to its d i s t a n t extremities"*^.
THE CANON OF DANDAMIS
30. A l e x a n d e r k e e n l y f e l t t h a t he should send for a n d

have a personal talk with one Brahmin, o f w h o m he had
heard so m u c h i n T a x i l a ( T a k s h a s h e e l a ) . The Greeks called
this B r a h m i n 'Dandamis'*" but I h a v e n o t so far s u c c e e d e d
i n t r a c i n g d o w n his o r i g i n a l S a n s k r i t name. T h e B r a h m i n , bent
w i t h age a n d k n o w l e d g e , w a s free f r o m a l l w o r l d l y ties and
wandered n a k e d everywhere. H e d i d not p a y a n y heed to
A l e x a n d e r ' s messages. T h e r e u p o n A l e x a n d e r sent h i s o w n offi
cer ' O n e s i k r e t o s ' t o t h i s selfless r e c l u s e w h o t o l d h i m , " A l e x
ander, the v e r y son o f G o d Zeus (Sansk: D y u s ) a n d a w o r l d -
conqueror has summoned y o u to his court. I f y o u still fail
t o c o m e , y o u w i l l be b e h e a d e d i n s t a n t a n e o u s l y . " T h e B r a h m i n
began to laugh vociferously at this threat and replied, " I f
A l e x a n d e r is t h e s o n of Zeus; i n the same manner and for
t h e same r e a s o n I a m also t h e s o n o f t h a t v e r y Z e u s ( D y u s ) .
A s to his boast of being a w o r l d - c o n q u e r o r , i t is absolutely
v a i n ! H e has n o t as y e t seen t h e o t h e r b a n k o f t h e r i v e r V y a s .
I f he s u c c e s s f u l l y faces t h e b r a v e I n d i a n states b e y o n d and,
yonder still, the powerful empire of Magadha, and still
1ST GLORIOUS EPOCH 15
remcains a l i v e , w e s h a l l h a v e t i m e to consider w h e t h e r e he is
a w o r l d - c o n q u e r o r . A l e x a n d e r offers m e l a n d a n d g o l d , b u t go
a n d t e l l h i m t h a t ascetics l i k e me s p i t upon such things. T h i s
mother-land of mine provides me w i t h everything I want,
w i t h the l o v i n g care o f a r e a l mother. I f A l e x a n d e r is g o i n g
t o c h o p m y h e a d off, t h e n m y h e a d a n d b o d y would mix up
w i t h t h i s e a r t h o f w h i c h t h e y are m a d e , b u t he w o u l d n e v e r b e
able to murder m y soul. I t is invincible, indestructible and
i m m o r t a l . G o a n d t e l l h i m t h a t he s h o u l d i s s u e t h e s e t h r e a t s
t o t h o s e w h o are s l a v e s o f g o l d a n d power a n d are a f r a i d o f
death. B e f o r e us t h e s e threats of a mortal like Alexander
f a l l flat a n d a r e p o w e r l e s s ! F o r , a t r u e ascetic B r a h m i n can
n e v e r be w o n o v e r b y g o l d , n o r does he e v e r fear d e a t h !! I
w o n ' t come! G o away."
31. W e have q u o t e d o n l y some o f the sentences from
the r e p l y of Dandamis to Alexander. Greek writers have
g i v e n t h e f u l l t e x t o f h i s f e a r l e s s a n d d i r e c t reply**". P l u t a r c h
t o o , has m e n t i o n e d these tales. S o m e w r i t e r s * ' a s t o u n d e d by
his dauntless and straight-forward answer, have remarked,
" I f at a l l a n y o n e i n the world has so successfully defied
Alexander, who had conquered so m a n y k i n g d o m s , i t was
t h i s n a k e d , o l d B r a h m i n ascetic of I n d i a " * ' " .
BRAHMINS H A N G E D FOR POLITICAL CONSPIRACY
32. I n his survey A l e x a n d e r came to k n o w t h a t although

these world-forsakers, ascetics, recluses and others were
wandering all alone, their opinions exerted a powerful influ
ence b e c a u s e o f t h e i r d i s i n t e r e s t e d n e s s , fearlessness a n d t h e i r
d i s r e g a r d for a n y consequences whatever, u p o n the govern
ments of I n d i a n republics and also on the monarchies. The
t o n g u e s o f t h e s e free and fearless B r a h m i n ascetics had
sharp edges like the swords of the Indian Kshatriyas and
they protested against the unjust Greek aggression very
sharply and spread, o p e n l y or secretly, great discontent
against A l e x a n d e r amongst the I n d i a n populace. Naturally
his first adoration o f these ' G y m n o s o p h i s t s ' s u d d e n l y g a v e
place to his intense hatred against the B r a h m i n h e r m i t s .

Thereupon he b e g a n t o seize some s u c h B r a h m i n s a n d h a n g
them*8. B e f o r e b e h e a d i n g one s u c h B r a h m i n , w h e n A l e x a n
d e r a s k e d h i m as t o w h y he i n s t i g a t e d a c e r t a i n I n d i a n r u l e r
a g a i n s t t h e G r e e k s , he fearlessly a n d firmly replied that it
was his most sacred tenet and that i f he w e r e t o l i v e , he
ought to live h o n o u r a b l y , else he s h o u l d d i e honourably."
(Plutarch L X I V ) .
33. After defeating K i n g Porus, Alexander thought his
dazzling v i c t o r y should unnerve the neighbouring states a n d
force t h e m to s u b m i t meekly, but his hopes i n t h i s respect
mostly belied h i m . A s he crossed the V i t a s t a (Jhelum) a n d
marched o n w a r d , the various republics, big or small, on his
w a y b e g a n t o offer s a n g u i n a r y battles**. W i t h o u t a decision
a t the battlefield, t h e y w o u l d never accept his overlordship
m e e k l y . A l t h o u g h the superior n u m b e r a n d m i g h t of the Greeks
went on overpowering the Indians, the consequent s t r a i n o f
i n c e s s a n t fighting d i d n o t f a i l t o m a k e i t s e l f f e l t o n t h e G r e e k s .
34. Greek writers have described many such battles
with various Indian republics, but this is no occasion to
mention them either at some length or briefly. However,
some o f the chosen incidents have got to be g i v e n here
a t some l e n g t h , a t l e a s t as a m a r k o f r e s p e c t to those brave
I n d i a n r e p u b l i c s w h o , t h o u g h n o t j o i n t l y y e t s e v e r a l l y , offered
the toughest of resistance to t h a t m i g h t y Greek a r m y of a
hundred thousand gallant soldiers and their brave, world-
famous, captain-general A l e x a n d e r , who had vowed pom
pously to trample over the whole of I n d i a a n d conquer the
C r o w n o f M a g a d h a . f o r h i m s e l f , a n d w h i c h finally f o r c e d h i m t o
strike a retreat homeward from the v e r y threshold of India.
REPUBLICS OF SAUBHOOTIS AND KATHAS
35. T h e c o n s t i t u t i o n of b o t h these r e p u b l i c s w a s demo

cratic. W r i t e s a G r e e k w r i t e r D i o d o r o s , ^ " ' t h e y were gover
n e d b y l a w s i n t h e h i g h e s t degree s a l u t a r y a n d t h e i r p o l i t i c a l
system was admirable'^"". One s p e c i a l feature of these
republics was t h a t w i t h a v i e w to p r o m o t i n g healthy, strong

and handsome progeny, the procreation of human species
was not left to individual whims and fancies, b u t was
controlled by the state. T h e y were v e r y fond of physical
beauty*'"'. H e n c e m a r r i a g e s were a r r a n g e d not w i t h an eye
on the handsome dowry, but with proper consideration o f
m u t u a l p h y s i c a l fitness, b e a u t y a n d health, a n d the ability
of the bride a n d the b r i d e g r o o m to bring forth healthy and
sturdy children. E v e n w h i l e electing t h e i r leaders, who were
to guide the n a t i o n a n d bear the y o k e o f n a t i o n a l welfare,
sufi"icient w e i g h t a g e w a s g i v e n t o t h e c a n d i d a t e ' s b u i l d o f t h e
b o d y and physical strength. T h e i r laws regarding the p r o p e r
p r o d u c t i o n o f h u m a n species w e r e so s t r i c t t h a t w i t h i n t h r e e
months of their birth c h i l d r e n were m e d i c a l l y e x a m i n e d b y
the state authorities, and i f a child were f o u n d w i t h some
n a t i v e d e f e c t o r t o he s u f f e r i n g f r o m some i n c u r a b l e disease
or d e f o r m e d , i t was i m m e d i a t e l y p u t t o d e a t h u n d e r state
o r d e r s w i t h o u t a n y mercy*"".
35-A. Readers of history know well that tht R e p u b l i c
o f S p a r t a h a d s i m i l a r l a w s a b o u t heredity*^.
36. Though n o t so v e r y strict and ruthless as the
Saubhootis and the Kathas, there were other Ganas or
republics i n I n d i a who p a i d special attention to heredity,
a n d the b r i n g i n g forth of strong and handsome children.
The 'Vrishnis' w e r e also v e r y p a r t i c u l a r , f r o m t h e ancient
times, about the p h y s i c a l beauty a n d strength o f their lead
ers a n d s t a t e officials. The physical strength and beauty
of the world-famous leader of these V r i s h n i s , L o r d Shree
K r i s h n a , h a s been i m m o r t a l i z e d . L o r d S h r e e K r i s h n a ' s s o n s ,
too, have been c r e d i t e d b y the Puranas** w i t h exceptional
beauty.
REPUBLIC SUBSISTING B Y A R M S
37. A g o o d m a n y r e p u b l i c s , i n t h e P a n c h a n a d (the P u n j a b )
and along both the banks of the Indus, right up to its great
l e a p i n t o t h e sea, were s a i d t o be l i v i n g o n weapons*'. The
m o s t r e m a r k a b l e f a c t a b o u t t h e m was t h a t not o n l y the m e n

but the w o m e n too i n those republics, h a d necessarily to
u n d e r g o m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g so t h a t a t t h e t i m e o f w a r , l i t e r a l l y
the whole nation could be drafted for military action.
Although different from each other i n some particular
respects, their c o n s t i t u t i o n s , needless to say, were essen
tially democratic. W h e t h e r b i g or s m a l l i n size, t h e y were
all independent.
THE REPUBLIC OF T H E YOUDHEYAS
38. T h e R e p u b l i c o f the Y o u d h e y a s , spread far a n d w i d e

i n the fertile lands to the south o f the river Vyas in the
P a n c h a n a d (the P u n j a b ) , w a s t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t o f t h e m a l l .
It was looked upon w i t h awe and respect by every one
because of its valiant youths who always fought for their
independence regardless o f t h e i r lives. I t was t r u l y c a l l e d , b y
t h e f o r e i g n historians**, ' A n a t i o n i n a r m s ' . They too had a
law n e c e s s i t a t i n g e v e r y o n e b e t w e e n t h e ages o f 18 a n d 21 t o
undergo sound m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g which kept not o n l y their
male but even the female population well-equipped with
arms.
39. On seeing Alexander march down the Vitasta
(Jhelum) and the Chandrabhaga ( C h e n a b ) i n o r d e r t o cross
the V y a s , after defeating K i n g P o r u s , the adjoining republics
a n d the hill tribes, the gallant Youdheyas**, who were t o
the south o f the river, spurned Alexander's ultimatum of
abject surrender and began all-out preparations for war.
Yet the so-called Emperor of Magadha, the c o w a r d l y
D h a n a n a n d , was not roused from his stupor. T h a t l i l y - l i v e r e d
c o w a r d d o e s n o t seem t o h a v e s e n t a n y m i l i t a r y help to the
gallant Youdheyas i n order to v a n q u i s h A l e x a n d e r at the
very portals of I n d i a . Nevertheless, the Youdheyas got
ready t o face Alexander, relying on nothing but their own
strength.
ALEXANDER'S ARMY STRUCK WITH TERROR

40. W h e n A l e x a n d e r ' s a r m y came fighting to the banks
o f the r i v e r V y a s , after crossing the Indus, the V i t a s t a , and
the Chandrabhaga, t h e y came to know that beyond that
r i v e r the democratic Y o u d h e y a s h a d t a k e n arms to fight for
their independence against the Greeks. Besides, they learnt
about their bravery and also of the fact that beyond the
Youdheyas mightier Indian states along the banks of the
Ganges were m a k i n g r e a d y t o fight w i t h t h e m . T h o u g h the
Greek soldiers a l r e a d y spent a n d disgusted w i t h unceasing
warfare w i t h the Indians i n the P a n c h a n a d , d a r e d n o t cross
the Vyas and join battle w i t h the courageous and daring
I n d i a n states l i k e the Y o u d h e y a s a n d the others**.
41. B u t the l u s t for w a r and conquest of their war-
i n t o x i c a t e d enterprising, a n d e x c e p t i o n a l l y courageous cap
tain-general a n d emperor, A l e x a n d e r , was n o t quenched i n the
least. H e proclaimed, throughout a l l the divisions of his
army, his immutable decision to cross t h e V y a s , c o n q u e r t h e
Y o u d h e y a s a n d m a r c h s t r a i g h t off t o M a g a d h a . This obsti
nate d e c l a r a t i o n o f A l e x a n d e r roused a great furore a n d rage
amongst the already war-weary army, even amongst the
veterans ! The Greek soldiers secretly b e g a n t o pass r e s o l u
t i o n s , g r o u p b y g r o u p , t o refuse s t r a i g h t a w a y t o go a h e a d .
I n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t t h e y h a d been c o n s i d e r i n g A l e x a n d e r
unconquerable a n d the son of G o d Zeus, they were e x t r e m e l y
d i s g u s t e d w i t h h i s l u s t for p o w e r . N o sooner d i d A l e x a n d e r
s m e l l o f t h i s d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n a m o n g s t h i s s o l d i e r s , he d e l i v e r e d
a n i n s p i r i n g speech.
A L E X A N D E R S S P E E C H T O HIS ARMY*'
41-A " O n seeing t h a t y o u , 0 Macedonians a n d allies !

no longer follow me i n t o dangers w i t h y o u r w o n t e d alacrity.
I have summoned y o u to this assembly that I may either
persuade y o u to go f a r t h e r o r t o be persuaded by you to
turn back i f we have d r i v e n the S c y t h i a n s b a c k i n t o t h e i r
d e s e r t s , a n d i f besides t h e Indus, Hydaspes, Akesines and
H y d r a o t e s flow t h r o u g h t h e territories that are ours, why

should y o u hesitate to pass t h e H y p h a s i s a l s o ? Are you
afraid ?
41-B " F o r m y part, I think that to a man of spirit
there is no other aim and end of his labours except the
labours themselves
41-C " B u t i f a n y one wishes to k n o w the l i m i t s o f the
present warfare, let h i m u n d e r s t a n d that the river Ganges
a n d t h e E a s t e r n sea are n o w a t n o g r e a t d i s t a n c e off.
41-D "But i f we turn back, many warlike nations
extending beyond the H y p h a s i s to E a s t e r n sea and many
o t h e r s l y i n g n o r t h w a r d s b e t w e e n these a n d H y r k a n i a , t o s a y
nothing o f their neighbours, the S c y t h i a n tribes, w i l l be l e f t
b e h i n d us unconquered, so t h a t i f we turnback, there is
cause t o fear lest the conquered nations, as yet wavering
in their fidelity, m a y be instigated to revolt by those who
are still independent. 0 Macedonians a n d allies ! glory
c r o w n s t h e deeds o f t h o s e who expose themselves to toils
a n d dangers
41-E " S u c h o f y o u as w i s h t o r e t u r n home I shall send
back to your own country, or even m y s e l f w i l l lead y o u
back."
41-F A c c o r d i n g to Smith, "he (Alexander) recited the
glories of their wondrous conquests from Hellespont to
H y p h a s i s , a n d promised t h e m the d o m i n i o n a n d riches o f a l l
Asia. B u t glowing words fell on u n w i l l i n g ears and were
received w i t h p a i n f u l silence, w h i c h r e m a i n e d u n b r o k e n for a
l o n g t i m e " ( P . 79).
42. B u t t h e effect o f b i s i n s p i r i n g s p e e c h w a s c o n t r a r y
to his expectations. A s i t was now amply clear from the
very lips of Alexander that t h e y w o u l d be required to fight
more sanguinary wars of attrition, t h e y were scared to the
marrow. D r . J a y s w a l w r i t e s i n h i s Hindu Polity, "The Greek
a r m y refused to m o v e a n inch forward against the nations
whose v e r y name, according to A l e x a n d e r , struck h i s soldiers
with terror"*'.
43. A l e x a n d e r was extremely e n r a g e d t o see t h a t h i s

soldiers disobeyed h i m by flatly refusing t o cross t h e Vyas
i n order to save a l l further trouble, because t h e y were t h o
roughly exhausted and afraid to fight i m m e d i a t e l y w i t h o u t
a n y rest**. B u t A l e x a n d e r w a s as c u n n i n g as he was brave.
A p p r e h e n d i n g danger, A l e x a n d e r refrained from doing any
t h i n g r a s h i n a fit o f a n g e r a n d s t r a i g h t a w a y w a l k e d off i n t o
his tent in utter despair. H e stopped t a l k i n g to anybody.
He d i d not show himself outside his tent for three consecu
t i v e days*". T h e n he thoughtfully hatched a new plan in
his m i n d . H e , thereafter, gathered the whole of the Greek
a r m y a n d t o l d t h e m t h a t he h a d g i v e n u p t h e p l a n o f cross
i n g the V y a s . H e said, " I have now d e c i d e d t o go b a c k t o
Greece". T h i s statement naturally elated the r a n k and file
of his army. A l e x a n d e r t h e n a s k e d , " B u t h o w are we t o go
b a c k ? I f we t u r n o u r b a c k s s t r a i g h t a w a y a n d go t o Greece
b y t h e same r o u t e as w e came a l o n g , a l l t h i s I n d i a n t e r r i t o r y
we have conquered w o u l d rise i n revolt, thinking that we
are stricken w i t h terror. So instead of turning our back
straight off t o w a r d s the l a n d route to Greece we should
b e t t e r go a l i t t l e o b l i q u e l y t o t h e sea a l o n g t h e b a n k s o f t h e
Indus a n d then r e t u r n to P e r s i a a l o n g the sea-route. Next
time when we s h a l l c o m e a g a i n t o I n d i a , we s h a l l conquer
the Indian states beyond the Ganges and accomplish our
conquest o f India"*"".
44. T r u e i t is t h a t A l e x a n d e r said ' W h e n once again we
s h a l l come t o I n d i a ' — " B u t 0 Greek Captain General, once
again ! T r u l y ! B u t when ? L e t alone the kingdoms beyond
t h e G a n g e s b u t i f these v e r y s t a t e s t h a t y o u h a v e conquered
t o d a y were to renounce the y o k e of your sovereignty and
become indepedent, t h e n ? N a y , e v e n before that next time
y o u m e n t i o n e d , i f y o u y o u r s e l f were t o be no m o r e t h e n . . . ?
E v e n the race o f Zeus can succumb to the ravages of time,
m a y i t then belong to Greece !"
45. I f those I n d i a n G y m n o s o p h i s t s , ascetics a n d recluses
iave ridiculed Alexander's threat of coming back again
to I n d i a i n some such manner, i t c o u l d n e v e r h a v e been out

of place.
ALEXANDER'S RETREAT
46. However loudly and pompously Alexander might

have swaggered with his mouth, the fact remains t h a t the
Greek soldiers took a feght of the Y o u d h e y a s and others
b e j ' o n d t h e V y a s a n d hence A l e x a n d e r could not dare cross
that river! Indian valour had t a k e n the conceit out of the
h a u g h t y s p i r i t o f t h e a d v a n c i n g G r e e k a r m y , a n d so t h e y h a d
to strike a retreat. Alexander d i d not retire willingly. The
Greeks proved t o be p o w e r l e s s before t h e I n d i a n s , a n d h e n c e
w a s t h i s i g n o b l e r e t r e a t ! T o h i d e t h i s s i m p l e fact the Greek
and E u r o p e a n historians w r i t e , ' ' H a d he but crossed the V y a s
A l e x a n d e r w o u l d have defeated not o n l y the Youdheyas but
the M a g a d h a empire also. T h e Y o u d h e y a s a n d the M a g a d h a s
h a d never a c t u a l l y defeated the G r e e k a r m y of A l e x a n d e r o n
the open b a t t l e f i e l d " . " These b o a s t f u l ' i f s ' a n d 'whens' can
be answered most a p t l y on behalf of the valorous Indian
Y o u d h e y a s i n some s u c h w a y :
—Kalidas' Shakuntalam,
A c t 3 Shi oka 1
[Why fight with an e n e m y w h o flees a w a y a t t h e m e r e
t w a n g o f o u r bow]
47. Again this typical itch o f the Greek army for
f i g h t i n g i n the open field was t o be a l l a y e d for ever b y the
Indian military strength a little later ! Soon Chandragupta
was to m a k e his e n t r y o n the m i l i t a r y stage of I n d i a . Wait
a bit, 0 y o u , reader !
ALEXANDER BUILDS A POWERFUL NAVY
48. S o o n after his retreat from the V y a s , A l e x a n d e r

h a d five to six hundred warships built in order to make his
way to the sea a l o n g t h e course o f t h e Indus*'. Embark-
ing thousands o f h i s w e l l - e q u i p p e d w a r r i o r s o n these war
ships, he began to m a r c h off t o the sea through the river.
A b o u t the commencement of this voyage of Alexander along
the waters of the Indus, a r r i v e d the t w o fresh regiments o f
forces ordered from Babylon and Greece*'". Naturally,
the heretofore war-weary and rebellious Greek soldiers o f
A l e x a n d e r were c h e e r e d u p o n c e m o r e .
49- B u t while A l e x a n d e r was making his way towards
t h e sea a f t e r s t r i k i n g a n ' h o n o u r a b l e ' r e t r e a t from the V y a s ,
a very great political conspiracy began to shape i t s e l f most
secretly throughout the Greek-trodden Indian territory
f r o m the b a n k s o f the V y a s r i g h t u p to G a n d h a r . But of
t h a t c o n s p i r a c y we s h a l l have occasion to speak i n a more
d e t a i l e d w a y a l i t t l e l a t e r . H e r e i t s h o u l d suffice t o s a y that
the I n d i a n republics along both the banks of the Indus,
whether big or small-made light of Alexander's threat to
c o m e a g a i n t o c o n q u e r I n d i a as n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a p o m p o u s
p o l i t i c a l stunt, and prepared grimly to oppose h i s forces a s
severely and as stubbornly as p o s s i b l e . But alas ! i t was.
a decision t a k e n separately b y each particular republic. I t
was not a well-organized, united effort, under a central
a u t h o r i t y to destroy the Greeks under A l e x a n d e r . H e n c e the
same s t o r y o f G a n d h a r a n d P a n c h a n a d was repeated here, a n d
the well organized army of Alexander, with its superior
numbers, could successfully fight each I n d i a n republic and
go a h e a d . E v e n i f these s t r a y battles with various Indian
a r m i e s d i d n o t f a i l t o e x h a u s t a n d w e a k e n A l e x a n d e r ' s forces,
s t i l l they could not crush him completely. There were, o f
course, s o m e e x c e p t i o n s t o these separatist war-efforts. Of
t h e m at l e a s t t w o , w h i c h even the hostile Greek historians
praise whole-heartedly a n d w h i c h gave s u c h a severe b l o w t o
A l e x a n d e r , d e s e r v e a b r i e f m e n t i o n here.
THE REPUBLICS OF T H E MALAVAS

AND THE SHUDRAKAS
50. T h e t w o republics led their separate lives a l o n g the

banks of the Indus. B o t h were r i c h , brave democracies w i t h

a h i g h sense o f h o n o u r . O f the two, M a l a v a r e p u b l i c was the
more famous from the ancient times a n d was quite extensive.
These two republics h a d at times been h o s t i l e t o each o t h e r .
B u t w h e n t h e y s a w A l e x a n d e r ' s p o w e r f u l n a v y w e n t o n defea
ting every single I n d i a n state i n various battles and kept
on forging i t s w a y t o t h e sea, t h e p o l i t i c a l leaders o f b o t h
these r e p u b l i c s d e c i d e d to correct the mistake of these
several I n d i a n democracies w h i c h fought singly w i t h a vastly
superior enemy, a m i s t a k e which was p r o v i n g f a t a l to their
wider national interests. So, instead of fighting the Greek
a r m y singly, they decided to amalgamate their fighting forces
u n d e r a u n i f i e d control**. N o t only d i d they unite their men
at arms but they i n t e r m a r r i e d i n order to b r i n g about p o l i t i
cal and social unity among them. F o r the i n t e r m i n g l i n g
of castes a n d blood they had a great collective marriage
ceremony, wherein at least a thousand girls from b o t h the
'Ganas' (republics) were i n t e r - m a r r i e d to the y o u t h s o f t h e
other republic.
51. While this unified army of the M a l a v a - S h u d r a k
republics was fighting t o o t h a n d n a i l w i t h the Greeks, A l e x a n
der l a i d siege t o one o f t h e i r i m p o r t a n t c i t i e s . Although the
name of this city cannot be a s c e r t a i n e d p o s i t i v e l y , it must
h a v e been s o m e c a p i t a l c i t y or o n e o f s i m i l a r i m p o r t a n c e . A s
this republican city kept on fighting desperately the Greek
siege h a d t o be p r o l o n g e d . T h e h a u g h t y A l e x a n d e r c o u l d n o t
b e a r i t . H e t h o u g h t o f o r d e r i n g t h e l a d d e r s t o be p u t u p o n t h e
ramparts of the enemy stronghold and commanding his Greek
oldiers to climb them up a n d straightaway storm the city.
52. B u t the same sort of unrest and disaffection
against Alexander began to be seen i n his a r m y as was
once experienced at the time of the crossing of the Vyas.
T h e G r e e k a r m y was a v o w e d l y w e n d i n g its w a y h o m e w a r d i n
order to a v o i d new wars. B u t a l l a l o n g the b a n k of the I n d u s
t h e y h a d to f i g h t fresh b a t t l e s . A n d they k n e w t h a t unless
A l e x a n d e r gave up his aggressive designs c a l c u l a t e d to p a c i f y
iis unsatiable lust for conquests b r u t a l wars were u n a v o i d

able. Because of this bitter w a r w i t h the M a l a v a - S h u d r a k
•conabined forces, t h e G r e e k d i s c o n t e n t r e a c h e d t h e c l i m a x a n d
there were rebellious whispers openly flouting Alexander's
•commands.
52-A ' W h e n the M a c e d o n i a n soldiers f o u n d t h a t they
iad still on hand a fresh war which the most war-like
n a t i o n s (lujjjS) w o u l d be t h e i r a n t a g o n i s t s , t h e y w e r e struck
w i t h unexpected terror and began again to upbraid the K i n g
i n t h e l a n g u a g e o f s e d i t i o n . ( C u r t i u s B k . I X C h . I V as q u o t e d
i n ' H i n d u P o l i t y ' ) {Mc Crindle I. L. by, Alexander P. 234).
53. S t i l l i n the end A l e x a n d e r p r o m u l g a t e d his command
to his soldiers to c l i m b up the ladders and leap straight into
t h e e n e m y s t r o n g h o l d w h i c h v a l i a n t l y d e f i e d t h e G r e e k siege.
Seeing t h a t his Greek soldiers hesitated to undertake the
'daring feat, that exceptionally valiant commander o f the
'Greeks, the m i g h t y A l e x a n d e r , h i m s e l f began t o c l i m b one o f
the ladders p u t u p against the r a m p a r t s of the s t r o n g h o l d . A t
t h i s t h e whole M a c e d o n i a n a r m y was s u d d e n l y i n s p i r e d to do
the great deed, a n d a l l began to climb instantaneously. Once
at t h e top o f the r a m p a r t s A l e x a n d e r s t r a i g h t a w a y jumped
d o w n i n t h e m i d s t o f t h e e n e m y a n d t h e r e ensued a hand-to-
h a n d fight b e t w e e n the I n d i a n a n d t h e G r e e k forces.
A n d suddenly—
54. A n d suddenly an I n d i a n warrior took out an en
venomed a r r o w f r o m his sheath a n d a p p l i e d i t to his bow
string and l e t i t fly w i t h a n u n m i s t a k a b l e a i m at the p l a c e
where A l e x a n d e r stood edging on his warriors, a n d shining i n
h i s g o l d e n helmet**.
65. It was n o t a n a r r o w , i i ; w a s i n f a c t Indian revenge
i n c a r n a t e . T o use t h e l i n e s o f p o e t Moropant (with a slight
v a r i a t i o n , o f course) we c a n s a y —
( w i t h apologies to M o r o p a n t !rRfm'^cr-^?Tf<T#)
A L E X A N D E R R O L L E D INTO A P O O L O F B L O O D
56. T h e shaft o f the I n d i a n w a r r i o r u n m i s t a k a b l y pierced

the heart of Alexander, and suddenly the emperor rolled
down unconscious**. A Greek soldier immediately covered
h i m w i t h his shield. T h e r e was a sudden hue a n d c r y i n the
Greek ranks that A l e x a n d e r h a d been w o u n d e d , t h a t he had
fallen unconscious. W i t h exceptional d a r i n g the Greeks lifted
him from the pool of blood and carried him safely to his
camp. There w i t h great difficulty that terrible shaft o f t h e
I n d i a n warrior was extricated. T h e G r e e k s h e a v e d a s i g h ot
r e l i e f w h e n after a long time of patient nursing, Alexander
g r a d u a l l y regained consciousness. It took several days for
the w o u n d to h e a l up. D u r i n g a l l this time A l e x a n d e r was
confined to bed.
57. But everywhere, i n B a b y l o n a n d Greece, the news

t h a t was received r e p o r t e d t h a t A l e x a n d e r was k i l l e d i n t h e
war by an I n d i a n arrow*'. Consequently there w e r e some
uprisings i n Gandhar and Persia. But later on when it was
known that A l e x a n d e r was o n l y severely w o u n d e d a n d was
n o w r e c o v e r i n g , t h e s i t u a t i o n came t o n o r m a l c y .
58. N o wonder whatsoever, i f the news o f A l e x a n d e r ' s
h a v i n g f a i n t e d b y a bow-shot was greeted cheerfully t h r o u g h
out the M a l a v a - S h u d r a k r e p u b l i c . A l e x a n d e r w a s so m u c h
puffed u p w i t h p r i d e w h e n K i n g P o u r a v ( P o r o s ) w a s w o u n d e d
i n the battle, thao he circulated a new coin w i t h a picture
showing his fall stamped on it. T h e c o i n i s s t i l l t o be seen
as a m a r k o f h i s vanity*'". That insult inflicted on India
was f u l l y avenged b y the I n d i a n a r r o w w h i c h sent the G r e e k
emperor rolling down on the battlefield i n pools of blood.
The Ionian Emperor, Alexander, who unjustifiably shed
Indian blood, was made to atone for it personally by the-
shedding of his blood.
59. The M a l a v a - S h u d r a k republic too should have stam
p e d on some golden coin the picture o f A l e x a n d e r fallen i n a
pool of b l o o d w i t h an arrow deeply t h r u s t i n t o h i s chest..
Possibly they did.
60. A c c o r d i n g to his cruel m i l i t a r y c o d e , he h a d b e e n

cruelly crushing down the states w h i c h had opposed h i m .
B u t w h e n e v e r t h e r e a p p e a r e d a n y foe w h o w a s e q u a l l y s t r o n g
and who retaliated furiously, A l e x a n d e r h a d the cunning t o
d i s s e m b l e n o b i l i t y a n d f r a n k n e s s o f h e a r t . W h e n he r e c o v e r e d
f r o m h i s w o u n d , he b e g a n t o m a k e overtures o f peace to the
commanders o f the M a l a v a - S h u d r a k a r m y instead of d i c t a t i n g
his usual arrogant terms*'. F o r cease-fire talks a hundred
representatives of the j o i n t M a l a v a - S h u d r a k r e p u b l i c were
elected, and for them Alexander held a grand reception
ceremony i n his camp. Detailed and very entertaining
descriptions of this reception are available i n the books
of G r e e k historians**. But for want o f space we have to
satisfy ourselves with a brief reference t o i t . The hundred
representatives were, even a c c o r d i n g to the G r e e k standards,
of u n c o m m o n height, h e a v i l y built, h a v i n g handsome muscular
bodies. T h e y were c l a d i n v a l u a b l e e m b r o i d e r e d clothes a n d
h a d worn beautiful ornaments of gold a n d pearls a n d precious
stones. Everyone of them went to the Greek camp i n his
well-decorated and well-equipped golden chariot. They had
with them elephants, too, w i t h costly a n d beautiful outfits.
The Greeks had always felt a special fascination for the
elephants.
61. Although ranking i n his m i n d was the fact t h a t
these very representatives o f the Malava-Shudrak joint
republic had brought upon h i m , a l i t t l e w h i l e ago, a m o r t a l
danger, A l e x a n d e r showed his m a g n a n i m i t y i n that reception
ceremony and paraded his own i m p e r i a l splendour. F o r every
one of those hundred representatives there was a special
golden seat. T h e banquet w h i c h was given i n their honour
was attended with costly wines and excellent savoury
dishes**". T h e g r a n d banquet was f o l l o w e d b y various field
games a n d t o u r n a m e n t s , music and dancing. I n the end, a
t r e a t y was signed b y the M a l a v a - S h u d r a k representatives a n d
Alexander'*.
62. The divergent accounts given about this treaty b y
^8 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
various Greek writers of the t i m e h a v e at least t h i s m u c h i n

common to tell. The Greeks and the Indians had jointly
agreed to p u t a stop to their hostilities and t h a t the M a l a v a -
Shudrak r e p u b l i c was not to cause a n y h a r a s s m e n t t o t h e
retreating army of Alexander while i t was progressing on its
w a y home along the Indus. O f these two valiant republics,
t h e M a l a v a s w i l l be r e f e r r e d t o l a t e r o n w h e n , I s h a l l be d e s
cribing the wars with the Sakas, the Yuechis and other
M l e n c h h a powers. T h e fact t h a t t h i s M a l a v a r e p u b l i c h a d been
prosperous a n d strong for m a n y centuries t o come, therefore,
n e e d n o t be s p e c i a l l y p r o v e d .
63. Even the Greek writers could not help recording
some m o r e a c t s o f v a l o u r d u r i n g t h e I n d i a n resistance to the
G r e e k onslaught, a l t h o u g h the details of the time and place
o f t h e i r h a p p e n i n g s are n o t a v a i l a b l e . T w o o f t h e m are c i t e d
-here t o s e r v e as s p e c i m e n s .
THE TREACHEROUS ATTACK OF T H E

GREEKS ON MASAGA TRIBE
64. At Masaga, Alexander captured a small armed

c o m m u n i t y of seven t h o u s a n d , w h i c h i n c l u d e d several w o m e n .
Alexander promised them their lives on condition that they
should join his army and fight w i t h his I n d i a n enemies, or
e l s e , he t h r e a t e n e d them w i t h wholesalem an-slaughter. Or,
as a t h i r d a l t e r n a t i v e , he s a i d , he w o u l d carry t h e m off as
slaves ! The leaders o f the c o m m u n i t y agreed to his first
p r o p o s a l , b u t r e q u e s t e d t h a t t h e y s h o u l d be a l l o w e d one n i g h t
for m u t u a l e x c h a n g e of views. A l e x a n d e r agreed. There
u p o n these seven t h o u s a n d I n d i a n s marched towards a hill
some nine miles ahead of the Greek Camp. Writes Vincent
Smith, 'The Indians being unwilling to a i d the foreigners
i n the s u b j u g a t i o n o f their c o u n t r y m e n desired to evade the
unwelcome obligation'™". So they decided to give the
s l i p to the Greeks. But A l e x a n d e r came t o k n o w o f their
intention. So while they were sleeping for a little rest,
A l e x a n d e r f e l l u p o n t h e m a l l o f a s u d d e n w i t h his huge a r m y
1ST GLORIOUS EPOCH 29-
a n d began to cut d o w n everyone. There was a great havoc

amongst those I n d i a n s . B u t w i t h i n a short time they drew
up their swords and other weapons. They made a hollow
circular formation, gathering the women and children inside
it, and faced the Greek attack most heroically. A good
m a n y w o m e n also were f o u n d desperately fighting w i t h the
foe. T i l l almost a l l o f t h e m were k i l l e d t h e y kept o n fighting
for the freedom o f t h e i r n a t i o n .
64-A. "The gallant defenders met a glorious death
w h i c h t h e y w o u l d have d i s c l a i m e d to exchange for a life w i t h
dishonour." Early History of India, b y V i n c e n t S m i t h 1924,.
P a g e 59)
THE AGRASHRENIS
65. This little Indian republic of the Agrashrenis too,

instead of surrendering, fought to the last w i t h the vast
G r e e k n a v y o f A l e x a n d e r as i t w a s m a k i n g i t s h e a d w a y t o t h e
sea t h r o u g h t h e course o f t h e I n d u s . W h e n t h e G r e e k s a t t a c k e d
their very c a p i t a l these b r a v e Indian warriors erected
blockades and barricades at different intervals and fought
every i n c h of their ground so t e n a c i o u s l y that Alexander
c o u l d n o t e n t e r t h e c i t y before he h a d s a c r i f i c e d m a n y G r e e k
lives. A c c o r d i n g to C u r t i u s , " " w h e n those brave fellows could
not further resist the o d d s , t h e y (the A g r a s h r e n i s ) set their
houses o n fire a n d their wives and children and all threw
themselves i n t o the flames'^" ! " T h a t is to say, they 'made
j o h a r ' (to use a l a t e r d a y p h r a s e o l o g y ) .
T H I S IS T H E S A M E J O H A R I—JAI H A R !!
66. W e . generally believe that this magnificent and

a w e - i n s p i r i n g t r a d i t i o n o f ' j o h a r ' o r s e l f - i m m o l a t i o n o f large
g r o u p s o f m e n a n d w o m e n i n t i m e s o f n a t i o n a l c r i s i s was o r i
ginally practised b y the R a j p u t s o n l y . B u t instances, l i k e
the one just m e n t i o n e d , c i t e d b y the Greek w r i t e r s who were
a s t o u n d e d t o w i t n e s s t h e m , go t o prove that, even before
the name of the R a j p u t s was ever heard of, this splendid
t r a d i t i o n was f o l l o w e d b y o u r I n d i a n w a r r i o r s r i g h t f r o m the
ancient days. The word 'johar' is comparatively modern.
It was perhaps d e r i v e d from the war-cry ' J a i H a r ' ! The
I n d i a n G o d o f w a r a n d d e s t r u c t i o n i s H a r 1 H a r ! M a h a d e v !!
T h a t is w h y t h e I n d i a n s f o u g h t desperately inspired b y this
deafening w a r - c r y ! T h e M a r a t h a s too used the same w a r - c r y
' H a r , H a r , M a h a d e v !' A f t e r fighting to the last, when every
h o p e o f success w a s o v e r , o r e v e r y c h a n c e o f e s c a p e f r o m t h e
e n e m y was l o s t , t h i s j o h a r , t h i s m a r t y r d o m , t h i s n o b l e s t t y p e
of self-sacrifice was resorted to by the H i n d u s as the last
u n f a i l i n g w e a p o n to save their religion, their nation, their
o w n s e l f - r e s p e c t a n d to a v o i d c a p t i v i t y , a b j e c t s l a v e r y and
h a t e f u l c o n v e r s i o n ! A s s o o n as a l l m e n o f fighting age were
s l a i n o n the b a t t l e f i e l d after t a k i n g the greatest t o l l o f the
enemy blood, their wives, mothers, daughters, hundreds of
t h e m , w i t h b a b i e s a t t h e i r b r e a s t s , u s e d to l e a p i n t o t h e b u r n
ing pyres, specially kept ready for the purpose, and were
r e d u c e d t o ashes. This was w h a t was known as'Johar'! It
was not a n easy job ! I t was the l i m i t of v a l o u r a n d e n d u
r a n c e f o r t h e sake o f k e e p i n g u p t h e p r e s t i g e o f o n e ' s s e l f a n d
one's o w n r e l i g i o n !
67. Whoever had donned this exceptional armour of
' j o h a r ' a n d i t s l e a p i n g flames w e r e b e y o n d a l l a t t e m p t s o f a n
Alexander, an A U a - u d - D i n or a S a l i m — w h y , even of Satan
himself—to pollute them a n d convert t h e m to his religion !
C o n f r o n t e d w i t h t h i s h o r r i b l e s a c r i f i c i a l fire t h e e n e m y s t o o d
aghast, discomfited and crest-fallen.
68. The above-mentioned' johar'—collective immolation
o f l i v e s — b y t h e A g r a s h r e n i s is one o f t h e m a n y d e s c r i b e d b y
the astounded G r e e k writers, a n d w h i c h the I n d i a n s preferred
to the h u m i l i a t i o n of b e i n g the c a p t i v e s o f the G r e e k s .
THE JANAPAD REPUBLIC OF BRAHMANAKAS !
69. A t last when A l e x a n d e r ' s n a v a l force reached the

m o u t h of the Indus, fighting incessantly a l l the way, it met
w i t h yet other independent republics. These 'janapadas' or
'Ganas' were l i k e the s m a l l Greek city-states, a n d h a d none

amongst them which could ably withstand with equal
numbers the m i g h t y and numerous a r m y of A l e x a n d e r . Still
one o f them, the 'Brahmanak janapad' made up its m i n d
t o cross s w o r d s w i t h , r a t h e r t h a n s u b m i t t o , A l e x a n d e r . T h i s
was the same 'Brahmanak janapad' w h i c h is referred to b y
P a n i n i , says D r . Jayaswal'^*. I t is a l r e a d y t o l d h o w , w h i l e
fighting i n t h e P a n c h a n a d (the P u n j a b ) , A l e x a n d e r h a d w r e a k
ed h i s r a n c o u r o u s revenge against the c l a n o f philosophers,
especially the B r a h m a n s . W h e n A l e x a n d e r learnt t h a t i t was
the same clan of Brahmans, to which this small state
belonged, he d e c i d e d t o w h a c k his m a l i c i o u s stroke u p o n i t
with a l l his might. Plutarch (McCrindle 'Invasion of India
b y A l e x a n d e r ' P . 3 0 6 ; V . A . S m i t h E . H . I . , P . 106) w r i t e s i n
his 'Life of A l e x a n d e r ' , "These philosophers were s p e c i a l l y
m a r k e d d o w n f o r r e v e n g e b y A l e x a n d e r as t h e y g a v e h i m n o
less trouble t h a n the mercenaries. T h e y reviled the princes
who declared for A l e x a n d e r and encouraged free s t a t e s ( i n
India) to revolt against his authority. O n t h i s a c c o u n t he
hanged m a n y of t h e m " (Ch L I X ) .
69-A. That little ' J a n a p a d ' too fought to the last w i t h
these G r e e k s for the sake of its n a t i o n a l h o n o u r a n d inde
pendence.
PATTANPRASTHA
70. W h a t n o w is called b y the M u s l i m s , S i n d h H y d e r a b a d ,

w a s a t t h a t t i m e k n o w n as Pattanprastha. In Sanskrit lan
guage the cities a l o n g the sea-shore, or at the mouths o f
r i v e r s were m o s t l y c a l l e d 'Pattan'. P a t t a n is equivalent to
the English word 'Port'. Perhaps the English word 'Port'
might have been a c o r r u p t i o n of the S a n s k r i t ' P a t t a n ' . When
A l e x a n d e r n e a r e d t h e sea this small state o f Pattanprastha
was confronted with a d i l e m m a : to surrender to the enemy
was most hateful to the ' P a t t a n p r a s t h i s ' , but t h e y k n e w f u l l
w e l l t h a t t h e y w o u l d n e v e r b e a b l e t o fight w i t h t h e p o w e r f u l
Greek a r m y on equal ground. So they resolved the d i l e m m a
by forsaking, collectively, their native country, their homes

a n d landed p r o p e r t y and motherland w i t h sad hearts'*.
ALEXANDER'S HOMEWARD VOYAGE

71. That p a r t o f the ocean where t h e I n d u s flows i n t o
i t s h o u l d r e a l l y be c a l l e d S i n d h u s a g a r . Sindhusagar, a name
f o r t h e sea t o t h e west of I n d i a , is a fitting counterpart for
the Gangasagar, a t r a d i t i o n a l name for the eastern sea.
72. On first reaching the sea, A l e x a n d e r d i v i d e d his
army into two parts. The first batch he s e n t back to I r a n
(Persia) b y a l a n d route t h r o u g h w h a t n o w goes b y t h e n a m e
of B a l u c h i s t a n " . The whole of Alexander's army had been
t h o r o u g h l y exhausted i n this e x p e d i t i o n to I n d i a . Moreover,
B a l u c h i s t a n , at t h a t t i m e was f u l l o f i m p r e g n a b l e forests a n d
thoroughly u n k n o w n to the Greeks. So, the Greek d i v i s i o n ,
sent t h i s w a y , s o m e h o w reached P e r s i a , a f t e r so m a n y haz
ards a n d privations. O n the other h a n d , Alexander himself
set s a i l b y t h e sea-route w i t h another d i v i s i o n of his a r m y
and reached Persia'*. A s the whole o f the old Persian
E m p i r e h a d now formed a p a r t of A l e x a n d e r ' s greater demsne
h e w e n t t o h i s c a p i t a l n a m e l y B a b y l o n . B u t he d i d n o t r e t u r n
t o t h e c a p i t a l i n t h a t same t r i u m p h a n t s p i r i t i n w h i c h he h a d
s t a r t e d o n h i s I n d i a n c a m p a i g n t w o y e a r s ago, w i t h a v i e w t o
w i n n i n g for himself the v a u n t f u l t i t l e o f the E m p e r o r o f I n d i a .
N o t o n l y d i d he n o t r e t u r n l i k e t h e E m p e r o r o f I n d i a , he d i d
not even appear to be a n emperor at a l l . He returned just
like an ordinary commander of an army despaired a n d worn
o u t after a l o n g - d r a w n a n d h a z a r d o u s c a m p a i g n .
INDIA W A S N O T P E R S I A
73. T h e cause o f t h i s d i s a p p o i n t m e n t o f A l e x a n d e r was

t h a t t h e G r e e k s u p t o t h a t t i m e k n e w o n l y one e m p i r e , w o r t h
the name,—much more extensive than their own—that of
Persia ! When these G r e e k s m a r c h e d upon that Persian
emipre under their uncommonly brave a n d brilliant comman
der, A l e x a n d e r , a n d when after o n l y t w o or three campaigns
the v a s t P e r s i a n empire fell before t h e m l i k e a paper palace,

t h e y w e r e so m u c h flushed w i t h t h e i r v i c t o r y t h a t t h e y f o n d l y
considered their commander to be endowed with divine
qualities, and as such unconquerable. Alexander himself
c o u l d n o t escajje t h e i n f e c t i o n o f p r i d e . H i s a m b i t i o n to w i n
f o r h i m s e l f t h e o v e r l o r d s h i p o f t h e w h o l e w o r l d s o a r e d to t h e
sky. B h a r a t a p p e a r e d to h i m j u s t n e x t t o a n d as e a s y a prey
as, P e r s i a . So v e r y vast a l a n d a n d so v e r y w e a k !!! S o h e
wanted to crown his P e r s i a n conquest w i t h the glittering
diadem of the I n d i a n i m p e r i a l authority. G r e e d i l y e n o u g h he
r a n to have it w i t h a l l haste !
74. B u t t h e e x p e r i e n c e he h a d h a d w a s q u i t e c o n t r a r y t o
w h a t he h a d e x p e c t e d . I n I n d i a h e h a d t o face t h e bitterest
o p p o s i t i o n at e v e r y step. A l t h o u g h he n e v e r l o s t a b a t t l e a s
such, his Greek army was c o m p l e t e l y e x h a u s t e d a n d exas
perated i n the v e r y process o f w i n n i n g t h e m . These v i c t o r i e s
were far too costlier than t h e ones i n P e r s i a , a n d a l l t h e i r
v a u n t f u l d e c l a r a t i o n s o f c o n q u e r i n g I n d i a as e a s i l y as Persia
p r o v e d t o be e m p t y w o r d s 'full of sound and fury signifying
nothing'. A n d i n t h e e n d he h a d t o r e t u r n w i t h t h e a c q u i s i
t i o n of o n l y a s m a l l s t r i p o f l a n d a l o n g the I n d u s r i v e r .
75. T h u s was A l e x a n d e r d i s a p p o i n t e d and to a certain
extent insulted. B u t t h a t v a l i a n t emperor was not downcast!
H e was i t c h i n g t o r e t u r n once a g a i n to I n d i a after s t a b i l i z i n g
things i n the n e w l y conquered regions o f I n d i a a n d annexing
them permanently to his vast empire, l i k e those o f S y r i a ,
Persia, B a b y l o n a n d others.
76. Alexander declared the annexation of the region
f r o m H i n d u k u s h a n d G a n d h a r to T a x i l a (Takshasheela), half
of the Panchanad up to the r i v e r Vyas, a n d that from the
confluence of the Vitasta with the Indus to the sea. He
appointed the Indian K i n g Ambuj or A m b h i of T a x i l a his
governor (Satrap) of the H i n d u k u s h region'*, a n d King
P o r u s as h i s governor of the Panchanad. T o the t h i r d but
narrow s t r i p o f l a n d along the Indus, were appointed his t w o
trusted G r e e k g e n e r a l s , P h i l i p a n d N i c a n o r , u n d e r w h o m he
p l a c e d the m o b i l e force of the Greeks. He established i n

I n d i a some townships too, one o f w h i c h was A l e x a n d r i a i n
the direction of Taxila'*.
ALEXANDER'S DEATH
77. Before A l e x a n d e r decided to stabilize things i n the

I n d i a n t e r r i t o r y he h a d r e c e n t l y c a p t u r e d , he l e a r n t t h a t t h e
local democratic institutions refused to accept his over
lordship". E v e n w h i l e A l e x a n d e r w a s i n S i n d h , he r e c e i v e d
i n t e l l i g e n c e o f a r e v o l t b y the I n d i a n subjects i n G a n d h a r . He
was a b o u t t o send a fresh a n d large Greek a r m y to G a n d h a r .
B u t i n q u i c k s u c c e s s i o n f o l l o w e d a n o t h e r d i s t u r b i n g news o f a
fresh conspiracy b e i n g hatched i n the Punjab (Panchanad) to
overthrow Alexander completely. But A l e x a n d e r could at
t h a t t i m e do n o t h i n g t o t h w a r t a n y s u c h attempts at revolt.
D u r i n g his campaign against I n d i a not o n l y h i s a r m y b u t he
himself was completely exhausted. T o a d d to i t , his a d d i c t i o n
t o d r i n k i n g h a d g r o w n b e y o n d a l l l i m i t s o f safety; he s u d d e n l y
t o o k i l l a n d d i e d i n B . C . 323. T h a t is t o s a y , h a r d l y w i t h i n
a-year-and-a-half of his return from I n d i a w i t h a l l his a r m y
the great Greek (Macedonian) E m p e r o r breathed his last at
Babylon'8.
INDIAN POLITICIANS C O N S P I R E
78. A s has already been told, as soon as A l e x a n d e r

began to retreat a l o n g the Indus, some o f t h e I n d i a n p o l i t i
c i a n s began h a t c h i n g o u t a secret p l a n against the Greeks i n
the Punjab to w i n b a c k their lost freedom. B u t i t was not
merely aimed at the recovery of the lost territory. I t was
•essentially t o o v e r h a u l a n d r e v o l u t i o n i z e t h e w h o l e g a m u t o f
the political life of India and to bring about a sweeping
change i n the i n t e r n a l life o f the c o u n t r y . Even i f Alexander
had not died so soon, the deep-laid Indian plot was
destined to achieve this daring political revolution. This
sudden death of A l e x a n d e r , however, gave I n d i a n political
workers an unexpected golden opportunity and they were
q u i c k enough to utilize it for t h e overthrow of the Greek

power.
GREEK GOVERNORS BEFIEADED
79. A l e x a n d e r h a d l e f t b e h i n d N i c a n o r a n d P h i l i p as t h e
chief representatives of the Greeks. W h e n the news of
Alexander's death reached I n d i a the I n d i a n s i n the republic
o f the A s h v i n i s suddenly f e l l u p o n the Greek Governor, P h i l i p ,
a n d assassinated h i m a l o n g w i t h his s m a l l Greek regiment'*.
T h e s e c o n d , N i c a n o r , was a l s o s i m i l a r l y d e s p a t c h e d , ^ " a n d a l l
those monarchies a n d republics a l o n g the banks o f the Indus
which h a d acquiesced i n t h e G r e e k o v e r l o r d s h i p , s h o o k i t off
a t once a n d proclaimed their independence forthwith. Greek
colonies, G r e e k ensigns and standards—whatever signified
t h e G r e e k p o w e r were c o m p l e t e l y d e s t r o y e d o n t h e s p o t . The
whole of the t r a c t a l o n g the b a n k s of the Indus right from
the Panchanad to Sindh which A l e x a n d e r had conquered and
annexed for ever a n d anon to his empire, became indepen
d e n t w i t h i n s i x m o n t h s o f A l e x a n d e r ' s death*^.
80. A l e x a n d e r had conquered states a n d countries a n d

empires l i k e Greece, S y r i a , Persia, Babylon, E g y p t a n d the
like. T h e r e he f o u n d e d G r e e k c i t i e s a n d Greek colonies, a n d
even after the division of his vast empire, just after his
death, his governors and military commanders and their
descendants r u l e d the respective regions l i k e B a b y l o n for
centuries together. E v e n n o w i n some o t h e r c o u n t r i e s c i t i e s
exist w i t h the name Alexandria, and A l e x a n d e r ' s n a m e is
ever crowned with the honorifix 'The Great' throughout
ancient history.
81. B u t what happened in Bharat ? The s m a l l states
a n d r e p u b l i c s i n the farthest corner o f I n d i a w h i c h A l e x a n d e r
had annexed t o h i s e m p i r e u n d e r t h e i m p r e s s i o n t h a t he h a d
conquered t h e m for ever a n d for ever, after fighting inces
s a n t l y on various battlefields for two long years a n d shedding
the blood of millions of Greek and H i n d u soldiers—those v e r y
I n d i a n states a n d republics and monarchies literally uproot-
ed his power, his standard, the Greek colonies a n d every

hateful sign of the Greek v i c t r y — a n d t h a t too within six
months or at the most a year'^" !
82. A t last, not to speak of the c i t y of A l e x a n d r i a w h i c h
he had established, his o w n name too i s n o t t o be t r a c e d
anywhere i n I n d i a n h i s t o r y , as if there never was any
invasion, a n y aggression on I n d i a ' s b o r d e r l a n d of a n y M l e n c h h
(Yavan) emperor, named A l e x a n d e r , w h o d i n n e d the ears o f
the people throughout Europe with his proud title, 'The
Great' ! Curiously enough, even no s t r a y reference h a s y e t
been discovered i n Vedic or J a i n or Buddhist ancient
literature.
83. W r i t e s V i n c e n t S m i t h i n h i s f a m o u s Early History
of India : " A l l these proceedings prove conclusively that
Alexander intended the permanent annexation of those
(Indian) provinces to his empire But w i t h i n three years
of his departure from I n d i a (fron 325 B C to 322 B C ) h i s
officers i n I n d i a w e r e o u s t e d , h i s g a r r i s o n s d e s t r o y e d a n d a l l
traces of his rule had disappeard. T h e colonies w h i c h he
founded i n I n d i a , u n l i k e those established elsewhere i n A s i a
tic provinces took no root. H i s campaign though carefully
d e s i g n e d t o s e c u r e a p e r m a n e n t c o n q u e s t , w a s i n a c t u a l effect
no more t h a n a b r i l l i a n t l y successful r a i d o n a gigantic scale
w h i c h left u p o n I n d i a n o mark save the horrid scars of a
bloody war. I n d i a remained unchanged. She continued her
life of splendid isolation and soon forgot the passing of the
Macedonian storm. N o I n d i a n a u t h o r — H i n d u , B u d d h i s t or
J a i n — m a k e s even the faintest allusion to A l e x a n d e r or his
d e e d s . " (Page 117)
84. W h o were t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t leaders of this p o l i t i
cal conspiracy w h i c h wiped out, w i t h i n a period of six months
or a year, the whole of foreign p o l i t i c a l dominance caused
by Alexander's aggression right from the Panchanad to
Sindh ? H i s t o r y as y e t is i g n o r a n t o f t h e i r n a m e s ' " ! Still
two of them at least have become i m m o r t a l ! T h e y are t h e
same t w o men whom I have mentioned while describing
Alexander's advance up to T a x i l a . T h e first w a s a b r i l l i a n t

a n d s m a r t y o u t h , w h o h a d just c o m p l e t e d his studies at the
University of Taxila^ Chandragupta ! A n d the other was
A c h a r y a C h a n a k y a , who h a d been a teacher at t h a t Univer
s i t y a n d w h o l a t e r o n g a v e p r a c t i c a l lessons i n p o l i t i c a l c r a f t
and p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n s to the y o u n g C h a n d r a g u p t a ! As
t h e y were to l e a d the whole o f B h a r a t hereafter, i t is fit a n d
p r o p e r t h a t t h e y s h o u l d be i n t r o d u c e d h e r e .
THE STORY OF CHANDRAGUPTA'S BIRTH
85. Like a l l other great men of the ancient world

C h a n d r a g u p t a a n d C h a n a k y a have their life-stories c l o u d e d
with legends, anecdotes and imaginary accounts. Those
w h o are i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e m for t h e s a k e o f i n t e l l e c t u a l e n t e r
tainment may profitably read Radhakumud Mukherjee's
' Chandragupta Maurya A n d H i s Times'. W e s h a l l g i v e here
o n l y so m u c h o f t h e i r l i v e s as a p p e a r t o us t o h a v e h i s t o r i c a l
sanction.
86. Some small bands of the Shakyas, amongst w h o m
was born the great L o r d Gautam Buddha, had a t one t i m e
t o s h i f t t o f a r off r e g i o n s b e c a u s e o f some d i s a s t r o u s c a l a m i t y
t h a t had befallen them. T h e y called themselves K s h a t r i y a s .
However, i n those adverse days those displaced Shakyas
began to follow other professions for t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d . There
happened t o be a p l e n t i f u l breed of peacocks i n the forest
w h e r e these t r i b e s later on lived. T o keep these peacocks
a n d sell t h e m became one o f t h e i r professions. So they had
^ M o r i y a ' as t h e i r n i c k n a m e , a n d t h e Moriyas formed a class
by themselves. O n e f a m i l y o f these M o r i y a s came back to
settle i n the vicinity of Pataliputra. One woman of that
M o r i y a tribe named M u r a (Mayura) somehow got access t o
the h a r e m o f the r o y a l palace a n d soon became the concubine
of the E m p e r o r , M a h a p a d m a n a n d or ' D h a n a n a n d ' as he w a s
generally called. H e r son f r o m this Nanda Emperor was
the same E m p e r o r C h a n d r a g u p t a .
87. H o w e v e r , when C h a n d r a g u p t a became an emperor.
the story of his h i r t h m i g h t have appeared derogatory to

his greatness a n d therefore i n some books of the time th&
s t o r y was slightly altered to mean that Muradevi was the
wedded queen o f t h e Nanda emperor, not his concubine,
w h i c h i n consequence meant t h a t C h a n d r a g u p t a was a l e g i t i
m a t e r o y a l p r i n c e a n d n o t a n i l l e g i t i m a t e one.
88. But a third anecdote seems t o o u t d o both the
above, stories s a y i n g t h a t M u r a a n d E m p e r o r N a n d a were i n
no w a y connected. M u r a h a d a s o n f r o m her h u s b a n d o f t h e
same c l a n a n d t h a t son was C h a n d r a g u p t a himself. Later on
w i t h the help and guidance of A r y a C h a n a k y a and w i t h his
o w n v a l o u r he r a i s e d h i s p o o r f a t h e r a n d m o t h e r t o e m i n e n c e
and after wresting the i m p e r i a l power from the N a n d a s he
founded the M a u r y a D y n a s t y ' * .
89. It seems a common weakness among all human
societies a n d c o m m u n i t i e s , i n a g r e a t e r o r lesser degree, to
a t t e m p t t o j u d g e t h e g r e a t n e s s or m e a n n e s s o f a n i n d i v i d u a l ,
not so m u c h from his manifest v i r t u e s o r v i c e s as from the
race, t h e c o m m u n i t y o r t h e f a m i l y he i s b o r n i n . T h a t is w h y
as t h e t i m e passes s u c h i n f l a t e d a n e c d o t e s a b o u t their f a m i l y
tradition are propagated and popularized through plays,
poems and novels or through folk-lores. There are o t h e r
a n e c d o t e s t o o besides t h e ones r e f e r r e d t o a b o v e , w h i c h seek
to ascribe greatness or meanness to Chandragupta. B u t for
t h e r e a s o n s g i v e n a b o v e t h e y n e e d n o t be m e n t i o n e d here.
90. W a s Chandragupta a concubine's son ? W a s he n o t
a Kshatriya ? W h a t matters though ! Chandragupta could
have said with justifiable pride, "More than any of you,
nominal caste-born K s h a t r i y a s , who bowed y o u r heads to
the Mlenchhas, the Greek emperor a n d his commanders, I, a
'peerless' Chandragupta, have a greater claim to being a
Kshatriya i n as m u c h as with my sword I have completely
vanquished those v e r y M l e n c h h a s i n every battlefield." W i t h
t h e same h a u g h t y affront of K a m a , he c o u l d h a v e flung i n
t h e face o f t h o s e r a i l i n g e n e m i e s the f o l l o w i n g w o r d s :
1ST GLORIOUS EPOCH
Heft ^T ^cT 35ft ^ jft ^"t ^^rfqiJi; ii

tsTTira fir afrq- JT^RTT f "Tt^JI II
— o f Bhatta Narayan, Act III, 37.

["Whether a charioter or a charioter's son, or whoever
(else) I m a y b e , ( t h a t i s o f n o consequence !) B i r t h i n a ( n o b l e )
f a m i l y d e p e n d s o n f a t e ; b u t m a n l i n e s s d e p e n d s o n m e !"]
91. The son of M u r a is a M a u r y a ! T h a t is precisely
why C h a n d r a g u p t a is called a M a u r y a . P r o u d o f his m a t e r n a l
extraction Chandrgupta designated his r o y a l family as
M a u r y a a n d i m m o r t a l i z e d the name of his mother, Muradevi,
in Indian history. The Maurya emperors accepted the same
Moriya caste too, (one which traded i n peacocks) that
belonged t o h i s môther. T h e g u a r d i a n d e i t y of the Maurya
f a m i l y is a l s o a ' P e a c o c k ' . T h i s fact is c o r r o b o r a t e d b y r o c k
inscriptions. The Ashoka p i l l a r found at Nandangad bears
at the foot a picture of a peacock. T h e stories f r o m the life
of A s h o k a inscribed on the celebrated 'stupas' at S a n c h i h a v e
s i m i l a r figures o f p e a c o c k c a r v e d b e s i d e t h e m ' * " ,
THE EMPEROR OF MAGADHA
92. Mahapadmanand was the emperor r u l i n g at that

time over the vast M a g a d h a empire. H e was already very
unpopular because o f his m a n y vices'*''. H i s subjects were
exasperated because of the heavy taxes, levied o n t h e m i n
order to satisfy his lust for gold. People called h i m Dhana
nand instead of Mahapadmanand i n order to deride h i m for
his e x c e s s i v e l u s t f o r m o n e y ' * " . H e c o u l d come t o t h e t h r o n e
b e c a u s e he h a p p e n e d t o be t h e b r o t h e r o f t h e e a r l i e r e m p e r o r ,
b u t he h a d n o t a s i n g l e v i r t u e , fit f o r a n e m p e r o r ! H e w o u l d
h a v e p r o v e d h i s w o r t h h a d he b u t t a k e n up the challenge o f
A l e x a n d e r a n d crushed h i m i n the P a n c h a n a d when the l a t t e r
h a d m a r c h e d o n I n d i a a n d w h e n he h a d p r o u d l y d e c l a r e d h i s
i n t e n t i o n o f c o n q u e r i n g M a g a d h a a n d be t h e e m p e r o r o f I n d i a .
He should have at least undertaken such a great e x p e d i t i o n
as to overthrow the Greeks a n d free t h e Indian territory
subujgated b y t h e m to deserve the t i t l e o f a n emperor ! But

he d i d n o t h i n g o f the k i n d , and m e e k l y s w a l l o w e d the i n s u l t
h u r l e d at h i m b y A l e x a n d e r ! This cowardliness on his p a r t
m a d e , o n t h e one h a n d , e v e r y self-respecting a n d nationalist
I n d i a n despise h i m , w h i l e , o n the other, made h i m crafty. H e
h a t e d t h e selfless n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c i a n s . I n o r d e r t o u n d e r m i n e
t h e i r p r e s t i g e , he insulted them publicly. A really capable
person was invariably an object of his hatred and was
subjected to malicious t r e a t m e n t .
93. F r o m this M a h a p a d m a n a n d , i t is s a i d , h i s c o n c u
bine, Mura, h a d the i l l u s t r i o u s son, Chandragupta. Some
anecdotes p e r t a i n i n g to Chandragupta's c h i l d h o o d are a v a i l
able b u t they are f a r too few a n d merely hearsay stories.
W h a t appears to be c e r t a i n is o n l y t h i s t h a t the cowardly
b u t c r a f t y M a h a p a d m a n a n d b e g a n t o fear t h e y o u n g C h a n d r a
gupta, shining w i t h his sharp wit, his daring and ambitious
s p i r i t , s e e k i n g t o e x e r c i s e h i s r i g h t s as t h e h e i r t o t h e t h r o n e ,
b a s t a r d as he w a s . He feared that under the leadership o f
this unrestrained bastard son, his antagonists would not fail
to dethrone him ! M a h a p a d m a n a n d v e r y w e l l k n e w h o w his
very Nanda forerunners h a d v a n q u i s h e d the o r i g i n a l S h i s h u -
nag dynasty of Magadha and u s u r p e d the throne ! Under
some such apprehension there appears to h a v e o c c u r r e d some
clash which Mahapadmanand used as a p r e t e x t to banish
Chandragupta out of the precincts of the Magadhan
empire'**. The i n t e r v e n i n g a c c o u n t is p e r m a n e n t l y lost to
oblivion. Hereafter C h a n d r a g u p t a makes his appearance i n
the U n i v e r s i t y of T a x i l a (Takshasheela) as a royal prince
h a v i n g his lessons i n p o l i t i c s a n d the science a n d art o f w a r .
A n anecdote w h i c h is c u r r e n t i n thafc r e g i o n viz. t h a t he g o t
access to t h i s u n i v e r s i t y m a i n l y t h r o u g h t h e g o o d offices o f
renowned and learned A r y a C h a n a k y a m a y h a v e some g r a i n
of truth in i t " . Chandragupta had already been studying
i n the manner described above at this university for about
s i x or seven years when Alexander attacked India. There,
f o r t h e first t i m e , this illustrious disciple of Chankya, this
young Chandragupta, began to shine w i t h his exceptional

b r i l l i a n c e i n the sacred n a t i o n a l conspiracy t h a t was being
b a t c h e d b y the I n d i a n p a t r i o t s a n d p o l i t i c i a n s to avenge t h e
insults heaped on the I n d i a n n a t i o n by the Greeks a n d to
l i b e r a t e the t e r r i t o r y lost to them.
A M A R V E L L O U S H A L F H O U R IN H I S T O R Y
94. Y o u n g Chandragupta seems t o h a v e s e c r e t l y wan

dered t h r o u g h the G r e e k camps i n order to s t u d y the peculiar
features of the Greek a r m o u r y , the Greek m i l i t a r y formations
and war strategy. F o r he was once caught b y the Greek
s e n t r i e s o n s u s p i c i o n t h a t he w a s r e c o n n o i t r i n g i n t h e e m p e
ror's camp'*. T h e r e p o r t reached A l e x a n d e r h i m s e l f a n d the
Macedonian emperor summoned the disguised I n d i a n y o u t h
t o h i s presence. Some even t h i n k t h a t the said y o u t h went
t o see A l e x a n d e r b y p r e v i o u s a p p o i n t m e n t .
95. T h a t v a l i a n t M a c e d o n i a n supreme commander and
emperor A l e x a n d e r , i n his thirties and the future I n d i a n
captain-general and emperor Chandragupta just on the
threshold of his twenties, but as yet merely a wandering
nonentity stood face t o face sizing up each other for a few
moments ! It appeared as i f two lustrous suns, one fast
approaching his zenith and t h e o t h e r n o t as yet risen fully
out of the misty shroud of the early d a w n , were s t a r i n g at
each o t h e r ' s e y e s .
96. T h i s strange interview is not l i k e l y to have lasted
for more t h a n h a l f an hour. B u t i t h a s t r u l y p r o v e d to be a
historical marvel of perennial interest !
97. Even while almost a l l the Greek writers'* allude
to this strange interview, nobody can say for certain what
exactly transpired between the two or what words were
exchanged by them. One or two of them write o n l y this
much that Chandragupta s a i d d i s t i n c t l y t h a t he was related
to the royal family of Magadha or something to that
effect'*". T h i s m u c h is c e r t a i n t h a t t o t h e q u e s t i o n s put by
Alexander, Chandragupta answered boldly and resolutely !
I n t h a t strange p a r e l y something went wrong and A l e x a n d e r

ordered the youth to he t a k e n o u t o f t h e c a m p f o r t h w i t h .
Instantly the fiery y o u t h left the camp, but i n the mean
while w h e n A l e x a n d e r changed his m i n d and called again
for the y o u t h i n his presence, he was n o w h e r e t o be f o u n d
again'**.
THE STORY OF CHANAKYA'S FAMILY

98. A r y a C h a n a k y a was b o r n i n a B r a h m i n family and
his name was Vishnugupta. H i s name Chanakya must have
p r o b a b l y been d e r i v e d f r o m h i s n a t i v e t o w n o f C h a n a k . B u t he
is m o r e p a r t i c u l a r l y k n o w n b y h i s n a m e C h a n a k y a . K o u t i l y a
is one m o r e n a m e by which he is e q u a l l y w e l l - k n o w n . His
great and a b i d i n g w o r k is k n o w n as Koutiliya Arthashastra^
K o u t i l y a must have been formed fi'om his original family
name qw) K u t a l . H e was well-versed i n almost a l l the
sciences o f t h e t i m e a n d w a s renowned at the University o f
T a x i l a a n d also amongst the learned c i r c l e s o f I n d i a , as a
great scholar. H e was u g l y i n appearance. Later on, when
after t h e i m p e r i a l r e v o l u t i o n o f M a g a d h a h i s n a m e gained
great fame not o n l y a l l over I n d i a but even i n Greece a n d
o t h e r f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s , as t h e guide and preceptor of Chan
dragupta's early years and later as t h e c h i e f m i n i s t e r of the
I n d i a n e m p i r e , s e v e r a l h e a r s a y s t o r i e s s p r a n g u p as t o h i s e a r l y
age, as they did regarding Chandragupta and Alexander.
S e v e r a l references t o t h e m b a s e d on solid grounds or other
w i s e are t o be f o u n d in many literary works, dramas, folk
lores, written many centuries after the deaths of both
Chandragupta and Chanakya. These references in Jain,
B u d d h i s t a n d V e d i c l i t e r a t u r e s are n o t w h o l l y r e l i a b l e ' * . E v e n
in a Sanskrit drama h i s c h a r a c t e r has been d e p i c t e d in an
u n r e a l i s t i c m a n n e r for t h e s a k e o f d r a m a t i c effect. A s s u c h t h e
r i d i c u l o u s d e s c r i p t i o n s o f h i s u g l i n e s s or o f h i s u n g a i n l y t e e t h
or t h e c h i l d i s h r e p o r t s , t h a t he p i c k e d u p f r o m a m o n g s t the
u n e d u c a t e d r u s t i c c h i l d r e n p l a y i n g i n t h e s t r e e t one r e c k l e s s
C h a n d r a g u p t a t o be m a d e t h e f u t u r e e m p e r o r o f I n d i a s i m p l y
b e c a u s e he t o o k a f a n c y f o r t h e c h i l d , o r because h i s k n o w
ledge of palmistry guided his choice, cannot be t a k e n as
historical truths. However, more discerning research-workers
s h o u l d n e c e s s a r i l y i n v e s t i g a t e i f t h e r e is a n y b a s i s f o r t h e m .
THE PERVERTED REPORT OF CHANAKYA'S VOW
99. One such anecdote about A r y a C h a n a k y a s h o u l d be

d i s c u s s e d h e r e as an illustration. F o r , i t is b e i n g t a u g h t i n
the present-day schools i n t h a t v e r y p e r v e r t e d f o r m . The
s a i d a n e c d o t e p u r p o r t s t o s a y t h a t b e c a u s e he b e c a m e famous
as a g r e a t s c h o l a r i n t h e U n i v e r s i t y of T a x i l a (Ta.kshasheela)
a n d the regions r o u n d about, A r y a C h a n a k y a was appointed
as t h e C h a i r m a n o f t h e Grants C o m m i s s i o n (^sn'siw) i n t h e
royal palace of M a h a p a d m a n a n d at P a t a l i p u t r a " . While
he M'as w o r k i n g i n t h a t h i g h office. E m p e r o r Mahapadmanand
c a m e t h e r e o n e d a y o n h i s i n s p e c t i o n r o u n d s . B u t he l a u g h e d
a t h i s t e e t h l e s s u g l y m o u t h a n d h i s u n s h a p e l y b o d y , at w h i c h
C h a n a k y a t o o k a great affront. Therefore, N a n d a pulled h i m
d o w n i n s t a n t l y a n d , as is w r i t t e n i n some b o o k s , pulled his
tuft of hair till it was uprooted and finally ordered h i m to
be driven out o f the palace. T h e fiery B r a h m i n i n s t a n t l y
retorted saying " I shall drag y o u down from your throne and
completely destroy the N a n d a dynasty and then and then
alone shall tie up m y tuft o f b a i r . " W i t h this g r a v e v o w he
marched straight out of the palace''.
100. B u t l e t i t be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t E m p e r o r N a n d a h a d
come there to inspect the w o r k of the C h a r i t y Department,
not to visit a beauty parlour I H o w is i t plausible, then,
that Mahapadmanand who h a d himself appointed that learned
s c h o l a r t o t h e h i g h office o f t h e President of the Charitable
Grants Department, would now say that because o f h i s u g l y
features A r y a C h a n a k y a was unfit for that post ? T h e office
of the C h a i r m a n of the said G r a n t s Department r e q u i r e d the
e x p e r t k n o w l e d g e o f t h e r e l i g i o u s sciences a n d j u d i c i a l p r o c e
d u r e , n o t p h y s i c a l b e a u t y ! B u t t h e r e i s a m o r e p o t e n t objec
tion than this one t o disprove this foolish anecdote. This
anecdote implies that Chanakya revolted against Emperor

N a n d a b e c a u s e o f h i s p e r s o n a l i n s u l t a l o n e , a n d t h a t , h a d he
n o t been thus insulted, he would have remained a loyal
servant of Mahapadmanand, t h a t the I n d i a - w i d e r e v o l u t i o n
t h a t he s u c c e s s f u l l y brought a b o u t was n o t f o r the sake o f
freeing the I n d i a n l a n d f r o m the foreign Mlenchcha domina
t i o n , b u t o n l y to avenge his personal i n s u l t ! For this very
reason this anecdote is clearly perverted.
101. When as a strategy in politics Shivaji went to
Agra accepting the overlordship of Aurangzeb, the l a t t e r
insulted him, and when there was a clash of words, Shivaji
was put under arrest. B u t Shivaji slipped away most m i r a c u
lously and skilfully and declared war against Aurangzeb.
If, a f t e r t e l l i n g t h i s s t o r y , a n y w i s e a c r e w e r e t o c o n c l u d e t h a t
i t was b e c a u s e be w a s p e r s o n a l l y i n s u l t e d t h a t S h i v a j i b o r e a
grudge against Aurangzeb and established an independent
kingdom for himself, t h a t he h a d no higher m o t i v e of the
emancipation o f his religion and country, i t w o u l d be the
height of a b s u r d i t y and foolishness. E q u a l l y absurd and
f o o l i s h w o u l d i t be t o s a y t h a t i t w a s o n l y t o a v e n g e h i s p e r s o
nal insult by Emperor Nanda that A r y a Chanakya brought
about a pohtical revolution by exterminating the Nanda
dynasty.
THAT ANECDOTE SHOULD B E EXPLAINED THUS
102. I t is n o t t r u e to say t h a t because o f his personal

insult Shivaji revolted against Aurangzeb. O n the contrary,
A u r a n g z e b h a d t a k e n a fright t h a t i t is to o v e r t h r o w his a l i e n
r e l i g i o u s d o m i n a t i o n t h a t S h i v a j i h a d t a k e n a r m s , fired as he
was w i t h a g l o w i n g f e r v o u r for Hindutwa. T h a t i s w h y he
insulted Shivaji and relegated h i m to c a p t i v i t y ! I n a similar
w a y because M a h a p a d m a n a n d h a d secret r e p o r t s that, avail
i n g h i m s e l f of the weakness of the reigning monarch, Arya
C h a n a k y a w a s b u s y c o n s p i r i n g a g a i n s t h i m so as t o o v e r t h r o w
the N a n d a empire, the E m p e r o r N a n d a insulted him i n his
r o y a l palace a n d at t h a t v e r y m o m e n t the i l l u s t r i o u s B r a h m i n
A r y a Chanakya retorted boldly, 'If I am a true Chanakya

I s h a l l see t o i t t h a t y o u r t y r a n n i c a l r u l e i s o v e r t h r o w n so
that Bharat might prosper". T h i s is h o w t h e a n e c d o t e s h o u l d
be e x p l a i n e d .
103. A very solid p r o o f f o r t h i s is a v a i l a b l e t o us i n
the very Koutiliya Arthashastra written by Chanakya
himself. W h i l e i n t r o d u c i n g t h e w r i t e r i t is s a i d ( i n t h e v e r y
book)—
'^vtsm f^r^: 5ft^: ^ i m w
— " g s m ^ ^<ft??ITT T e l a n g ' s e d i t i o n P . 4 4
—Î'q^nf'I P . 4 2 9
"He who destroyed the Nanda and rejuvenated the

national armed strength, as a l s o the national scientific
a d v a n c e , w h i c h were d e c a y i n g u n d e r t h e N a n d a regime and
t h u s caused t h e u p l i f t o f h i s B h a r a t b h o o m i , h a s w r i t t e n t h i s
treatise." H e has not used even a single w o r d i n these
i n t r o d u c t o r y l i n e s t o s a y t h a t he d e s t r o y e d N a n d a t o a v e n g e
his personal insult. I t is for the progress a n d p r o s p e r i t y o f
h i s o w n n a t i o n a n d m o t h e r l a n d t h a t N a n d a was d e s t r o y e d !
Chanakya's great w o r k itself tells it clearly !
104. The anecdote w h i c h is t o l d i n a d o w n r i g h t d r a m a
tic w a y perhaps means o n l y this, that his original nationalis
t i c a n i m u s t o w a r d s N a n d a was whetted t h e m o r e because o f
this personal insult.
CHANAKYA'S POLITICAL ACTIVITIES P R E C E D E D

ALEXANDER'S ONSLAUGHT
105. C h a n a k y a h a d been l i v i n g i n t h e v i c i n i t y o f T a x i l a
g o o d m a n y y e a r s before the aggression of Alexander'*. He
had a first-hand knowledge of the political situation i n the
B h a r a t i y a frontier territories r i g h t u p t o the I n d u s .
106. J u s t adjoining the b o r d e r l a n d of I n d i a had stret
ched far a n d wide the unitary and centrally well organized
n a t i o n , i n i m i c a l to I n d i a . C h a n a k y a was shrewd enough to

understand that i n the event of an aggression b y such a
well-organised and i n i m i c a l country, the small native demo
cracies a n d monarchies from the P a n c h a n a d to the Indus
would utterly fail i n the open battlefield, i f they were to
iight separately.
THE GREEK CITY-STATES T O O PERISHED

PRECISELY F O R THIS REASON
107. Just then a practical demonstration o f the above-

mentioned axiom took place i n Greece. The moment the
P e r s i a n E m p e r o r i n v a d e d Greece the s m a l l Greek city-states
l i k e t h e i r p r o t o t y p e s i n I n d i a , w e r e c o n v u l s e d t o t h e i r bones.
I n t h e e n d , i t is o n l y w h e n P h i l i p a n d Alexander conquered
a l l of those separatist Greek city-states a n d forged t h e m into
a powerful empire was i t possible for then; to v a n q u i s h the
Persian empire. C h a n a k y a was n o t slow to understand its
significance.
108. H e a r r i v e d a t t h e firm c o n v i c t i o n t h a t vis-a-vis a
powerful and extensive inimical e m p i r e as its neighbour,
I n d i a h a d o n l y one w a y t o d e f e n d i t s i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d m a k e
its administrative machinery strong enough to withstand
any foreign aggression a n d t h a t was to b o i l d o w n a l l the
s m a l l e r m o n a r c h i e s a n d r e p u b l i c s a n d to forge o u t o f t h e m a
•centralized, u n i t a r y a n d s t r o n g empire.
F O R T H E E N T I R E U N D I V I D E D INDIA
108-A. B u t there was not a single I n d i a n monarchy or

republic throughout the whole of the region right from
Gandhar, Panjab to the Indus delta, which could execute
this plan of C h a n a k y a , who had already appraised their
capability and inclination. N a t u r a l l y his next choice f e l l
on the only m i g h t y empire of N o r t h I n d i a , namely M a g a d h a .
H i s h e a d f u l l o f p l a n s for t h e f u t u r e I n d i a n r e v o l u t i o n , Arya
C h a n a k y a came a g a i n t o M a g a d h a i n o r d e r t o s t u d y secretly
the political situation v i s i t i n g every place right from a poor
r •
man's cottage to the r o y a l palace. A s such he was trying

t o get access t o t h e K i n g ' s court on some pretext or the
other. W h e n the question o f the appointment of Arya
Chanakya as the C h a i r m a n o f the 'Grants' department'
(?lsilE?lw) was m o o t e d N a n d a d i d n o t object t o i t because till
t h e n he h a d k n o w n n o t h i n g else o f A r y a C h a n a k y a , b u t o f h i s
scholarship. This appointment greatly helped A r y a C h a n a k y a
to perfect his secret r e v o l u t i o n a r y p l a n s .
109. B u t before l o n g E m p e r o r N a n d a h a d reports that
A r y a C h a n a k y a was n o t a scholar pure and simple, but an
e x p e r t organiser o f secret p l o t s a n d was at that time busy
p l o t t i n g against h i m . E n r a g e d at t h i s , he publicly insulted
Arya C h a n a k y a as a l r e a d y t o l d before, deprived h i m of his
a u t h o r i t y as t h e C h a i r m a n of the G r a n t s ' Department, and
expelled him out of his imperial precincts. Being thus
outlawed, C h a n a k y a returned again to T a x i l a .
110. I n t h e m e a n w h i l e , t h e y o u n g b a s t a r d son C h a n d r a
gupta being exiled, as has been already told, from the
Magadhan court by E m p e r o r N a n d a , went to Taxila and
joined Chanakya—an incident which proved most favourable
to that patriot's ambitous plans of establishing an all-India
empire.
WHY DID C H A N A K Y A B A C K CHANDRAGUPTA

ALONE?
111. I f he w e r e t o d e t h r o n e t h e w e a k a n d w i c k e d N a n d a
a n d c r o w n i n his place on the throne o f the M a g a d h a empire
any outsider, the t r a d i t i o n - l o v i n g i m p o r t a n t persons from
amongst the feudatories, the Indian princes and even the
c o m m o n people w o u l d probably have opposed vehemently,
e v e n t h o u g h t h e c h o s e n p e r s o n h a d been e n d o w e d w i t h t h e m o s t
excellent q u a l i t i e s whereas Chandragupta, though not a
lawful royal prince had some native blood-relation to the
t h r o n e as t h e b a s t a r d s o n o f t h e E m p e r o r of Magadha. He
was, moreover endowed w i t h valour and other qualities of
head and heart. As such the arch-diplomat Chanakya
s h r e w d l y guessed t h a t e v e n these v o t a r i e s o f t r a d i t i o n were

f a r less likely to oppose Chandragupta's election to the
throne of Magadha. H e , therefore, d e t e r m i n e d to c h a m p i o n
the claim of Chandragupta to the emperorship of Magadha—
w h y even to t h a t of the w h o l e o f India."
112. W h i l e the grand plan of an India-wide empire o f
C h a n a k y a - a n d - C h a n d r a g u p t a w a s t h u s b e i n g set a f o o t t h e u n
fortunate event o f a foreign i n v a s i o n was reported towards
P e r s i a . A l e x a n d e r h a d a l r e a d y destroyed the empire o f P e r s i a
a n d h a d i n v a d e d I n d i a . A l t h o u g h , as has b e e n r e l a t e d i n t h e
f o r e g o i n g p a g e , he w a s s t a u n c h l y opposed by the B h a r a t i y a
valour and forced to retreat home, it was p l a i n that A l e x a n
der's well organized i m p e r i a l m i l i t a r y might was not t o t a l l y
annulled.
113. E v e n o u t o f t h i s e v i l some g o o d d i d e m e r g e . The
r e p u b l i c a n subjects of the frontier regions, w i t h their faith
i n democratic principles shaken rudely b y the heavy knock
of a foreign invasion and the bloody wars that followed,
began to agree w i t h C h a n a k y a a n d other patriotic prophets
t h a t n a t i o n a l independence was i n p e r i l unless a c o u n t r y w i d e
Indian empire was established on the lines of the vast,
highly centralized, well-organized and unitary form of empire
of the enemy.
114. T h e first h a p p y s i g n of this revolutionary spirit
was seen i n the general uprising throughout the smaller
states and republics, conquered b y Alexander and annexed
to his empire, a n d i n the fact that h a r d l y w i t h i n s i x months
o r a y e a r o f A l e x a n d e r ' s d e a t h these I n d i a n territories shook
off the foreign r u l e a n d became independent. Justin, an
ancient, renowned writer, credits the leadership of C h a n d r a
gupta with the authorship of this wonderful a n d noble
collective uprising. " I n d i a after the d e a t h o f A l e x a n d e r h a d
shaken, as it were, the y o k e of servitude from its neck
a n d put his governors to death. The author of this libera
t i o n was S a n d r o c o t t u s . " T h e ' S a n d r o c o t t u s ' o f this q u o t a t i o n
is Chandragupta. The Greeks pronounced the name of
1ST GLORIOUS EPOCH
Chandragupta i n this very way.
T H E ONLY W A Y T O R E P E L RE-INVASION ?
115. A l t h o u g h the general r i s i n g i n these frontier pro

vinces was successful u n d e r the guidance of Chandragupta,
C h a n a k y a and others, the followers of C h a n a k y a began to
w a r n a l l princes a n d p o l i t i c a l leaders, t h a t i t h a d n o t as y e t
m a d e I n d i a n i n d e p e n d e n c e c o m p l e t e l y safe from the future
Greek onslaught. They went on preaching everywhere that
A l e x a n d e r h i m s e l f h a d v o w e d t i l l the d a y of his death that
he w o u l d i n v a d e I n d i a once a g a i n a n d c o n q u e r i t t h o r o u g h l y ,
t h a t t h e " c h i e f officers o f h i s s t a t e a n d c o m m a n d e r s were at
w a r w i t h one a n o t h e r for the d i v i s i o n of the Greek empire,
t h a t the t r i u m p h a n t one a m o n g t h e m who w o u l d ascend the
throne at Babylon would not fail to attack India with an
a r m y m o r e p o w e r f u l t h a n before a n d t h a t t h e first victims to
t h a t a g g r e s s i o n w o u l d be t h e s e v e r y p e o p l e , i f t h e y remained
disunited as separate Rajakas (monarchies) and Prajakas
(republics). B u t i f they a v a i l e d themselves of this opportu
n i t y o f the c i v i l feuds o f the Greeks a n d i f t h e y c o u l d merge
the w h o l e o f I n d i a into a strong empire with an efficient
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a t the centre, t h i s new I n d i a n empire stronger
t h a n t h a t o f the Greeks, c o u l d v e r y e a s i l y beat the MIenchchsas
were t h e y t o c o m e once a g a i n a g g r e s s i v e l y . Hence they said
I n d i a s h o u l d be b u i l t i n t o one s t r o n g n a t i o n !
INVASION O F C H A N D R A G U P T A A N D CHANAKYA
ON MAGADHA
116. W i t h o u t w a s t i n g even a single moment of the

golden o p p o r t u n i t y o f the Greek internecine wars, Chandra
gupta a n d other followers o f C h a n a k y a began o p e n l y to raise
a powerful army to march first o f a l l against Magadha
according to C h a n a k y a ' s p l a n of the political revolution. A
few b u t v e r y t e l l i n g references to this fact are t o be f o u n d
in the critique named 'Mahavamsha''". From these and
from other sources it appears that this invading army of
Chandragupta was m a i n l y composed o f the soldiers f r o m

P a n c h a n a d , t h e P a u r a v a s a n d t h e r e p u b l i c s w h o were i n s p i r e d
w i t h the preaching o f C h a n a k y a for a u n i t a r y I n d i a n empire.
I n order to enlist the sympathies of the Parvateshwara i.e.
K i n g Paurav, who was a powerful k i n g i n those provinces
C h a n a k y a is s a i d t o h a v e m e t h i m s e c r e t l y . A s Alexander's
sway had been completely thrown off from the Indian
territories. K i n g P a u r a v was no longer a subordinate satrap
•of t h e G r e e k s . F r o m s t r a y references i n some b o o k s i t a p p e a r s
-that n o t o n l y K i n g P a u r a v offered h i s s u p p o r t f o r C h a n a k y a ' s
cause, but some wealthy people too helped h i m a c t i v e l y .
• C h a n a k y a offered t h e c o m m a n d o f t h e w h o l e a r m y t o C h a n d r a
g u p t a . A f t e r establishing their h o l d on a l l possible regions o f
P a n c h a n a d , they marched speedily on Magadha*^. The I n d i a n
populace and the local powers disgusted with and enraged
a t the t y r a n n i c a l and weak rule o f the N a n d a a n d inspired
b y Chanakya's ideal of a strong u n i t a r y empire of the whole
of India, joined Chandragupta's a r m y as i t m a r c h e d ahead
fighting**.
117. In this daring and stormy march of theirs Chan
dragupta and C h a n a k y a h a d m a n y t i m e s t o face v e r y grave
dangers to their lives. Once their whole a r m y was routed b y
a v i o l e n t k n o c k o f the o p p o s i n g forces a n d b o t h C h a n d r a g u p t a
a n d C h a n a k y a h a d t o flee i n t o t h e forest t o s a v e t h e i r l i v e s * ' .
One night they had t o sleep on the bare h a r d g r o u n d , but
undeterred by any o f these calamities, Chandragupta and
C h a n a k y a formed their armies again and'again and k e p t on
marching ahead and i n the end entered the precincts o f
P a t a l i p u t r a , the M a g a d h a n capital itself.
118. The arch-diplomat, Chanakya, had bribed the
a r m y a n d the people i n the c a p i t a l o f N a n d a . O n the strength
o f this general s e d i t i o n the d a r i n g C h a n d r a g u p t a fell l i k e a n
arrow-shot u p o n the c i t y of P a t a l i p u t r a .
MAHAPADMANAND BEHEADED
119. W h e n C h a n d r a g u p t a ' s a r m y r u s h e d i n t o t h e c a p i t a l ,
blocking it very rigidly from every side there was a great

havoc everywhere. Chandragupta himself enterd the royal
palace, b u t M a h a p a d m a n a n d had a l r e a d y left i t i n the general
disorder that had ensued a n d was t r y i n g to slip out o f the
capital secretly. H e was, however, caught on the w a y and
beheaded almost instantaneously**.
SAMRAT CHANDRAGUPTA KI JAYA !
120. Chandragupta was soon p r o c l a i m e d E m p e r o r of

Magadha. H e a d o p t e d M a u r y a as h i s f a m i l y n a m e after t h a t
of his mother, M u r a . H e n c e he and his r o y a l d y n a s t y came
t o be k n o w n f o r e v e r i n h i s t o r y b y t h a t v e r y n a m e ' M a u r y a ' .
A s soon as he p u b l i c l y ascended the t h r o n e o f M a g a d h a he
a p p o i n t e d C h a n a k y a as the Chief Minister o f the empire,
approximately i n B . C . 32PS.
121. A l e x a n d e r died round about B . C . 323. It means,
therefore, t h a t w i t h i n about t w o years S a m r a t C h a n d r a g u p t a
a n d C h a n a k y a effected t h i s g i g a n t i c r e v o l u t i o n w h i c h e s t a b l i
shed the i n d e p e d e n t a n d powerful I n d i a n empire dispelling
all gloom of despondency and disintegration, w h i l e on the
other side the G r e e k feudal lords were q u a r r e l l i n g amongst
themselves**. I n order to a v a i l himself f u l l y of this o p p o r t u
nity, Chanakya immediately busied himself with the establi
shment of i n t e r n a l peace a n d order.
T H E BASIC PRINCIPLE O F CHANAKYA'S POLITICAL

THEORY—MILITARY MIGHT FIRST
122. B u t the peace and o r d e r o f even a u n i t a r y empire
u l t i m a t e l y d e p e n d s o n i t s m i l i t a r j ' s t r e n g t h alone w h i c h f o r m s
the bed-rock of the whole imperial structure. T h i s was the
basic principle of Chanakya's political theory. Warlike
spirit and armed-strength, he s a i d , w e r e t h e very life-breath
not o n l y of the p o l i t i c a l but also the c i v i l life of a c o m m u
nity. L e t that warlike spirit mitigate itself a bit and all
r e l i g i o n s , a l l s c i e n c e s , a l l a r t s , w h y t h e w h o l e life o f a n a t i o n ,
is d o o m e d !
' I n the event of the K s h a t r i y a s forsaking their old kingly

d u t y a l l t h e r e l i g i o n s are ( h o u n d ) t o p e r i s h ' . A h u g e b u i l d i n g
w i t h o u t a (proper) f o u n d a t i o n , a s a l s o , a n empire w i t h o u t an
(adequate) military strength are bound to topple down
even w i t h a stormy wave of wind. Arya Chanakya, who
preached a l l this, first of a l l began to reorganize a huge
powerful a r m y , w h i c h was w e l l - c o m m a n d e d a n d i n s p i r e d w i t h
the a m b i t i o n to w i n i n order to defend the newly-born
empire. T h i s he d i d w i t h s u c h a n a m a z i n g s p e e d t h a t d u r i n g
three or four years not o n l y his subjects came to have faith
i n his great powers but also t h e enemies of I n d i a began t o
fear i t .
123. W h a t d i d t h i s h u g e a r m y o f C h a n d r a g u p t a so w e l l
p l a n n e d a n d so w e l l o r g a n i s e d a m o u n t t o ?
124. Hardly four years earlier when Chandragupta-
C h a n a k y a vowed secretly to establish an independent Indian
empire under a unitary command their armed might was
literally n i l ! That very Chandragupta who started w i t h this
'nil' had now a well-equipped loyal a r m y o f 6,00,000 f o o t
soldiers, 30,000 cavalry 2,000 war-elephants and 4,000
chariots*'!
125. W i t h this powerful army, Chanakya wiped out the
chaos c r e a t e d b y the separatist s m a l l states, republics a n d
monarchies in north India which wanted to lead an inde
p e n d e n t life of their o w n , a n d established peace and u n i t a r y
organization. I n the end a l l the t e r r i t o r y o n t h i s side o f the
Indus up to the Panjab, the Kingdom of the P a u r a v a s a n d
S i n d h p r o p e r w e r e a n n e x e d t o t h e M a u r y a n empire**.
126. H a d any political thinker and a d m i n i s t r a t o r or an
I n d i a n emperor felt proud to have established for the first
time such a u n i t a r y B h a r a t i y a emperor, i t w o u l d have been
but natural.
INDIA'S F R O N T I E R H I N D U K U S H N O T I N D U S
127. B u t C h a n d r a g u p t a a n d C h a n a k y a were not satisfied

with extending the boundaries of their empire up to the

banks of the Indus only, they h a d vowed to establish the
B h a r a t i y a empire over the whole of I n d i a a n d to a n n i h i l a t e
the unruly Mlenchchas ! At that time the (north western),
frontier of I n d i a d i d not rest w i t h the eastern b a n k o f the
Indus. B u t i t reached m u c h farther b e y o n d the I n d u s so as
to include among its f o l d the regions l i k e the G a n d h a r a n d
the r i v e r s n o w l o s t to A f g h a n i s t h a n , b u t once w e l l - k n o w n to
V e d i c A r y a n s , l i k e t h e K u b h a (the K a b u l o f t o d a y ) t h e K r a m u
(the K u r r a m o f t o d a y ) , t h e S u w a s t u (the S w a t o f t o d a y ) , the
Gomati (the G u m a l of today) and others, right up to the
peaks of the H i n d u k u s h mountainsô". To that far end
were spread our repubhcs f o l l o w i n g the Vedic religion and
b o r n o f a B h a r a t i y a race ! A n d over these regions h a d been
ruling the traditional royal dynasties of India. As our
people i n t h a t i c e - c o l d regions were c o m p a r a t i v e l y w h i t e r i t
was a l s o called b y some " W h i t e India"^"^. Naturally the
n a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n , as e m b o d i e d i n Chandragupta-Chanakya
scheme of things, fortified its i m p e r i a l boundaries not only
u p to the eastern b a n k of the Indus with a strong army, but
i t also b u s i e d itself w i t h the planning and preparation a n d
execution o f the extension of the imperial boundaries right
u p to the n a t u r a l geographic frontiers o f I n d i a , the H i n d u k u s h
mountain, and yearned to hoist its flag o n the t o p of t h a t
mountain.
" T h e s e a l s o l a b o u r e d i n t h e cause e s p o u s e d b y the o t h e r

sages."
G R E E K F E U D S A N D T H E DIVISION O F T H E EMPJLRE
128. I n the meanwhile, the Greek c i v i l feuds h a d t e m

p o r a r i l y ceased by dividing A l e x a n d e r ' s empire, ceding its
vast portion from the Indian frontiers up to B a b y l o n to
Seleucos N i c a t o r , one of the bravest a n d most experienced
veteran of Alexander's military ofiicers, w h o r u l e d i t as a n
independent sovereign^"*. H e was supposed to inherit the
c l a i m to the region b e y o n d the H i n d u k u s h w h i c h was f o r m e l y

conquered b y Alexander.
129. H e , therefore, demanded the surrender of that
region from Chandragupta who had appropriated i t to him-
self^"^. O f c o u r s e , S e l e u c o s d i d n o t r e a l i z e t h a t n o w t h e G r e e k s
h a d t o face n o t a n A m b h i o f T a x i l a as before, n o r a n y c o w a r d l y
minister, but K i n g Chandragupta a n d his minister, C h a n a k y a 1
T h e y n o t o n l y scoffed a t t h i s f r i v o l o u s d e m a n d o f S e l e u c o s b u t
demanded i n r e t u r n the surrender of the region from G a n d h a r
t o H i n d u k u s h b e y o n d t h e r i v e r Indus^"*.
S E L E U C O S A T T A C K S INDIA W I T H A M I G H T Y A R M Y
130. E n r a g e d at this rebuff, Seleucos marched against

I n d i a r o u n d a b o u t 315 B . C . w i t h a G r e e k a r m y , t r a i n e d u n d e r
Alexander^"*. I f we leave a s i d e the little-known invasion of
G a n d h a r b y A l e x a n d e r i n B . C . 329, t h i s w a s t h e s e c o n d inva
sion of I n d i a b y the Greeks after the famous one, already
f u l l y d e s c r i b e d , b y A l e x a n d e r i n B . C . 326.
131. B u t t h i s t i m e , a f t e r he c r o s s e d t h e I n d u s , Seleucos
was amazed to see t h a t the region instead of being d i v i d e d
into separate Indian republics as a t t h e t i m e o f Alexander
h a d undergone a complete change, b o t h p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y ,
because o f the b r a v e efforts o f C h a n d r a g u p t a and Chanakya.
H e was confused. R i g h t from the northernmost part of the
Panjab, on the b a n k o f the Indus, to the waters of the
W e s t e r n S e a ( S i n d h u s a g a r ) h e s a w e r e c t e d , as i t w e r e , a s t e e l
wall of well organized, centrally controlled fourfold Indian
army to check his advance ! A n d at the head of i t was
C h a n d r a g u p t a h i m s e l f !!
132. A s s o o n as the two armies thirsting to fight met,
a bitter war started. The Greeks d i d their utmost b u t at last
t h e I n d i a n forces o n t w o o r t h r e e battle-fields somewhere o n
t h e b a n k s o f t h e I n d u s (the p l a c e o r p l a c e s a r e u n k n o w n y e t ) ,
p u t t h e m to such a p i t i f u l rout that Seleucos could not help
c a p i t u l a t i n g to the v i c t o r i o u s Chandragupta^"*.
1ST GLORIOUS E P O C H 55.
REVENGE OF T H EDEFEAT OF KING PAURAV

133. Thus was avenged by this decisive victory o f
C h a n d r a g u p t a o v e r t h e v a n q u i s h e d G r e e k s t h e o l d sore o f t h e ,
defeat of K i n g P a u r a v a n d other atrocities and insults meted
out to the Indians b y A l e x a n d e r ! S o —
THE VANQUISHED SELEUCOS MEEKLY ACCEPTED

A L L T H E T E R M S O F T H E VICTORIOUS
CHANDRAGUPTA"'.
134. According to these terms of the treaty, Seleucos

relinquished his right to the Indian region this side o f the
I n d u s w h i c h he h a d so f a r m a i n t a i n e d . B u t w h e n he w a s firmly
told by Chief Minister C h a n a k y a t h a t the war would not
end unless the whole region from Gandhar to H i n d u k u s h ,
w h i c h was till then i n the Greek hands, was yielded to the
I n d i a n E m p e r o r , he s u b m i t t e d t o i t m e e k l y a n d t h e thousands
of Greek warriors who p r o u d l y held their brave chests a n d
their swords drawn up v/hile crossing the Indus on their
march against I n d i a , now returned crest-fallen, with their
heads and swords held down. They crossed not only the
Indus backwars but retreated to the farthest end of the
Hindukush mountain"'.
L O V E IS I M P O S S I B L E W I T H O U T F E A R
fsTT f t i r q- sft?]
135. This singular v i c t o r y of Chandragupta brought the

I n d i a n frontiers quite close t o those of the Greek empire o f
Seleucos a n d t h e d i v i d i n g line between the t w o empires was
the range of the H i n d u k u s h mountain ! The might of this
Indian emperor a n d the personality of Chandragupta and
Chanakya impressed the Greek E m p e r o r , S e l e u c o s , so m u c h
t h a t he was fully c o n v i n c e d of the advisability of having
friendly relations with such a mighty empire t h a n to be o n
inimical terms with it ! S e c o n d l y , S e l e u c o s h a d enemies on
the other frontiers although they too were Greeks. Friend
ship w i t h C h a n d r a g u p t a , therefore, was c a l c u l a t e d to overawe
them too ! For these reasons the G r e e k E m p e r o r , Seleucos,

whole-heartedly signed a treaty of permanent peace w i t h
E m p e r o r Chandragupta^"*.
136. Moreover, with a view to cementing this political
a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l friendship w i t h a w e d l o c k between the t w o
royal families a n d personal affinities a n d ties, the Greek
emperor celebrated the marriage o f his daughter w i t h C h a n d -
ragupta"!.
137. T h i s offer o f the royal princess i n marriage b y
Seleucos erected a golden pinnacle bedecked with jewels
over the magnificent temple of the success of Emperor
Chandragupta!
THE GLORIOUS TREATISE OF MAHAMATYA

CHANAKYA!
138. H o w v e r y e f f e c t i v e l y a n d firmly w i t h f u l l r e g a r d to
t h e p r o p r i e t y o f t h e case a n d y e t h o w v e r y discreetly Chana
k y a m a n a g e d t h e affairs o f t h e s t a t e c a n be c l e a r l y seen f r o m
his treatise on body politic n a m e d Kautileeya Arthashastra
and from the far-reaching influence of the i n v i n c i b l e Indian
E m p i r e w h i c h k e p t on i n c r e a s i n g for at least a h u n d r e d years
afterwards. T h e account of Megasthenese, the Greek ambas
s a d o r a t t h e c o u r t o f C h a n d r a g u p t a , a l s o testifies t o t h e p a r t
this Treatise played in m a i n t a i n i n g peace and order and
affluence i n t h e w h o l e e m p i r e ' " .
139. A t times a single historical event happening over
n i g h t or w i t h i n a single d a y changes the whole current of
history for over a thousand years to come. This decisive
victory o f C h a n d r a g u p t a o v e r t h e G r e e k s h a d also h a d far-
r e a c h i n g effects. The English historian, Vincent Smith, has
t h i s r e m a r k t o offer : " F o r a l m o s t a h u n d r e d years after the
f a i l u r e o f S e l e u c o s N i k a t o r no G r e e k s o v e r e i g n presumed to
attack India".
140. " • • • T h e first I n d i a n e m p e r o r , m o r e t h a n t w o t h o u s
a n d y e a r s ago t h u s e n t e r e d i n t o p o s s e s s i o n o f t h a t " S c i e n t i f i c
f r o n t i e r " sighed for in vain by his English successors a n d
1ST GLORIOUS EPOCH 57;
n e v e r h e l d i n i t s e n t i r e t y e v e n b y t h e M o g h u l m o n a r c h s of*
the 16th a n d 17th centuries {Early History of India, 4th ed.
1924 b y V . A . S m i t h , P . 126).
DID A L E X A N D E R C O N Q U E R INDIA ? N O . ;
141. I n the ancient period throughout the whole o f

E u r o p e G r e e k c i v i l i z a t i o n w a s t h e o n l y one w h i c h w a s f a r a h e a d t
o f o t h e r s . A l m o s t a l l t h e m o d e r n n a t i o n s o f E u r o p e , therefore,;
rever i t as their source. N a t u r a l l y the name of a valiantr
Greek emperor of that t i m e l i k e A l e x a n d e r i s , t h e r e f o r e , a:
source o f l i v i n g i n s p i r a t i o n t o t h e m . The European histories,
therefore, call h i m " A l e x a n d e r the G r e a t " a n d m a n y anecdotes
•and l e g e n d s i n the m y t h i c a l m a n n e r are colourfully taught
to the y o u n g p u p i l s t h r o u g h t h e i r h i s t o r y text-books. B u t the
• c o m m o n l y e d u c a t e d E u r o p e a n p e o p l e — n o t o f course, t h e f e w
learned historians—are blissfully ignorant of thet hen I n d i a n
antogonists o f A l e x a n d e r and his Greek empire, C h a n d r a g u p t a ,
•and h i s m i n i s t e r , C h a n a k y a ! Such perversion of history can
be o v e r l o o k e d so f a r as the European p e o p l e are concerned.
B u t after the establishment of the B r i t i s h rule over I n d i a i n
•our s c h o o l s a n d colleges t o o the same disproportionate
p r a i s e s were s u n g o f A l e x a n d e r i n t h e h i s t o r y t e x t - b o o k s a n d
other types of literature. Because three or four generations
of ours have been i m p a r t e d the same E n g l i s h education, our
e d u c a t e d classes are a l s o i m p r e s s e d b y t h e n a m e A l e x a n d e r t h e
Great. B u t t h e y too p r o b a b l y never knew who C h a n d r a g u p t a
or C h a n a k y a was. T h i s perversion o f h i s t o r y a n d the m i s u n
d e r s t a n d i n g i t has c r e a t e d i n t h e m i n d s o f our people should
no m o r e be t o l e r a t e d hereafter. W e may not m i n d the other
traditional anecdotes about Alexander, but those at least
which are connected with Indian history and which extol
A l e x a n d e r d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y to the derogation of the I n d i a n
people, must be deleted from our school text-books a n d from
our literature. Take for example, the one c o l o u r f u l l y told
i n the school and college b o o k s o f E u r o p e and other types
•of l i t e r a t u r e a n d w h i c h w a s widely published i n our country
a l s o b y the English.
142. T h e Greeks a n d the other E u r o p e a n people believed
t h a t A l e x a n d e r w a s a w o r l d - c o n q u e r o r a n d he h a d c o n q u e r e d
the whole o f I n d i a . When that war-like Emperor returned
h o m e a f t e r h i s w o r l d - c o n q u e s t , he i s s a i d t o h a v e b u r s t into
tears at the s a d t h o u g h t t h a t no more c o u n t r y remained for
him to be conquered. This anecdote about Alexander is
proudly t o l d not only i n Europe but even i n I n d i a ! Now it
c a n be v e r y c l e a r l y seen h o w very absurd and ludicrous t h i s
b e l i e f is f r o m t h e s h o r t a c c o u n t g i v e n e a r l i e r i n these pages.
T o the great n a t i o n o f those times, C h i n a , he n e v e r t u r n e d
h i s face. B u t e v e n i f w e l e a v e t h i s f a c t a s i d e , w e h a v e a l r e a d y
s h o w n h o w he w a s baffled a n d m a d e t o retreat when he came
c o n q u e r i n g to t h e W e s t e r n f r o n t i e r s o f I n d i a w i t h t h e a m b i
tious design to conquer the E m p i r e of M a g a d h a a n d the rest
of I n d i a a n d how his aspirations were defeated. Alexander
was brave, A l e x a n d e r was a conqueror ! B u t he w a s n o t a
world-conqueror I C o n q u e r o r o f I n d i a he n e v e r w a s !! I f at
a l l t h a t v a l i a n t hero was r e a l l y m o v e d to tears i t was i m p o s s i
ble that his tears should have been caused b y the t h o u g h t
t h a t t h e r e w a s no other c o u n t r y left for conquest I F o r he
himself knew that it was false. H i s tears then must have-
been caused b y the sad realization that he w a s n o t a b l e to-
d e f e a t I n d i a c o m p l e t e l y w h i c h he l o n g e d so m u c h t o c o n q u e r .
On the contrary he m u s t have been m u c h d i s t u r b e d by the
thought t h a t even the s m a l l corner o f I n d i a t h a t he b e l i e v e d
he w a s a b l e t o conquer was also v e r y l i k e l y t o be w r e n c h e d '
f r o m his h a n d s b y t h e r e b e l l i o u s I n d i a n s !
142. A A s i t is s a i d i n t h e p o e m " G o m a n t a k "
[ O f w h o m s o e v e r else he m i g h t be t h e c o n q u e r o r , A l e x a n d e r -
was n e v e r t h e c o n q u e r o r o f I n d i a ! H e did not e v e n see the-
courtyard (of t h e p a l a t i a l edifice) o f I n d i a , a n d t o m a n y -
o t h e r s he w a s n e v e r k n o w n ( e v e n b y name) !]
1ST GLORIOUS EPOCH
SUPER ALEXANDER !
143. Great men should o r d i n a r i l y be n e v e r c o m p a r e d
w i t h one another. They are g r e a t i n various ways, but i f
a n y b o d y tries to compare any such and e x t o l t h e one t o t h e
d e r o g a t i o n o f t h e o t h e r , t h i s h o a x m u s t be e x p o s e d a n d r e f u t e d
completely. S o l o n g as E u r o p e e u l o g i z e s A l e x a n d e r a l o n e as
'the Great' a n d tries to brow-beat his antagonist, Emperor
Chandragupta, by evading a n y reference to h i m , we I n d i a n s
must need assert that i f a t a l l t h e y are t o be compared,
Chandragupta was Super-Alexander in comparison with
Alexander ! A l e x a n d e r ascended the throne of a strong
nation, already w o n b y his father and commanded an army
t h a t was also formed by K i n g Philip. O n the strength of
t h i s a n c e s t r a l i n h e r i t a n c e he bravely b u i l t up a strong Greek
empire ! B u t Chandragupta e n j o y e d no s u c h h e r i t a g e ! He
had n o t a s i n g l e s o l d i e r u n d e r h i s c o m m a n d ; b e s i d e s he h a d
been banished f r o m his ancestral empire b y his father ! O n l y
one m a n w a s a t h i s s i d e ; i t w a s A r y a C h a n a k y a ! U n d e r t h e s e
circumstances he had to start anew ! Y e t he b u i l t u p a
mighty army, conquered the ancestral empire, and wiping
out the Greek conquests under Alexander himself and under
his general Seleucos N i c a t o r , founded an Indian empire
mightier even than that of Alexander himself !
144. The epoch which starts w i t h the conquest o f the
Yavanas by Emperor Chandragupta, the Super-Shikandar
is T H E F I R S T G L O R I O U S E P O C H o f H i n d u V i c t o r i e s over
the Aggressor.
• * •
Glorious Epoch
CHAPTER II
YAVANA-DESTROYER, PUSHYAMITRA
145. Emperor Chandragupta expired in 298 B.C.^.

H e was succeeded b y his son, B i n d u s a r , w h o was also b r a v e .
H e t o o k for himself the epithet ' A m i t r a g h a t ' (the annihi-
l a t o r o f enemies^. E v e n after the death of Chandragupta
the ministership rested with C h a n a k y a at least for some
time*. Naturally, Bindusar took upon himself the task
o f C h a n a k y a a n d C h a n d r a g u p t a , w h i c h w a s left h a l f a c c o m p
lished at the latter's death, (cf : paragraphs 108 t o 127)
A c c o r d i n g to the p l a n , the Y a v a n a s were sorely beaten, the
w h o l e o f I n d i a w a s o n c e a g a i n free, a n d t h e r e w a s e s t a b l i s h e d
a s f a r as n o r t h I n d i a w a s c o n c e r n e d , a c e n t r a l l y a d m i n i s t e r e d
u n i t a r y form o f strong empire. B u t their avowed objective
was the consolidation of the whole of India under one
S u p r e m e r u l e r , f o r the s a k e o f w h i c h i t w a s his d u t y t o as
similate S o u t h I n d i a i n t o the M a u r y a n empire o f the n o r t h !
146. A l t h o u g h the several states i n S o u t h I n d i a at the
t i m e belonged to our o w n people, t h e y were independent i n
their own ways, and were a b s o l u t e l y free f r o m any kind
of foreign domination. I t was, however, necessary t h a t t h e y
should have merged their separate existence i n t o the n o r t h
2ND GLORIOUS EPOCH 61
I n d i a n empire i f the whole o f I n d i a w a s t o be one i n d i v i s i b l e

nation w i t h a central authority to guide its destiny. To do
so w a s t h e i r n a t i o n a l d u t y !
147. O n c e he s t a r t e d o n h i s S o u t h e r n campaign, E m p e
ror B i n d u s a r made almost a l l of the Southern States and
principalities accept his sovereignty either b y peace t a l k s ,
by grants of money or by threats o f violence or even by
sowing seeds o f s e d i t i o n * . I t is recorded in history that
he a n n e x e d seventeen capitals (with their states) between
t h e e a s t e r n a n d the w e s t e r n seas t o t h e M a u r y a e m p i r e . It
seems t h a t he brought the whole of the northern, southern
eastern and western India under his sole command and
accomplished the i d e a l o f the India-wide unitary empire.
B e s i d e s t h i s , t h e M a u r y a e m p i r e o f B i n d u s a r w a s unique in as
much as, even according to the standards of history, India
was the mightiest, in its military sense, of all the nations of
the then known world.
148. I t w a s because o f the invincible four-fold armed
strength built up according to the precepts of C h a n a k y a ,
t h a t from C h a n d r a g u p t a ' s accession to the throne of M a g a d h a
to t h e t i m e w h e n A s o k a courted B u d d h i s m a n d even t i l l his
death i.e. for about a hundred years, no enemy from the
outside world could give any kind o f offence to this A l l -
India Maurya E m p i r e , either by l a n d o r sea o r b y c r o s s i n g
any frontier whatsoever !
ASOKA THE HOLY !
149. Samrat Bindusar died i n 273 B . C . * . H i s son,

A s o k a , ascended the t h r o n e after him by putting aside his
e l d e r brother*. E m p e r o r A s o k a t r u l y d e s e r v e d t o be i n c l u d
ed i n t h e l i s t o f v i r t u o u s a n d h o l y k i n g s n o t o n l y o f I n d i a
b u t of the w o r l d . H o w e v e r , a c c o r d i n g to the criterion laid
down i n paragraphs 7 to 9 of this book the A s o k a n epoch
does n o t fit i n p r o p e r l y i n t h e scope o f t h e g l o r i o u s epochs.
Hence we c a n n o t d o a n y t h i n g more than bypass him with
o n l y a s l i g h t reference.
150. B u t after his conversion t o B u d d h i s m , A s o k a c a r r i e d

out an excessive propaganda i n favour of certain B u d d h i s t
principles like Ahimsa and the rest which have caused so
m u c h h a r m to the I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l outlook, her p o l i t i c a l i n d e
pendence, and her empire, that it has become absolutely
necessary to discuss at some length h e r e as w e l l as i n o t h e r
chapters, not o n l y the principles of A s o k a but also those o f
B u d d h i s m and their practices.
HAIL T O LORD B U D D H A !
161. Before discussing here some o f the anti-national

B u d d h i s t p r e a c h i n g s a n d p r a c t i c e s a n d t h e i r effects, I consi
der i t m y d u t y to state i n the beginning—so t h a t there may
n o t be a n y m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g o r p e r v e r s i o n o f m y v i e w s - t h a t
on the whole, I have a very high regard for Lord Buddha
a n d his religion. In Indian history there are s e v e r a l lofty
Himalayan peaks o f w o r l d famous personalities, and the
n a m e o f one o f t h o s e sublime heights is B h a g w a n B u d d h a !
A s regards this reverence for h i m , I too, w o u l d g l a d l y j o i n his
disciples i n bowing down m y head before his i d o l , saying
' H a i l t o t h e e , 0 L o r d B u d d h a !' T h e H i n d u n a t i o n t o o , w h i c h
gave b i r t h to such a d i v i n e considers h i m the ninth incarna
t i o n of L o r d Vishnu.
C A U S E S O F T H E D E C L I N E O F B U D D H I S M IN INDIA
152. The Buddhist cult for that matter was being

preached i n the v i c i n i t y o f M a g a d h a at least three hundred
y e a r s before A s o k a . I t was m o s t l y p r o p a g a t e d , t i l l then, b y
persuasion and conviction, on matters of principles. Natur
a l l y its progress was s l o w . I t has already been p o i n t e d out
in P a r a g r a p h N o . 16 t h a t till the time of Alexander and
Seleucos Buddhist religion was hardly known in the
Panjab, Sindh, Gandhar and other provinces. The Greeks
knew nothing of it. Good many historians are under the
impression t h a t because B u d d h i s m d i d not regard the autho
r i t y o f t h e V e d a s as t h e h i g h e s t a n d because on the whole it
a p p e a r e d on the whole atheistic, the followers o f the Vedic

religion at that time opposed it very v e h e m e n t l y a n d as
such the B u d d h i s t r e l i g i o n was e x t e r m i n a t e d f r o m I n d i a . B u t
this belief, firmly established i n the minds o f the people
throughout t h e ages t i l l t h e v e r y p r e s e n t d a y , is n o t wholly
r i g h t ; for, the belief that L o r d B u d d h a founded any non-
Vedic atheistic cult is i n itself wrong. R o u n d about the
time Gautam Buddha was born there were nearly fifty
or s i x t y creeds i n v o g u e ' a n d t h i s t h e B u d d h i s t b o o k s t h e m
selves a d m i t as t r u e . I t was customary to hold i n t e l l e c t u a l
debates of the Vedic a n d non-Vedic philosophies. Whoever
was c o n v i n c e d b y persuasion and discussion adopted freely
the religion he liked. Although it is t r u e t h a t B u d d h i s m
suffered a s o r t o f d e f e a t i n t h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l
warfare t h a t went on throughout the l o n g p e r i o d from the
d a y s o f the B u d d h a to those o f S h a n k a r a c h a r y a , the disgust
and hatred which the B r a h m i n s , the Kshatriyas and the
o t h e r H i n d u p e o p l e f e l t f o r t h e B u d d h i s t sect a n d t h e c o r r u p t
practices they followed were m a i n l y due n o t t o t h e p h i l o s o
phical or intellectual, but to the n a t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l rea
sons. H o w a l l this h a p p e n e d w i l l be e x p l a i n e d so f a r as t h e
scope o f t h i s b o o k w i l l p e r m i t .
ASOKA ENFORCES BUDDHISM
153. A f t e r c o u r t i n g the B u d d h i s t cult, A s o k a became

such a great zealot o f his new religion towards the end o f his
career that he was not satisfied w i t h persuasive type of
r e l i g i o u s c o n v e r s i o n so f a r p r e v a l e n t i n s o c i e t y . H e declared
as p e n a l a l l t h o s e V e d i c r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s w h i c h w e r e t a b o o
from the point of view of the Buddhists but w h i c h were t h e
v e r y f o u n d a t i o n o f V e d i c r e l i g i o n . F o r w a n t o f space w e s h a l l
cite not more than two or three instances. H e banned a l l
those sacrifices t h r o u g h o u t his empire which admitted of
violence*. Sacrifice was the m a i n s t a y of the V e d i c religion,
round which the Bharatiya civilization had flourished
ever since the V e d i c p e r i o d . The discontent, therefore, that
must have been caused a m o n g s t the eighty per cent o f the

population which comprised Brahmins, Kshatriyas and
o t h e r V e d i c p e o p l e w h e n those sacrifices were declared p e n a l
offences b y t h e government, can b e s t be i m a g i n e d . Ashoka
even banned hunting®. The Vedic religion considered
h u n t i n g as one of the essential duties of a K s h a t r i y a . Not
o n l y was i t f o r b i d d e n b y A s o k a to k i l l fish a n d f o w l f o r t h e
food of m i l l i o n s of people, but s i m p l y for u p h o l d i n g the
extremist p r i n c i p l e o f the B u d d h i s t i c 'total Ahimsa'. If
practised sincerely and w i t h o u t m a k i n g any exceptions, these
principles prove utterly harmful to mankind. I t was also
declared unlawful to hunt wild beasts l i k e lions a n d tigers
w h i c h v e r y often b r o k e u p o n h u m a n h a b i t a t i o n s a n d caused
great distress b y carrying away men a n d animals^". While
he w a s t h u s t y r a n n i c a l l y o v e r r i d i n g t h e r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s o f
the B r a h m i n - K s h a t r i y a a n d V e d i c p e o p l e " , Asoka went on
erecting great pillars and inscribed thereon his famous edicts
e n j o i n i n g o n h i s s u b j e c t s t o be t o l e r a n t t o a l l r e l i g i o n i s t s , t o
give respect to the S h r a m a n a s (ascetics) a n d B r a h m i n s a l i k e .
I t is r e a l l y strange t h a t an emperor, calm, cool, composed
a n d c o n s i d e r a t e , l i k e A s o k a , s h o u l d n o t be a b l e t o r e a l i z e t h e
inconsistency between his precept a n d practice.
164. Nearly fifty years before A s o k a , C h a n a k y a had
already v i s u a l i z e d the inevitable, h o r r i b l e effect o f some o f
t h e t e a c h i n g s o f the Buddhist cult o n the n a t i o n a l strength
a n d the f o u n d a t i o n o f the society as a w h o l e . A s such i n
his famous p o l i t i c a l treatise, " A r t h a s h a s t r a " , on w h i c h was
erected the whole edifice o f t h e M a u r y a e m p i r e , he h a d l a i d
down certain restrictions w h i c h were essential from the
national point of view, on those who thought of leaving the
w o r l d l y life a n d become 'bhikkus'. F o r i n s t a n c e , one o f t h e
Chanakyan rules forbade a m i n o r g i r l to enter the B u d d h a
' S a n g h a m ' w i t h o u t the express p e r m i s s i o n o f her parents a n d
the government. Another of his rules p r o h i b i t e d every
several m a n from becoming a 'bhikku', u n l e s s a n d u n t i l he
h a d p r o v i d e d a m p l y for dependants, his wife a n d children^^.
B u t d u r i n g the reign of A s o k a and l a t e r also these r e s t r i c

tions disappeared, and every m a n or woman, young or o l d ,
b e c a m e a b s o l u t e l y free t o r e n o u n c e t h e w o r l d l y w a y s t o e n t e r
the Buddhistic Sanghas. Thousands o f these 'bhikkus' i n
the 'Sanghas' were a l l o w e d free f o o d , c l o t h i n g , b e d d i n g s a n d
abodes as charities, at the cost o f the state. Asoka spent
crores o f rupees f r o m the imperial treasury on building
gigantic viharas and on the maintenance of millions of
such b h i k k u s l i v i n g i n them^'. The major part of the revenue-
collection o f the i m p e r i a l treasury was made from the estates
of the Vedic Hindus, yet it was spent o n the universal
p r o p a g a n d a o f t h e B u d d h i s t i c sect w h i c h antagonised them.
This squandering away of their w e a l t h for the growth o f
their antagonists naturally bred great discontent among the
Vedic populace.
A B L O W T O T H EIMPERIAL MIGHT !
155. T h i s excessive p r o p a g a n d a for u n r e s t r i c t e d a h i m s a

w h i c h A s o k a c a r r i e d o n b y t h e use o f h i s p o l i t i c a l authority
t h r o u g h o u t his empire a n d the countries b e y o n d i t , cut at t h e
very root o f the Indian e m p i r e a n d was even more harmful
than any other acts o f his for the n a t i o n a l existence a n d
national independence" ! Thousands of bhikkus, appointed
and maintained by Asoka preached everywhere that a r m y
strength of every sort was violent a n d sinful, and t h a t a l l
those who followed the life o f a Kshatriya were violent and
so i r r e l i g i o u s ! E v e r y o n e w h o v o w e d to practise 'ahimsa',
everyone who renounced the use o f w e a p o n s a n d h i s f a m i l y -
life a n d l i v e d the life o f a 'bhikku' i n the viharas a c c o r d i n g
to the B u d d h i s t i c p r i n c i p l e s was greater, holier a n d so m o r e
praiseworthy than the brave K s h a t r i y a soldier who fought
and bled and died i n the defence of his n a t i o n . Naturally
the common people too came to think that any and every
wandering parasite of a ' b h i k k u ' was more respectable a n d
r e l i g i o u s - m i n d e d t h a n the b r a v e a r m e d warrior^*.
156. Asoka h a d precept, c o m m o n l y preached by other
religions also, inscribed on h i s . ' p i l l a r s ' : R e l i g i o u s v i c t o r y is
more valuable t h a n the one gained b y means of arms ! " But

•was t h i s r e l i g i o u s v i c t o r y p o s s i b l e i n t h i s e a r t h l y l i f e ? Was
it practical ? A draught of nectar is said to make a m a n
i m m o r t a l ; m a y be ! B u t c a n a n y b o d y t e l l t h e w h e r e a b o u t s o f
the shop where t h a t nectar is available ?
156-A. [Whoever can satisfy his hunger by eating the

r i c e a n d c u r r y m a d e o f w o r d s ?]
167. Was not the empire of A s o k a with the u n l i m i t e d
resources, power and w e a l t h w i t h w h i c h he c o u l d c a r r y o u t ,
throughout the whole of I n d i a a n d abroad, a vigorous propa
ganda ' t h a t religious v i c t o r y was superior to v i c t o r y on the
battle-field', itself g a i n e d o n the strength of the m i g h t y and
invincible four-fold army built up by Chandragupta and
C h a n a k y a ^ ' ? H a d a l l t h a t a r m y forsworn arms a n d lived the
idle p a r a s i t i c life o f the ' b h i k k u s ' i n the ' v i h a r a s ' , embracing
B u d d h i s m , as s o o n as A s o k a ascended his ancestral throne,
w o u l d i t h a v e b e e n p o s s i b l e f o r h i m t o s i t t h e r e s e c u r e l y as a n
emperor even for a moment ? E v e n at that time the Greek
s t a t e s b e y o n d t h e I n d i a n b o r d e r a n d f a r t h e r off t h a n t h e s e t h e
more ferocious w i l d tribes of the S a k a - K u s h a n - H u n t y p e , w h o
r e c o g n i z e d ' v i o l e n c e ' as t h e o n l y means of achieving their
objectives were a n x i o u s l y w a i t i n g for an opportunity to
pounce, like a lion, on India, but t h e y feared the four-fold
invincible Indian army. W o u l d they a l l not have t a k e n this
g o l d e n o p p o r t u n i t y to t h r o t t l e the ' b h i k k u - r i d d e n ' I n d i a a n d
A s o k a ' s ' r e l i g i o u s t r i u m p h w i t h o u t t h e use o f a r m s ' a n d d r a w n
its blood ?
158. B u t i t is h a r d l y n e c e s s a r y t o i n d u l g e i n these ' i f s '
and 'whens'. A t that very time, India had unfortunately to
suffer t h e g r i e v o u s c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e p r e a c h i n g , n o t o n l y o f
A s o k a b u t o f t h e B u d d h a h i m s e l f , as h a s b e e n shown i n m y
p l a y , ' S a n y a s t a K h a d g a ' " . T h e miserable p l i g h t o f the people
a n d t h e s u c c e s s f u l r e s i s t a n c e w h i c h t h e V e d i c H i n d u s offered
w i l l be described hereafter.
159. W h i l e d e s c r i b i n g these sad consequences, I do not
at a l l i n t e n d to analyse the comparative merits a n d demerits
2ND GLORIOUS E P O C H 67,
of a l l religious principles, practices or rituals of both the

Vedic and the B u d d h i s t religions l i k e the sacrifices, p e n a n
ces, s a n y a s a n d t h e l i k e , f r o m t h e ' o t h e r worldly' point of
view, nor do I wish to examine them thoroughly and compa
ratively from 'this-worldly' outlook. To see how many of
t h o s e p r i n c i p l e s are t r u s t w o r t h y t o d a y o r h o w m a n y o f those
r i t u a l s are w o r t h f o l l o w i n g at the present time is also out of,
t h e scope o f t h i s b o o k . So these p o i n t s w i l l not be raised.
I , however, w i s h to discuss i n this book the nation-wide con
s e q u e n c e s o f t h e different r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s a n d t h e a c t i o n s
o f their followers o n the p o l i t i c a l life o f I n d i a o f those days.
For without a n y such h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s , the different cur
rents and u n d e r c u r r e n t s o f h i s t o r y o f t h o s e t i m e s c a n n o t be
properly shown.
AFTER THE DEATH OF ASOKA
160. This pious emperor, Asoka, who till his end

laboured hard according to his o w n religious f a i t h for the
ultimate good of m a n k i n d , d i e d i n 232 B . C .
161. H i s d e a t h p r o v e d t o be t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e e n d o f
that magnificent I n d i a M a u r y a E m p i r e !
162. D u r i n g t h e l a s t 2 5 y e a r s o f h i s l i f e he had applied
himself h e a r t a n d soul to the p r o p a g a t i o n o f the Buddhistic
cult. H i s d e s c e n d a n t s w h o s u c c e e d e d h i m as e m p e r o r s were
a l l h o n e s t B u d d h i s t s a n d t h a t is w h y t h e y t u r n e d out to be
nominal rulers, weak in armed strength^'. Because o f the
c r i m i n a l neglect o f the i m p e r i a l m i l i t a r y m i g h t for these f o r t y
y e a r s o r so b y t h e ' e x t r e m i s t s ' a m o n g the followers of the
Buddhist principle of 'non-violence' and their rulers, the
whole m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n of the M a u r y a empire right up
to the frontiers, and especially the north-western frontier,
gradually went into complete disorder. T h i s was allurement
e n o u g h f o r t h e f o r e i g n foes who had been so f a r kept off
through the awe o f t h e M a u r y a e m p i r e , t o venture a fresh
aggression on I n d i a h a r d l y within thirty years or so of
Asoka's death".
68 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS O F INDIAN HISTORY.
THE AGGRESSION OF BACTRIAN GREEKS

163. S a m r a t C h a n d r a g u p t a h a d defeated Seleucos N i c a
tor and d r i v e n a w a y the Greeks far beyond the Hindukush
m o u n t a i n s r o u n d a b o u t 315 B . C . (cf. paragraphs 130 to
140). Seleucos h a d established his i n d e p e n d e n t Greek king
d o m i n B a c t r i a adjoining the western side of the H i n d u k u s h
mountains w h i c h was then the extreme frontier o f I n d i a . As-
it was independent, i t h a d lost every contact w i t h the origi
n a l distant European Greek state. I f at a l l there existed a n y
contact between the two, i t was t h a t of dire enmity. These
B a c t r i a n Greeks, therefore, were called A s i a n Greeks. Be
cause o f the b r e a k i n the continuity during the intervening
h u n d r e d y e a r s o r so, these B a c t r i a n G r e e k s had fallen off
miserably i n every respect from the high standards of the
original Greeks of Alexander's time. They had now nothing
of the s p i r i t and vigour of their Alexandrian ancestors.
Alexandrian ambition of conquering I n d i a , however, still
goaded t h e m on. A s s o o n as t h e y s a w the degeneration of
the m i l i t a r y s t r e n g t h of the M a u r y a empire, these Bactrian
G r e e k s w e r e fired w i t h t h e m a l i c i o u s a m b i t i o n o f I n d i a n c o n
q u e s t , as h a s a l r e a d y b e e n t o l d a b o v e , a n d D e m e t r e o s , their
k i n g at that t i m e , c r o s s e d the Hindukush and attacked
India A s t h e I n d i a n a r m y offered n o r e s i s t a n c e w o r t h t h e
name, Demetreos reduced K a m b o j , Gandhar a n d crossed the
Indus, and conquering the whole of P a n c h n a d , that Yavana-
dhip (the G r e e k K i n g ) p r o c e e d e d w i t h h i s a r m y to conquer
M a g a d h a i t s e l f T h e whole o f the Greek a r m y was inspired
w i t h the w a r l i k e s p i r i t and t h e y began to declare that they
were going to realize the d r e a m o f the I n d i a n conquest of
Alexander^^.
W H Y THIS S U D D E N D E G E N E R A T I O N OF
INDIAN B R A V E R Y ?
164. H o w v e r y s t r a n g e i t is t h a t h a r d l y before a hun

d r e d y e a r s o r so t h e p r o v i n c e s l i k e t h e P a n c h n a d (the Punjab)
a n d others f r o m the H i n d u k u s h to the I n d u s i n w h i c h the
brave Indian K s h a t r i y a s , their republics, and soldiers and the
2 N D GLORIOUS EPOCH 69
common populace h a d a l l defeated a n d repulsed, w i t h excep

t i o n a l v a l o u r , the aggressive Greeks under Alexander and
Seleucos and drove them back, s h o u l d n o w be o v e r r u n so
v e r y easily b y the m u c h too weaker a n d degenerated B a c t r i a n
G r e e k s ! O w i n g to the c o n s t a n t d r e a d of the brave fighting
warriors of India, Alexander and Seleucos could not sleep
s o u n d l y i n t h e i r m i l i t a r y c a m p s w h i l e fighting i n these p r o v i n
ces. B u t these second-rate B a c t r i a n Greek m i l i t a r y leaders
c o u l d sleep s o u n d l y i n the r o y a l palace o f A y o d h y a (Saketa)
i n the confident safety o f t h e i r t r i u m p h .
165. This Greek invasion of Demetreos took place within
t h i r t y to f o r t y years o f A s o k a ' s a d o p t i o n o f B u d d h i s m . H o w
•did t h e I n d i a n r e s i s t i n g capacity a n d b r a v e r y i n the valiant
provinces of Gandhar, P a n c h n a d a n d others d e t e r i o r a t e so
suddenly d u r i n g those intervening years? What particular
•event in those thirty to forty years necessitated this
•degeneracy i n t h e h i g h s t a n d a r d o f I n d i a n h e r o i s m ?
166. W a s t h i s B a c t r i a n G r e e k i n v a d i n g a r m y , u n d e r the
leadership of Demetreos, i n any way superior to those of
A l e x a n d e r a n d Seleucos? N o t at a l l ! T h e y themselves ad
m i t t e d t h a t t h e i r forefathers under the leadership o f A l e x a n
der a n d Seleucos were far superior to them, were endowed
w i t h almost d i v i n e powers*'. It clearly means that the rea
s o n , w h y these i n f e r i o r a n d weaker Greeks should conquer
t h e I n d i a n s so v e r y e a s i l y , w a s n o t t h a t the Greek prowess
h a d increased since the time of Alexander but that the
I n d i a n heroism and the I n d i a n capacity to resist aggression
must have deteriorated to a horrible extent.
167. N o w , d u r i n g the hundred a n d twenty-seven years
o r so t h a t e l a p s e d b e t w e e n t h e A l e x a n d r i a n a g g r e s s i o n i n 327
B . C . a n d t h e one b y D e m e t r e o s a b o u t 2 0 0 B . C , t h e r e o c c u r
r e d o n l y one s i g n i f i c a n t e v e n t w h i c h w a s l i k e l y t o b r i n g a b o u t
t h i s g r i e v o u s f a l l i n g off i n t h e h i g h s t a n d a r d o f I n d i a n m a t e
r i a l prowess and t h e i r a b i l i t y to repulse the enemy. It must
have been the extremist propaganda of the non-resistant
non-violent principles of B u d d h i s m which condemned the
military might throughout these provinces. For no other
70 S!X GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
event o f such magnitude took place at that time. W e shall

j u s t consider here t w o p o i n t s w h i c h t h r o w some l i g h t o n t h i s
issue.
INDIAN M E N T A L I T Y A T T H E T I M E O F
ALEXANDER'S INVASION A N D T H A T A T T H E
TIME OF DEMETREOS !
168. A t the time o f A l e x a n d e r the Buddhist cult was

never heard of i n the provinces o f K a m b o j , G a n d h a r , Panch
n a d straight to S i n d . (cf. p a r a : 16). T h e people there were
hero worshippers nf V e d i c H i n d u s ! States l i k e the Y o u d h e y a s
were proud of their war-like s p i r i t a n d bore the attribute
' N a t i o n - i n - a r m s ' (siiq^sftq^) w i t h e v i d e n t e x u l t a t i o n ! (cf : p a r a
38). N o t o n l y the K s h a t r i y a s there, b u t i n some o f the states
a l l t h e c i t i z e n s , m e n a n d w o m e n , y o u n g or o l d , t o o k t h e field
t o face t h e aggressive foreign enemy. Where unfortunately
a certain republic got beaten, the brave I n d i a n ladies there
l e a p t i n t o t h e fire w i t h t h e d a u n t l e s s c h i l d r e n (cf. p a r a s 4 0 t o
55) a t t h e i r breasts ! One more t h i n g can be adduced i n
support o f the m a r t i a l s p i r i t o f the V e d i c I n d i a n s o f the time
of C h a n d r a g u p t a - C h a n a k y a who were ever prepared to p r o t e c t
the national boundaries.
169. I t is i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e h o w m a r t i a l prowess has
been e x t o l l e d i n g l o w i n g terms i n the famous treatise, 'Artha
shastra' of Chanakya, w h i c h m a i n l y guided the administra
tion of the magnificent Indian empire of Chandragupta.
A c c o r d i n g to Chanakya's treatise, a l l the varnas including
t h e B r a h m i n s h a d free access t o t h e m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e .
?rq%^t5^ 55^5:5T?^^?cr> ffsrfeT ii

(in the event of an extensive w a r w i t h the enemy. 0 Yudhi-
s t h i r , a l l t h e classes o f p e o p l e s h o u l d b e seen w e l l - a r m e d w i t h
weapons.)
T h i s was the t r a d i t i o n o f the V e d i c H i n d u s ! W h e n such
a l a r g e i m p e r i a l a r m y e n t e r e d t h e b a t t l e f i e l d i n o r d e r t o face
the enemy, the emperor, dictates C h a n a k y a , himself was to
address the whole four-fold a r m y i n the f o l l o w i n g w a y :
<'t^Kc(CA||^ ^T^ra-^f^nnRTi^: qin^Rg^gr^R ^xm ifir:
( T h e b r a v e w a r r i o r s enjoy the same bliss as the one

w h i c h is obtainable t h r o u g h the final ceremonial bath after
t h e c o m p l e t i o n o f s a c r i f i c e s — i t is v o u c h s a f e d by the VedasI
I n the righteous w a r the warriors sacrificing their lives go
i n s t a n t l y to the same blissful s t a t e ( i n heaven). This king
dom is t o be e n j o y e d b y y o u as w e l l as i t is b y m e . Then,
why wait. P a l l u p o n t h e e n e m y , a n d a n n i h i l a t e t h e m !)
171. W h o can tell, even Chandragupta himself might
have thus inspired his Indian fighting forces w h e n t h e y m a r
ched u p o n Seleucos !
172. T h e w a r , w h i c h b e a t s d o w n u n j u s t i f i a b l e a g g r e s s i o n ,
protects the v i r t u o u s people a n d destroys the w i c k e d ones, i s
never considered ' v i o l e n t ' b y the V e d i c religion. I t is called
a r e l i g i o u s w a r (a r i g h t e o u s war!)**.
173. A t the time o f A l e x a n d e r the V e d i c propagandists
had been going round kindling the fire of heroism and
b r a v a d o i n o r d e r t o fight s u c h a righteous war of liberation
against the Yavan (Greek) enemy throughout that region
from the P a n c h n a d to S i n d h . M a n y of such national propa
gandists, mostly B r a h m i n s , were being caught and hanged
b y A l e x a n d e r ! ( c f : p a r a s 32 a n d 6 9 f o r P l u t a r c h ' s c i t a t i o n )
174. After the v a l i a n t soldiers of Chandragupta thus
r o u t e d t h e forces o f t h e Y a v a n emperor, Seleucos, C h a n d r a
g u p t a a n d C h a n a k y a b u i l t a strong steel wall o f the mightiest
four-fold a r m y i n the world to protect the I n d i a n empire
right up to the Hindukush mountain. The dread of that
a r m e d m i g h t alone stopped the B a c t r i a n Greeks beyond the
H i n d u k u s h from harbouring any thought of enmity towards
I n d i a f o r a b o u t 125 y e a r s . So long as S a m r a t A s o k a c a l l e d
himself the follower of the Vedic religion, that means t i l l
a b o u t 252 B . C . , the north-western fronrier guards of the
M a u r y a n empire remained well-equipped and invincible.
175. B u t as s o o n as Asoka adopted Buddhism, this
security of the empire fell to pieces ! H a d Asoka abdicated
from the imperial throne of Magadha when he adopted

B u d d h i s m as L o r d G a u t a m B u d d h a h i m s e l f f o r s o o k t h e S a k y a
n a t i o n before h i m , a n d h a d he t r a v e l l e d a r o u n d as a b h i k k u
p r o p a g a t i n g the f a i t h , the I n d i a n empire might have been
spared a great c a l a m i t y a n d A s o k a ' s l o y a l t y to Buddhism,
t o o , w o u l d have been t r u l y tested. B u t t i l l his death A s o k a
could not bring himself to abdicate his i m p e r i a l throne. On
the c o n t r a r y he turned his whole empire into a Buddhistic
monastery to carry on the propaganda. Evidently enough
i n those frontier provinces the d i c t u m s l i k e ' R e l i g i o u s v i c t o r y
excels m a r t i a l g l o r y ' , ' A n g e r s h o u l d be conquered b y the
negation o f a n g e r ' , ' N o n - v i o l e n c e is t h e s u p r e m e religious
duty', 'Never k i l l any animal', and such others which h a d
their roots i n the Vedic r e l i g i o n , a n d w h i c h were beneficial
t o t h e s o c i e t y so l o n g as t h e y w e r e p r a c t i s e d w i t h d u e r e g a r d
to place, time and person, began to be preached in the
B u d d h i s t way, irrespective o f any such consideration and in
absolute terms, without any reservations. B a n d s of 'bhikkus'
brought up and maintained by the imperial treasury of
A s o k a b e g a n to p r e a c h i n t h a t r e g i o n t h a t a r m e d m i g h t was
a s i n ! O n l y the f o l l o w e r s o f B u d d h i s m were a p p o i n t e d to
high ofiices o f 'Dharmamahamatra' {^^ ^Tm), provincial
officers, a n d t h e f a i t h f u l g o v e r n m e n t s e r v a n t s l i k e t h e R a j j u k s .
A l l these were expected, a c c o r d i n g to the orders from Asoka,
to reader every sort of help on government level to the
precept and practice o f the B u d d h i s t i c c u l t . Throughout
the provinces like Gandhar and P a n c h n a d B u d d h i s m was
preached not only amongst civilians but also amongst the
soldiers. N a t u r a l l y i n those frontier provinces o f I n d i a , the
warlike spirit and armed strength began to decrease as
s p e e d i l y as t h e u n t r a m m e l l e d p r o p a g a n d a a b o u t non-violence
and other B u d d h i s t i c principles gained momentum every
where w i t h the avowed r o y a l support. After Carrying on such
d e m i l i t a r i z i n g and a n t i - n a t i o n a l p r o p a g a n d a for twenty years,
A s o k a breathed his last. H i s successors, the B u d d h i s t w e a k
lings, surpassed Asoka in the neglect of the invincible
f r o n t i e r g u a r d s w h i c h h a d been so scrupulously and assidu-
2ND GLORIOUS E P O C H 73
ously maintained in well-equipped military outposts since

the t i m e of Chandragupta. T h i s was ignored to such an
e x t e n t t h a t t h e w h o l e d e f e n c e - l i n e c o l l a p s e d as w o u l d a w h o l e
t u r r e t t h e base o f w h i c h h a s s u n k underground.
IN SHORT
176. Because Asoka and his descendants w i t h their

imperial support carried throughout their empire the
incessant propaganda of the one-sided extremist Buddhist
principles, which derided m a r t i a l prowess, and criminally
Jieglected the intrepidity and valour which fought for
n a t i o n a l independence, and because they transformed the
whole empire into a gigantic Buddhistic monastery and
converted the fighting warriors into saffron-clad B u d d h a
b h i k k u s , the heroic s p i r i t among the people of the frontier
provinces and their staunch patriotism suffered a horrible
•debasement a n d the military organization which h a d been
the strongest i n the w o r l d since the time of Chandragupta,
wore out c o m p l e t e l y because of this internal virus. And
t h a t is the reason w h y Demetreos' G r e e k forces, f a r i n f e r i o r
-to t h o s e o f A l e x a n d e r a n d Seleucos, c o u l d so easily reduce
the whole region from the H i n d u k u s h to the P a n c h n a d and
could march proudly towards Magadha.
177. W i t h a l l the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y a n d resources at
the disposal of these B u d d h i s t s , none o f the provincial
.governors, nor any administrator, nor even the Buddhist
population, got excited a n d b o l d l y came forward t o fight i n
t h e b a t t l e f i e l d t h e s e Y a v a n foes w h o d a r e d snatch a w a y the
independence of I n d i a a n d subjugate it. They were not
enraged at this i n s u l t o f I n d i a n o r were t h e y a s h a m e d o f i t .
"The v e r y descendant of A s o k a i n Magadha, who called him
self emperor and was adoring the i m p e r i a l throne, the
Buddhist K i n g B r i h a d r a t h , never took a step to resist the
advance of the Greek enemy !
178. Perhaps that B u d d h i s t K i n g was trjdng to win
•over t h e G r e e k s b y h i s u n r e s t r a i n e d observance o f the B u d
dhistic principle of 'non-resistance' and the one which
p r e a c h e d , " A n g e r s h o u l d be conquered b y the negation o f

a n g e r " a n d was t r y i n g to succeed in the application of the
Buddhistic doctrine by keeping indoors !
WAVE O F NATION-WIDE R A G E A M O N G T H E
VEDIC HINDUS : T H E VALIANT KHARVELA,
T H E KING O F KALINGA, MARCHES O N
THE GREEKS
179. A l t h o u g h the B u d d h i s t s were neither enraged nor

disturbed, nor for that matter, even ashamed of the fact
t h a t the Greek aggression was u n d e r m i n i n g the national
honour of I n d i a or t h a t i t endangered the nation's liberty,
the Vedic H i n d u s at least were highly enraged at this
n a t i o n a l i n s u l t a n d the i m m i n e n t n a t i o n a l c a l a m i t y . Unfor
tunately, they had no political power left i n the n o r t h o f
I n d i a which could i m m e d i a t e l y resist this n a t i o n a l c a l a m i t y .
But within a decade of Asoka's death the provinces of
K a l i n g a and A n d h r a i n south I n d i a had renounced the para-
mountcy o f the Buddhist Mauryas and established their
independent kingdoms^'. T h e k i n g s o f b o t h these provinces-
were staunch followers o f the V e d i c r e l i g i o n a n d so equally
staunch Indian patriots. B o t h of them h a d b u i l t up m i g h t y
armies well-equipped w i t h arms. The news t h a t t h e Greeks
had conquered northern I n d i a , and t h a t the M a g a d h a k i n g ,
a weak Buddhist, could not at a l l resist i t , caused a great
furore amongst the Vedic population i n South I n d i a . A t last,
the k i n g of the independent State of Kalinga, the valiant
Kharvela, decided to march himself at t h e h e a d o f a n a r m y
against the Greek a r m y of Demetreos.
THE YAVANAS ROUTED : THEIR HASTY

RETREAT !
180. F i r s t of all with a mighty army he conquered

Magadha^s and joined battle with the G r e e k forces some
where near Ayodhya^^. The strong Indian army of K a l i n g a
dealt such a c r u s h i n g defeat u p o n the Greeks t h a t Demetreos'"'
i m m e d i a t e l y t u r n e d h i s face b a c k w a r d s , a n d m a r c h e d off w i t h
all his a r m y back to his home b e y o n d the Panchnad'^.

181. A f t e r d r i v i n g the Greeks beyond the frontiers o f
India, K h a r v e l a d i d not find much time either to pursue the
fleeing enemy or to organize the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the whole
of that region. Political emergency drove him back to
Kalinga almost immediately. He d i d not dethrone the
M a u r y a emperor of Magadha, K i n g Brihadrath. A s s o o n as
he returned to K a h n g a , K h a r v e l a celebrated, according to
the V e d i c t r a d i t i o n , the horse ceremony'*, to commemorate
t h e b r i l l i a n t v i c t o r y he h a d g a i n e d a g a i n s t t h e G r e e k s i n d e
fence o f t h e h o n o u r a n d l i b e r t y o f I n d i a . T h i s horse-sacrifice
was particularly known to have a national and political
significance". Besides owing to Asoka's ban, the Vedic
H i n d u s were not able to perform a n y sacrifice whatsoever for
t h e l a s t f o r t y o r fifty y e a r s . B u t soon after the V e d i c states
were established i n K a l i n g a a n d A n d h r a , this horse-sacrifice,
t h e first o f i t s k i n d w a s c e l e b r a t e d i n t o t a l defiance o f a l l t h e
injunctions of A s o k a on the Vedic religious practices immor
talising the crushing defeat inflicted o n the Greeks, the
n a t i o n a l enemies of I n d i a .
ANOTHER GREEK INVASION
182. Seeing t h a t Kharvela had returned to the south

M e n a n d e r , w h o h a d so f a r stabilized his position i n K a m b o j
a n d G a n d h a r and who was furious at the disaster met w i t h b y
Demetreos on his m a r c h against M a g a d h a , once again i n v a d e d
I n d i a w i t h i n a p e r i o d o f four years'*. A s at the time of the
i n v a s i o n o f D e m e t r e o s so a l s o a t t h i s t i m e t h e G r e e k s d i d n o t
meet w i t h any opposition worth the n a m e i n t h e P a n c h n a d ,
which was dominated by t h e B u d d h i s t s a n d , as s u c h , h a d
become pacifist. The weak descendant of Asoka on the
t h r o n e o f M a g a d h a , t o o offered n o effective resistance.
THE BUDDHISTS SYMPATHIZE WITH

THE GREEKS
183. O n the contrary, Menander c o u l d e n l i s t t h e .sym

p a t h y o f m a n y of the Buddhists in his campaign. F o r he
•76 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
openly said that he approved of many of the Buddhist

principles and t h a t he was soon going to become a convert
t o it^^. S o , m a n y B u d d h i s t p r e a c h e r s b e g a n t o p u b l i c i s e t h a t
the Greeks h a d come to fight w i t h the V e d i c H i n d u s alone
•and t h a t i f t h e y c o n q u e r e d I n d i a t h e i r s w o u l d be a B u d d h i s t
rule ! The B u d d h i s t s were not much concerned with the
alien nationality of the Greeks. B u d d h i s m d i d n o t recognize
t h e differences o f caste, race or n a t i o n a l i t y ! T h i s was the
anti-national and anti-Indian wicked way in which the
Buddhist preachers began to delude the people of I n d i a !
A s their sympathetic assistance was so u s e f u l t o Menander,
he too began to c i r c u l a t e t h r o u g h his G r e e k agents t h a t t h i s
•campaign of his was directed s o l e l y t o n i p i n the b u d t h e
conspiracy of the V e d i c H i n d u s t o s n a t c h a w a y the i m p e r i a l
p o w e r from the hands o f the w e a k B u d d h i s t rulers of M a g a
dha**. M e n a n d e r came once a g a i n reducing the Panchnad
a n d other provinces right up to A y o d h y a . I n order to a v o i d
the repetition of the sad plight of Demetreos who h a d made
u n d u e haste at a n inopportune time, M e n a n d e r spent some
time i n A y o d h y a consolidating the n e w l y w o n territories a n d
replenishing his army before he launched an attack on
M a g a d h a and waited for the auspicious moment.
B U T T H E R E IN PATALIPUTRA...?
184. T h e V e d i c c o m m u n i t y a n d their leaders i n N o r t h

•India had already experienced a surge of heroic spirit
because o f the v i c t o r y o f the brave K h a r v e l a of K a l i n g a .
T o a d d to i t the news a r r i v e d of Menander's manacing inva
sion ! Besides, the I n d i a n Buddhist populace showed clear
signs of defection and betrayal of their co-nationalists to
Menander. T h e n a t i o n a l i s t I n d i a n leaders, therefore, formed
a revolutionary b o d y w i t h a v i e w to dethrone the vacillating
a n d w e a k B r i h a d r a t h M a u r y a f r o m t h e r o y a l seat o f M a g a d h a
a n d r e p l a c e h i m w i t h one o f t h e V e d i c sect, w h o w a s o f p r o v e n
metal like Chandragupta M a u r y a . B u t e v e r y b o d y was con
f r o n t e d w i t h t h e d i f S c u l t q u e s t i o n as t o w h o w a s t h e r e so b o l d
a n d p o w e r f u l as to t a k e the lead i n this national revolution
a n d t o d e s t r o y t h e Y a v a n a s (the G r e e k s ) c o m p l e t e l y .
PUSHYAMITRA
185. A m o n g s t the remnants of the Magadhan warriors

i n the a r m y o f the above-named B r i h a d r a t h M a u r y a was one,
named Pushyamitra. H e w as a B r a h m i n b y b i r t h . H e was,:
moreover, a staunch supporter of the Vedic religion and
I n d i a n n a t i o n a l i t y , and a devotee o f L o r d S h i v ' ' . H i s family
name was Shung. Even i n the Magadhan army he had
a t t a i n e d so m u c h i m p o r t a n c e b e c a u s e o f h i s m i l i t a r y e x p l o i t s ,
that Brihadrath Maurya himself had appointed him, not
v e r y w i l l i n g l y but o n l y out of necessity, t o t h e office o f t h e
C o m m a n d e r - i n - C h i e f o f t h e forces i n the face o f t h e d e a d l y
war w i t h the i n v a d i n g Greeks. T h e m o m e n t he g o t t h e r e i n s
of the highest military authority, Pushyamitra began to
enlarge and reorganize the a r m y of Magadha, and equipped
it w i t h a l l the weapons. T h i s focussed the a t t e n t i o n of a l l
the patriotic Vedic populace on P u s h y a m i t r a , the general
of the a r m y . E v e r y b o d y a n x i o u s l y hoped, i f General P u s h y a
mitra should lead the p o l i t i c a l coup ? W h o else, they
t h o u g h t , w a s , a t t h a t t i m e , fitter a n d a b l e r t h a n t h i s v a l i a n t
h e r o to a s c e n d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l i m p e r i a l t h r o n e of the I n d i a n
empire ?
186. From the historically established facts of this
Magadhan political r e v o l u t i o n w h i c h are going to be related
v e r y s h o r t l y , i t w i l l be a m p l y c l e a r t h a t G e n e r a l P u s h y a m i t r a
must have accepted the leadership of the future conspiracy.
I t is v e r y l i k e l y t h a t he must have secured, i n advance, at
l e a s t t a c i t c o n s e n t o f h i s a r m y a n d some o f i t s l e a d e r s , b e f o r e
he a c t e d openlj'.
ASSASSINATION O F BRIHADRATH MAURYA
187. While a l l these preparations were g o i n g on, one

d a y i t was decided to h o l d a grand military r e v i e w i n the
vast courtyard of the royal palace i n the capital city of
Pataliputra. E m p e r o r ^ B r i h a d r a t h M a u r y a was present there
t o witness the m a r c h - p a s t a n d receive the salute of the a r m y .
B u t w h i l e as p e r P u s h y a m i t r a ' s orders the ceremonial move

ments o f the f o u r - f o l d army and their different formations
were g o i n g on w i t h a l l p o m p a n d show a n d noise a n d bustle,
f o r some r e a s o n , n o t k n o w n t o history, some trouble arose
near the place where K i n g Brihadrath was sitting. I n the
excitement o f the moment. G e n e r a l P u s h y a m i t r a marched on
B r i h a d r a t h M a u r y a who had come t o be m e r e l y t h e t i t u l a r
head of the empire a n d beheaded him^^.
188. T h i s c h o p p i n g off o f t h e h e a d o f B r i h a d r a t h p u t a
stop t o the d y n a s t y of the M a u r y a s ! T h e B u d d h i s t i c M a u r y a n
E m p i r e met its doom that day !
189. This unexpected and horrible turn of events
caused a great furore i n the large c r o w d assembled there. B u t
d i d any o f the armed warriors or anyone from those of the
royal household who were sitting near King Brihadrath
attack General P u s h y a m i t r a ? N o , not at all. O n the con
t r a r y , t h e w h o l e a r m y h a i l e d h i m as t h e i r leader'®.
190. F o r , General P u s h y a m i t r a h a d done e x a c t l y w h a t the
soldiers themselves and m a n y others wanted to do but could
n o t , as n o b o d y i n the whole of India dared shoulder the
responsibility for such an hazardous deed. Pushyamitra
had simply done the unavoidable national duty of killing
Asoka's descendant, Brihadrath Maurya, who had proved
himself t h o r o u g h l y incompetent to defend the independence
o f t h e I n d i a n empire*".
PUSHYAMITRA AND CHANDRAGUPTA
191. Chandragupta a n d C h a n a k y a h a d to assassinate,

as a n unavoidable n a t i o n a l d u t y , S a m r a t M a h a p a d m a N a n d a
who had proved himself thoroughly incapable of repulsing the
G r e e k s for t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e I n d i a n e m p i r e a n d its inde
p e n d e n c e a t t h e t i m e o f t h e first G r e e k i n v a s i o n o f A l e x a n d e r .
Just for the same reason Pushyamitra had t o c u t off t h e
head of B r i h a d r a t h M a u r y a , the n o m i n a l B u d d h i s t emperor,
s i m p l y as a n a t i o n a l d u t y .
EMPEROR PUSHYAMITRA SHUNG
192. This momentous event took place round about

184 B . C . " and w i t h a l l the V e d i c rituals P u s h y a m i t r a was
a n n o i n t e d E m p e r o r o f I n d i a o n the throne o f A s o k a i n P a t a
liputra. It marked the end of the M a u r y a d y n a s t y a n d the
b e g i n n i n g of the reign o f the Shungas.
EMPEROR PUSHYAMITRA'S CAMPAIGN

AGAINST T H E GREEKS !
193. F i r s t of a l l , P u s h y a m i t r a stabilized the adminis

t r a t i v e set-up and consolidated his position i n his c a p i t a l
a n d the regions a r o u n d i t a n d after m o b i l i z i n g a s t r o n g four
f o l d a r m y , eager t o fight, he fell upon M e n a n d e r w h o h a d so
f a r d u g i n h i s feet safe i n A y o d h y a * * . Finding it extremely
difficult to h o l d their ground before the m i g h t y a r m s o f the
I n d i a n a r m y , the G r e e k general, M e n a n d e r began to retreat.
Earlier Demetreos had not been pursued; but this time
Pushyamitra was n o t g o i n g t o be slack. He chased and
h u n t e d d o w n the Greek a r m y . I n f l i c t i n g d e f e a t after defeat
on the Greek army and causing confusion i n their ranks,
P u s h y a m i t r a drove the d i s p i r i t e d a n d vanquished Menander
far b e y o n d the Indus. The Indian empire right up to the
Indus was once again set free from the Greek political
dominance*'.
THE GREEK SWORD WAS BROKEN, T H E G R E E K

SHIELD SHATTERED, THE VERY ROOT OF
THEIR POLITICAL POWER D U G UP
AND DESTROYED !
194. This was the last of the Greek aggressions on

I n d i a . T h i s t e r r i b l e defeat inflicted o n the G r e e k s b y P u s h y a
m i t r a c o n s u m e d t h e i r s t r e n g t h so m u c h t h a t they never h a d
the h e a r t to s t r i k e again at Bharat any time i n future !
B h a r a t thus annihilated this Greek enemy who had been a
source o f constant trouble since the time of Alexander.
195. Pushyamitra a n n e x e d a l l the territory liberated
from the G r e e k h a n d s t o h i s o w n empire**. H e a p p o i n t e d a t
U j j a i i i h i s s o n , A g n i m i t r a , as t h e v i c e r o y o f t h e r e g i o n . G e n e r a l
A g n i m i t r a was a brave a n d able c o m m a n d e r l i k e his father.
H e forced the l a n d up to V i d a r b h a i n the S o u t h to a c k n o w
ledge his o v e r l o r d s h i p . B u t l a t e r V i d a r b h a r e f u s e d t o d o so.
Hence A g n i m i t r a attacked it. I n the battle V i d a r b h a d h i s h
(the l o r d o f V i d a r b h a ) w a s defeated**. A m i d s t a l l this con
fusion. Princess M a l a v i k a , the daughter of the Vidarbharaj,
was enamoured o f the b r a v e r y a n d other virtues o f A g n i m i t r a
and was very eager t o m a r r y h i m . So w i t h the consent o f
P u s h y a m i t r a , the K i n g of V i d a r b h a celebrated her marriage
with Agnimitra. This not only created the bonds of friend
ship but also the bonds o f b l o o d - r e l a t i o n between the two
royal families. O n this romantic theme itself has K a l i d a s
composed his famous p l a y Malavikagnimitra.
A H O R S E - S A C R I F I C E IN T H E V E R Y PATALIPUTRA
OF ASOKA!
196. Pushyamitra, who had completely destroyed the
Greeks, the age-old a l i e n enemies o f the n a t i o n , a n d rejuve
nated the I n d i a n empire, h a d acquired w i t h his own splendid
v i c t o r i e s the r i g h t to perform a horse-sacrifice according
to the V e d i c t r a d i t i o n . A b o u t this right of Samrat P u s h y a
mitra Vincent Smith writes i n h i s Early History of India
(1924), " T h e Yavanas and a l l other rivals having been
disposed of i n due course, Pushyamitra. was justified in
his claim t o r e i g n as t h e paramount power of north India
and straightaway proceeded to a n n o u n c e h i s success b y a
magnificent celebration of the Ashvamedha Sacrifice at his
c a p i t a l . (P.212)*6.
197. This declaration of celebrating a horse-sacrifice
b y Samrat P u s h y a m i t r a t l i r i l l e d the whole country, barring
the m i n o r i t y c o m m u n i t y of the Buddhists, with national
pride and martial triumph. I n the v e r y c a p i t a l o f A s o k a ,
who h a d d e p r i v e d the V e d i c Hindus of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s free
d o m b y means of his supreme p o l i t i c a l authority, was this
Ashvamedha of Samrat Pushyamitra to be performed. This
horse-sacrifice of P u s h y a m i t r a was i n fact a p u b l i c i m p e r i a l
proclamation of Samrat P u s h y a m i t r a t h a t a l l the restrictions
imposed b y A s o k a on the religious freedom of the Vedic

H i n d u s were w i t h d r a w n .
198. E m p e r o r Pushyamitra's grandson, Vasumitra, was
a l s o a s p i r i t e d y o u n g p r i n c e , as h i s f a t h e r , P u s h y a m i t r a ' s s o n ,
A g n i m i t r a was a veteran army-leader a n d an efficient royal
administrator. W h e n Samrat P u s h y a m i t r a let his sacrificial
horse loose o n i t s t r i u m p h a l m a r c h t h r o u g h o u t the l a n d , the
t a s k of p r o t e c t i n g t h a t horse w i t h a strong a r m y was entrus
ted to this brave young grandson. General Vasumitra. The
horse was not o b s t r u c t e d i n h i s free r a m b l e r i g h t u p t o t h e
banks o f the Indus. B u t o n the banks o f the I n d u s he was
opposed by a certain Yavan K i n g which, according to the
conventions of the time, meant that the sovereignty of
Pushyamitra was challenged. So the y o u n g General V a s u
m i t r a f o u g h t w i t h t h e ' Y a v a n ' e n e m y a n d after d e f e a t i n g h i m
completely, got released the ceremonial horse. The bound
less j o y t h a t w a s u n i v e r s a l l y f e l t i n t h e c a p i t a l , w h e n after a
year the invincible and unconquered General Vasumitra
t r i u m p h a n t l y m a r c h e d i n t o t h e c i t y , c a n v e r y w e l l be seen i n t h e
formal i n v i t a t i o n sent b y P u s h y a m i t r a to his son, A g n i m i t r a ,
w h i c h i s s t i l l a v a i l a b l e t o us i n a l m o s t t h e v e r y s a m e words
of the Emperor*®". Kalidas has practically reproduced it
v e r b a t i m et l i t t e r a t i m i n h i s a f o r e s a i d p l a y , ' M a l a v i k a g n i m i t r a ' .
T h a t letter i n the drama is so interesting that everybody
m i g h t read i t w i t h pleasure. I t is a l i v i n g document of the
thoughts o f S a m r a t P u s h y a m i t r a a n d t h e c o m m o n feelings o f
the people o f those t r i u m p h a n t days.
A NATIONAL FESTIVAL
199. The festive occasion o f the horse-ceremony was

graced with the presence o f t h e g r e a t sages a n d a s c e t i c s o f
I n d i a , B r a h m i n s well-versed i n a l l the V e d i c lore, the h i g h
born Kshatriya Kings and princes, the p r o m i n e n t officers
and administrators of the empire, eminent citizens and
l e a d e r s i n t o w n s . P a t a n j a l i w h o w a s r e n o w n e d as t h e g r e a t e s t
of the scholars and who has n o w cotne t o be listed, with
universal approval, among the world's greatest scholars—
i n c l u d i n g t h e w e s t e r n o n e s — w a s also p r e s e n t o n t h a t g l o r i o u s
occasion. With the blessings and participation of such
celebrities the f e s t i v a l of t h a t horse-sacrifice n a t u r a l l y came
to acquire the d i g n i t y a n d grandeur o f the I n d i a n n a t i o n a l
v i c t o r y over the Mlenchchas.
T O T A L L Y ANNIHILATED ASIAN G R E E K STOCK
200. After the Greeks were driven away beyond the

I n d u s b y S a m r a t P u s h y a m i t r a r o u n d a b o u t 190 t o 180 B . C .
and I n d i a was r i d of a l l Greek dominance, t h e G r e e k race
saw the beginning of t h e i r e x t i n c t i o n . B e y o n d the I n d u s i n
•Gandhar a n d Bactria (Balhik) they had some s m a l l states
dragging on their u n c e r t a i n existence. A n d about the beginning
•of t h e first c e n t u r y o f t h e C h r i s t i a n e r a , w h e n a g r e a t t i d e o f
t h e fierce w a r - l i k e r a c e o f t h e S a k a s f r o m C e n t r a l A s i a d a s h e d
against Bactria, P e r s i a a n d Gandhar, the Greeks knew not
wrhere t o flee i n o r d e r t o e s c a p e t h e t e r r i b l e i m p a c t o f S a k a s '
sharp swords. They fled with wives and children, the o l d
a n d the infant. A t last they crossed the I n d u s and entered
I n d i a t o save t h e i r lives*'. B u t now they c a m e as displaced
persons seeking shelter ! What a tragic irony ! This influx
of theirs was a far cry from the triumphant entry of their
fore-fathers u n d e r A l e x a n d e r a n d Seleucos! T h e l a t t e r r u s h e d
i n c r y i n g hoarse for w a r , w h i l e the present Greeks came in
begging for shelter ! !
201. But India gave them shelter very graciously i n
t h o s e m o s t u n f o r t u n a t e d a y s , f o r g e t t i n g a l l enmity*^. These
runaway Greeks settled severally wherever and whenever
t h e i r s e p a r a t e b a t c h e s c o u l d find a n y s h e l t e r . Some of them
became converts to B u d d h i s m w h i l e some courted H i n d u i s m .
B u t as V e d i c H i n d u s a l o n e h a d t h e i r states everywhere in
I n d i a , these Greeks, whether they were B u d d h i s t s or V e d i c
H i n d u s , w e r e n o t a b l e t o cause a n y s o r t o f p o l i t i c a l trouble.
They adopted the I n d i a n languages, I n d i a n customs and
swiftly they were merged c o m p l e t e l y i n the Indian society.
A n d because t h e y h a d m a r i t a l a n d o t h e r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h
the I n d i a n s , w i t h i n a c e n t u r y or two t h e y c o m p l e t e l y lost the
sense o f t h e i r s e p a r a t e e x i s t e n c e as G r e e k s — t h e sense o f t h e i r
s e p a r a t e n a t i o n a l i t y ! J u s t as a l u m p o f s a l t d i s s o l v e s s w i f t l y
into the t o r r e n t i a l current o f the Ganges, i n the same w a y
t h e i r Greek e x t r a c t i o n was t o t a l l y merged i n t o the t i d a l w a v e
o f I n d i a n life.
T H E M L E N C H C H A S M E R G E D INTO O U R
CIVILIZATION
202. Most of the western historians, and our own

t o o , . have c o m p l e t e l y m i s s e d one point i n this connection
w h i c h f o r t h a t v e r y r e a s o n m u s t be m a d e e x p l i c i t here. It is
this. W h e t h e r i t was the Greeks o r other f o r e i g n aggressors,
— w h o e v e r c a m e flashing t h e i r s w o r d s b u t w h o were u l t i m a t e l y
conquered a n d engulfed, completely submerged i n our society
leaving not a trace of their separate existence behind. In
o v e r y case i t h a s been a m p l y p r o v e d t h a t i t was o n l y when
the a g g r e s s o r ' s i n s o l e n t s w o r d was b e a t e n d o w n — i t w a s o n l y
w h e n the aggressor was vanquished completely i n the d e a d l y
a r m e d conflict on the battlefield—that those foreigners became
so v e r y t a m e a n d p l i a b l e as to be easily overwhelmed and
•dissolved i n o u r society. T h i s was achieved not by peaceful
persuasion, b u t b y the stronger a n d d e a d l i e r weapons.
NO RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION-BUT T H E MOST

APPROPRIATE PUNISHMENT FOR TREASON !
203. Some o f the o l d B u d d h i s t b o o k s , i n the loquacious

s t y l e o f the P u r a n a s , enlarge upon the cruel t r e a t m e n t meted
out b y P u s h y a m i t r a to B u d d h i s t b h i k k u s , u p o n the outright
massacre o f some o f them, a n d the d e s t r u c t i o n o f some o f the
Buddhist monasteries". Even the European historians*"
h a v e set a s i d e a l l these references as e x a g g e r a t e d ones! Still
s o m e o f t h e m h a v e s t a t e d t h a t t h e r e s h o u l d be s o m e g r a i n o f
t r u t h a t t h e r o o t o f these e x a g g e r a t e d a c c o u n t s t h a t P u s h y a
m i t r a m i g h t h a v e b e e n g u i l t y o f some slight persecution of
t h e B u d d h i s t s b y M'ay o f r e v e n g e . W e also feel that Samrat
P u s h y a m i t r a m i g h t have taken good m a n y o f the B u d d h i s t s
t o t a s k , b u t n o t f o r a n y p h i l o s o p h i c a l o r t h e o l o g i c a l difference
of opinion.
2 0 4 . T h e B u d d h i s t s w e r e n o t p e r s e c u t e d as a c l a s s s i m p l y
because t h e y b e l i e v e d i n n i h i l i s m o r a g n o s t i c i s m or because
some o f t h e m were atneists w h i l e others were non-violent on
principle and condemned the Vedas, or because their reli
gious r i t u a l s were i n m a n y w a y s different f r o m those o f the
Vedic Hindus. L o r d B u d d h a himself experienced no obstacle
in the propagation o f his faith ! Let that alone ! The
B u d d h i s t f a i t h h a d b e e n m o r e o r less t h r e e h u n d r e d y e a r s o l d
b y the t i m e o f C h a n d r a g u p t a ' s succession to the throne ! In
his undivided all-India H i n d u empire a n d also d u r i n g t h e
t e n u r e o f t h e m i n i s t e r i a l office o f t h e s t a u n c h A r y a C h a n a k y a ,
no B u d d h i s t persecution of any sort was reported by the
G r e e k ambassador, Megasthenes, w h o b a d s t a y e d at the court
o f t h e first M a u r y a E m p e r o r f o r y e a r s t o g e t h e r . Megasthenes
does not refer to B u d d h i s m even b y name, for they had
not till then formed any anti-national and political alliances
detrimental to the interests o f the n a t i o n either w i t h A l e x
ander or Seleucos. I t was n o t t h e n possible for them! T h a t i s
w h y alone w i t h m a n y other religionists the Buddhists also
could observe t h e i r o w n r i t u a l s a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r o w n beliefs
and likings. Besides, they c o u l d o p e n l y p r e a c h b y sweet per
suasion and discussion.
205. Subsequent to the invasions of Alexander and
Seleucos, w h e n the Greeks came r a i d i n g for t h e second time
u n d e r D e m e t r e o s a n d M e n a n d e r a n d w h e n a d v a n c i n g as f a r as
A y o d h y a they were about to dethrone the reigning king of
M a g a d h a a n d endanger the independence o f the I n d i a n empire.
A t that time the Indian Buddhists played a brazen-faced-
t r e a c h e r o u s r o l e , as i s seen f r o m t h e f a c t t h a t these B u d d h i s t s :
swore their l o y a l t y to the Greek E m p e r o r , Menander, w h o m
they called M i l i n d . W h e n the latter adopted the Buddhist
c u l t , t h e y a c c e p t e d h i m as t h e K i n g o f t h e r e g i o n conquered
by himî. The B u d d h i s t scholars and 'bhikkus' proudly
s t r u t t d i n t h e I n d i a n c o u r t s o f t h o s e G r e e k s , as i f they were
m o v i n g i n some n a t i o n a l c o u r t . In order to put down as
s t e r n l y as p o s s i b l e these h i g h l y o b j e c t i o n a b l e t r e a c h e r o u s a c t s
o f these I n d i a n B u d d h i s t s , t h e p l o t s h a t c h e d t o undermine
the n a t i o n a l i n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d t h e open instigation to do
a n t i - n a t i o n a l acts w h i c h went o n incessantly through various
B u d d h i s t monasteries a n d v i h a r a s , P u s h y a m i t r a a n d his gene
rals were forced, b y the exigency of the time, when the war
was a c t u a l l y g o i n g on, to hang the I n d i a n B u d d h i s t s who were
g u i l t y of seditious acts a n d to pull down the monasteries
w h i c h h a d become the centres of sedition. It was a just
punishment for h i g h treason and for j o i n i n g hands with the
enemy, i n order t h a t I n d i a n independence a n d empire might
be protected. It was no religious persecution. As the
supreme a u t h o r i t y i n the i m p e r i a l administrative structure of
India, it was Pushyamitra's duty—a religious and kingly
duty according national legal code—to chastise perfidy,
whether i t was o n the p a r t o f the B u d d h i s t s or o n t h a t of the
Vedic Hindus !
ASOKA AND PUSHYAMITRA
206. I n t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g s , m a i n l y based o n
B u d d h i s t m y t h s , A s o k a has been e x t o l l e d as t o l e r a n t o f diff
e r e n t r e l i g i o u s sects w h i l e P u s h y a m i t r a w h o l l y c o n n i v i n g a t
h i s efforts t o e s t a b l i s h r e l i g i o u s f r e e d o m , i s g e n e r a l l y i m p u t e d
w i t h i n t o l e r e n c e a n d p e r s e c u t i o n o f t h e B u d d h i s t . s . T h i s false
n o t i o n h a s t o be c o r r e c t e d . I f a n y b o d y i s a t a l l g u i l t y o f r e l i
gious intolerence, i t was A s o k a himself. F o r , not only w i t h
v e r b a l p r o p a g a n d a b u t w i t h the abuse of his r e g a l authority
he d e c l a r e d as i l l e g a l a l l t h e fundamental religious rituals,
s u c h as s a c r i f i c e a n d h u n t i n g b y t h e V e d i c H i n d u s w h o f o r m e d
the majority of his subjects. But Pushyamitra did not
i s s u e a n y r o y a l decree e n f o r c i n g a n y p e r f o r m a n c e s o f s a c r i f i c e s
i n the B u d d h a V i h a r a s or the worship o f V a i s h v a d e v a i n every
B u d d h h o u s e h o l d , e v e n as a fitting retort to A s o k a ' s injun
ctions. T h e B u d d h i s t s w e r e as a b s o l u t e l y free as all other
religious sects to perform their religious rites and enjoy
religious freedom, so l o n g as t h e y a b s t a i n e d from any anti-
n a t i o n a l f o r e i g n c o n t a c t . I t is l i k e l y t h a t i n t h e t r o u b l e d t i m e s
o f national war the chastisement o f the d i s l o y a l Buddhists
m i g h t h a v e affected some o f t h e i n n o c e n t ones. But it was>

not a rule—but an inevitable exception !
207. What P u s h y a m i t r a r e a l l y d i d was to reinstate the
religious freedom w h i c h was a n n u l l e d b y A s o k a . If anybody
is t o be c a l l e d i n t o l e r e n t o f r e l i g i o u s differences, i t s h o u l d be
A s o k a and not Pushyamitra !
208. I n this context, the words o f Vincent Smith who
shows no p a r t i c u l a r p a r t i a l i t y for the Vedic H i n d u s and yet
w r i t e s j u d i c i o u s l y are w o r t h remembering.
209. H o w e v e r , V i n c e n t S m i t h , too, l i k e other historians^
has n o t r e a l i z e d t h a t the taain r e a s o n o f t h e g e n e r a l a n i m o s i t y
t h a t the V e d i c H i n d u s felt toM'ards the B u d d h i s t s , a n d the
p e r s e c u t i o n s t h a t t h e l a t t e r suffered a t t h e i r h a n d s f r o m t i m e
to time, c u l m i n a t i n g i n the t o t a l a n n i h i l a t i o n o f B u d d h i s m
i n I n d i a , is t h a t the Buddhists often times betrayed the
cause o f I n d i a n i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d I n d i a n e m p i r e . I n spite o f
the fact t h a t V i n c e n t S m i t h never realized t h i s m a i n reason
of the d o w n f a l l o f B u d d h i s m , he has held the Buddhists
responsible for the religious persecution m e n t i o n e d i n v a r i o u s
Buddhist writings. A n extract from h i s Early History of
India (1924) ( P 213-14) w i l l b e a r o u t t h e a b o v e r e m a r k s :
209-A. " T h e memorable H o r s e Sacrifice of P u s h y a m i t r a
marked the beginning of B r a h m a n i o a l ( V e d i c ?) r e a c t i o n
w h i c h was f u l l y d e v e l o p e d b y c e n t u r i e s l a t e r i n the time of
of S a m u d r a g u p t a a n d h i s s u c c e s s o r s . . . i f c r e d i t m a y be g i v e n
to s e m i - m y t h o l o g i c a l stories of B u d d h i s t writers, P u s h y a
m i t r a was not content w i t h the peaceful revival of Hindu
rites, b u t i n d u l g e d i n a savage persecution of B u d d h i s m . . . i t
w i l l be r a s h t o r e j e c t t h i s t a l e as w h o l l y baseless, a l t h o u g h i t
m a y be exaggerated...That such outbursts after all should
have occurred is not w o n d e r f u l if you consider the extreme
oppressivenses of the Jain and Buddhist prohibition when
ruthlessly enforced as they certainly were by some Rajas and
probably by Asoka. The wonder rather is that the persecutions,
were so rare. A n d t h a t as a r u l e t h e v a r i o u s s e c t s managed
to live together i n h a r m o n y a n d i n the enjoyment of fairly
i m p a r t i a l official f a v o u r . "
210. P u s h y a m i t r a who, w i t h his a r m e d might, completely

exterminated the Greek intrusion which from the time of
Alexander had often caused great h a r m t o I n d i a , a n d w h o ,
therefore, rightly deserves the title, 'Yavan-destroyer,'
protected a b l y f o r 36 y e a r s n o t only the independence of
I n d i a w h i c h he h i m s e l f h a d w o n , b u t b r o u g h t a b o u t t h e m a n y
sided development o f his c o u n t r y a n d then d i e d peacefully i n
149 B . C .
211. I n t h e sense i n w h i c h C h a n d r a g u p t a ' s rout of the
Greek pockets o f influence in India is s a i d to be t h e first
glorious epoch of H i n d u victories over aggressors, this
T O T A L E X T I N C T I O N O F T H E G R E E K S in India A T T H E
H A N D S o f Y a v a n - d e s t r o y e r P U S H Y A M I T R A becomes neces
sarily, THE SECOND GLORIOUS EPOCH of Indian
History.
* • 5f
Glorious
CHAPTER III
VIKRAMADITYA, T H E ANNIHILATER O F
SAKA-KUSHAN MENACE
212. After the t o t a l destruction o f the Greeks, I n d i a

saw another foreign aggression which has t o be r e c k o n e d
w i t h i n the I n d i a n h i s t o r y rather conspicuously and which
was i n some respects more ominous a n d e x t e n s i v e t h a n those
o f the armies o f A l e x a n d e r or other Greek generals. I mean
the incursions of the Sakas and Kushans.
213. A l t h o u g h the Sakas and the Kushans in some
r e s p e c t s differed v e r y w i d e l y a n d although they fought each
other very furiously, from the Indian point of view they
had such a s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y that they appeared almost
identical^. Hence their hordes, which dashed against
India, like t i d a l waves, one after another, were generally
called Sakas b y the common I n d i a n people. A t some places
i n t h e I n d i a n l i t e r a t u r e t h e y are r e f e r r e d t o as ' K u s h s ' ^ . F o r
t h i s v e r y reason, i n this b o o k t o o b o t h o f t h e m are m e n t i o n
e d as S a k a s .
214. The Sakas lived i n Central A s i a beyond Bactria
( B a l h i k ) i n l a r g e w i l d gangs*. The region beyond them was
occupied by tribes, equally wild and ferocious*. Even
beyond this region right in China, there were s t i l l w i l d e r .
3RD GLORIOUS EPOCH 89
m o r e ferocious, but braver nomadic tribes of the millions of

H u n s ( H s i u n g N u ) w h i c h w e r e a l w a y s a t w a r w i t h o n e another*.
These Sakas, Kushans and the Huns entertained bitter
e n m i t y t o w a r d s one a n o t h e r a n d w e r e c o n s t a n t l y a t w a r .
215. About a hundred and fifty years before Christ,
t r i b a l feuds amongst these n o m a d i c tribes flared up i n such
" t e r r i b l e m a n n e r as w e r e n e v e r h e a r d o f b e f o r e . O n e o f these
tribes, the H u n s or H s i u n g N u s of C h i n a w h o were the m o s t
pertinacious desperados of a l l , fell w i t h a l l their ferocity a n d
m i g h t upon the neighbouring tribe o f the Kushans, driving
them off c o m p l e t e l y out of their homeland towards the
"west®. So the K u s h a n s i n t h e i r t u r n fell i n repeated v i o l e n t
"tidal waves u p o n t h e i r n e x t neighbours, the Sakas, who were
then h a p p i l y ensconced to the north of B a c t r i a (Balhik) ;
•and a f t e r exterminating the latter from their abode they
founded there their own kingdom, instead. The Sakas
faithfully forwarded that kick to the adjoining Bactrians
•whom t h e y attacked instantly. I n B a c t r i a ( B a l h i k ) were a t
this time, small Greek states, maintaining their precarious
•existence since the time of Alexander. But against the
irepeated a t t a c k s o f these w i l d tribes i n w h i c h the w o m e n t o o ,
o n horse back, fought shoulder to shoulder w i t h m e n , these
B a c t r i a n G r e e k s were a b s o l u t e l y unable t o h o l d o n a n y longer
and were, therefore, completely destroyed', their land
•being o v e r r u n and occupied entirely by the Sakas. But
•even t h e r e , a n d w i t h i n a short span of a hundred years or
so, came i n h o t p u r s u i t t h e i r i n v e t e r a t e enemies, the K u s h a n s ,
w h o s e l i v e s w e r e s p e n t , as t h o s e of the Sakas, more on c a m
p a i g n i n g o n horses a n d i n fully armed m i l i t a r y camps than
;in s t a b i l i z e d and prosperous cities. T h e H u n s again attacked
the S a k a - K u s h a n s and ousting them even from B a c t r i a and
•other countries, established their own rule there. These
exterminated Saka-Kushans, being blocked from behind and
f r o m the sides, h a d to descend into the region of Baluchis
t a n ' , a n d a l o n g the route through the B o l a n P a s s t h e y dashed
-avalanche-like on the I n d i a n territories of S i n d h , K a t h i a w a d
a n d G u j a r a t . T h e y t r a m p l e d under t h e i r horses' hoofs a d j o i n i n g

Indian territory rushing violently, plundering and burning
towns and cities, sparing neither women nor children. H i s t o r y ,
unfortunately, does n o t k n o w f o r c e r t a i n w h a t I n d i a n s t a t e s
existed there at t h a t time, or whether or not, they could
arrest this irrepressible aggression o f these Mlenchchas.
H o w e v e r i t i s n o t n e c e s s a r y t o d i s c u s s t h e p r o b l e m h e r e as i t
d o e s n o t f a l l w i t h i n t h e scope o f t h i s b o o k w h i c h h a s been
o u t l i n e d i n P a r a g r a p h 7. I t is e n o u g h to state here t h a t
r o u n d about the b e g i n n i n g o f the C h r i s t i a n era these S a k a s
had o c c u p i e d the Indian territory of Baluchistan, Sindh,
K a t h i a w a d , G u j a r a t a n d some p a r t s o f A p a r a n t a k ( K o n k a n )
to the south, right upto Ujjayini*. A n d the whole of India
was extremely uneasy at the gruesome prospect of the
possible incursions o f the Kushans and H u n s who were t o
follow the Sakas !
S O U T H INDIA W A S A B S O L U T E L Y F R E E F R O M
THE MLENCHCHA-AGGRESSION
216. F o r e i g n aggressions , at least i n the ancient p e r i o d

of our history, being launched through the north-western
frontiers, i t was m o s t l y o u r n o r t h I n d i a n brethren who h a d
t o b e a r t h e w h o l e b r u n t , o p p o s i n g t h e m as b e s t as t h e y c o u l d
and i n the long arduous run destroyed them completely.
T h a t is w h y d u r i n g this p e r i o d no foreign enemy could crosa
the V i n d h y a s a n d penetrate i n t o the Southern h a l f of I n d i a .
B a r r i n g t h e one solitary, transient and half-hearted Arab-
invasion^", Southern India continued to enjoy unhampered
complete liberty, sovereign i m p e r i a l authority, a n d material
p r o s p e r i t y ; f o r a l m o s t since 5 0 0 B . C . n o f o r e i g n a g g r e s s o r was-
a b l e t o cross t h e V i n d h y a s a n d step into the S o u t h . Right
from K a l i n g a to the P a n d y a s , the Cheras, the Cholas and
other South-Indian rulers o f the time had always kept i n
r e a d i n e s s s t r o n g n a v a l forces, fleets a n d flotillas to p r o t e c t the-
W e s t e r n , E a s t e r n a n d S o u t h e r n seas a g a i n s t a l l f o r e i g n i n c u r
sions. N a t u r a l l y , the I n d i a n sea-fronts r e m a i n e d absolutely:^
inviolable throughout a l l this period. O n the contrary the
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strong South-Indian naval powers h a d carried their invincible-

and conquering armadas to B u r m a , Siam a n d other countries
right upto the Philippines and established their over-sea
p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l empire^^.
217. A s the foreign aggressions t h r o u g h the north-west
frontier were successfully opposed there and then b y our
n o r t h - I n d i a n heroes, t h o s e v a r i o u s enemies could not even
reach the N a r m a d a river. But the Sakas having entered
I n d i a through the B o l a n Pass i n B a l u c h i s t a n , i n the coastal
provinces of Sindh, Kathiawad and Gujarat, were compara
t i v e l y exposed to t h e i r o w n attacks a n d this was the foreign
aggression on South I n d i a . B u t that too proved abortive..
Why ?
THE AWAKENING OF T H E ANDHRAS
218. Fortunately, at this very time were rising ta

prominence the two States of K a l i n g a a n d A n d h r a who w e r e
staunch followers o f the V e d i c religion a n d were nationalist,
in their outlook. Like a l l other nationalist Indians the-
A n d h r a s were beside themselves w i t h m o r t i f i c a t i o n a n d i n d i g
n a t i o n at the f o r e i g n S a k a a t t a c k o n the v a s t I n d i a n region,
from Sindh to U j j a i n and at the sad and h u m i l i a t i n g fact
t h a t t h e r e s h o u l d be n o I n d i a n p o w e r t o r e s i s t i t . Moreover,
s i n c e some o f t h e S a k a h o r d e s h a d r e a c h e d as f a r as A p a r a n -
tak ( K o n k a n ) after h a v i n g crossed the N a r m a d a r i v e r , the
safety o f the A n d h r a k i n g d o m i t s e l f was seriously endangered..
F o r these various reasons the rulers of A n d h r a m a r c h e d w i t h
a mighty army against the Sakas w i t h a view to annihilate
them completely, and for the first time they challenged
the Sakas' might driving them back beyond the Narmada
river^^. Simultaneously with this impact of the A n d h r a s ,
the Sakas who had till then spread upto Ujjain i n the-
n o r t h , suffered a n o t h e r d e f e a t a t t h e h a n d s o f t h e Y o u d h e y a s .
a n d Malavas'^*. I t has a l r e a d y been described (in p a r a g r a p h s
.38 t o 4 0 a n d 5 0 t o 62) w i t h w h a t i n v i n c i b l e v a l o u r t h e s e two-
republics had offered sanguinary battles i n the defence of
I n d i a n l i b e r t y even at the t i m e of A l e x a n d e r ' s i n v a s i o n . So-
being a t t a c k e d b y the A n d h r a s from the South a n d i n the

north by the Y o u d h e y a - M a l a v a s , the very sting of the
a.ggressive fang o f the Sakas was completely b l u n t e d a n d
devenomed. T h e i r progress stopped forever. They were
never able to establish a u n i t a r y a n d p o w e r f u l rule o f a l l the
Sakas anywhere in India. Whatever stray kingdoms they
h a d f o u n d e d so f a r i n I n d i a , w e r e u n a b l e t o f a c e successfully
the two-pronged drive o f the I n d i a n retaliation.
T H E VICTORIOUS MALAVAS
219. The above-mentioned Y o u d h e y a s and the M a l a v a s

a t t a c k e d the Sakas who h a d spread round about Ujjayini.
A n a l l u s i o n h a s b e e n f o u n d t o h a v e been m a d e t o t h e f a c t t h a t
t h e M a l a v a s h a d invested the fort of ' U t t a m b h a d r a ' round
•about t h e y e a r 57 B . C . The then celebrated K i n g of Sakas,
named Nahapan, had forced the M a l a v a s t o l i f t the siege.
B u t soon after the Malava forces e n c i r c l e d N a h a p a n with
b i s whole a r m y from a l l quarters. N a t u r a l l y a decisive battle
was joined, wherein the M a l a v a r e p u b l i c a n a r m y showed the
l i m i t of its valour, but not being content w i t h the destruction
•of t h e S a k a f o r c e s w h i c h w e r e considered to be second-rate
they k i l l e d i n the war their v e r y K i n g N a h a p a n " .
MALAVA SAMVAT
220. Because of this crushing defeat at the hands of

the Malavas, the Saka military might a n d m o r a l e w a s so
m u c h s h a k e n t h a t t h e y seemed t o h a v e t a k e n a f r i g h t o f t h e i r
l i v e s t o face pitched battles w i t h the Indian armies. This
b a t t l e is c o n s p i c u o u s i n a n o t h e r r e s p e c t t o o , i n as much as
the M a l a v a s started a new era o f their o w n i n the y e a r of t h i s
victory to c o m m e m o r a t e t h e i r s i g n a l success o v e r t h e S a k a s
which had resounded throughout the length and breadth of
India. T h e y n a m e d t h i s e r a as ' K r t ' , b u t o n t h e coins that
they struck on this o c c a s i o n are i n s c r i b e d i n t h e Brahmi
s c r i p t legends such as 'Malavajayah', 'Malavanam Jayah',
" M a l a v a G a n a s y a ' a n d s o on^^.
T H I S IS T H E S A M E V I K R A M S A M V A T O F O U R S
221. I n our c o u n t r y , good m a n y emperors started new-
eras i n t h e i r o w n names. I t was a t r a d i t i o n a l a m b i t i o n , a n d
a k i n d of right of such v i c t o r i o u s k i n g s a n d emperors to s t y l e
t h e m s e l v e s as ' S h a k a k a r t a s ' (the s t a r t e r s o f n e w eras). The
l a t e s t i n s t a n c e t h a t c a n be c i t e d i s t h a t o f S h r i S h i v a j i M a h a r a j .
H e too commenced his own era the ' S h i v e - S a k a ' . M o s t of these
v a r i o u s eras e n d e d w i t h t h e t e r m i n a t i o n o f these r o y a l d y n a s
ties. H o w e v e r , o f the t w o or three eras, w h i c h have attained
a n a t i o n a l character and which h a v e been adopted by the
H i n d u w o r l d , although region-wise, and b y which not only
our mundane affairs but our religious rites also are dated
f o r m o r e o r less two thousand years, the Malava-Samvat
s h o u l d be r e m e m b e r e d r a t h e r p a r t i c u l a r l y b e c a u s e this very
M a l a v a - S a m v a t later o n became our famous Vikram Samvat.
222. The celebrated historian. D r . J a y a s w a l , i n h i s ' H i n d u
P o l i t y ' , has a b l y u p h e l d the v i e w t h a t M a l a v a - S a m v a t is t h e
s a m e e r a as o u r V i k r a m S a m v a t . H o w e v e r , he m a i n t a i n s t h a t
Malava-Samvat was also called Vikram Samvat (era
celebrating a victory) from the v e r y beginning. B u t from the
h i s t o r i c a l i n c i d e n t s t h a t w e a r e g o i n g t o c i t e here, i t s h o u l d b e
clear t h a t another view of the matter is more acceptable.
T h i s second view c l a i m s t h a t i t was to celebrate the all-India
character o f the G u p t a E m p e r o r , V i k r a m a d i t y a ' s v i c t o r y o v e r
the S a k a - K u s h a n s which w i p e d out their separate existence
from the I n d i a n soil, when the victorious k i n g began to rule
from Ujjayaini. That Vikram Samvat became, as years
elapsed, more a n d more w i d e l y k n o w n throughout the n a t i o n
and equally popular, so t h a t t h r o u g h o u t t h e w h o l e o f n o r t h
I n d i a m i l l i o n s o f H i n d u s are e v e n n o w o b s e r v i n g it in their
religious rites a n d ceremonies.
ORIGIN O F V I K R A M S A M V A T A N D SHALIVAHAN
SAKA.
223. I t m u s t be m a d e c l e a r h e r e a n d now that there i s

yet no agreement reached amongst the historians about the
o r i g i n o f t h i s V i k r a m Samvat^^. There are v e r y w i d e differ-
^94 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
ences o f o p i n i o n a b o u t t h e c h r o n o l o g y o f v a r i o u s important
events i n our ancient history. So are they o n this p o i n t too !
J J v e n i n respect o f the b i r t h of G a u t a m B u d d h a the dates
s u g g e s t e d b y d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i a n s v a r y a t t i m e s b y fifty o r e v e n
a hundred years. T h e same c a n be s a i d o f K a n i s h k a ' s t i m e s .
S o m e m a i n t a i n t h a t he a s c e n d e d t h e t h r o n e i n 78 A . D . , w h i l e
-others p u t u p t h e d a t e o f h i s a c c e s s i o n t o t h e t h r o n e as 120
A. D. Even about this V i k r a m - S a m v a t a t h i r d o p i n i o n is
s t i l l sponsored b y some historians t h a t the Vikram Samvat
h a d n o t h i n g to do w i t h the era s t a r t e d b y the M a l a v a R e p u b
l i c ; t h a t i t w a s t h e o n e s t a r t e d i n 58 B . C . b y A z e s I , one of
t h e Chief K s h a t r a p s (Satrap) of the Sakas who h a d b y then
-entered I n d i a , a n d t h e o n e w h i c h l a t e r o n p e o p l e r e n a m e d as
Vikram Samvat when the Gupta Emperor, Vikramaditya
c o m p l e t e l y u p r o o t e d the power o f the S a k a - K u s h a n s . There is
a l s o t h e f o u r t h one t h a t i n 58 B . C . a c e r t a i n v a l i a n t e m p e r o r ,
named Vikramaditya, who ruled there at the time, won
a great v i c t o r y over the Sakas a n d started this era in his
o w n name to commemorate t h a t v i c t o r y o f his. It had again
n o t h i n g whatever to do w i t h the M a l a v a - e r a or t h a t started
by Saka Satrap, Azes I. B u t as n o r o c k i n s c r i p t i o n o r any
o t h e r e v i d e n c e i s f o u n d w h i c h refers t o t h e V i k r a m a d i t y a w h o
r u l e d a t t h a t t i m e o r a g a i n as n o c o i n s o f t h e V i k r a m S a m v a t
-have y e t b e e n f o u n d t h i s m y t h about the aforesaid era has
n o t so f a r a t t a i n e d t h e v e r a c i t y o f a h i s t o r i c a l e v e n t .
224. If, however, any coins or r o c k - i n s c r i p t i o n s or other
evidence were to come f o r t h a n y time and i f a n y b o d y were t o
p r o p o u n d a new t h e o r y about the origin of this Vikram
S a m v a t , we s h a l l be g l a d to accept i t .
225. W h a t is s a i d about the V i k r a m Samvat can very
w e l l be s a i d a b o u t the Shalivahan (Salivahan) Saka. The
advocates o f t h e first o p i n i o n a b o u t t h i s e r a s a y that when
the first King of the K u s h a n s i n I n d i a , W i m a K a d p h i s e s
[Wemo (Ooemo) i n h i s G r e e k c o i n l e g e n d s a n d Y e n k a o - c h i n g
o f the Chinese h i s t o r i a n s — o f S m i t h O H I P . 147] whom our
p e o p l e considered no other t h a n a S a k a , ascended the throne
( o f h i s f a t h e r ) i n 78 A . D . , i t w a s he w h o started this 'Saka'
era. But another class of historians h o l d that i t was n o t

W i m a K a d p h i s e s w h o a s c e n d e d t h e t h r o n e i n 78 A . D . , b u t i t
was h i s successor K a n i s h k a w h o did that, and that it was
t h a t E m p e r o r K a n i s h k a who started the S a k a era i n order to
perpetuate the m e m o r y o f his accession to the throne. Later
on when the S a l i h a v a n emperors of P a i t h a n conquered the
Sakas t h e y t u r n e d the S a k a era i n t o the S a l i v a h a n S a k a to
signalize their victory. Besides these t w o , t h e r e i s a t h i r d
o p i n i o n h e l d b y s o m e h i s t o r i a n s t h a t t h e S a l i v a h a n S a k a is i n
no w a y connected w i t h t h a t o f K a n i s h k a or any other K u s h a n
King. They maintain that round about the year 78 A . D .
King H a l , who wrote the G a t h a S a p t a s a t i , h i m s e l f w o n a
glorious v i c t o r y over a S a k a Satrap i n Gujarath or Sourash-
•tra a n d to perpetuate this monumental success over these
S a k a s he s t a r t e d t h e S a l i v a h a n S a k a .
226-229. S i n c e t h e r e is n o need to discuss this topic
here at a n y g r e a t l e n g t h , i t w i l l be q u i t e e n o u g h t o m e n t i o n
two or three i m p o r t a n t points from whatever l i t t l e is w r i t t e n
here about the S a k a era. T h e y are : —
(a) W h a t e v e r o p i n i o n a b o u t the S a k a a n d V i k r a m eras
is accepted it is agreed beyond d o u b t t h a t both the eras
signify the decisive victories the I n d i a n s w o n over the S a k a -
Kushans.
(b) In our count of time Samvat is a more acceptable
term than Saka—We h a v e a l l a l o n g been u s i n g r i g h t f r o m t h e
Vedic times S a m v a t s a r and S a m v a t for the measurement o f
time. T h e w o r d ' S a k a ' has n o t b e e n g e n e r a l l y u s e d in that
sense. I t i s q u i t e c l e a r , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t t h e w o r d m u s t be a
c o r r u p t i o n o f the name of foreign aggressors like the Sakas
a n d the K u s h a n s . ' S h a l i v a h a n (Salivahan) S a k a ' is n o t a pure
n a m e o f S a n s k r i t e x t r a c t i o n as V i k r a m S a m v a t . So the name
' S a k a ' of our M l e n c h c h a e n e m i e s s h o u l d be e l i m i n a t e d and
only 'Salivahan Samvat' s h o u l d be u s e d at the time o f the
celebration of our religious rites a n d the words 'Shalivahan
Saka' or merely 'Saka' as wrongly used i n our religious
c e r e m o n i e s s h o u l d be b a n n e d .
(c) T h a t b o t h the national eras, namely the Vikram
96 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS O F INDIAN HISTORY
Samvat and the Salivahan Samvat, should be closely-

connected w i t h the glorious m e m o r y o f I n d i a n victories over
t h e S a k a - K u s h a n s is n o t m e r e l y a q u e e r coincidence, it is
of great significance. M a n y eras l i k e t h o s e of the imperial
G u p t a s a n d others, a l t h o u g h g r e a t l y honoured during those
p a r t i c u l a r p e r i o d s , are l o s t i n t h e a b y s s o f t i m e . O n l y these
two w h i c h recorded the Indian victories over the Saka-
Kushans have enjoyed i m m o r t a l i t y . T h i s m a y give us a f a i r
idea as to how our Indian Vedic people had to suffer
g r i e v o u s l y a t the h a n d s o f the ungovernable hordes of the
Saka-Kushans. F o r , otherwise these V i k r a m a n d Salivahan
S a m v a t s w h i c h were s t a r t e d to perpetuate the m e m o r y o f the
victories o f the Salivahan and Gupta emperors over the
d i a b o l i c a t r o c i t i e s of, a n d p o l i t i c a l s u b j e c t i o n b y , the Saka-
Kushans would never have attained so much importance
vis-a-vis the e x t i n c t i o n of m a n y other v i c t o r i o u s eras, and
c o u l d never have been o b s e r v e d even after the lapse of two
t h o u s a n d y e a r s as t h e c h i e f n a t i o n a l eras o f t h e H i n d u s .
INDIANS' M A R T I A L & R E L I G I O U S V I C T O R Y O V E R
THE SAKAS
230. J u s t as t h e M a l a v a s firmly c h e c k e d t h e a g g r e s s i o n
of Sakas by k i l l i n g their king, N a h a p a n (cf: P a r a 219), i n a
s i m i l a r w a y a n d at the same time d i d our Andhra warriors
march from the south towards the north and destroy the
Saka kingdoms in Gujarath, Sourashtra, and Sindh".
Harassed by the repeated offensives opened against them
b y the v a l i a n t S a l i v a h a n K i n g s l i k e V i l i n a y a n k u r , Gautami-
putra Satkarni, Vashishthiputra Pulamayi and others, the
Saka Kings upto U j j a i n u l t i m a t e l y reconciled themselves to
the sovereignty of the Salivahan Emperorsi^. There exists
a r o c k i n s c r i p t i o n w h i c h t e l l s us tha.t a Saka Satrap ' R u d r a '
even gave his d a u g h t e r i n marriage to a Salivahan King^*
as t h e G r e e k K i n g Seleucos h a d years before given his to
Emperor Chandragupta!
231. It must also be borne in m i n d t h a t because o f
incessant fighting w i t h the Indians on various battle-fields
a n d the c o n s e q u e n t d e s t r u c t i o n , d u r i n g t h i s c e n t u r y o r a h a l f ,
of thousands o f their original number o f soldiers t h a t came
t o I n d i a , t h e S a k a p o w e r suffered g r e a t n u m e r i c a l losses.
232. A s the Saka military might thus began to lose
strength because of the I n d i a n resistance, the highly deve
loped I n d i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n began more and more to effectively
impress itself o n the foreign Sakas. As a natural result o f
the constant warfare w i t h the Indians for over a hundred
years, the Sakas seemed to h a v e surrendered completely to
tbe Indian civilization. From the c o m m o n m a n to their
r o y a l families, the Sakas abandoned their own original S a k a
names and adopted purely Indian ones like Satyasinh,
R u d r a s e n a n d others^". I t i s s t r a n g e t o n o t e , t h a t m o s t o f t h e m
embraced the V e d i c religion. I n fact, ever since the Sakas
crossed the H i n d u k u s h a n d entered B a l u c h i s t a n a n d Sindh
and settled there permanently, they had come i n constant
contact with the Buddhist population and the Buddhist
centres there, preaching a n d p r o p a g a t i n g the tenets o f L o r d
B u d d b a from the time of A s o k a and Menander. Moreover
the Malava-Youdheya republics, which fought w i t h them
f u r i o u s l y at t h a t t i m e a n d defeated t h e m a n d also the v a l i a n t
armies of the Satvahanas too were V e d i c H i n d u s . The B u d d h
ists had never resisted them w i t h or w i t h o u t arms. Under
these circumstances, i t would have been b u t natural, had
the Sakas hated the V e d i c religion of their powerful enemies
a n d accepted the B u d d h i s t c u l t o f those who ungrudgingly
submitted to their political domination. B u t what happend
was e x a c t l y the opposite of this natural expectation. The
m a j o r i t y o f t h e S a k a s , r i g h t from the commoner to the r o y a l
p r i n c e , got themselves converted, most w i l l i n g l y , to the V e d i c
religionî. The raison d'etre perhaps was t h a t the Sakas
being originally of a w a r l i k e d i s p o s i t i o n , whose blood a l w a y s
rushed violently through their veins at the thought of a
battle, looked w i t h awe a n d respect the valiant Vedic war
riors who fought and defeated t h e m , enemies t h o u g h they
Avere, a n d t h e Vedic religion which i n s p i r e d such fighting
spirit amongst its votaries must have exerted a great
fascination for them.

233. T h e S a k a s came to love the S a n s k r i t language t o o .
The kings of two or three feudal Saka principalities that
were l e f t i n t h e i r h a n d s p a t r o n i z e d S a n s k r i t studies. One of
the S a k a kings made Sanskrit the official l a n g u a g e for a l l
correspondence of his court and administrative depart
ments^^. T h e i r correspondence w i t h the other I n d i a n States,
b i g or s m a l l , was also c a r r i e d o n i n S a n s k r i t . Their social
c u s t o m s a n d m a n n e r s , t o o u n d e r w e n t r a p i d changes a n d they
got themselves attuned to I n d i a n Social life^'.
THE KUSHAN INVASIONS
234. W h i l e the I n d i a n s were t h u s g a i n i n g v i c t o r i e s o v e r

the S a k a s i n m i l i t a r y , as w e l l as c u l t u r a l , fields and were
uprooting their aggression, the locust-like hordes of the
K u s h a n s dashed against the northern frontier of I n d i a towards
the Hindukush. These Kushans were ousted from their
homeland b y the H u n s along w i t h their women a n d children.
As such fighting troops of millions of K u s h a n men and
women v i o l e n t l y entered Southern A s i a shedding blood, p l u n
dering a n d b u r n i n g towns a n d cities and spreading destruc
tion everywhere. Throughout the whole A s i a t i c region, r i g h t
from the,Chinese frontier b e y o n d the H i n d u k u s h to that of
Greece i n the west they literally played havoc. Some of
their troops i n hot pursuit of their o l d enemies, the S a k a s ,
overran the B a c t r i a n K i n g d o m , a n d , crossing the H i n d u k u s h
entered the I n d i a n north-western provinces o f G a n d h a r , and
extirpating the smaller Saka principalities that still were
there at the t i m e , they pushed themselves ahead into the
Punjab. T h e y founded there a k i n g d o m of their own. The
n a m e o f t h e i r first k i n g i n I n d i a w a s W i m a Kadphises^*.
235. The might o f the n o r t h e r n Y o u d h e y a s , M a l a v a s a n d
other republics a n d that of the Salivahans i n the S o u t h being
p u t to its last e x t r e m i t y o f endurance i n successfully resisting
and u l t i m a t e l y p u t t i n g down tbe S a k a aggression for more or
less a h u n d r e d y e a r s , they could not immediately and suc-
cessfuly stem the overwhelming onlaught of the Kushans,
3RD GLORIOUS E P O C H 99
w h o were crueller and more blood-thirsty than even the

S a k a s , t i l l t h e y came to occupy the Punjab. However, even
in those miserable days the Indian resistance to Kushan
aggression g r a d u a l l y b e c a m e so h o t a n d d e t e r m i n e d t h a t t h e
K u s h a n hordes could not make any headway i n the I n d i a n
territories this side of the Punjab.
EMPEROR KANISHKA
236. After the death of W i m a Kadphises, Kanishka

ascended the Kushan-throne i n 78 A . D. (in the 'opinion of
some h i s t o r i a n s i n 120 A . D . ^ ^ . ) ! H i s a c h i e v e m e n t s w e r e u n
r i v a l l e d , his a m b i t i o n was boundless. I t is needless to give
a n y d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t i n t h e s e pages. Some events, however,
h a v e t o be r e c o u n t e d h e r e so f a r as t h e y f a l l w i t h i n t h e scope
of this book. K a n i s h k a subdued a l l the nomadic, p l u n d e r i n g
and marauding bands o f the Saka-Kushans on both sides
o f t h e H i m a l a y a s ( H i n d u k u s h ?) as also a l l the smaller or
bigger centres of political power a n d forged them a l l into
an extensive empire^®. He proclaimed himself as the
E m p e r o r o f the K u s h a n s a n d founded his c a p i t a l at Purush-
p u r ( P e s h a w a r o f t o d a y ) . T h e r e u p o n he m a r c h e d o n t h e S a k a s
who had established their power from M a l a v a to S i n d h and
who, being defeated b y the A n d h r a s , h a d acknowledged their
paramountcy^'. B u t t h e s a m e I n d i a n S t a t e s w h i c h h a d been
incessantly fighting the S a k a s for over a century and had
been b y n o w thoroughly exhausted i n their attempt to p u t
d o w n these aggressors, h a d t o face t h i s n e w c a l a m i t y o f t h e
Kushan onslaughts and as such they found it extremely
difficult to do so. B e i n g d e f e a t e d i n one o r t w o b a t t l e s , the
Satavahanas themselves had to w i t h d r a w their forces f r o m
the n o r t h of the N a r m a d a r i v e r to the s o u t h i n order to b u i l d
u p a s t r o n g defence for t h e i r o w n t e r r i t o r y against K a n i s h k a ' s
conquests. B y that time K a n i s h k a had conquerred a l l the
Saka states of M a l a v a , Gujarath, Sourashtra and Sindh^*.
Naturally, the Sakas i n those regions renounced their a l
l e g i a n c e t o t h e A n d h r a s a n d p a i d the^pbeissance t o t h e i r n e w
lord. Emperor Kanishka^^. Over and above, Kanishka's
loo SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
army crossed the Narmada i n order to march upon the-

Andhras themselves and subdued a corner of Aparantak
(north K o n k a n ) . But mindful o f the concentrated armed
might o f the Andhras, K a n i s h k a dared not attack them. So
he w i t h h e l d h i s s o u t h e r n c o n q u e s t s f o r t h w i t h . T h e r e a f t e r he
m a r c h e d w i t h a huge a r m y t o oppose the Chinese general who
h a d i n v a d e d his n o r t h - H i m a l a y a n t e r r i t o r i e s . A f t e r a series
of battles, he vanquished even the Chinese general and
annexed the Chinese provinces of Kashgar (Tashkand),.
C h a s k a n d , and K h o t a n to his empire.
T H E T E S T O F A NATION'S P R O W E S S A N D ITS
RIGHT T O LIVE
237. The propriety of recounting this whole incident

here is to show clearly that this sudden eruption of the
Saka-Kushans throughout A s i a d i d not convulse I n d i a alone;
i t discomfited even the then strongly b u i l t a n d well-organised
empire l i k e C h i n a too for a t i m e o n the battlefield*". B u t j u s t
as it is tom-foolery, b o r n out o f jealousy, to say that t h e
Chinese n a t i o n h a d been w e a k t h r o u g h o u t a l l these years a n d
w a s n e v e r b e t t e r fitted f o r a n y t h i n g else t h a n to be rotting
in slavery s i m p l y because t h e y suffered t e m p o r a r y d e f e a t s
against the S a k a - K u s h a n s or at some s u c h other times, it is
equally foolish and jealously b l i n d t o s a y , as s o m e o f o u r
enemies d o , t h a t the Indian national life was a series of
defeats. It o n l y shows that they cannot read history
properly.
238. I t is n o t t h e number of foreign aggressions over
a n a t i o n that is the last criterion of deciding its v i t a l i t y o r
v i r u l i t y or the absence o f b o t h , but the query, whether that
nation was destroyed as a result o f those aggressions or
whether i n the final phase o f t h a t national struggle that
nation was able to overcome those f o r e i g n aggressions, that
determines a nation's prowess, its v i t a l i t y and its right to
live.
239. Let us see which of the three, the Sakas, the
K u s h a n s or the Indians, passed this test successfully, and
3 R D GLORIOUS EPOCH IGl
•who p a s s e d o u t o f e x i s t e n c e .
KANISHKA EMBRACES BUDDHISM ?
240. Although busy with his campaigns right upto

'China a n d the consequent wars, K a n i s h k a ' s m i n d was always
preoccupied with religious and cultural things. H e i n the
meanwhile, p r o c l a i m e d his conversion to Buddhism*^. In
c o n s o n a n c e w i t h t h i s n e w c r e e d o f h i s he b u i l t s e v e r a l s t u p a s
a n d v i h a r s at various places, i n his empire. A t that time
a l s o , as i t was during the Asokan r e g i m e . B u d d h i s m was
b u r d e n e d w i t h i n n u m e r a b l e fads a n d f a n c i f u l theories. The
d i f f e r e n t B u d d h i s t i c sects w e r e a t e n m i t y w i t h one another.
So i n order to do away w i t h a l l these differences and to
b r i n g about a general agreement, he, l i k e Asoka, convened
a g r e a t c o u n c i l o f a l l t h e B u d d h i s t sects*^. B u t instead of a
general agreement there appeared a new sect called the
M a h a y a n w h i c h v i r t u a l l y changed the nature o f the B u d d h i s t
cult**. S i n c e t h e a l l - e m b r a c i n g p r e c e p t s a n d p r a c t i c e s , which
were agreeable to K a n i s h k a but w h i c h h a d no base i n the
original form of B u d d h i s m , were incorporated i n this new
Mahayan sect, some others refrained from joining i t and
eventually founded a new sect which came to be called
Heenayan. Kanishka helped spread the Mahayan sect
extensively in his t r a n s - H i m a l a y a n demense. This great
c o u n c i l r e c o g n i s e d S a n s k r i t as the language of their religion.
Hence B u d d h i s t i c scriptures, w h i c h were formerly written
i n P a l i a n d P r a k r i t o n l y , were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o S a n s k r i t . M a n y
n e w b o o k s , s u c h as t h e B u d d h a - c h a r i t , a n d others on varied
subjects were composed b y learned scholars w h o enjoyed the
patronage of Kanishka**. N a t u r a l l y , not only i n I n d i a but
even amongst the S a k a - K u s h a n p o p u l a t i o n i n the Asian
e m p i r e o f K a n i s h k a t h e o l d as w e l l t h e n e w S a n s k r i t l i t e r a t u r e
and civilization began to spread briskly*^. Thus d i d th's
n e w K u s h a n w o r l d , w h i c h h a d c o m e as a c o n q u e r o r w i l l i n g l y
became subservient to this I n d i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n and culture,
as d i d t b e S a k a - w o r l d b e f o r e i t , i n r e s p e c t o f I n d i a n r e l i g i o n ,
I n d i a n language, I n d i a n thought and I n d i a n customs.
241. Since B u d d h i s m itself was an Indian religion,

India could boast of a religious victory when Emperor
Kanishlia embraced it. Although this was a l l w e l l done, it
m u s t be borne i n m i n d t h a t B u d d h i s m t h a t w a s e m b r a c e d b y
Kanishka was not the unadulterated o r i g i n a l one of Lord
B u d d h a nor that of A s o k a . I t was the K a n i s h k a n e d i t i o n
of Buddhism. Eor example, although the Emperor had
s u r r e n d e r e d h i s l o y a l t y t o B u d d h i s m , he s t i l l w o r s h i p p e d t h e
V e d i c deities l i k e Rudra. Kanishka's Buddhistic faith had
n o t h i n g t o d o w h a t e v e r w i t h t h e n o n - v i o l e n c e (5iff?n) o f A s o k a
w h i c h d e c l a r e d ' A b s t a i n f r o m v i o l e n c e t o a n i m a l s ' o r 'Not the
v i c t o r y of the battle-field, b u t the religious v i c t o r y is the
o n l y t r u e victory'*®. W h i l e o n t h e o n e h a n d he w a s s p r e a d i n g
the M a h a y a n sect, this a v o w e d B u d d h i s t was, o n the other
hand, a t t a c k i n g his enemies with h u g e armies*^. In order
t h a t he m i g h t be c a l l e d t h e E m p e r o r o f C h i n a he p a s s e d t e n
years of his life i n bivouacs w i t h armed soldiers a l l round
him. I n the end tired of his lust for incessant warfare his
army revolted and killed him. D e a t h alone c o u l d p u t a stop
to h i s i n s a t i a t e l u s t f o r war**.
242. O n e m o r e t h i n g t o be p o n d e r e d o v e r : H o w c o u l d
K a n i s h k a spread B u d d h i s m i n the Chinese territory beyond
the Himalayas ? It was possible because he had first
conquered those provinces w i t h his weapons of war. Spread
o f the B u d d h i s t i c cult there followed his m a r t i a l glories on
the battle-fields ! That is w h y i t s p r e a d there so r a p i d l y .
H e sent h u n d r e d s o f missionaries there, b u i l t various vihars,.
fed and fostered thousands of B h i k k u s ! A l l this was
p o s s i b l e f o r h i m b e c a u s e he h a d under his command a very
powerful empire, i . e . , he had a mighty armed strength.
W a s n ' t it ?
243. I n fine i t w i l l h a v e t o be s a i d that the statements
l i k e , ' A r m e d v i c t o r y is superior to religious v i c t o r y ' or vice
v e r s a are untenable.
244. W i t h o u t armed s u p p o r t , r e l i g i o u s v i c t o r y is t a m e
a n d i n s i p i d , whereas m a r t i a l g l o r y w i t h o u t a strong religious,
f o o t i n g becomes g r o s s l y d i a b o l i c ! T h i s a l o n e i s t r u e .
HEREDITARY DISLOYALTY OF T H E
B U D D H I S T S (Continued)
245. A B u d d h i s t or a V e d i c H i n d u , K a n i s h k a was after

a l l a foreigner belonging to the K u s h a n aggressive tribe, a n d
had founded an empire on the north-western frontier o f I n d i a
b y force. His empire was i n fact a n aggression on I n d i a .
His was not at all an indigenous Indian empire. So the
patriotic Vedic population of India fought furiously with
K a n i s h k a as i t d i d w i t h t h e S a k a s , i n o r d e r t o o v e r t h r o w h i s
empire a n d to liberate a l l those I n d i a n provinces w h i c h h a d
t h e misfortune to g r o v e l under his p o l i t i c a l d o m i n a t i o n . B u t
w h a t were the I n d i a n Buddhists doing at t h a t t i m e ? T h e y
tendered their submission to the M l e n c h c h a enemy, the
K u s h a n emperor, as s o o n as he c o u r t e d t h e B u d d h i s t i c c u l t
a n d began to perpetrate acts of treachery against the I n d i a n
nation and the brave patriotic Vedic people, who were
fighting for her l i b e r t y ! A s has a l r e a d y b e e n d e s c r i b e d (in
p a r a g r a p h s 2 0 4 t o 209) t h e I n d i a n B u d d h i s t s h a d , f o r m e r l y i n
the t i m e of Emperor P u s h y a m i t r a , who fought for national
l i b e r t y , s o l d their l o y a l t y to the Greeks l e d b y Menander a n d
others and committed treason against their native l a n d . In
the v e r y same manner, they d i d n o t hesitate t h i s cime to act
treacherously towards their m o t h e r - l a n d w h e n ' the foreign
K u s h a n aggression was at her t h r o a t .
246. H a d the Indian Buddhists put down the Sakas
and founded a k i n g d o m of their own, the B u d d h i s t King
w o u l d c e r t a i n l y have had the rightful claim to the credit of
liberating India like any other Vedic K i n g ; and like the
Vedic K i n g Salivahan or E m p e r o r Pushyamitra we would
have gladly felicitated tbem. B u t how could the Buddhists
ever show this staunch national spirit ! E v e n when Vedic
patriotic republics and states like the Youdheyas and
S a t a v a h a n a s were engaged i n a life and death struggle w i t h
the Saka-Kushans for a hundred and twentyfive years or
more, these I n d i a n B u d d h i s t s d i d not trouble themselves i n
the least for the cause of national liberty. But as soon
as the strongest of these national enemies, Kanishka,
proclaimed his conversion, albeit half-heartedly, to B u d d h i s m ,

t h e whole of the Buddhist population submitted their mosi
affectionate l o y a l t y a t t h e feet o f t h a t n a t i o n a l foe. They
e x t o l l e d h i m like a G o d to the skies ! T h e y p r a y e d fervently
in their v i h a r s for the everlasting existence to t h a t Saka-
Kushan M l e n c h c h a State.*^. W h a t wonder i f the inevitable
consequence followed ! A s a result of the extreme hatred
w h i c h the V e d i c H i n d u s felt t o w a r d s the B u d d h i s t s for t h e i r
h i g h t r e a s o n . B u d d h i s m c o n t i n u e d t o d e c l i n e , as i t h a d begun
to do r i g h t from the time of Pushyamitra, in spite o f the
r o y a l support of Emperor K a n i s h k a ,
KANISHKA'S GRANDSON E M B R A C E S VEDIC

RELIGION
247. M o r e o v e r , w h e n K a n i s h k a w a s k i l l e d , as has a l r e a d y
been t o l d , by his rebellious s o l d i e r s w h i l e he w a s fighting
i n C h i n a , the I n d i a n Buddhists were i n a miserable plight,
as they found themselves u t t e r l y lost both ways. For, the
successor of K a n i s h k a , his son E m p e r o r H a v i s h k a , remained
comparatively cold i n his s y m p a t h y towards the Buddhists*".
A n d after H a v i s h k a , K a n i s h k a ' s grandson, w h o became the
ruler of the Saka-Kushans, actually abandoned Buddhism
a n d embraced the Vedic cult w i t h a public ceremony ! He
even changed his original name and t o o k for h i m s e l f the
purely Sanskrit appellation, Samrat Vasudeo*^ and struck
coins with the images of Siva and Nandi imprinted on
them*2 J
AFTER KANISHKA S DEATH
248. A s soon as Emperor K a n i s h k a died his Indian

e m p i r e f e l l t o pieces. H i s r u l e i n I n d i a w a s n o t far extended
even in north India. It was never very strong. It had
covered only a small north-western strij) of India which
c o m p r i s e d the Punjab, Malava, Sourashtra and G u j r a t h and
a. s m a l l r i b b o n l i k e p i e c e of land f r o m the n o r t h - K o n k a n ,
which had formerly been in the hands of the Sakas. Now
after the death of K a n i s h k a , the two or three S a k a k i n g d o m s
•3RD GLORIOUS EPOCH 105
which formed part of this K u s h a n empire threw a w a y the

K u s h a n sovereignty and once again became independent.
During the century-old S a k a - K u s h a n aggressive wars, the
Satavahanas had maintained the independence of their
•entire S o u t h e r n I n d i a u n i m p a i r e d ; a n d n o w the north-Indian
s t a t e s a l s o , w h o h a d so f a r a c c e p t e d t h e n o m i n a l o v e r l o r d s h i p
o f K a n i s h k a , r e n o u n c e d i t a n d r e g a i n e d t h e i r independence**.
In this v e r y confusion the p r i n c i p a l i t y o f P a t a l i p u t r a i n the
e a s t e r n p a r t o f I n d i a also became independent.
ONCE AGAIN ROSE T H E SUNKEN SUN OF

PATALIPUTRA
249. P a t a l i p u t r a has been called a small p r i n c i p a l i t y

i n the previous line. O u r readers m i g h t feel t h a t i t i s . a s l i p
of our pen. B u t i t is n o t so. F o r d u r i n g the deluge o f the
S a k a - K u s h a n aggressions at the beginning o f the Christian
era the throne of Pataliputra, which was a d o r n e d b y t h e
celebrated E m p e r o r s l i k e Chandragupta, A s o k a , P u s h y a m i t r a
a n d others a n d from w h i c h were g u i d e d for centuries together
the destinies of the a l l - I n d i a empire from the H i m a l a y a s to
t h e s o u t h e r n seas, w a s l o s t a l l o f a s u d d e n , j u s t as t h e s e t t i n g
; s u n v a n i s h e s w h i l e w e are s t i l l l o o k i n g o n a n d k n o w n o t w h e n
i t h a s set. D u r i n g the century-and-a-half of incessant I n d i a n
Avar Avitb the Saka-Kushans that followed, the separate
existence of P a t a l i p u t r a or M a g a d h a was never felt. Some
n o n - e n t i t y of a k i n g f r o m somewhere r u l e d a n d l i v e d w i t h i n
the four walls of P a t a l i p u t r a .
250. B u t about the y e a r 300 A . D . was established on
this very p r i n c i p a l i t y of P a t a l i p u t r a the rule of Lichchavi
R e p u b l i c , w h i c h w a s knoAvn i n M a g a d h a f r o m the times of
L o r d Buddha**.
251. The daughter of the chief of this Lichchavi
R e p u b l i c , K u m a r d e v i , was wooed a n d m a r r i e d b y a p r o m i s i n g
y o u t h , s o n o f a f e u d a l chief, n a m e d C h a n d r a g u p t a i n 308 A D * * .
W i t h t h e s t r o n g s u p p o r t o f t h e s a m e L i c h c h a v i R e p u b l i c , he
• established his sway over the surrounding territory and i n
• 3 2 0 A . D . he founded an independent kingdom in Pa tali-
putra*«. L e t not this Chandragupta be c o n f u s e d with the

famous Emperor Chandragupta Maurya, because of their
similar names. Emperor Chandragupta belonged to the
Maurya dynasty, while this promising Chandragupta was
b o r n i n the G u p t a family. H i s achievements, however, were
as b r i l l i a n t as w o u l d h a v e befitted the glorious dynasty o f
Emperor Chandragupta Maurya. During his short reign o f
ten or eleven years he extended his small kingdom of
P a t a l i p u t r a wide enough to include Magadha, P r a y a g and
A y o d h y a so t h a t t h e e p i t h e t o f M a h a r a j s h o u l d be applied
to h i m deservedly*'. E n t r u s t i n g his k i n g d o m into the able
hands of his son, Samudragupta, who was ambitious of
u p r o o t i n g the M l e n c h c h a power o f the S a k a - K u s h a n s i n the
north-western part of India, and of establishing an extensive
Indian empire, Chandragupta d i e d i n the year 330 A . D . * * .
This Gupta dynasty was a staunch adherent of the Vedic^
r e l i g i o n Shree V i s h n u being t h e i r chief G o d o f worship*^.
EMPEROR SAMUDRAGUPTA
252. A s s o o n as he c a m e t o t h e throne, Samudragupta

planned to conquer the several independent Indian States
i n the n o r t h as w e l l as i n t h e south and establish a strong
Indian empire l i k e the M a u r y a n E m p i r e o f Chandragupta
and Chanakya and then to sweep over the still lingering
Mlenchcha power of the S a k a - K u s h a n s i n the north-western
p a r t o f I n d i a w i t h a l l t h e m i g h t o f h i s e m p i r e . A c c o r d i n g l y he
conquered K a m r u p , Samatat, N e p a l a n d a l l the region from
north-eastern frontier provinces to the Vindhyas*". Thereafter
crossing the Vindhyas, he entered South India with a
powerful a r m y . H e conquered twelve prominent kingdoms i n
South India. Many of the defeated k i n g s , after having
been brought captives a n d after h a v i n g accepted his over
l o r d s h i p , were g r a n t e d their k i n g d o m s a n d were a l l o w e d to
go free. A b o u t these g l o r i o u s c a m p a i g n s o f his i n the north
and south of India many western historians have spoken-
w i t h eloquent praise, giving h i m the best of their current
phrases, " T h e I n d i a n N a p o l e o n " " . After such an extensive
m i l i t a r y e x p e d i t i o n , S a m u d r a g u p t a r e t u r n e d to P a t a l i p u t r a ,
T h e n i n order to p r o c l a i m to the world his acquisition of
this new I n d i a n empire a c c o r d i n g to the V e d i c r e l i g i o u s r i t e s
he c e l e b r a t e d t h e H o r s e sacrifice*^, o n a g r a n d scale a n d w a s
rightfully annointed a S a m r a t (an emperor). T h e r e a f t e r he
began his extensive preparations for his dash against the
Saka-Kushans.
T H E FINAL SURRENDER B Y T H E KUSHANS.
253. A t the fearful reports of this i m p e n d i n g attack o f

Emperor Samudragupta whatever small kingdoms o f the
Kushans like Gandhar and others were, still leading a
precarious existence i n the north-western regions o f India,-
voluntarily sued for peace and accepted the Gupta para-
mountcy**. O u r I n d i a n ancestors at that time c a l l e d these
K u s h a n s ' K u s h ' also. A s a token of their surrender those
K u s h a n s s e n t r i c h offerings a l o n g w i t h t h e i r p e r s o n a l e n v o y s
to Samudragupta. Thus after an incessant warfare for a
century-and-a-half or two the I n d i a n sword ultimately cut
asunder the v e r y root o f the K u s h a n power in India. The
K u s h a n p r o b l e m was finally disposed o f here a n d n o w !
254. B u t the S a k a kings from M a l a v a to S i n d h w h o , as
has b e e n t o l d i n p a r a g r a p h s 236 a n d 2 4 8 , h a d t h r o w n off t h e
y o k e o f A n d h r a d o m i n a t i o n w h e n the l a t t e r were engaged in
a life and death struggle w i t h K a n i s h k a and later on, after
t h e d e a t h o f K a n i s h k a , d e c l a r e d t h e m s e l v e s free, d i d n o t on
their own initiative t a l k of any submission.
SAMRAT SAMUDRAGUPTA'S DEATH AND AFTER.

255. While he was just preparing to march upon the
Mlenchcha power o f these Sakas, this powerful Emperor
Samudragupta breathed his last i n 375 A.D.**. He had
expressed his w i s h t h a t after h i m his younger but v a l i a n t a n d
v i r i l e s o n , C h a n d r a g u p t a I I , s h o u l d be c r o w n e d e m p e r o r . B u t
d i s c a r d i n g this d y i n g wish o f his, the elder son, Ramgupta,
ascended the throne on the strength of his seniority in
age**. B u t he w a s so w e a k t h a t a l m o s t a l l efficient ofiicials
in his m i l i t a r y and c i v i l service a n d his ministers too began

t o hate h i m secretly. J u s t at this juncture a strange thing
happened which g a l v a n i z e d the popular feeling against
B a m g u p t a ' s feebleness. A l t h o u g h some historians consider
this as a hearsay anecdote, still ancient writers, like
Vishakhadatta and B a n a b h a t t a have credited it w i t h truth
and a reference t o i t i s t o be f o u n d i n t h e c o p p e r p l a t e g r a n t
of King Amoghvarsha*®. Again as i n the comparatively
recent times the Rajput warriors had faced a similar
situation against Alla-ud-din i n respect of Padmini, the
o p i n i o n o f some o t h e r h i s t o r i a n s that this anecdote about
R a m g u p t a m u s t be s u b s t a n t i a l l y t r u e i s t h e m o r e a c c e p t a b l e .
T h e i n c i d e n t i n q u e s t i o n m a y be s u m m a r i s e d i n t h e following
manner :—
256. Emperor Samudragupta having died and a weakling
Ramgupta having ascended the throne after him, the
Saka k i n g s b e c a m e fearless a n d b e g a n t o b e h a v e insolently
w i t h the M a g a d h a n empire which was on i n i m i c a l terms with
them. A n impertinent and mean-minded Mlenchcha king of
these Sakas commanded R a m g u p t a i n order to h u m i l i a t e h i m
that he should send his y o u n g a n d beautiful wife, Grhdevi,
to h i m or else be prepared for war*'. This insolent and
wicked message convulsed the whole p o l i t i c a l atmosphere o f
the Magadhan empire with shame and indignation. But
Emperor Ramgupta had become so utterly imbecile and
s h a m e l e s s as t o s t a r t p r e p a r a t i o n s t o s e n d h i s q u e e n , G r h d e v i ,
to that Saka Satrap with the sole i n t e n t i o n o f a v o i d i n g a
conflict**. T h i s i n f u r i a t e d h i s y o u n g e r b r o t h e r , C h a n d r a g u p t a .
Elouting Ramgupta's orders, he took Grhdevi under his
protection*". Then resorting to guile, Chandragupta sent
w o r d to the S a k a k i n g t h a t a c c o r d i n g to his commands Queen
•Grhdevi was being sent to h i m , b u t t h a t because of natural
womanly bashfulness a n d m o d e s t y she w o u l d l i k e t o go i n a
•curtained p a l a n q u i n . She was also to be accompanied by
a retinue of her maids i n similar litters. T h e S a k a k i n g was
m a d w i t h j o y t o h e a r t h i s m e s s a g e , a n d he r e p l i e d t h a t the
•queen might be sent that way. Chandragupta, however,
3RD GLORIOUS EPOCH 10»
himself donned the female attire and sat in the Queen's

palanquin, w h i l e i n the a c c o m p a n y i n g ones, too, sat the
chosen w a r r i o r s i n feminine garb. A s the t r a i n (procession) o f
those covered p a l a n q u i n s d r e w near the c a p i t a l of that S a k a
King, the latter, beside h i m s e l f w i t h j o y , c a m e f o r w a r d to-
the queen's p a l a n q u i n to receive her i n person; whereupon o u t
came C h a n d r a g u p t a , i n the guise of a woman, andpouncing
on the unsuspecting S a k a K i n g slew h i m i n s t a n t l y w i t h his.
sword®". F r o m other litters too, issued forth the warriors
with drawn swords and before the s h o c k i n g news of the
slaughter o f the S a k a K i n g could spread about they vanished
a l o n g w i t h C h a n d r a g u p t a q u i t e out o f the enemy's reach.
257. The whole capital and the nation itself was
resounding with the praise for C h a n d r a g u p t a w h e n the g l a d
news spread that Prince Chandragupta had returned to
Pataliputra after accomplishing this unprecedented daring,
feat a n d p u n i s h i n g w i t h his o w n h a n d s the S a k a K i n g , who
had insulted the nation, with instant death. There was a
great agitation to dethrone the cowardly R a m g u p t a who had
ascended the throne of M a g a d h a setting aside the last w i s h
of the deceased emperor, Samudragupta, and to crown.
Chandragupta i n his place. In that commotion Ramgupta,
was killed. Immediately Chandragupta was crowned
emperor and he married the s a m e G r h a d e v i w h o m he h a d
with his exceptional valour saved f r o m h u m i l i a t i o n at the
hands of the enemy®i. L a t e r on w i t h a well-equipped huge
a r m y S a m r a t C h a n d r a g u p t a m a r c h e d upon the S a k a S a t r a p s .
SAKA SATRAP RUDRASINGH KILLED ; T H E LAST

PHASE O F T H E WAR WITH THE SAKAS
258. W h e n the w a r came to closed grips o n the G u j a r a t h -

M a l a v a f r o n t i e r o f t h e S a k a d o m i n i o n s t h e S a k a k i n g s offered
tough resistance at every place and at every place the
I n d i a n w a r r i o r s c r u s h e d t h e enemy®^ ! I n the last battle the
r e m a i n i n g S a k a S a t r a p , R u d r a s i n g h , the son of S a t y a s i n g h ,
h i m s e l f w a s k i l l e d b y Chandragupta®*.
THUS ENDED T H E SAKA RULE
259. Having thus vanquished the Sakas completely,

Chandragupta liberated the provinces of Sindh, Kaccha,
Sourashtra, Gujarath, Malava and others under their
d o m i n a t i o n and incorporated them into his Indian empire®*.
After such a t o t a l d e s t r u c t i o n o f the Sakas, w h e n E m p e r o r
Chandragupta entered the ancient and renoM^ned city of
Ujjayini, which t i l l a l i t t l e w h i l e ago w a s t h e c a p i t a l o f t h e
S a k a k i n g d o m , the people there celebrated his entry as a
grand national festival. Samrat C h a n d r a g u p t a assumed the
t i t l e o f Vikramaditya®*. I n order to i m m o r t a l i z e his glorious
a n d c r u s h i n g v i c t o r y o v e r t h e S a k a s , he r e n a m e d the so far
Tiniversally current Malav S a m v a t i t s e l f as V i k r a m S a m v a t
after h i s o w n n a m e (cf. p a r a g r a p h 222). H e made Ujjayini
the capital of the w e s t e r n p a r t o f h i s I n d i a - w i d e empire®®,
a n d t h e r e he l i v e d l i k e a c r o w n e d K i n g .
260. H o w f a r c a n one d e s c r i b e t h e s a t i s f a c t i o n a n d p r i d e
t h a t the people a l l over Bharat felt at this decisive v i c t o r y
won by Vikramaditya over the Mlenchchas ? T h e whole of
I n d i a b e c a m e free f r o m t h e f o r e i g n d o m i n a t i o n and became
'Ekrat', united under one K i n g ! H o w profound must have
been t h e j o y a n d p r i d e o f V i k r a m a d i t y a h i m s e l f w h e n h e saw
that the strenuous efforts a n d successes and failures of a
h u n d r e d a n d fifty y e a r s or so o f the Youdheyas, Malavas
Vilivayankur ( V i l i n a y a n k u r ?) Satavahan and other great
w a r r i o r s for the d e s t r u c t i o n of the S a k a power and of the
valorous achievements of his grand-father a n d the national
aspirations of Vedic H i n d u s had, at last borne such glorious
fruit !
261. O f this the E n g l i s h historian like Vincent Smith
says though rather g r u d g i n g l y , " W e m a y feel assured t h a t
differences o f r a c e , creed a n d manner supplied the Gupta
monarch with special reasons for desiring to suppress the
i m p u r e f o r e i g n (i%^) rulers of Western I n d i a . Chandragupta
V i k r a m a d i t y a although tolerant of B u d d h i s m a n d Jainism
was himself an orthodox Hindu, especially d e v o t e d to the
•cult o f V i s h n u a n d as s u c h c o u l d n o t but have experienced
peculiar satisfaction in "violently uprooting the foreign

chieftains".
T H E SAKAS T O O VANISHED
262. In paragraph 230, i t has a l r e a d y b e e n described

how the Sakas adopted the V e d i c f a i t h , S a n s k r i t language
and Indian customs a n d manners. N o w that V i k r a m a d i t y a
h a d utterly destroyed their p o l i t i c a l power w i t h his 'mailed
fist' t h e y hereafter lost t h e i r s e p a r a t e e x i s t e n c e as S a k a s as
distinct from the Indians. Only within two or three
g e n e r a t i o n s t h e r e w a s h a r d l y a n y S a k a t o be seen i n I n d i a , as
i t p r e v i o u s l y h a p p e n e d i n t h e case o f t h e K u s h a n s .
263. I n the h i s t o r i c a l past, there l i v e d and r u l e d good
many Emperors in India, but there was hardly any as
surprisingly popular as this Emperor Vikramaditya who
e x t e r m i n a t e d the S a k a - K u s h a n s so thoroughly that not a
trace of any o f t h e m is found t o d a y . E v e n a foreigner, the
Chinese t r a v e l l e r , F a - h i e n (or Fa-hsien), who v i s i t e d I n d i a i n
his reign, has paid a glowing tribute to the prosperity,
happiness, wealth and contentment that had reached its
height, throughout the whole of the I n d i a n empire under the
Guptas®'. Even today in the innumerable Indian villages
the name of King V i k r a m a d i t y a a n d h i s h i g h sense, a n d
administration of, justice is l o v i n g l y sung i n folk-tales and
ballad. After h a v i n g defended the p o w e r f u l u n i t a r y I n d i a n
empire and developed i t i n every respect for more or less
t h i r t y - f i v e y e a r s S a m r a t V i k r a m a d i t y a d i e d i n 4 1 4 A.D®*.
264. The epoch w h i c h began with the r o y a l seal of
Samrat V i k r a m a d i t y a , the p r o u d V i c t o r of Saka-Kushans,
is T H E T H I R D G L O R I O U S E P O C H of I n d i a n H i s t o r y .
•*
J U Glorious Epoch
CHAPTER IV
YASHODHARMA T H E CONQUEROR OF T H E HUNS
T H E HUNNISH ONSLAUGHT OVER T H E WHOLE

WORLD
265. A reference has a l r e a d y b e e n m a d e earlier i n this

book to the H u n s who routed a l l the S a k a and K u s h a n tribes
from their original homes and themselves occupied the vast
tracts of lands. These very Huns, fiercer and far more
cruel than their predecessors, now menaced not only the
whole of Asia b u t also the whole o f E u r o p e . E v e r y one o f
the then well-established, civilized, a n d s t r o n g l y b u i l t nations
and kingdoms of the world, r i g h t from C h i n a to R o m e was
rocked to its b o t t o m at the very thought of this impending
doom. There was no limit to their n u m b e r nor were t h e i r
raids l i m i t e d to this region or that.
266. W h e n their armies m a r c h e d out, thousands o f their
men and women carried fire and. sword to every city a n d
every v i l l a g e t h a t t h e y entered a n d to every human being,
y o u n g or o l d , c h i l d or w o m a n , w h o m t h e y came across. N o t
only by day but even at the v e r y dead o f night d i d they
carry on these nefarious activities, shouting wildly like
beasts a n d engulfing the enemy lands l i k e w i l d fire. A t the
end of every bloody battle, they celebrated their v i c t o r y
4 T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 113
t h e n a n d there, d a n c i n g w i l d l y a n d d r i n k i n g strong liquors

in cups made of the v e r y s k u l l s o f the slaughtered enemy
soldiers a n d their w o m e n or children^.
267. B e i n g v e r y close t o t h e o r i g i n a l H u n n i s h t e r r i t o r y ,
almost a l l the provinces o f the vast Chinese empire were
r e n d e r e d d e s o l a t e because o f t h e i r t e r r i b l e r a i d s ^ . The great
China Wall of today is a g l a r i n g t e s t i m o n y to prove the
i n c a p a c i t y o f t h e C h i n e s e E m p e r o r t o w a r d off t h e s e H u n n i s h
locusts. The one great wonder o f the world—this China
W a l l — i s i n d e e d the greatest m o n u m e n t to H u n n i s h Terror* !
268. O n e o f t h e l e a d e r s o f these H u n s , A t t i l a , o r g a n i z e d
these h o r s e m e n w h o p i l l a g e d C e n t r a l A s i a a n d made straight
for Europe*. H i s various m a r a u d i n g armies dashed like an
avalanche into European Russia through whichever inlet they
c o u l d find a n d w r o u g h t h a v o c e v e r y w h e r e . Universities and
a r t centres, houses a n d churches, the poor men's huts and
rich palaces, towns a n d cities—whatever they could l a y their
h a n d s on, these H u n s went on reducing them to ashes*.
W h o e v e r came i n t h e i r w a y was ruthlessly cut to pieces.
After t r a m p l i n g d o w n R u s s i a t h e y rushed i n t o P o l a n d , thence
a t t a c k i n g the Goths i n G e r m a n y and France*. Army after
a r m y o f t h e o n c e i n v i n c i b l e R o m a n E m p i r e was p u t to r o u t .
T h e s e H u n s l o v e d n o t v i c t o r y so m u c h as t h e y d i d r u i n a n d
destruction for its o w n sake. Consequently, the whole o f
Europe was not only defeated in war but was v i r t u a l l y
bathed in blood and laid utterly waste. For a harrowing
description of this devastation of Europe at the hands o f
t h e s e b a r b a r i c H u n s , one s h o i d d r e a d G i b b o n s ' Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire.' E v e n t o d a y most o f the E u r o p e a n
l a n g u a g e s use ' H u n ' ' as the foulest o f abuses, indicating
t h e r e b y t h e h o r r o r w i t h w h i c h t h e y l o o k e d u p o n these d e v i l i s h
Huns.
269. I n the v e r y same manner d i d another avalanche
o f these H u n n i s h h o r s e s , w h i c h h o v e r e d f o r s o m e t i m e r o u n d
about the H i m a l a y a s destroying whatever remained of the
S a k a - K u s h a n strongholds, dashed against regions like the
Gandhar a n d others to the north-west o l India". W i t h the
very same energy and devilish ambition with which they

d e v a s t a t e d the empires of C h i n a , R u s s i a , a n d R o m e , d i d these
H u n s march i m p a t i e n t l y to trample d o w n I n d i a from end to
e n d under their horses' hoofs, a n d began t o force t h e i r w a y
t o the Indus.
BUT
270. Rut fortunately India was no longer being

ruled by any coward like Dhananand who brought disgrace
to the l a n d at the time of the Greek i n v a s i o n o f the Punjab.
It was now under the sovereignty of K u m a r g u p t a , * the
illustrious son of Emperor Vikramaditya, the avenger of
the S a k a - K u s h a n d o m i n a t i o n . I n d i a at that time enjoyed the
century-old Golden A g e of the Gupta era. The M a u r y a n
Golden A g e saw, towards its close, t h e Indian military
s t r e n g t h d i s o r g a n i z e d a n d powerless, because o f the f o o l h a r d y
A s o k a n p o l i c y of t o t a l non-violence (Ahimsa). B u t the V e d i c
I n d i a o f this time under the leadership of Kumargupta did
not a l l o w the i m p e r i a l a r m y to degenerate i n the least. B e i n g
always aware of the avalanche-like Hunnish onslaught,
which was expected sooner or later. E m p e r o r K u m a r g u p t a
k e p t a v e r y s t r o n g w a r - l i k e a n d well-organized army,^" ever
prepared to defend its frontiers.
T H E FIRST HUNNISH ONRUSH PARALYSED
271. T h e m o m e n t he l e a r n t o f t h e Hunnish aggression

o n G a n d h a r , K u m a r g u p t a sent his v a l i a n t son, Skundgupta
at the head o f his four-fold ('^^'n) a r m y to uproot the
Hunnish menace". With their special technique based on
t h e i r u n l i m i t e d n u m b e r , w h i c h h a d so far b e e n u n m a t c h e d f o r
i t s efficacy, these H u n n i s h i n v a d e r s b e g a n t o m a k e s h o r t w o r k
o f the I n d i a n frontier guards. No sooner did the Indian
soldiers destroy one Hunnish a r m y at a place, t h a n w o u l d
t h e y emerge u p f r o m a l l other quarters, like ants p o u r i n g
f o r t h f r o m t h e i r a n t h i l l s . E v e n i f these w e r e c o m p l e t e l y w i p e d
out, there w o u l d a p p e a r fresh ones c r e a t i n g confusion a l l o v e r
the l a n d . The armies of S k u n d g u p t a fought battle after
4 T H GLORIOUS E P O C H 115
battle with the irresistible H u n s , destroying them steadily

b u t s u r e l y f o r y e a r s together^^. T h e result was t h a t even the
i n n u m e r a b l e forces o f these H u n s g r a d u a l l y lost t h e i r s t r e n g t h
a n d e n e r g y a n d d a r e d cross t h e f r o n t i e r s o f t h e G u p t a E m p i r e
no more. W h y , they c o u l d n o t even defend the places t h e y
held so far against t h e a g g r e s s i v e a n d fierce i m p a c t o f t h e
•Guptas. The r e m a i n i n g troops of the H u n s , therefore, fled
c l e a n o u t o f t h e I n d i a n f r o n t i e r s t h r o u g h t h e v e r y passes t h e y
h a d come i n . T h i s c r u s h i n g defeat k e p t t h e H u n s a w a y f r o m
I n d i a f o r t h e n e x t f o r t y y e a r s o r so^'.
THE BRAVE SKUNDGUPTA
272. After h a v i n g fought continuously for years on end

a n d h a v i n g defeated the m o s t p o w e r f u l e n e m y who had al
r e a d y b r o u g h t t o t h e i r knees t h e g r e a t e s t e m p i r e s o f t h e w o r l d ,
Skundgupta p r o u d l y r e t u r n e d to h i s f a t h e r at Pataliputra,
where t h e v i c t o r i o u s P r i n c e w a s g r e e t e d with unprecedented
enthusiasm, pomp and g l o r y O l d Emperor Kumargupta's
j o y can e a s i l y be i m a g i n e d . I t k n e w no bounds. In order
to celebrate this s i n g u l a r success Kumargupta performed
t h e H o r s e - s a c r i f i c e (sr'?^^) a c c o r d i n g t o the age-old Indian
tradition".
DEATH OF KUMARGUPTA
273. S h o r t l y after this, the o l d emperor K u m a r g u p t a

d i e d , h a v i n g satisfactorily fulfilled his life-mission. H e was
succeeded b y his eminent son, S k u n d g u p t a , many of whose
memorable deeds showing his rare abilities cannot be
recounted here for M'ant o f space a n d a l s o b e c a u s e they do
not d i r e c t l y bear u p o n the present theme.
274. W h i l e S k u n d g u p t a was thus r u l i n g i n I n d i a another
Hunnish adventurer, K h i k h i l b y name, organized their scat
t e r e d forces i n A s i a , as A t t i l a before h i m h a d d o n e i n E u r o p e ,
and founded another kingdom and styled himself a king.
T o w a r d s the end o f E m p e r o r Skundgupta's career this new
H u n n i s h adventurer marched towards I n d i a at the head o f a
powerful a r m y w i t h a v i e w to a v e n g i n g the ignoble defeat the
H u n s h a d e a r l i e r suffered here^®.
S E C O N D H U N N I S H INVASION O F INDIA
275. D u r i n g the v e r y first encounters the Huns over

t h r e w the i m p e r i a l frontier guards a n d drove them back at
one o r t w o p l a c e s . N o sooner d i d he h e a r o f t h i s f r e s h H u n n i s h
aggression t h a n S k u n d g u p t a , i n spite o f his o l d age, left h i s
capital and marched as far as t h e Panchnad (the m o d e r n
Punjab). W h i l e he w a s t h u s p r e o c c u p i e d i n h i s m i l i t a r y c a m p
o r g a n i s i n g t h e o v e r t h r o w n i m p e r i a l f r o n t i e r forces f o r a c o u n
ter-attack u p o n t h e e n e m y , he l e a r n t t h a t h i s s t e p brother,
P u r g u p t a , was busy treacherously p l a n n i n g to usurp his
throne". Nevertheless, the patriot S k u n d g u p t a , disregarding
l i i s personal interests, kept on fighting the a l i e n i n v a d e r s i n
stead of speedily r e t u r n i n g to the c a p i t a l to settle his domestie
t r o u b l e as some o t h e r s i n h i s p l a c e m i g h t h a v e m o s t p r o b a b l y
done. H a d he d o n e so, a n d left the i m p e r i a l a r m y fighting
without his guidance, the I n d i a n soldiers w o u l d have, in all
p r o b a b i l i t y , lost courage a n d the invaders w o u l d have swept
over the whole o f the P u n j a b a n d at least the half of north
India. A s he was c o n v i n c e d o f t h i s impending calamity, he
rather preferred fighting against the barbaric Huns to
returning home !
276. A n d e v e n as he w a s fighting i n t h e defence of bis
mother-land d i d this aged w a r r i o r - k i n g die about A . D . 471
i n h i s m i l i t a r y c a m p , l i k e a t r u e K i n g t h a t he was^* !
"AN E M P E R O R MUST DIE STANDING"
277. A n interesting anecdote is t o l d about a w e l l - k n o w n

R o m a n E m p e r o r who r u l e d i n those 'palmy days of Rome,'
t h a t w h i l e he w a s l y i n g o n h i s d e a t h - b e d i n h i s r o y a l palace,
he once suddenly got up, sword i n hand, and said to t h e
f r i g h t e n e d a t t e n d a n t s , w h o s u s p e c t e d i t t o be a d e l i r i o u s fit,
that a k i n g must not die i n his bed. " A Roman Emperor",
he s a i d , " m u s t d i e s t a n d i n g " ^ * .
278. In a like manner did this great I n d i a n E m p e r o r ,
Skundgupta, die i n a small military camp fighting relent-
4TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 117
lessly, i n spite of his failing years, the very enemy o n whom

h e h a d i n f l i c t e d severe d e f e a t s i n h i s e a r l i e r career. R e n o u n
c i n g a l l r o y a l c o m f o r t s a n d p l e a s u r e s he spent almost fifteen
t o t w e n t y y e a r s o f h i s l i f e suffering a l l the discomforts a n d
hardships o f a camp-life for the sole purpose o f defending his
empire and p r e s e r v i n g the independence of his m o t h e r l a n d ,
A n d w h e n he d i d d i e , he d i d so fighting t h e a r c h - e n e m y o f h i s
n a t i o n , far away i n a b i v o u a c i n the farthest province of the
P u n j a b — n o t i n his r o y a l palace i n the c a p i t a l ! I f ever there
w a s a n i d e a l e m p e r o r , i t w a s he !
279. I f t h e H u n s w e r e h e m m e d i n one s m a l l c o r n e r o f t h e
Indus and i f I n d i a was saved a l l the indignities, massacres
and wanton destruction at their hands to which E u r o p e h a d
been subjected almost contemporaneously, a l l the credit
m u s t go t o t h e a r m e d s t r e n g t h o f S k u n d g u p t a . A l t h o u g h he
died before the Huns were completely annihilated, his
exemplary valour brought forth another generation of
w a r r i o r s , m u c h s t r o n g e r t h a n before, t o t a k e t h e field against
t h e s e once w a r - i n t o x i c a t e d b u t n o w e n f e e b l e d H u n s .
280. H e n c e we b o w d o w n to the memory of Emperor
Skundgupta, with as m u c h r e v e r e n c e a n d p r i d e a n d a sense
o f n a t i o n a l g r a t i t u d e as w e m i g h t d o t o a n y o t h e r conqueror
like Vikramaditya.
AFTER T H EDEATH OF SKUNDGUPTA
281. Subsequent to the death o f S k u n d g u p t a the throne

of M a g a d h a was usurped by his rebel brother, Purgupta,
whose lack of every sort of ability encouraged the H u n s
once again to push forward under their King, Khikhil. In
the reign of T o r m a n , who succeeded K h i k h i l , H u n s once
a g a i n l e t l o o s e t h e dogs o f w a r a n d Kamboj, Gandhar, and
the Punjab suffered most from their horrible depredations
a n d arsonô. The world-famous University of T a x i l a was
raised to the ground^^. Thousands of its invaluable books
o n l y served to m a k e bonfire for the H u n s .
282. T h i s is a n o t h e r i n s t a n c e t h a t shows h o w even the
n a t i o n a l l i t e r a t u r e , c i v i l i z a t i o n a n d c u l t u r e are d e s t r o y e d at
the hands o f f o r e i g n i n v a d e r s , i f t h e y are n o t d e f e n d e d a n d

s u p p o r t e d b y t h e n a t i o n ' s m a i l e d fist.
283. I n the meanwhile, those H u n n i s h hordes w h i c h h a d
so f a r o v e r r u n t h e k i n g d o m o f P e r s i a , a n d i n A . D . 484 put
her K i n g , P h i r o z , to death, were now free t o j o i n t h e a r m y
of T o r m a n i n his w o r k o f r e d u c i n g I n d i a t o the same m i s e r
a b l e state^^. W i t h h i s a r m y so s u d d e n l y a u g m e n t e d , T o r m a n
pushed ahead of the Punjab into Malava and captured it
r o u n d a b o u t 511 A . D . ^ ^ , a l o n g w i t h i t s c a p i t a l U j j a i n . When
Torman's son, M i h i r g u l a , who was braver and more atrocious
t h a n the father, succeeded to the H u n n i s h throne, strangely
e n o u g h he b e c a m e a s i n c e r e d e v o t e e o f t h e V e d i c G o d , R u d r a
and h e l d the cult of B u d d h a i n the greatest spite.
MIHIRGULA, T H E D E V O T E E OF T H E
VEDIC G O D
284. Strange as it m a y seem the H u n s were s p e e d i l y

a t t r a c t e d to the w o r s h i p o f the Vedic G o d R u d r a at least
from the time they entered the north-western frontier
province. O f these people Vincent S m i t h says, " T h e savage
invader who worshipped his patron deity Shiva, the G o d o f
D e s t r u c t i o n , e x h i b i t e d ferocious h o s t i l i t y against the peaceful
B u d d h i s t i c cult a n d remorselessly o v e r t h r e w the S t u p a s a n d
M o n a s t e r i e s w h i c h he p l u n d e r e d o f t h e i r treasures^*".
T H E PATRIOTIC VEDIC HINDUS AND

TREACHEROUS BUDDHISTS
285. I n this context t h e r e a d e r s are r e f e r r e d t o para

g r a p h s 182 t o 209 a n d 245 t o 2 4 6 of this book wherein we
have commented on the p a t r i o t i c s p i r i t of the V e d i c H i n d u s
a n d the treacherous a t t i t u d e of the B u d d h i s t s . I n order to
vouchsafe this comment of ours this incident of M i h i r g u l a
s h o u l d be m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t .
286. E v e n when this H u n n i s h aggressor M i h i r g u l a h a d
accepted the Vedic cult of God Rudra and brutally
oppressed the Buddhists, who had become inveterate
enemies o f the V e d i c H i n d u s , the l a t t e r d i d not accept h i s
political dominance, nor d i d they ever join him in his

atrocities against their own rivals. In spite of his avowed
acceptance o f the V e d i c cult, Mihirgula w a s l o o k e d u p o n as
a f o r e i g n aggressor a n d as such a national enemy by the
Vedic Hindus. They avowed enmity towards h i m for the
s a k e o f m a k i n g p o l i t i c a l l y free those regions w h i c h h a d so
far gone under his sway. It cannot be d e n i e d that even
amongst the V e d i c H i n d u s , k i n g s like K a m b o j and J a i c h a n d
d i d c o m m i t treason earlier or later, but on the whole the
V e d i c c o m m u n i t y h a d a l l a l o n g been h a t i n g the n o n - V e d i c
people and h a d been g i v i n g terrible battles for protecting
the independence and imperial power of their nation
unimpaired. E v e n the E n g l i s h historians, like Smith, could
n o t h e l p m e n t i o n i n g , m a y b e i n m a l i c i o u s t e r m s , this strong
national feeling of the Vedic people. W h i l e stating i n general
terms t h a t these V e d i c H i n d u s were the b o r n enemies o f a n y
foreign political power, trying to subdue the country,
he s a y s , " T h o s e f o r e i g n t r i b e s , S a k a s , Pahlavas and lonians
(Yavanas), at the time settled i n the W e s t e r n I n d i a as t h e
lords o f a conquered p o p u l a t i o n , were the objects o f h o s t i l i t y
of the Vedic King Vilivayankur II He recovered the
losses w h i c h h i s k i n g d o m h a d suffered at the hands of the
i n t r u d i n g f o r e i g n e r s a n d u t t e r l y d e s t r o y e d t h e p o w e r o f (the
Saka King) Nahapan. The h o s t i l i t y o f the A n d h r a (Vedic)
m o n a r c h was s t i m u l a t e d b y the disgust felt b y a l l the H i n d u s ,
a n d especially b y the followers of the O r t h o d o x B r a h m a n i c a l
system o f the o u t l a n d i s h foreign barbarians^*".
287. It should not surprise the r e a d e r i f he finds i n
this observation of S m i t h a faint echo of an Englishman's
heart-ache at his o w n painful experience of the British:
Imperial Colonies.
KING YASHODHARMA
288. U n d e r the u n d e s e r v i n g a n d weak Purgupta the

s u z e r a i n t y o f M a g a d h a b e g a n t o be flouted and disregarded
by almost every one. Most of the vassals o f the Gupta
E m p i r e a n d even the provinces and principalities began to
rule themselves i n d e p e n d e n t l y . A l l these v i r t u a l l y subordinate

but actually independent provinces and different feudal
l o r d s feared the p o l i t i c a l dominance of the H u n s w h i c h h a d
by then s p r e a d a s f a r as M a l a v a . E v e r y b o d y was seething
w i t h i n d i g n a t i o n at seeing a foreign tyrant like Mihirgula
occupy the throne of the Great V i k r a m a d i t y a at Ujjain,
and every patriotic Vedic Indian was a n x i o u s t o see the
H u n s overpowered and routed at the earliest opportunity.
Y e t n o n e o f a l l these s m a l l e r states and provinces h a d the
courage to take any aggressive move against these H u n s .
N o b o d y c o u l d b r o a c h t h e subject o p e n l y .
289. At such a critical time an adventurous youth
vowed to solve this knotty problem. H e was n o t even a
t i t u l a r k i n g or emperor. He was merely a small chieftain,
Y a s h o d h a r m a b y name, o f a relatively small principality i n
the province o f Malava^®. But his a m b i t i o n , his sense o f
p a t r i o t i s m and his daring spirit were as l o f t y a n d p o w e r f u l
as t o challenge the m i g h t o f the mightiest and pompously
styled ' K i n g of K i n g s ' of the Huns, Mihirgula, and dethrone
h i m a n d t o d e s t r o y t h e H u n n i s h influence r o o t a n d b r a n c h .
A C O M M O N FRONT O F T H E VEDIC KINGS
290. F i r s t o f a l l he o r g a n i z e d a l m o s t a l l t h e neighbour
ing independent I n d i a n states w i t h a v i e w to fight out the
H u n n i s h manace^'. Even B a l a d i t y a of Magadha supported
this organized war effort a n d under the leadership of K i n g
Y a s h o d h a r m a a l l these kings m a r c h e d against the H u n s f r o m
a l l sides. This well organized Indian Army could do what
n o n e else c o u l d t h i n k o f d o i n g s i n g l e - h a n d e d , a n d the most
powerful H u n n i s h a r m y began to be slaughtered on the
battlefields o f Indians.
DEFEAT OF T H E HUNS . CAPTURE OF

MIHIRGULA HIMSELF
291. I n the end, the Supreme C o m m a n d e r , Y a s h o d h a r m a

marched at the head of a v e r y powerful army on Mihirgula
himself, a n d j o i n i n g battle at Mandasore or Korur some-
t i m e a b o u t A . D . 628 o v e r t h r e w t h e H u n n i s h d r a g o n f o r e v e r .
A f t e r a v e r y savage man-slaughter M i h i r g u l a himself became
a captive of K i n g Yashodharma^'.
292. This singular success resounded thunderously
throughout the length and breadth of I n d i a .
293. A n d i n order to avenge the numerous atrocities
t h a t H u n s i n general a n d Mihirgula i n p a r t i c u l a r h a d so f a r
p e r p e t r a t e d a g a i n s t the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n , K i n g Y a s h o d h a r m a
f o r t h w i t h ordered the hanging of Mihirgula*".
BALADITYA'S ANTI-NATIONAL GENEROSITY
294. B u t as s o o n as B a l a d i t y a , t h e E m p e r o r o f M a g a d h a ,
learnt of this death-sentence passed on Mihirgula by King
Yashodharma, he, as a member of the Combined Front,
i n s i s t e d t h a t t h e H u n be s p a r e d a n d be h a n d e d o v e r t o h i m
alive. Yashodharma did so only to avoid displeasing
3aladitya. Whether according to a secret treaty with
Mihirgula to serve some selfish end o f his or under some
•disastrous delusion o f the so-called superhuman generosity
c o n s i s t i n g i n t h e release o f t h e d e a d l i e s t e n e m y , w h o d e s e r v e d
nothing but hanging, a delusion which seems almost
permeated through the v e r y veins o f the Indian people,
B a l a d i t y a s p a r e d n o t o n l y M i b i r g u l a ' s life b u t e v e n a l l o w e d
h i m t o go h o n o u r a b l y to the r e m n a n t o f the H u n n i s h t e r r i
t o r y to the north-west*^. A great m a n y years after h i m ,
Prithviraj allowed another inveterate enemy, M o h a m m e d
• G h o r i , t o go s c o t free !
MILK O F F E R E D T O T H E SNAKES BRINGS

VENOM ONLY
(Payah-panam Bhujanganam Kevalam Vishwardhan)
295. T h a n k i n g his good stars, M i h i r g u l a h u r r i e d straight
t o K a s h m i r w h e r e he s e c r e t l y o r g a n i z e d the H u n s a n d killed
the k i n g , annexed Gandhar, persecuted the people of the
land and especially l i q u i d a t e d the pockets of B u d d h i s t
i n f l u e n c e after s l a u g h t e r i n g w h o l e s a l e t h o u s a n d s ot B u d d h i s t
• m o n k s a n d nuns*^.
296. I t is v e r y difficult to say i f fate had brought to

life this Mihirgula only to give a p r a c t i c a l lesson to the
I n d i a n B u d d h i s t s -who w e r e i n t o x i c a t e d b y t h e d e l i r i o u s i d e a ,
viz. ' R e l i g i o u s v i c t o r y w a s g r e a t e r t h a n arnaed v i c t o r y ' and
t o show t h a t w i t h o u t one's o w n a r m e d s u p p o r t even R e l i g i o n ,
cannot survive the o n s l a u g h t s o f t h e b a r b a r o u s e n e m y ' s fire
and sword.
297. N e v e r t h e l e s s , these m i l k s o p s o f t h e B u d d h i s t s who-
were sorely distressed at these persecutions d i d not fail to
use the only weapon they had to avenge themselves on.
Mihirgula. Only when Mihirgula died a perfectly natural
d e a t h , these B u d d h i s t s recorded his death i n their myths,
sending h i m forthwith to hell. " W h e n this demon of a Hun,.
M i h i r g u l a , d i e d " , t h e y wrote, " a n d went to eternal h e l l to
atone for his hatred towards L o r d B u d d h a a n d to suffer
i n h u m a n p a n g s , t h e E a r t h b r o k e i n t o t w o b y t h e v e r y shock..
I t r a i n e d as h e a v i l y as the Deluge o f M a n u , and the b i r d s
a n d beasts r a n helter-skelter crying horribly. M a n y other
u p h e a v a l s a l s o t o o k place**.
297-A. F o r these e n - f e e b l e d B u d d h i s t s , was there a n y
other w a y open for consolation than to imagine themselves
t h e u n l i m i t e d t o r t u r e s i n t h e i n f e r n a l fires o f p u r g a t o r y or
t h e h e l l o r t h e ' n a r a k ' , as w e I n d i a n s s h o u l d l i k e t o s t y l e t h e
place, a terrible enemy, whom they dared not think of
h a r m i n g i n t h e l e a s t w h i l e y e t he l i v e d i n t h i s w o r l d suffered ?
B u t w a s n ' t t h i s c o n s o l a t i o n o f these n o n - v i o l e n t Buddhists,
violent ? Is it kindness or extreme cruelty ?
T H E VICTORIOUS ENTRY OF YASHODHARMA

INTO UJJAIN !
298. After vanquishing Mihirgula completely Yasho

dharma overthrew a l l H u n n i s h influence f r o m the P a n c h n a d
a n d after having re-established Indian rule i n this newly
f r e e d l a n d , he r e t u r n e d t o M a l a v a w i t h h i s v i c t o r i o u s a r m y .
With great pomp and ceremony did this Yashodharma
enter Ujjain** w h i c h h a d the r e p u t a t i o n of b e i n g the capital
of I n d i a since the time o f V i k r a m a d i t y a , a n d w h i c h he h a d .
4TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 12$
freed anew from the foreign y o k e . N o w he d i d n o t remain

a s i m p l e k i n g but h a d become the k i n g of k i n g s , M a h a r a j a -
dhiraj**! He erected two p i l l a r s to commemorate the
v i c t o r y of the Indian patriots against the Huns*®. They-
e v e n n o w t e s t i f y t o t h e g r a t i f i c a t i o n t h a t the p e o p l e o f these-
times m i g h t have then felt.
WHAT HAPPENED T O T H E HUNS NEXT ?
299. W h a t else c o u l d h a v e happened to them ? They

m e t w i t h t h e same f a t e t h a t t h e i r f o r e r u i m e r s t h e l o n i a n s , t h e
S a k a s , the P a r t h i a n s and the other aggressors did. Soon
a f t e r M i h i r g u l a d i e d r o u n d a b o u t A . D . 5 4 0 t h e H u n n i s h states-
i n the north-west region beyond the Indus valley dwindled
into insignificance w i t h i n a generation or two and perished
completely*'. A f t e r w r e s t i n g p o l i t i c a l p o w e r f r o m the H u n s
the V e d i c H i n d u k i n g s once a g a i n b e g a n t o r u l e r i g h t u p to-
the Hindukush**. The moment they lost political power,
because of a n a r m e d m i g h t stronger t h a n t h e i r own, the H u n s
became as meek lambs. D r . Jayaswal writes, "The Huns
were f u l l y c r u s h e d w i t h i n a c e n t u r y b y the successive (Hindu),
dynasties*'." B e c a u s e o f t h e g r e a t losses i n t h e i r r a n k s , suff
ered during a century of incessant warfare w i t h the H i n d u s -
H u n n i s h population diminished r a p i d l y i n numbers. Whoso
ever remained took over willingly to I n d i a n religions and.
languages and customs and within a generation or two
merged so c o m p l e t e l y w i t h the H i n d u s t h a t t h e y c o u l d n e v e r
recollect their H u n n i s h extraction.
300. V i n c e n t S m i t h h a s t h e f o l l o w i n g c o m m e n t s t o offer
o n the far-rea ching effects of this decisive I n d i a n victory
over the Huns : "After the defeat of M i h i r g u l a and the
e x t i n c t i o n o f the H u n Power on the Oxus, India enjoyed
i m m u n i t y f r o m f o r e i g n a t t a c k s f o r n e a r l y five c e n t u r i e s * " . "
300-A. I t c l e a r l y [ m e a n s t h a t after t h e d e f e a t of M i h i r
gula at the h a n d s of Y a s h o d h a r m a a n d after t h e e n d o f t h e
H u n empire b e y o n d the O x u s there was no foreign aggression
o v e r I n d i a for n e a r l y five c e n t u r i e s t o c o m e . T h u s the w h o l e
of India, right from Pariyatra (Hindukush), Gandhar^
Kashmir, the Punjab and S i n d h s t r a i g h t to K a n y a k u m a r i ,

enjoyed under the H i n d u K i n g s prosperity and happiness for
nearly five hundred years. The whole of Bharat was
independent, powerful, wealthy and h a p p y !
A RESUME OF T H E ANCIENT PERIOD

IN INDIAN H I S T O R Y
301-307. I f b y the Ancient Period in Indian History

we mean the one f r o m B . C . 6 0 0 t o A . D . 7 0 0 , — a p e r i o d as
l a r g e as 1300 y e a r s — a n d i f the succeeding period is called
the modern, it is i n t h e fitness o f t h i n g s t h a t h e r e a n d n o w
s h o u l d e n d t h a t p e r i o d so f a r as t h e subject matter of this
b o o k is concerned. Some of the h i s t o r i c a l points pertaining
to this ancient period—which should very carefully be
impressed on the minds of our y o u n g men and women and
the g e n e r a l r e a d e r , b u t w h i c h are g e n e r a l l y l o s t s i g h t of, are
b r i e f l y d e a l t w i t h here i n t h i s c o n c l u s i o n :
(1) I n t h i s a n c i e n t p e r i o d no foreign aggressor could ever
conquer the whole of India at any time. T h i s fact generally
•escapes t h e notice o f g o o d m a n y o f t h e f o r e i g n e r s as o f o u r
o w n men, w h i l e some d e l i b e r a t e l y neglect i t or pervert it.
On reading s u c h t i t l e s o f C h a p t e r s as ' A l e x a n d e r ' s I n v a s i o n
o f I n d i a ' ' S a k a a g g r e s s i o n o n I n d i a " , f o r e i g n as w e l l as n a t i v e
r e a d e r s are generally misled into a belief t h a t the w h o l e o f
I n d i a was o v e r r u n either b y A l e x a n d e r or b y the Huns, and
lost its independence. U n d e r this delusion many of the
•enemies o f I n d i a a n d h e r s o - c a l l e d w e l l - w i s h e r s h a v e raised
such objections and propounded s u c h t h e o r i e s as t o m e a n
t h a t the whole life of the I n d i a n nation—i.e. the Hindu
nation—has passed imder in foreign slavery. I t is t o b r i n g
t o l i g h t a n d refute t h i s foolish and wicked charge and to
show that i t is due to either unintentional ignorance or
wilful m a l i c e t h a t s u c h t h e o r i e s are e v e r p r o p o u n d e d , that
t h i s b o o k has b e e n p u r p o s e l y w r i t t e n .
S o f r o m t h e f o r e g o i n g n a r r a t i o n i t s h o u l d be c l e a r t h a t —
(2) R i g h t from Nepal to E a s t e r n Sea ( B a y o f Bengal)
t h e whole of northern a n d eastern I n d i a and southern India,
t h a t is to say, p r a c t i c a l l y three-fourths o f this great continent,

of I n d i a , remained completely independent of any foreign
d o m i n a t i o n for these 1300 y e a r s . N o a g g r e s s o r b y sea o r
l a n d c o u l d e v e r r e d u c e i t c o m p l e t e l y to s l a v e r y .
(3) O f the remaining western and northern India,
r o u g h l y a b o u t 1/4 of the continent was o n l y once traversed,
by a^foreigner. Sakas and K u s h a n s held the north-westera
tract of l a n d between the Punjab a n d G u j r a t for some t i m e .
The Huns could barely reach Ujjain. H o w miserably these
n a t i o n a l foes suffered at the hands of Indian nationals has.
been briefly described i n the foregoing pages.,
(4) H a r d l y a n y other contemporary n a t i o n of the w o r l d
w i l l b e seen t o have so s u c c e s s f u l l y d e s t r o y e d the foreign
aggressors a n d m a i n t a i n e d i t s n a t i o n a l independence for such,
a l e n g t h o f t i m e — n o t less t h a n 1300 y e a r s .
(5) I t is not o n l y I n d i a t h a t these lonians, Sakas and.
H u n s a n d o t h e r aggressors i n v a d e d . Some o f t h e m disrupted
almost all the other nations ! of the then known world and
brought i n the so-called D a r k A g e s . T h e y t h r e w some o f t h e
other nations into complete oblivion—a fact which must
always be kept i n view when comparing them with India i n
respect of these b a r b a r i c aggressions.
(6) These very barbaric aggressors w h o came i n such
large numbers c a r r y i n g powerful weapons w i t h the diabolie
ambition o f a n n i h i l a t i n g the whole o f the I n d i a n continent
were themselves reduced b y the I n d i a n w a r r i o r s to ashes in
the conflagration of a general war, their beastly instincts,
being purified i n the m a r t i a l fires and merged i n the vast
Indian multitude so c o m p l e t e l y t h a t e v e n t h e i r n a m e (ÎTT)-
d i d not r e m a i n ( ^ } b e h i n d t h e m !
308. L e t us f o r a m o m e n t i m a g i n e t h a t a c e r t a i n A n g e l
who h a d b e e n o b s e r v i n g t h e affairs o f t h i s E a r t h a t t h a t t i m e
and has once a g a i n come d o w n on the H i m a l a y a n peaks a n d
is s u r v e y i n g t h e I n d i a n s c e n e . Not,knowing what happened
d u r i n g t h e i n t e r v e n i n g y e a r s he b e g a n t o a s k f r o m t h e p e a k :
" W e l l , a r e t h e r e s t i l l left o v e r i n t h i s c o n t i n e n t o f I n d i a any
of the l o n i a n s (Greeks) w h o h a d once f o u n d e d a k i n g d o m i n a
. s m a l l c o r n e r o f t h i s v a s t piece o f k n d ? " I f a n y Angel does

inquire this way, t h e r e i s u n f o r t u n a t e l y no one left t o t e l l
h i m , "Well, I am he—their descendant \" I f a g a i n t h e Angel
asks, "In one part o f I n d i a there were some k i n g d o m s a n d
-communities of Sakas a n d the K u s h a n s . Is there anyone of
t h e m t o be f o u n d here n o w ? " T o a n s w e r t h i s q u e s t i o n i n t h e
affirmative there is u n l u c k i l y none left. N o one c a n be f o u n d
today to say, " Y e s , I a m S a k a " or " I a m a K u s h a n . " Were
he a g a i n to a s k f o r t h e t h i r d time " A t least some of the
gentlemen b e l o n g i n g t o t h e H u n c l a n w h o h a d once h a r a s s e d
the whole of the w o r l d a n d who h a d once advanced up to
Ujjain must be f o u n d here ! A r e t h e r e a n y s u c h ? E v e n t o
t h i s q u e s t i o n n o one c a n p r o u d l y s a y t o d a y " W h y n o t ? H e r e
J a m their direct descendant".
309. B u t i f the awe-stricken A n g e l asks again, "Well,
tell me a t least i f t h e r e is a n y y e t left o f t h o s e H i n d u s w h o
f o u g h t b r a v e l y w i t h a l l these f o r e i g n aggressors and ruled
•over I n d i a ? " Then the answer, " Y e s , I a m t h a t H i n d u ! I
a m he ! " w o u l d s p r i n g f r o m m o r e t h a n t h r e e h u n d r e d m i l l i o n
mouths i n this country and prove, beyond a shadow of a
d o u b t , t h e d e e p r o o t e d f o u n d a t i o n s a n d t h e grand edifice of
the Hindu nation and the Hindu State I
310. So this c a n be fittingly called T H E FOURTH
•GLORIOUS E P O C H of Indian History glittering i n the
lustrous m a r t i a l achievements of the most daring and
successful emperor, YASHODHARMA!
• • •
"The Mohamedan conquest of India is p r o b a b l y the
bloodiest story i n history. I t is a d i s c o u r a g i n g t a l e , f o r its
evident m o r a l is t h a t c i v i l i z a t i o n is a precarious thing, whose
delicate complex of order a n d l i b e r t y , culture a n d peace m a y
at any time be overthrown by barbarians invading from
without or m u l t i p l y i n g w i t h i n "
— W i l l D u r a n t : Story of Civilization.
Glorious Epoch
CHAPTER V
THE CLIMAX OF MAHARASHTRIAN VALOUR !
THE MARATHA STANDARD FLUTTERS

PROUDLY OVER ATTOCK
NATURE O F T H E MILLENNIAL HESDU-MUSLIM

STRUGGLE
311. T h e scope o f t h i s b o o k , ' S i x G l o r i o u s E p o c h s o f

I n d i a n H i s t o r y ' , has already been explained i n Chapter I
( p a r a s : 4 t o 8) f r o m w h i c h i t s h o u l d b e c l e a r t h a t a detailed
account o f the continuous, long-drawn, fierce and gigantic
H i n d u - M u s l i m s t r u g g l e i s n o t i n t e n d e d h e r e . W h a t we i n t e n d
t o d o here i s t o e x a m i n e t h o r o u g h l y a n d f r o m t h e H i n d u s t a n d
point this epic struggle and the period covered b y i t as
s e a r c h i n g l y , as f a i t h f u l l y a n d as f e a r l e s s l y as i t o u g h t t o h a v e
been d o n e — b u t u n f o r t u n a t e l y h a s n o t so f a r b e e n d o n e .
312. F o r even today i t is a b s o l u t e l y essential and
beneficial to the interests o f the H i n d u N a t i o n .
TWO AGES O F OUR HISTORY : ANCIENT AND

MODERN
313. W e feel t h a t o u r H i s t o r y i s n a t u r a l l y d i v i d e d b y
t h e c o u r s e o f e v e n t s i n t o t w o g r e a t ages : t h e A n c i e n t a n d t h e
M o d e r n ; t h e first, e n d i n g w i t h t h e s e v e n t h century, and the
second, stretching from the beginnings o f the eighth century
to the present d a y . I n the p r e c e d i n g four chapters we have
dealt w i t h the vast ancient p e r i o d of about a t h o u s a n d years
o r so, w h i l e w e i n t e n d t o a n a l y s e , i n t h e following nineteen
chapters, the course of events i n t h i s m o d e r n age of Hindu
History.
314. I n d o i n g so d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t s o f t h e many stray
events supporting our m a i n thesis will certainly be given
where necessary a n d the c h r o n o l o g i c a l sequence will also be
m a i n t a i n e d . B u t t h e c h r o n o l o g i c a l d e t a i l s w i l l n o t be a l l o w e d
to c r o w d up the l i m i t e d space at our d i s p o s a l , as they are
e a s i l y a v a i l a b l e i n v a r i o u s b i g or small volumes by many
other writers. Hence our whole attention will be focussed
m a i n l y on the bearings of different i m p o r t a n t points in the
subject rbatter i n h a n d , rather than, though not without
regard to, the cbronological order.
T H E EPIC HINDU-MUSLIM WAR
315. The struggle o n the two fronts i n a l l the bloody

wars fought at every M u s l i m i n v a s i o n r i g h t from the begin
n i n g o f t h i s m o d e r n age w a s h i t h e r t o unknown and unheard
of. F o r the Greek, S a k a , H u n a n d other invaders, who came
p o u r i n g i n d o w n the plains o f the Punjab, had political
d o m i n a t i o n o f t h i s c o u n t r y as t h e i r s o l e objective. Barring
this p o l i t i c a l a i m their raids had never been occasioned by
a n y c u l t u r a l or religious h a t r e d . O n the other hand, these
n e w I s l a m i c enemies n o t o n l y a s p i r e d to crush the Hindu
political power and establish i n its place M u s l i m sovereignty
over the w h o l e o f I n d i a , b u t t h e y also h a d , seething i n their
brains another fierce religious ambition, not heretofore
d r e a m t o f b y a n y o f the o l d enemies o f I n d i a . Intoxicated
by this religious ambition, which was m a n y times more
diabolic than their p o l i t i c a l one. These millions of M u s l i m -
invaders from a l l over A s i a fell over I n d i a century after cen
t u r y w i t h a l l the ferocity at their command to destroy the
H i n d u r e l i g i o n w h i c h was the l i f e - b l o o d o f the N a t i o n .
T H E O U T R A G E O U S CHRISTIAN INCURSION
316. T o a d d to these catastrophic M u s l i m inroads over

India C h r i s t i a n nations l i k e the Portuguese, the D u t c h , the
F r e n c h , the B r i t i s h a n d others rushed u p o n our n a t i o n from
the sea, r o u n d a b o u t the fifteenth century A . D . — e v e n i f we
were to ignore the i n f i l t r a t i o n o f the S y r i a n C h r i s t i a n s i n the
M a l a b a r d u r i n g t h e 1st c e n t u r y A . D . T h i s C h r i s t i a n o f f e n s i v e ,
l i k e t h e M u s l i m one, was both political and religious and
equally devilish. T h e y also wrought havoc by converting
m i l l i o n s o f H i n d u s at the point o f the bayonet—an account
o f w h i c h w i l l be g i v e n a t i t s p r o p e r p l a c e .
317. A l t h o u g h the two fronts o f this M u s l i m aggression,
viz., t h e r e l i g i o u s a n d p o l i t i c a l , w e r e o n l y t h e t w o p a r t s o f t h e
same epic H i n d u - M u s l i m struggle, their o r i g i n a l forms, their
weapons of war and their ultimate e n d were altogether
different. N a t u r a l l y , t h e y h a v e t o be discussed separately,
as f a r a s i t i s p o s s i b l e t o d o s o .
318. H e n c e w e s h a l l first e x a m i n e t h e r e l i g i o u s a s p e c t
o f the Muslim-Christian aggression over our country in
Chapters V I to X I I and then i n C h a p t e r s 13 t o 22 o f t h i s
b o o k we s h a l l discuss i t s p o l i t i c a l side.
•
ti
CHAPTER VI
BEGINNING O F M U S L I M BVCURSION
319. W e have already pointed out—and shall do so

hereafter—how the histories w r i t t e n not o n l y b y foreigii
h i s t o r i a n s o r t h o s e w h o are a v o w e d l y i n i m i c a l t o u s , b u t e v e n
b y our o w n people, ignore the glorious episodes o f e x c e p t i o n a l
v a l o u r a n d m o n u m e n t a l successes o f t h e H i n d u s a n d i n their
stead, catalogue o n l y the calamities that befell them and
p r e s e n t t h e m as t h e o n l y t r u e h i s t o r y o f t h e H i n d u s , because
t h e y were never fearlessly w r i t t e n f r o m the pure a n d simple
H i n d u standpoint. W e have a l r e a d y referred to m a n y such
i n s t a n c e s , i n t h e first f o u r c h a p t e r s i n s u p p o r t o f o u r c o n t e n
t i o n a n d w i l l d o so e v e n i n t h e f o l l o w i n g pages. The period
u n d e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n h e r e is a n i n s t a n c e i n p o i n t .
320. Generally speaking i n a l l histories, especially i n
the h i s t o r y text-books used i n schools, the writers i n v a r i a b l y
jump from an account of the H u n n i s h onslaught to the first
Successful M u s l i m c a m p a i g n o n S i n d h , w i t h o u t w r i t i n g e v e n a
line or t w o about the i n t e r v e n i n g l o n g period o f these h u n d r e d
y e a r s o r so. N e x t follow in q u i c k succession the detailed
narration o f M u s l i m i n v a s i o n s one a f t e r a n o t h e r , so t h a t a
c o m m o n reader, especially a pupil, catches an impression,
w h i c h is v e r y o f t e n c a r r i e d e v e n i n h i s l a t e r l i f e , t h a t t h e h i s
t o r y o f t h e H i n d u s is n o t h i n g b u t a doleful tale of foreign
s u b j u g a t i o n a n d n a t i o n a l defeats. O u r enemies h a v e publi
c i z e d t h e s e false i m p r e s s i o n s as e s t a b l i s h e d f a c t s a l l o v e r t h e
w o r l d for the last t w o or three centuries. F o r instance, a m a n
like the late D r . Ambedkar, burning with hatred against
H i n d u i s m , writes :
" T h e H i n d u s , has b e e n a life o f a continuous
defeat. I t is a mode of s u r v i v a l of which every H i n d u will
feel a s h a m e d ^ . "
321. I n fact, h i s t o r i c a l evidence shows t h a t after the t o t a l

r o u t o f t h e H u n s , t h a t i s t o s a y , s i n c e a b o u t A . D . 550 Hindu
K i n g s a n d emperors successfully crossed the I n d u s at v a r i o u s
places^ a n d r e c o n q u e r e d n o t o n l y w h a t are now known as
Sindh, Baluchistan, Afghanistan, Herab, Hindukush, Gilgit,
K a s h m i r a n d m a n y other regions from the Greeks, the Huns,
the Sakas and other f o r e i g n peoples, b u t h o i s t e d the v i c t o r i o u s
national flag of the Vedic H i n d u s far beyond the north
western boundaries of Chandragupta M a u r y a ' s empire upto
U t t e r K u r u s ! W h y , even i n K h o t a n i n Central A s i a beyond
Kashmir, there ruled H i n d u kings and, i n the opinion o f
m a n y historians, even G a z a n i was r u l e d b y K i n g Sheeladitya*.
T H E REJUVENASCENT HINDU NATION
322. E v e n the foreign historians l i k e V i n c e n t S m i t h are

astounded at the enduring ability of the H i n d u n a t i o n t o
rejuvenate itself after crushing defeats. For a detailed
account of this period and Smith's glowing tribute to the
successful struggle for independence o f the Hindus the
c u r i o u s r e a d e r s are a d v i s e d t o r e f e r t o t h e c o n c l u d i n g p o r t i o n
of Chapter I V of this book. Only one sentence w i l l suffice
here.
322-A. " A f t e r the defeat o f M i h i r g u l a (by the Hindus)
a n d the e x t i n c t i o n of the H u n power, I n d i a enjoyed i m m u n i t y
f r o m f o r e i g n a t t a c k f o r n e a r l y five c e n t u r i e s * . "
323. S m i t h has t h u s c o m p l e t e l y refuted the extravagant
and vulgar remarks of D r . A m b e d k a r on H i n d u history.
T H E BEGINNINGS O F T H E A W E F U L MUSLIM WAR

W I T H INDIA
324. I t is g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d t h a t M o h a m m e d B i n K a s i m
w a s t h e first o f t h e A r a b i a n or Muslim invaders to march
upon Sindh. But i n fact i t w a s a t l e a s t fifty y e a r s before
him that other Arabian Muslims had started picking up
quarrels with the B r a h m i n kings of Sindh*. T h e y h a d even
t r i e d a n a r m e d aggression®. Y e t we do not i n t e n d to dilate
upon the systematic and chronological account of these
various skirmishes b y armed bands or m i l i t a r y detachments'.

I t is enough for our purpose to bear i n m i n d t h a t a l l these
a t t e m p t s were foiled successfully b y the H i n d u s * . A t length
Usman', the governor of the Grand Khalipha's distant
p r o v i n c e of O m a n , openely a t t a c k e d the H i n d u state o f S i n d h .
The then Brahmin King of Sindh, Chacha, vanquished not
o n l y these A r a b s , b u t k i l l e d t h e i r very Commander-in-Chief,
Abdul Aziz, in a battle^". After these sporadic attempts
till about A . D . 640, the Arabs did not undertake any
i m p o r t a n t e x p e d i t i o n , w i t h perhaps the o n l y exception of the
small distant province of Makram^^, which they reduced
t o ashes converting the H i n d u s there at the point of the
s w o r d to the Muslim faith^^. These H i n d u B a l u c h i s t a n i a n
converts o f those days became later on b i g o t e d M u s l i m s .
T H E FIRST BIG MUSLIM EXPEDITION

AGAINST SINDH
325. Thereafter it was i n A . D . 711 that Mohammed

Bin-Kasim launched the first large-scale offensive against
Sindh with a huge army, fifty-thousand strong^*. The
majority o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f S i n d h , then, was V e d i c H i n d u s ,
w i t h K i n g D a h i r at the head o f the state, while, o n l y a small
minority was the follower of L o r d B u d d h a . Formerly, when
S i n d h was under the H u n s , their last K i n g Mihirgula had
persecuted the B u d d h i s t s v e r y c r u e l l y , because i n spite of his
H u n n i s h e x t r a c t i o n , he h a d b e c o m e a f a i t h f u l f o l l o w e r o f t h e
Vedic religion and hated Buddhism for its feebleness^*.
(Chapter 4—Paragraphs 284 & 285.) B u t after M i h i r g u l a , w h e n
Sindh went under the sway of the Vedic H i n d u K i n g s , the
B u d d h i s t s no longer suffered a n y such persecution. They
were free to f o l l o w t h e i r o w n r e l i g i o n so f a r as i t c o n c e r n e d
o n l y w i t h t h e i r o w n selves.
THE BUDDHIST TRAITORS
326. N e v e r t h e l e s s , these I n d i a n B u d d h i s t s were elated,

to see the Muslim foreigners march against the Hindu
kingdom. These Buddhists, who bore m a l i c e towards the
Hindus, perhaps thought t h a t these n e w M u s l i m aggressors

m i g h t e m b r a c e t h e i r B u d d h i s t c u l t , as d i d t h e i r forerunners,
the Greeks under M e n a n d e r or the K u s h a n s u n d e r K a n i s h k a ,
and establish a B u d d h i s t empire over I n d i a . So they went a n d
greeted the Arabian-Muslim leader, w h e n he c a p t u r e d P o r t
D e v a l from the hands o f K i n g Dahir^*. They appealed to
h i m i n s o m e s u c h w a y as t h e f o l l o w i n g : —
326-A. " W e have nothing to do with Dahir and his
Vedic H i n d u cult. O u r r e l i g i o u s f a i t h differs very widely
from theirs. Our Prophet, Lord B u d d h a , has taught us
'Ahimsa.' (Total Abstinence F r o m Violence). W e never take
a r m s a n d d a b b l e w i t h p o l i t i c a l affairs o f t h e s t a t e . Whoever
w i n s a n d be t h e r u l e r o f t h e s t a t e , we o b e y h i m i n a l l m a t t e r s
t e m p o r a l . Y o u a r e n o w t h e v i c t o r , so n o w y o u are o u r K i n g t
Never suspect for a moment that we shall even enlist
o u r s e l v e s i n D a h i r ' s a r m e d forces o r h e l p h i m i n a n y w a y . S o
we pray that t h e B u d d h i s t s s h o u l d n o t be s u b j e c t e d t o a n y
indignities or troubles at y o u r h a n d s . "
326-B. Complying with some such request of the
B u d d h i s t s which amounted to complete surrender, the arch
d i p l o m a t K a s i m gave t h e m temporary assurance of safety".
327. O n r e c e i v i n g the news o f the fall of Port Deval,
King Dahir, on the other h a n d , m o b i l i z e d his a r m y and
t o o k the field". K a s i m , too, on his part, went ahead subju
g a t i n g some parts o f S i n d h . The Muslim-writers of Tarikhs
(reports)^*, who have recorded the details o f this campaign,
testify that the B u d d h i s t s i n S i n d h helped the Muslims i n
every possible way^', while the latter marched onwards, by
s h o w i n g t h e m d i f f i c u l t passes, p r o v i d i n g t b e m w i t h foodstuff
a n d f o d d e r a n d s u p p l y i n g t h e m secret military intelligence.
Some few V e d i c H i n d u s a l s o w e r e g u i l t y of this treachery;
but their attempts were i n d i v i d u a l a n d exceptional.
KING DAHIR DIES FIGHTING O N T H E

BATTLEFIELD
328. A t l a s t , t h e m a i n forces o f the Muslims and the

H i n d u s joined battle at Brahmanabad^". The H i n d u s fought
fiercely. Although the M u s l i m s then h a d no cannon, they

had fire-arms of a new type, which the Hindus did not
possessî. N a t u r a l l y the latter began to find themselves
weaker i n strength. Moreover the A r a b platoons that were
in the pay of Dahir rebelled^^. W h e n the Hindu-Muslim
armies came to close quarters, the A r a b s i n f o r m e d h i m t h a t
they would not fight against Mohammed-Bin-Kasim,
s i n c e t h e l a t t e r was a M u s l i m , as t h e y t h e m s e l v e s were, and
that i t was a religious crusade against the Kafirs^*. What
more, they even marched on their Hindu master himself.
T h i s artlessness o f the H i n d u s i n p l a c i n g complete faith in
the enemy m e t the same fate, w h e n e v e r i n future a Hindu
K i n g employed M u s l i m soldiers i n his army. T h i s v e r y often
caused the H i n d u strategy to topple down and made their
b a t t l e - a r r a y s ineffective**.
329. Nevertheless, w i t h o u t letting this betrayal of the
A r a b platoons cause a n y c o n f u s i o n i n h i s r a n k s . K i n g D a h i r
mounted his elephant and kept on fighting i n the t h i c k o f
t h e fray**. B u t when he h i m s e l f was k i l l e d i n the battle, the
H i n d u army was routed, a n d the M u s l i m s , i n hot pursuit,
e n t e r e d t h e city*®.
330. H o w e v e r , the m o m e n t she received the horrible
news of K i n g D a h i r ' s death on the battle-field, the Queen
a n d hundreds o f other brave H i n d u ladies leapt into a great
fire a n d b u r n t t h e m s e l v e s to death*'. I t was the limit of
w a r l i k e spirit, the K s h a t r i y a d h a r m a ! The enemy's attempts
t o c a p t u r e a n d m o l e s t the Q u e e n a n d o t h e r l a d i e s o f h i g h - r a n k
were m o s t l y foiled.
331. E v e n then, i n the confusion that was wrought
everywhere, Daheer's two daughters named Suryadevi and
P r a m i l a d e v i fell** into the hands o f the M u s l i m s who had
dashed into the city, killing every captive soldier and
every citizen*'. Mohammed Kasim took them and also
hundreds o f others away as courtesans. The looting and
massacre o f the H i n d u s a n d large-scale arson i n the c i t y w e n t
on unhindered. B u t t h a t was the fate o f n o t o n l y one c i t y ;
every other city or t o w n t h a t the M u s l i m s v i s i t e d on their
o n w a r d m a r c h t h r o u g h S i n d h m e t w i t h t h e s a m e disaster*".
B U T W H A T W E R E T H E B U D D H I S T S D O I N G IN THIS
NATIONAL CATASTROPHE ?
332. A t t h e fnews o f t h e f a l l of K i n g Dahir and the

v i c t o r y of the M u s l i m s , these B u d d h i s t s began to ring bells
i n t h e i r vihars*^ t o g r e e t t h e M u s l i m conquerors, and prayed
i n congregations for the p r o s p e r i t y of the M u s l i m rulers !
333. B u t what they thus asked f o r as a boon proved
t o be a n i n e x o r a b l e curse f o r t h e m . After w i n n i n g the final
battle, when the Muslims rushed violently, like a stormy
wind, throughout Sindh, they went on beheading these
Buddhists even more ruthlessly than they did the V e d i c
Hindus**. F o r , the V e d i c H i n d u s were fighting i n groups or
individually at every place and so they struck atleast a
l i t t l e awe a n d t e r r o r i n the minds o f the Muslims. B u t as
there was no armed opposition in Buddhist Vihars and
Buddhist localities, the M u s l i m s cut t h e m d o w n as e a s i l y as
they w o u l d cut vegetable. O n l y those of the B u d d h i s t s who
took to the M u s l i m f a i t h were spared, w h i l e a l l t h e i r v i h a r s
throughout S i n d h a n d the innumerable shrines i n them were
knocked down, and hammered to pieces ; for the Muslims
hated these ' B u d d h parastis'—these shrine-worshippers.
334. The very word, "Buddhaparasta", which found its
way into the I s l a m i c t o n g u e , is i t s e l f a c o r r u p t f o r m o f t h e
o r i g i n a l S a n s k r i t w o r k of the Buddhists, 'Buddhaparastha'.
The Muslims began to c a l l the shrine-worshippers ' B u d d h a -
p a r a s h t a ' b e c a u s e o n t h e i r w a y t o I n d i a t h e y first f o u n d s u c h
numerous shrines nowhere but i n the B u d d h i s t V i h a r s . To
annihilate such shrine-worshippers was for the M u s l i m s a sort
of religious commandment**.
BUDDHIST AHIMSA AND MUSLIM HIMSA
335. T h i s is n o w t h e p l a c e w h e r e t h e question that we

have discussed at length i n Chapter I I (Paras 152 t o 159) of
t h i s b o o k , a b o u t t h e d o w n f a l l o f B u d d h i s m i n I n d i a s h o u l d be
chronologically concluded. By t h e y e a r A . D . 700, o f w h i c h
w e are s p e a k i n g i n these pages, t h a t i s , before the Muslims

c o u l d set f o o t i n I n d i a t o w a r d s S i n d h , t h e B u d d h i s t s a l l o v e r
I n d i a were fast d i m i n i s h i n g i n n u m b e r s and dwindling into
n o n - e x i s t e n c e as i s a l r e a d y s h o w n i n p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s . The
successful theoretical refutation of the B u d d h i s t philosophy
a n d religious tenets b y the stalwart Vedic theologians and
'pandits'** is n o t the o n l y cause o f the t o t a l e x t i n c t i o n o f the
B u d d h i s t s i n I n d i a ; m a n y other social and p o l i t i c a l events
also h a d a fair share i n this momentous task. Of them only
those w h i c h have not received the proper attention from the
h i s t o r i a n s so f a r , o r which have not been given enough
p r o m i n e n c e w h i c h t h e y r e a l l y deserve, w i l l be conspicuously
referred to at their proper places i n these b r i e f c o n c l u d i n g
remarks.
THE FIRST C A U S E : T H E BUDDHIST HIGH

TREASON
336. W e have already dwelt at length on this collective

high treason of the Buddhists i n India against their nation
i n C h . I I P a r a s 162 t o 159 ; 182-209, a n d C h . I l l P a r a s 2 4 2 -
2 4 6 of this book. Because o f this treacherous m e n t a l i t y of the
Buddhists, the whole of the patriotic and politically
conscious I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n was up i n arms to destroy them
rootand branch. Being convinced beyond doubt by actual
•experience that these Buddhist congregations (Buddha-
sangha) were i n h e r e n t l y a n t i - n a t i o n a l and unpatriotic, and
treacherous institutions, the patriotic politicians and the
iingly courts gave them hardly any support anywhere i n
India. E s p e c i a l l y i n the n o r t h about the y e a r A . D . 700 as
the new R a j p u t K i n g d o m s w h i c h were the staunch support
ers o f t h e V e d i c r e l i g i o n , b e g a n to prosper**, the Buddhist
p o p u l a t i o n a n d the Buddhist cult were rendered helpless,
socially boycotted, weak a n d i n v a l i d everywhere i n I n d i a .
THE SECOND R E A S O N : fFANATIC BUDDHIST

AHIMSA
337. Just as the patriotic and politically conscious

p o p u l a t i o n of I n d i a became impatient w i t h the B u d d h i s t cult,

so w a s t h e g e n e r a l p o p u l a c e d i s g u s t e d w i t h t h e h a r a s s m e n t o f
Buddhist Ahimsa. A t t i m e s — t h o u g h few a n d far between
—when the B u d d h i s t s gained the greatest p o l i t i c a l power o v e r
t h e m a j o r p o r t i o n o f I n d i a as i n t h e t i m e s o f A s o k a a n d S h r e e
H a r s h a , they enforced the Buddhist tenets on the Vedic
Hindus by misusing their political authority. The writings
of the times are replete with c o p i o u s references t o , a n d
i l l u s t r a t i o n s of, t h e r e l i g i o u s p e r s e c u t i o n carried on by the
B u d d h i s t s o n those occasions. Yet i f passages are quoted
f r o m some V e d i c b o o k s , s o m e o v e r - s e n s i t i v e s o u l m i g h t d o u b t
their veracity as t h e y occur from an opponent's mouth.
H e n c e we are a d d u c i n g a s p e c i m e n c l e a r l y h o w v e h e m e n t l y t h e
foreign and non-Vedic historians have criticized it. Vincent
S m i t h i n his ' E a r l y H i s t o r y of I n d i a ' has this to say—
338. " I t is recorded b y contemporary testimony that
i n t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y K i n g H a r s h a , w h o o b v i o u s l y a i m e d at-
copying closely the institutions of A s o k a d i d not s h r i n k from
inflicting c a p i t a l p u n i s h m e n t w i t h o u t hope of pardon on a n y
person who dared to infringe his commands by s l a y i n g any-
animal or using flesh as food i n any part of his d o m i n i o n .
K u m a r P a l , a J a i n K i n g o f G u j r a t h , imposed savage penalties
u p o n violators of his (similar) rules. A n unlucky merchant
who h a d c o m m i t t e d the atrocious crime o f c r a c k i n g a louse
was b r o u g h t before a s p e c i a l c o u r t a t Anilhawada and puni
s h e d w i t h t h e c o n f i s c a t i o n o f h i s w h o l e property'®. Another
wretch who had outraged the s a n c t i t y o f t h e c a p i t a l by-
b r i n g i n g a dish o f raw meat was p u t to death. The special
court constituted by Kumar Pal (for this purpose) h a d
functions s i m i l a r to those o f A s o k a ' s censors. And the
w o r k i n g o f the later i n s t i t u t i o n s sheds l i g h t o n the u n r e c o r d e d
proceedings of the earlier o n e s ' ' . "
THE MARTYR LOUSE !
339. Out of the proceeds obtained by selling the

confiscated property of the offender who c o m m i t t e d the
'atrocious crime' of c r a c k i n g the s a i d louse was built a big:
temple'8 w o r t h lacs o f rupees a n d i t was n a m e d ' Y u k v i h a r ' —

the temple o f the Louse !
340. Were this incident described b y any other writer
i t w o u l d h a v e b e e n as a p a r o d y o f t h e J a i n f a i t h . B u t it is
the J a i n w r i t e r s ' ' themselves who cite i t with evident pride.
H e n c e i t h a s t o be t a k e n as t r u e .
341. W h a t a paradoxical practice ! In order to save a
l o u s e i n t h e h a i r o f a m a n t o c u t off t h e very head of that
man ! A n d this is c a l l e d ' A h i m s a ' ! A s i f to k i l l a m a n is no
' H i m s a ' — v i o l e n c e ! M a n seems t o h a v e n o l i f e a t all ! It is
because o f t h i s ' A h i m s a ' , more ruthless a n d more v i o l e n t t h a n
violence—'Himsa'—itself that millions of I n d i a n hunters,
fishermen seamen, gamekeepers, foresters a n d others who
lived by hunting and fishing, lost their professions.
342. W h e n these m i l l i o n s of flesh-eaters jointly protes
ted and demonstrated how they and their wives and children
would starve to death and how this w o u l d spell violence of
an enormously grave nature K i n g Kumar Pal of Gujrath**
most graciously issued another order that these m i l l i o n s of
people, w h o have been c a r r y i n g o n v i o l e n t professions ought
t o leave those professions themselves. H o w e v e r as p e r t h e i r
d e m a n d , t h e s t a t e w a s t o s u b s i d i z e t h e m f o r t h r e e years*^.
343. B u t what after those three years ! Starvation
could not be completely r u l e d out in the case of these
unfortunate millions. F o r flesh a n d m e a t w a s t h e i r c h i e f f o o d
w h i c h c o u l d be h a d a l m o s t for n o t h i n g . But because this
intolerant 'Ahimsa' made flesh-eating punishable b y death,
t h i s c o m m o n m a s s o f p e o p l e was a n t a g o n i z e d t o t h e B u d d h i s t
faith. These m i l l i o n s of people shook off its tyrannical
y o k e , a n d s o u g h t refuge in the Vedic religion, which had
now taken an all-embracing noble form, accepting a rela
tively considerate Ahimsa which a l l o w e d concessions for
p a r t i c u l a r t i m e a n d place a n d persons, concentrating mainly
o n h u m a n welfare** !
UNTOUCHABILITY AGGRAVATED BY T H EBUDDHIST

RELIGION
344. E v e n today not only common people and good
m a n y p r o p a g a n d i s t s b u t e v e n h i s t o r i a n s seem t o be l a b o u r i n g
under the delusion t h a t the B u d d h i s t s d i d not recognize the
p r i n c i p l e o f u n t o u c h a b i l i t y , and t h a t no one was considered
u n t o u c h a b l e i n the B u d d h i s t regime*'. W h a t is l a i d down i n
s o m e o n e ' s r e l i g i o u s t e x t s is b e s i d e t h e p o i n t . W h a t t h e a c t u a l
p r a c t i c e w a s is t h e m o s t p e r t i n e n t thing. One unavoidable
result of the v i o l e n t w a y i n which the B u d d h i s t s tried to
establish the principle of ' A h i m s a ' , and of their declaring
animal-hunting and flesh-eating punishable by death, of
their over-enthusiastic a n d r e l e n t l e s s efforts to search out
s u c h offenders a n d g i v e t h e h a r s h e s t c a p i t a l a n d o t h e r severe
p u n i s h m e n t s , was t h a t the p r a c t i c e o f u n t o u c h a b i l i t y i n s t e a d
o f being w i p e d out became still more firmly rooted, wide
spread and most distressing**. T h e l i m i t e d space a t our
d i s p o s a l prevents a n y further discussion o f i t i n these pages ;
a n d o f course i t i s needless ! A n u n i m p e a c h a b l e p r o o f c a n be
found, not in the Vedic nor i n the B u d d h i s t texts of the
times, but i n the account of the foreign-Chinese travellers
who h a d espoused B u d d h i s m a n d who h a d travelled a l l over
India. T h e y a v o w , " w h i c h e v e r caste or c o m m u n i t y — a s for
example the ' C h a n d a l s ' — d i d not give up the v i o l e n t profes
sions a n d d i d n o t observe A h i m s a a c c o r d i n g to the Buddha
f a i t h , were b a n i s h e d f r o m the towns as untouchables; they
h a d to form colonies o f their o w n outside the towns a n d cities
l i k e those of the lepers. I f at a l l they had an occasion and
were p e r m i t t e d to come t o t h e t o w n on some market-day
these untouchables had t o c a r r y i n one h a n d a s t i c k , t o the
end of which was t i e d a child's rattle or a small d r u m which
t h e y h a d to beat while going along the road so t h a t the
p e o p l e i n t h e s t r e e t s m i g h t see t h e m a n d a v o i d e v e r y p o s s i b l e
c o n t a c t w i t h them**."
345. Those, who ignorantly or maliciously blame the

Peshwas*® f o r the e v i l t r e a t m e n t g i v e n to the untouchables
w h e n they entered the t o w n , should also c r i t i c i z e , equally
6TH GLORIOUS E P O C H 141
v e h e m e n t l y a n d f o r t h e s a m e offence Asoka, Shree H a r s h a

and B u d d h i s t kings, and a l l the K s h a t r i y a kings r i g h t f r o m
Vikramaditya to the Rajput rulers, when they see this
evidence. F o r this evil tradition of untouchability was not
b e g u n b y t h e P e s h w a s f o r t h e first t i m e b u t i t h a d been pre
v a l e n t even since the V e d i c , the Buddhist and the Jain
regimes; a n d i n the Buddhist period especially instead of
being weakened it was most scrupulously and mercilessly
observed. E v e n the untouchables themselves treated those
b e l o w t h e i r o w n r a n k s as e q u a l l y o r e v e n more untouchable.
T h o s e o f t h e u n t o u c h a b l e s w h o are s t i l l u n d e r the delusion,
t h a t the B u d d h i s t s gave no quarter to untouchability and
so e x t o l t h a t sect, should do well to remember that the
Chandals, the M a h a r s a n d other untouchables were far m o r e
miserable under the violently non-violent Buddhists than
under the V e d i c people who accepted the p r i n c i p l e o f A h i m s a
with its limitations. The Buddhists, once again I should
like to repeat, aggravated and not mitigated 'Untouch
ability.' T h e y should examine the v a l i d i t y o f this statement
i n the l i g h t of the u n d i s p u t e d evidence cited here a n d then
a l o n e s h o u l d t h e y choose w h a t e v e r is b e n e f i c i a l t o t h e m .
346. T h e y should remember t h a t for the above reason
the untouchables l i k e the Chandals a n d others preferred the
V e d i c r e g i m e s , as more congenial, to the unrelenting and
u n c o m p r o m i s i n g B u d d h i s t ones, a n d those thousands o f t h e m
w h o i n the past had v o l u n t a r i l y (or helplessly a n d under
pressure) embraced B u d d h i s m , n o w renounced i t and declared
their allegience to the Vedic religion. T h u s even before the
M u s l i m s set f o o t i n S i n d h , f o l l o w e r s o f t h e B u d d h a h a d b e g u n
to d i m i n i s h i n numbers b y m i l l i o n s throughout all ranks of
society, r i g h t f r o m the highest to the lowest, a n d because o f i t s
inherent weakness B u d d h i s m had declined to such an extent
t h a t the Chinese B u d d h i s t travellers, w h o had seen its sad
p l i g h t w i t h t h e i r o w n eyes, h a d b e e n m o v e d t o w r i t e t h a t t h e
h o l y a n d once p r o s p e r o u s p l a c e s l i k e B u d d h a G a y a , M r i g a d a v a
S h r a v a s t i , K u s h i n a g a r , and the b i r t h place of Lord Buddha
Kapilvatsu, which had been sanctified b y the actual resi-
dence o f the L o r d a n d w h i c h h a d been the place of piligri-

mage for the w o r l d - w i d e B u d d h i s t followers, h a d been s a d l y
rendered desolate a n d were o v e r g r o w n w i t h wild and thick
forests*'.
347. Nevertheless, this m o r i b u n d B u d d h i s m was not
altogether wiped out of India, before the a d v e n t of the
Muslims. The B u d d h i s t s were more numerous i n the north
western frontier states l i k e S i n d h a n d K a m b o j a n d even in
B e n g a l i n t h e east t h a n i n t h e r e s t o f I n d i a * ' . I t is s a i d t h a t
the modern state o f B i h a r derives its name from the fact
t h a t there once existed far too many Buddhist Viharas,
stoopas and other 'Buddhaparasthas'*'. Since tbe Vedic
states were prosperous e v e r y w h e r e , this B u d d h i s t sect had
no guts to c a r r y o n its t r a i t o r o u s a c t i v i t i e s or to enforce its
religious rites and faith on non-Buddhists, whether it had
t h e w i l l t o d o so o r n o t . A n d so l o n g as t h e y f o l l o w e d t h e i r
religious faith harmlessly they, their organisations, their
i n s t i t u t i o n s , a n d t h e i r v i h a r a s were never interfered with in
any w a y b y the V e d i c kings. That they enjoyed complete
religious freedom is a d m i t t e d b y the Chinese travellers open-
heartedly*".
348. W h a t t h e n m a d e these m i l l i o n s o f B u d d h i s t s , l i v i n g
in the various states o f India before the Muslim onrush,
dwindle i n t o non-existence thereafter ?
349. Some t i m e ago h i s t o r i a n s , a n d e s p e c i a l l y w e s t e r n
historians, h a d a presumption t h a t sometime i n the past or
at frequent i n t e r v a l s , the V e d i c rulers m u s t have massacred
these B u d d h i s t s a n d destroyed them root and branch, or
reconverted them to Hinduism forcibly. In order to find
some credence to t h i s theory of theirs, they examined the
historical records o f the times most scrupulously but even
after t a k i n g i n t o consideration a few trifling exceptions they
c o u l d find no p r o o f t o establish a n y deliberate, pre-planned,
or systematic a t t e m p t on the p a r t o f the V e d i c rulers to
a n n i h i l a t e the B u d d h i s t s c o m p l e t e l y .
349-A. A t last the more conscientious o f these h i s t o r i a n s
declared*!, honestly that this presumption of theirs was
totally unfounded and the very idea of forcible extinction

of the B u d d h i s t s at the hands o f the V e d i c people was
basically wrong.
360. Who then was responsible for this t o t a l ousting
o f the B u d d h i s t faith from I n d i a ? T h e historians, foreign as
well as n a t i v e , d o n o t seem t o h a v e f o u n d a n a n s w e r t o t h i s
p r e s s i n g q u e s t i o n , o r t h e y h a v e a t l e a s t , p r e f e r r e d t o be s i l e n t
o n this point.
351. T H E THIRD CAUSE—CONFRONTATION WITH
MUSLIMS.
351-A. W e have a l r e a d y briefly described i n the forego
ing pages how, i n spite of their traitorous solicitations o f the
Muslims, these 'Buddhaprasthees'—the idol worshipping
B u d d h i s t s who preached extreme non-violence,-were v i o l e n t l y
exterminated from Sindh** b y the M u s l i m aggressors under
K a s i m , owing to their innate hatred for that sect. For the
same reason, a n d i n the v e r y same manner the M u s l i m s w e n t
on l i q u i d a t i n g the B u d d h i s t pockets o f i n f l u e n c e , as they
a d v a n c e d c o n q u e r i n g p r o v i n c e after p r o v i n c e i n I n d i a . W i t h
a s w o r d i n one h a n d a n d t h e K o r a n i n t h e o t h e r , e v e r y M u s l i m
m i l i t a r y chief broke down, demolished and raised to the ground
the B u d d h i s t 'stoopas', 'Sangharams', ' V i h a r a s ' , the idols of
Buddha, pillars, e v e r y t h i n g belonging to or relating to the
Buddhists*'. A s most of the Buddhists showed, through
fear of death, willingness to embrace Islam, t h e y were a l l
converted. Not a single B u d d h i s t remained alive i n the
north-western provinces like Gandhar, Kamboj and others;
everyone became a M u s l i m or was s i l e n c e d b y the victor's
sword. On seeing B a k h t y a r K h i l j e e m a r c h o n B i h a r several
Buddhists took their religious books and fled to Tibet and
China**. The rest were polluted and taken over i n t o the
Muslim fold. Some might have preferred to die rather to be
M u s l i m s b u t no one f o u g h t for life a n d r e l i g i o n ! N o w h e r e can
one find e v i d e n c e t o s a y t h a t some I n d i a n B u d d h i s t a r m y or
some B u d d h i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n f o u g h t w i t h t h e M u s l i m i n v a d e r s
a n y b a t t l e w o r t h the name !
M A J O R I T Y O F M U S L I M S IN E A S T B E N G A L
EXPLAINED
352. T h e s a m e is t h e ease w i t h E a s t B e n g a l w h e r e the
majority of the population was Buddhist. With some
h o n o u r a b l e exceptions, the B u d d h i s t s there t o o k to I s l a m en
masse. In Delhi, where the M u s l i m Sultans and Emperors
ruled f o r o v e r five h u n d r e d y e a r s , t h e V e d i c H i n d u s h a v e a l l
along been i n a clear majority. The whole o f the Uttar
Pradesh—the northern India—right upto West Bengal—
w h e t h e r u n d e r the M u s l i m a d m i n i s t r a t i o n or the British or
the present one—the V e d i c H i n d u s have a l l along m a i n t a i n e d
their numerical superiority. For, even when the M u s l i m s
first came conquering, the B u d d h i s t s i n these provinces were
c o n s p i c u o u s l y few i n n u m b e r . I t is o n l y i n E a s t B e n g a l t h a t
the Hindus fell into minority. H o w ? Quite obviously !
This province had numerically more Buddhists than the
H i n d u s a n d those numerous B u d d h i s t s became M u s l i m s ! I t is
n a t u r a l , therefore, t h a t t h i s p r o v i n c e alone should become,
since then, a M u s l i m - m a j o r i t y province**.
353. Thus it is that the social extinction of the
B u d d h i s t s i n I n d i a , w h i c h came to pass a l l of a sudden, was
t h e i n e v i t a b l e effect o f t h e a r m e d a n d r u t h l e s s m i g h t of the
Muslim conquerors. The relentless and uncompromising
B u d d h i s t A h i m s a was done to d e a t h b y the e q u a l l y relentless
and bigotted M u s l i m violence !
354. But what happened to the Buddhist cult and
Lord Buddba h i m s e l f i n I n d i a i n t h e e n d ? J u s t as a s t r e a m
separated f r o m the R i v e r B h a g i r a t h i s h o u l d flow separately
some miles away a n d o n c e a g a i n s h o u l d l e a p as a t r i b u t o r y
i n t o the same B h a g i r a t h i , the B u d d h i s t c u l t b o r n out of the
Vedic H i n d u i s m merged i n the end in the same H i n d u
religion; and L o r d B u d d h a h i m s e l f was established as the
t e n t h o f the G o d l y A v a t a r s and was H i n d u i z e d ,
T H E N E G L E C T E D 300-YEARS O F H I N D U V A L O U R
355-356. I n most of the 'Histories of India', by foreign

as w e l l as b y o u r o w n writers, and especially in the text-
books o f h i s t o r y for I n d i a n schools the later M u s l i m invasions

o f I n d i a f o l l o w so t h i c k l y t h e o n e o f S i n d h i n A . D . 711 by
Mohammed Kasim, and the accounts of the subjugation o f
p r o v i n c e a f t e r p r o v i n c e o f I n d i a are n a r r a t e d so h a s t i l y , as i n
one breath, a n d t h e w h o l e a c c o u n t i s so c u r s o r i l y g i v e n i n a
l i m i t e d space o f 20 o r 2 5 p a g e s t h a t a c o m m o n r e a d e r or a
small pupil is q u i t e l i k e l y t o t h i n k t h a t t h e H i n d u s offered
p r a c t i c a l l y no resistance w o r t h the name, that the Muslims
were never halted i n their advance. A f t e r the conquest o f
S i n d h , t h e M u s l i m v i c t o r s m o u n t e d , as i t w e r e , a m a g i c h o r s e
and went on conquering the whole of I n d i a a n d never, till
t h e y reached K a n y a k u m a r i , d i d t h e y alight from i t . This is
obviously childish !
T H E INTERVENING PERIOD
357. To avoid this misconception and to nullify the

injustice done to the H i n d u nation, a true historian, whose
avowed d u t y is to t e l l the t r u t h , the whole t r u t h a n d n o t h i n g
but the t r u t h , should effectively a n d p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y describe
the i n t e r v a l s between any two Muslim invasions and the
heroic resistance, successful or otherwise, offered by the
Hindus. After the fall o f S i n d h i n A . D . 711 H i n d u Kings
most effectively checked the M u s l i m advance outside Sindh
for more or less 300 y e a r s . B u t this H i n d u heroism quite
e a s i l y escapes t h e n o t i c e o f t h e c o m m o n reader, because in
almost a l l the text-books of Indian History i t is not so
impressively mentioned.
358. I t is because we u t t e r the words 'three hundred
years' or three centuries within three seconds, that the
enormous length o f this intervening period quite escapes
o u r notice, unless we are expressly t o l d a b o u t i t . W e should
therefore measure the period i n question, by generations
of people. Five generations make up 300 years ! The
B r i t i s h r u l e o v e r I n d i a , f o r i n s t a n c e seems t o o l e n g t h y t o t h e
present generation. B u t measured i n centuries i t lasted o n l y
f o r one a n d a h a l f . C o m p a r e d w i t h it, the H i n d u v a l o u r i n
arresting the M u s l i m o n s l a u g h t w i t h i n the confines o f S i n d h
for more or less 300 years assumes a greater historical

significance. T h e same holds g o o d w i t h regard to the other
i n t e r v e n i n g periods*
359» One cannot say justifiably t h a t the M u s l i m vigour
or t h e i r a m b i t i o n to conquer the world was on the wane.
On the c o n t r a r y , these b o t h w e r e a t t h e i r f u l l h e i g h t d u r i n g
this period. D u r i n g this very period of three hundred years
these v e r y A r a b s h a d o v e r r u n a n d vanquished n a t i o n after
nation*® r i g h t f r o m B a g h d a d t o t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n sea and
thence along the north A f r i c a n coast s t r a i g h t t o G i b r a i t e r ,
whence they subjugated P o r t u g a l a n d S p a i n a n d knocked at
the gates of southern Prance. The name Gibraiter itself
testifies to the u n r i v a l l e d M u s l i m conquest o f t h e west. Job-
al-Tarik, which means the straits conquered b y the M u s l i m
Commander T a r i k , is tbe root o f the modern corrupt form
'Gibraiter'".
359-A. A t l a s t i n A . D . 732 t h e v a l i a n t K i n g o f F r a n c e ,
Charles M a r t e l , gave a m o r t a l blow to the M u s l i m aggression
a n d r e p e l l e d t h e m for ever*'. I t is t h i s m o n u m e n t a l t r i u m p h
of Charles M a r t e l t h a t saved the whole of Europe ! I n their
triumphant march the Muslims not only subdued the
kingdoms in Western Asia and Northern Africa politically,
b u t w i t h t h e s h a r p edge o f t h e i r s w o r d t h e y a l s o f o r c e d them
all to embrace Islam*'. Even Portugal and Spain were
forcibly converted to Islamic faith. Their womenfolk, too,
were abducted and violently defiled®'. But both these
n a t i o n s freed themselves f r o m t h e M u s l i m y o k e some centuries
afterwards. H o w t h e y d i d so, w i l l b e d e s c r i b e d a l i t t l e l a t e r .
S t i l l the fact remains t h a t the nations o n the n o r t h coast o f
A f r i c a are even t o d a y M u s l i m s .
360. Well, i t is not t h a t d u r i n g the years A . D . 700 to

1000 t h e M u s l i m s d i d n o t t r y to march out of Sindh and
a t t a c k the n e i g h b o u r i n g H i n d u States, w i t h the same d e v i l i s h
bigotry. They did try to force themselves on through
Sourashtra a n d G a n d h a r m a n y times'^. B u t every time they
were r o u t e d b y the H i n d u s .
361. A t that time from the eastern b o u n d a r y o f Sindh
S T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 147
t o the n o r t h e r n most boundary of north I n d i a there was a n

unbroken chain of valiant Rajput Rajas which, like a moun
tain range, v e r y difficult, though not quite impossible to
cross, kepts on resisting stoutly the M u s l i m onslaught**.
•Consequently, i n S o u r a s h t r a a n d i n the n o r t h - w e s t p r o v i n c e s
the a t t a c k i n g Muslina armies were put to rout again a n d again
b y t h e s t a u n c h r e s i s t a n c e o f t h e Hindus®*. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d
t h e m i g h t y B a p p a R a v a l o f C h i t t e d once a t t a c k e d S i n d h a n d
after driving the Muslims clean out, annexed i t to his o w n
Kingdom**. T h e A r a b s d i d , no d o u b t , capture i t once a g a i n ,
but u l t i m a t e l y the Sumra Rajputs firmly established their
r u l e over Sindh**.
362, I f the fanatic A r a b s c o u l d t r a m p l e under the horses'
hoofs the whole northern coast of Africa and two major
nations o f E u r o p e , w h y c o u l d t h e y n o t force t h e i r w a y o u t o f
S i n d h ? Thus p u t i n sharp contrast w i t h contemporary history
of the west, the h e r o i s m of the H i n d u s shines out all the
m o r e c l e a r l y a n d brightly®*.
363. W h y c o u l d n ' t another Chandragupta M a u r y a or a
Vikramaditya, channel out the whole of the I n d i a n m i g h t
a n d d r i v e the A r a b i a n M u s l i m s back r i g h t i n t o the heart of
A r a b i a i s a f a c t w h i c h d i s t u r b s us n o t a l i t t l e .
CHAPTER V n
T H E PECULIAR NATURE O F T H E MUSLIM

ATROCITIES [ SULTANS O F GHAZANI ]
364. D u r i n g the l o n g p e r i o d of nearly three hundred

years in which the Arab menace was being successfully
hemmed i n S i n d h , a n d was finally overthrown b y the S u m r a
R a j p u t s , different M u s l i m t r i b e s w e r e b u s y f o u n d i n g a s t r o n g
M u s l i m power i n Ghazani further n o r t h of Gandhar^. A
S u l t a n of G h a z a n i , Sabakhtageen, was now preparing himself
fully to attack his contemporary Brahmin king, Jaipal,
whose forefathers h a d a l l a l o n g been r u l i n g the whole o f
Punjab and Gandhar r i g h t up to the H i n d u k u s h ever since
the rout of the Huns*.
366. Shrewdly anticipating the plan of Sabakhtageen
to invade India Jaipal himself attacked Gazani*, but
unfortunately he w a s r e p e l l e d . Encouraged b y t h i s success
S a b a k h t a g e e n b o l d l y f e l l u p o n J a i p a l , a few y e a r s afterwards,
w i t h a large army*. I n order to meet this fierce aggression
m o r e d e t e r m i n e d l y . K i n g J a i p a l f o r m e d a p o w e r f u l a l l i a n c e *.
with the neighbouring H i n d u princes, but he w a s again
defeated a n d the w h o l e region b e y o n d the I n d u s r i v e r , inclu
ding Gandhar, was lost to the M u s l i m invader*. S o o n after
wards S u l t a n Sabakhtageen d i e d a n d was succeeded by his
son, Mohammed, a hundred times more fanatical and far
crueller than his father and an arch-enemy of the H i n d u s .
This was the same M a h m u d o f G h a z n i who s t y l e d himself
' B u t s h i k a n ' , t h e I d o l - b r a k e r or ' I c o n o c l a s t ' ' . A t h i s a c c e s s i o n
t o t h e t h r o n e o f G h a z n i , he h a d v o w e d i n t h e presence o f t h e
highest religious a n d t e m p o r a l M u s l i m a u t h o r i t y , the Grand
Khalipha, t h a t he w o u l d wipe out the Kafir Hindus from
India*; a n d i n o r d e r t o k e e p h i s w o r d he s o o n b e g a n a s e r i e s
of expeditions b e y o n d the Indus.
O T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 14:9
366. I t is from now onwards—i.e. about A . D . 1000—

that the really great wars between the Hindus and the
M u s l i m s w e r e t o be f o u g h t f o r c e n t u r i e s t o g e t h e r .
367. If, t h e M u s l i m s o l d i e r s h a d g a i n e d g r e a t c o n f i d e n c e ,
having t w i c e d e f e a t e d t h e H i n d u forces u n d e r Jaipal, King
Jaipal and his soldiers, without being disheartened and
d o w n c a s t even after suffering t w o defeats, speeded u p their
preparations for a still more determined stand against the
Muslims. B u t fortune once again frowned upon the Hindu
King; and when, n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g a l l his v a l o u r a n d a l l his
efforts t o s a v e his religion and his n a t i o n , he was again
defeatad in 1001 by M a h m u d of Ghazni, J a i p a l preferred
entrusting the K i n g d o n to his son, A n a n g p a l , and burning
himself to death in a great p y r e to a disgraceful life a n d a
m e e k s u r r e n d e r t o t h e enemy*.
368. K i n g A n a n g p a l , too, carried on his father's arduous
task of staunchly opposing the M u s l i m aggression. In A.D.
1006 Mahmud demanded passage through Anangpal's
t e r r i r t o y i n order to i n v a d e M u l t a n ; but A n a n g p a l refused to
give any!", whereupon the Muslim aggressor marched on
A n a n g p a l a n d defeated h i m . Anangpal had to retreat and
when Mahmud went ahead to Multan Anangpal again
organized a united H i n d u stand for p r o t e c t i n g the Hindu
religion. Once again tbe H i n d u - M u s l i m armies met i n the
vicinity o f the Indus, i n A . D . 1008", when the Hindus
fought so furiously that in the afternoon the Muslim
formation was broken through and there was confusion
in the M u s l i m r a n k s . Even Sultan Mahmud had prepared
to leave the battlefield to m a k e a retreat^*, w h e n a l l o f a
s u d d e n A n a n g p a l ' s elephant, scared b y the shower o f b u r n i n g
arrows^*, turned round and started running amuck. This
was the most unfortunate thing which had very often
b r o u g h t a b o u t t h e H i n d u c o l l a p s e , b u t n o sufficient p r e c a u t i o n
was ever t a k e n to prevent i t . A great havoc was wrought
by this retreating elephant among the Hindu ranks.
M a h m u d w a s q u i c k e n o u g h t o seize o f t h e o p p o r t u n i t y o f t h i s
decisive t u r n o f the battle a n d reorganizing the choicest o f
150 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY-
his s c a t t e r e d s o l d i e r s he once a g a i n f e l l u p o n t h e b e w i l d e r e d
H i n d u army and i n a deadly struggle defeated it. But the
Muslim Prmy w a s n o less w o r s t e d ; so i n s b e a d o f p u r s u i n g
A n a n g p a l , M a h m u d s a t i s f i e d h i m s e l f w i t h t h e success h e g o t
and returned to Ghazni. B u t as i t b e c a m e q u i t e c l e a r t o h i m
that unless a n d u n t i l A n a n g p a l w a s h u m b l e d c o m p l e t e l y no-
M u s l i m p o w e r c o u l d be e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e P u n j a b , he a s s a i l e d
the latter for the t h i r d time^*. This time unfortunately,
Anangpal had n o b o d y to help him. Y e t he went to war
with the remnant o f his l o y a l army a n d as a b r a v e K i n g
t h a t he w a s , he d i e d i n t h e t h i c k o f t h e f r a y .
369. Thus King Jaipal and his son A n a n g p a l a n d
thousands of their brave soldiers b o l d l y faced, and fought
against the e a r l y ferocious M u s l i m o n s l a u g h t s i n the P u n j a b
a n d l a i d down their lives for the protection o f the Hindu
state and the Hindu Religion. T h e y d i d their sacred d u t y
o f arresting the enemy t h r u s t .
370. S o o n after the d e a t h o f A n a n g p a l M a h m u d annexed
t h e P u n j a b t o h i s k i n g d o m o f G h a z n i ^ * as he had formerly
done w i t h the north-west frontier p r o v i n c e . Sultan Mahmud
then marched on Thaneshwar and Mathura, the most
renowned of the holy places o f the Hindus; and after
d e m o l i s h i n g a n d b u r n i n g as m a n y o f t h e H i n d u t e m p l e s , and
k i l l i n g as m a n y o f t h e H i n d u m a l e p o p u l a t i o n as p o s s i b l e a n d
violating the chastity of hundreds of H i n d u women and
a b d u c t i n g them^®, M a h i n u d l i k e a ferocious w o l f r e t u r n e d t o
his d e n , G h a z n i ! H e also t o o k w i t h h i m i m m e a s u r a b l e b o o t y
of gold and jewellery". I n A . D . 1019 h e pounced on the
Pratihari capital of Kanouj and destroyed i t i n the same
b r u t a l fashion^'. The result was that the surrounding H i n d u
p o p u l a t i o n t o o k such a fearful f r i g h t for h i m t h a t when in
A.D. 1023 he once again paid his sinister visit to G w a l i o r
and Kalinjar, the princes there helplessly a n d meekly
accepted his o v e r l o r d s h i p " .
HIS D A S H O N S O M N A T H
371. Next, when in A.D.1026, Sultan Mahmud assailed.

the famous temple o f S o m n a t h i n Sourashtra, he did it with

s u c h a huge army*" a n d w i t h such t e r r i b l e vows a n d declaran
t i o n s t h a t R a j a B h e e m o f S o u r a s h t r a a n d G u j r a t h fled away*^
leaving the k i n g d o m exposed to every sort of humiliation
a n d d e s t r u c t i o n at the hands of this a p p a l l i n g enemy, t a i n t i n g
his o w n name of B h e e m w i t h everlasting shame. Naturally
the H i n d u s h a d no a r m y left, sufficiently well-equipped a n d
well-organized to face this formidable Muslim assault.
Nevertheless even at this critical time the priests of the
Temple of Somnath offered t o s h o u l d e r t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f
p r o t e c t i n g t h e s a c r e d t e m p l e as best as they could. They
called upon the surrounding H i n d u population to run to
t h e i r a i d i n t h e s a c r e d cause o f d e f e n d i n g the temple and
their religion, a n d t h o u s a n d s o f H i n d u s f r o m f a r off r e g i o n s
a l s o , a n s w e r e d t h e i r c a l l a n d r a n t o t h e rescue o f t b e Temple
o f S o m n a t h . T h e b a t t l e w a s t o be f o u g h t n o t f o r a n y r u l e r o r
k i n g ; n o H i n d u s o l d i e r was to i n d i v i d u a l l y profit b y i t . It
was a crusade, pure a n d simple ! M o r e o v e r these thousands o f
H i n d u soldiers were not a t r a i n e d a n d w e l l f o r m e d a r m y . It
was a conglomeration of H i n d u crusaders t h a t was collected
at the eleventh hour. E v e n then they fought ferociously a n d
desperately for tbe sacred cause without intermission or
r e l a x a t i o n , b y d a y a n d even b y n i g h t , w i t h the well-organized
a n d s t a l w a r t M u s l i m soldiers ! W h i l e the M u s l i m a r m y c l i m b e d
right upto the ramparts and barricades over the h i g h w a l l s
of the temple and even after i t forced itself into the very
temple, the toughest o f H i n d u resistance continued u n m i t i
gated**. M u s l i m b l o o d , t o o , w a s s h e d profusely**. N o t b e f o r e
d i d S u l t a n M a h m u d c o m p l e t e l y p u t d o w n a l l resistence, c o u l d
he ever force his w a y right i n t o the innermost chamber o f
the temple and break the i d o l of Somnath with his own
hands**. I n o r d e r t o c e l e b r a t e t h i s f a n a t i c a l a c t he t o o k f o r
h i m s e l f the t i t l e , 'Butshikan'—Iconoclast** !
M A R T Y R D O M O F FIFTY THOUSAND BRAVE

HINDU SOLDIERS
372. E v e n M u s l i m historians** w r i t e t h a t at least fifty

thousand H i n d u s fell fighting i n t h e defence o f t h e i r t e m p l e .

H a d someone o f t h e s e fifty thousand Hindus said, " I am
willing to be a M u s l i m , " he w o u l d have been spared by the
M u s l i m s , b e c a u s e i t w a s one o f t h e i r t a c t i c s i n t h e religious
war. But scorning such a base a n d defiled life the H i n d u
volunteer force courted martyrdom; not one, not even a
t h o u s a n d , b u t fifty t h o u s a n d o f t h e m s a c r i f i c e d t h e i r p r e c i o u s
lives o n the altar this h o l y battle !
373. While eulogizing an ancient R o m a n hero, Horatius
who fought w i t h the enemy o n a s i m i l a r occasion, a n E n g l i s h
poet writes :
Thus outspake brave Horatius
the C a p t a i n o f the gate,
" T o every man upon this earth
death cometh soon or late.
A n d how can a m a n die better t h a n
by facing fearful odds
F o r t h e ashes o f h i s f a t h e r s and
the temples of his G o d s
374. W h i c h H i n d u w i l l be r e l u c t a n t t o s h e d h i s g r a t e f u l
t e a r s f o r these fifty t h o u s a n d martyrs, who died defending
their religion and temples with the same fervour as is
expressed i n this verse ?
375. B u t the fact most disgusting is t h a t while n a r r a t i n g
this i n v a s i o n o f M a h m u d on S o m n a t h , not o n l y the foreign his
t o r i a n s b u t m a n y H i n d u h i s t o r i a n s , u n g r a t e f u l as t h e y t o o a r e ,
have m o c k e d at the simple faith o f the priesthood and other
H i n d u p o p u l a t i o n of the place, and have not uttered a single
w o r d i n praise o f those H i n d u warriors who made such a huge
sacrifice, 'facing fearful odds ! for 'the temples o f t h e i r G o d s ' !
I f the wiseacres are n o t wise-enough to appraise the jewels
p r o p e r l y , c a n i t be s a i d t h a t t h e f a u l t l i e s w i t h t h o s e j e w e l s !
376. E v e n i f i t be n e c e s s a r y t o c o n d e m n t h e b l i n d f a i t h
o f t h o s e H i n d u s , y e t t h o s e w h o d o so s h o u l d also remember
t h a t , a l b e i t b l i n d , the H i n d u belief i n the mysterious divine
power of their Gods was not a diabolic, fanatic, bloodthirsty
religiocity like t h a t o f the Muslims who attacked religious
places of others with deadly weapons of war, slew the

innocent men and women, young and old, forced them to
embrace I s l a m at the p o i n t o f the sword, a n d r a n f r a n t i c a l l y
•causing d e a t h a n d d e s t r u c t i o n e v e r y w h e r e . B u t s u c h a s t a t e
ment b o r n o f b o l d n e s c a n n o t b e e x p e c t e d o f these i m m a t u r e
•childish a n d c o w a r d l y writers ! I f the Muslim writers of
'Tarikhs'28 a n d the M u l l a Moulavees boast t h a t the Hindu
•Gods were not the t r u e G o d s because t h e y d i d n o t p r e v e n t
the M u s l i m war-lords from breaking idols and demolishing
temples, a n d that theirs was the only true religion, they
s h o u l d be e n l i g h t e n e d t h a t t h e a r c h h e r e t i c C h a n g i z k h a n a n d
Iiis deputies n o t o n l y desecrated the v e r y city of the M u s l i m -
Ji^halipha, b u t r a v a g e d i t , k i l l e d the K h a l i p h a , b u r n e d several
M a s j i d s where M u s l i m G o d s were s a i d to reside, t u r n e d others
i n t o stables for t h e i r horses, reduced the B i b l e t o ashes, a n d
t r a m p l e d t h e K o r a n u n d e r t h e i r h o r s e s ' hoofs*'! The Muslim
A l l a h could not stop the r a v a g i n g hands o f C h a n g i z k h a n !
H u n d r e d s o f such instances c a n be cited*'. A r e the M u s l i m s
:ready to grant, o n this account, the imbelicity and falsehood
•of t h e i r A l l a h ? E v e n when Shivaji slew the ' B u t s h i k a n ' —
i d o l - b r e a k e r — A f z a l k h a n a n d offered h i s ' g o a t - l i k e h e a d w i t h
thirty-two teeth', as a s a c r i f i c i a l offering to the Goddess
Bhavani of Tulzapur'^, h i s h a n d s were n o t s t a v e d off f r o m
d o i n g so b y the M u s l i m A l l a h !
377. After d e m o l i s h i n g the temple of Somnath and

l o a d i n g the camels w i t h the immense w e a l t h , looted from i t ,
w h e n M a h m u d set o u t f o r G h a z n i , he learnt that, instead
•of b e i n g c o w e d d o w n i n t o s u b m i s s i o n because of his whole
sale d e s t r u c t i o n o f the temple a t S o m n a t h , the H i n d u popu
l a t i o n was even more enraged, a n d t h a t the K i n g of M a l a v a
w i t h his large a r m y was preparing to block his w a y b a c k to
G h a z n i a n d h a d already entered the battlefield. As Mahmud
w a s n o t p r e p a r e d t o r i s k t h i s n e w b a t t l e , he t o o k a n u n e x p e c
t e d a n d difficult route t h r o u g h the sandy deserts of Sindh
a b a n d o n i n g the u s u a l w a y t h r o u g h Malava**. W h i l e crossing
the deserts of S i n d h a n d B a l u c h i s t a n , his army had to face
m a n y dangers and unspeakable misery**. Hardly within
t h r e e o r f o u r y e a r s o f r e a c h i n g G h a z n i he d i e d i n A . D . 1030**.
378. T h i s fanatic but brave S u l t a n of Ghazni undertook
a t least fifteen major expeditions to India. Hindus too
fought furiously on the battle-field every time. B u t no
H i n d u k i n g c o u l d d e f e a t h i m . B u t these i n v a s i o n s o f M a h m u d
a n d h i s p o l i t i c a l c o n q u e s t s d i d n o t so m u c h h a r m t h e H i n d u s ,
as d i d t h e f o r c i b l e c o n v e r s i o n o f m i l l i o n s o f H i n d u s i n N o r t h -
W e s t F r o n t i e r P r o v i n c e and the P u n j a b . T h a t the kingdoms
which were lost to the M u s l i m s were reconquered b y the
H i n d u s s o o n e r o r l a t e r , is p l a i n h i s t o r y . B u t t h e H i n d u s c o u l d
n e v e r b r i n g b a c k t h e m i l l i o n s o f H i n u s w h o were c o n v e r t e d t o
Islam willy-nilly. W e c o u l d free from the foreign y o k e our
geographical regions but the enormous n u m e r i c a l loss of
p o p u l a t i o n c o u l d n e v e r be m a d e u p b y t h e H i n d u n a t i o n .
C H A N G E O F RELIGION MEANS CHANGE O F

NATIONALITt
379. W e are n o w g o i n g t o d i s c u s s a t some length some

of the religious concepts o f the H i n d u s of those times ; of t h e
course o f c o n d u c t a n d p r a c t i c e s t h a t were c o n s i d e r e d decent
a n d i n conformity w i t h the religious laws of the Hindus of
t h o s e t i m e s a n d t h o s e t h a t w e r e d e c l a r e d t o be a g a i n s t them;
a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y those w h i c h deeply concerned the large-scale
forcible defilement a n d conversion o f the H i n d u s that took
place d u r i n g the H i n d u - M u s l i m w a r . It can be v e r y briefly
s a i d here t h a t i f the millions of forcibly converted Hindus,
have r e m a i n e d M u s l i m s even to t h i s d a y i t is because o f the
perverse religious concepts of the H i n d u s o f those times,
which ultimately proved highly detrimental to the best
interests of the Hindu c o m m u n i t y , viz., caste-system, the
fantastic ideas of pollution, the extravagant ideas of
religious tolerance a n d m a n y other s i l l y notions ! W h y , these
H i n d u converts went on increasing enormously generation
a f t e r g e n e r a t i o n a n d , as t h e l a t e r g e n e r a t i o n s were b o r n a n d
b r o u g h t up under the Muslim influence, t h e y began to be
more and more fanatical—so bitterly fanatical t h a t they-
formed an appreciable part of the armies of the Iranian,
T u r k i s h , M o n g o l and other foreign M u s l i m invaders and, w i t h

e q u a l h a t r e d a n d bitterness, they a t t a c k e d the H i n d u Kafirs
w i t h a view to destroying t h e m c o m p l e t e l y o r force t h e m t o
c h a n g e t h e i r o w n r e l i g i o n a n d e m b r a c e Islam**. One out of
h u n d r e d s o f s u c h facts c a n be c i t e d here t o bear o u t t h e a b o v e
remarks. A H i n d u tribe, named Ghuri** which l i v e d , d u r i n g
the period under discussion, beyond the Indus and w h i c h was
f o r c i b l y m a d e to change over to Islam under precisely the
s a m e p e r i l o u s c o n d i t i o n s , b e c a m e l a t e r o n the b i t t e r e s t e n e m y
of the H i n d u s . The Hindu-hater, Sultan Mohammed Ghori,
belonged to this v e r y G h u r i tribe. In fact the majority of
the Muslim populations of Afghanisthan, Pathanisthan
(Pakhtoonistan), B a l l u c h i s t a n were the converted descen
d a n t s o f the o r i g i n a l H i n d u n a t i v e s of those places*'. But
l a t e r o n t h e y d i d n o t e v e n h a v e the s l i g h t e s t idea that their
a n c e s t o r s w e r e , once u p o n a t i m e , Hindus. O n the c o n t r a r y
t h e y were e n r a g e d a t a n y m e n t i o n o f s u c h descent of theirs.
' B y g o n e s are b y g o n e s ; t o - d a y we are born Muslims and are
Muslim nationals. W e recognize no other relation w i t h the
H i n d u s t h a n t h e one o f u t m o s t h a t r e d a n d a n i m o s i t y ' . Such
t h o u g h t s h a d t u r n e d their heads completely. T h e i r s was n o t
m e r e l y a c h a n g e o f r e l i g i o n , b u t i t was the i n e v i t a b l e c h a n g e
o f n a t i o n a l i t y w h i c h necessarily forced itself upon the later
g e n e r a t i o n s o f s u c h c o n v e r t s . D u r i n g t h e five o r s i x c e n t u r i e s
of the i n i t i a l M u s l i m invasions of I n d i a right upto Ramesh-
war, to w h i c h we are referring here, the change o f r e l i g i o n
t o - d a y g e n e r a l l y p r o v e d t o be t h e change o f nationality for
the future !
B U T WHAT DOES RELIGION M E A N H E R E ?
380. B u t the terms ' r e l i g i o n ' a n d 'religious conversion'

i n the a b o v e m a x i m , viz. 'the change o f r e l i g i o n m e a n s the
change of n a t i o n a l i t y ' , s h o u l d first be defined c l e a r l y . They
a r e n o t u s e d h e r e i n t h e sense o f c o m p a r a t i v e study of the
v a r i o u s p h i l o s o p h i c a l i d e a s a n d s y s t e m s i n differert r e l i g i o n s
o r t h e a d o p t i o n o f some o f the a g r e e a b l e ones i n a n i n d i v i d u a l
capacity. T h e w o r d ' r e l i g i o n ' i n the p r e s e n t context refers
solely to the dogmatic and fanatical practices of those

aggressive religious institutions w h i c h insist t h a t a particular
•book i s a p o c a l y p t i c , t h a t w h a t e v e r i s t o l d i n its pages—and
t h a t alone a n d n o t h i n g else—is t r u l y religious, that every
t h i n g else is c o m p l e t e l y f a l s e a n d sinful. It then tries to
enforce o n p e o p l e o f o t h e r r e l i g i o n s t h e strict observance, if
not by advice and peaceful discourse and persuasion,
•even b y s k i l f u l c r a f t i n e s s , c r u e l t y a n d coercion, of not only
the so-called p h i l o s o p h y i n those religious books but of the
rules and regulations, of rites and rituals, of the language
a n d social dealings prescribed b y them. The religious conver
sion effected by such thoughtless and fanatical religious
i n s t i t u t i o n s i s i n effect t h e c o n v e r s i o n o f n a t i o n a l i t y .
RETALIATORY WEAPON O F OSTRACISM
381. T h e H i n d u s c o u l d find n o retaliatory weapon for

this religious aggression o f the M u s l i m s . The weapon of
•ostracism, w h i c h t h e y used for r e t a l i a t o n , t u r n e d o n t h e m
selves like a boomerang.
382. I n order t h a t the reader should have a clear idea;
of this weapon o f s o c i a l o s t r a c i s m , so f a r as i t c o n c e r n s the
Hindu-Muslim war a n d h o w i t affected, n o t f a v o u r a b l y , b u t
a d v e r s e l y t h e defence of the Hindu religion and Hindu
community, i t is essential t o g i v e first o f a l l a n a c c o u n t o f
t h e c a s t e - s y s t e m as b r i e f l y as i t i s p o s s i b l e t o do so. Since
s u c h a n account is a b s o l u t e l y essential for an a n a l y s i s o f the
M u s l i m p o l l u t i o n o f the H i n d u s .
THE CASTE-SYSTEM BASED ON BIRTH AND

PARENTAGE AND T H E NATIONAL
PENALTY OF OSTRACISM
383. M u c h earlier t h a n the M u s l i m invasions o f India,

i.e.,had just after the H i n d u s conquered the H u n s c o m p l e t e l y ,
h u n d r e d s o f H i n d u leaders t r i e d on a l l sides a l l over I n d i a t o
restore political, religious and social stability in the
society and the nation. T b e H i n d u leadership of the time
n a t u r a l l y devolved o n the then rising w a r r i o r class o f the
Kajput*' royalty who were s t a u n c h devotees oftheVedie

H i n d u religion. I n this very attempt at reconstruction, the
v a s t H i n d u c o m m u n i t y was being moulded with meticulous
care into the framework o f the parentage-dominated caste-
system*'. S l o w l y but surely, this caste system became an
inherent a n d essential feature of H i n d u i s m . N o t only in the
f o u r f o r m e r classes ( ^ s ) but i n more or less f o u r thousand
c a s t e s , b o r n o u t o f t h o s e f o u r classes a n d m a n y o t h e r a c c i d e n
t a l sources, s a n c t i o n e d b y t h e r e l i g i o u s l a w , was the whole
Hindu community everlastingly and almost unanimously
divided internally. I n a sense, t h e s o c i a l transition of the
Hindu nation was occasioned by the h i s t o r i c a l necessity o f
the time.
384. The m a i n p r i n c i p l e u n d e r l y i n g this caste-system was
t h i s : O n l y he w h o w a s b o r n i n a p a r t i c u l a r c a s t e , c o u l d r e m a i n
i n it*'. T o have food or to d r i n k even water w i t h or from one
of another caste was considered liable for p e n a l t y . Is it
a n y w o n d e r then t h a t the inter-caste marriages of boys and
girls were strictly prohibited ? T o these very religious
practices of the time we have ascribed, i n our various articles
o n t h e caste-system*!, t h e names 'Lotibandi (prohibition o f
d r i n k i n g water), R o t i b a n d i (prohibition o f food), B e t i b a n d i
(prevention of inter-caste marriages), Sparshbandi ( U n t o u c h
a b i l i t y ) a n d t h e o n e s w h i c h w e are g o i n g t o d i s c u s s hereafter
viz., S h u d d h i b a n d i (prevention of purification of religious
converts), S i n d h u b a n d i (ban o n sea voyage), etc. These seven
'bandis'—or bans—which arrested not o n l y the progress of
the Hindus but also i m p a i r e d t h e i r n o r m a l w a y o f life were
i n fact seven fetters. These fetters were n o t forcibly fastened
t o t h e feet o f t h e H i n d u n a t i o n b y any Muslim, Christian or
other f o r e i g n p o w e r ; t h e y w e r e so fastened b y the H i n d u s
themselves, i n their extreme anxiety for the protection of
t h e i r r e l i g i o n . T h a t i s w h y w e h a v e been c a l l i n g t h e m t h r o u g h
s p o k e n as w e l l w r i t t e n words not foreign shackles, but as
'seven native fetters',
385. It is n o t necessary here i n this b o o k to discuss
f u l l y t h e c a s t e - s y s t e m o f t h e H i n d u s , n o r is t h i s t h e p l a c e f o r
it. Those desirous o f g e t t i n g themselves a c q u a i n t e d w i t h our

thoughts on this subject may profitably read the book,
' J a n m a j a t J a t y u t c h h e d a k N i b a n d h a " (The E r a d i c a t i o n o f the
Parentage-dominated caste-system). Here, while describing
the religious aggression of our foreign enemies, we shall
d i s c u s s i t o n l y so f a r as i t is a b s o l u t e l y n e c e s s a r y t o d o so.
386. F i r s t of a l l i t should not be forgotten that this
caste-system must have facilitated the stupendous consolidar
tion and remarkable stability of the H i n d u Society under
certain peculiar circumstances and in particular contexts.
I n e v a l u a t i n g i t , i t w o u l d be ungrateful o n l y to p o i n t to the
e v e n t u a l h a r m t h a t i t has caused i n i t s l a t e r stages.
387. I t m u s t a l s o be a d m i t t e d t h a t t h e H i n d u s o f t h o s e
times created, or voluntarily allowed t o be c r e a t e d , t h i s
c a s t e - s y s t e m w i t h t h e sole o b j e c t o f protecting their racial
seed a n d b l o o d , p r e s e r v i n g t h e i r c a s t e - l i f e a n d t r a d i t i o n a n d
keeping them absolutely pure from any contamination.
388. The structure of the caste-system was b a s e d on
the principles of heredity, of the economy based on the
d i v i s i o n o f labour, o f social co-existence and o f social ethics,
so f a r as t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s w e r e c o m p r e h e n d e d b y the writers
of different 'Smritis'**. Thousands of years have rolled by;
the H i n d u nation has faced innumerable calamities add
catastrophes; yet the hold o f the caste-system a n d the
influence t h a t i t has wielded upon billions and billions of
H i n d u s t h r o u g h o u t these tens of centuries could never have
been possible, i f the roots of this b i r t h - d o m i n a t e d caste-system
h a d n o t gone deeper i n t o the v e r y f o u n d a t i o n o f t h i s c o l o s s a l
edifice o f the Hindu society. The Hindu faith—that the
religious duties prescribed for the p a r t i c u l a r castes a n d s u b -
castes l i k e P a r i y a s , B h a n g i s , K o l i s , B h i l s w e r e t h e p i o u s w a y s
of a t t a i n i n g their e a r t h l y welfare a n d h e a v e n l y bliss a n d G o d l y
grace for them—would never have otherwise r e m a i n e d so
steadfast t h r o u g h a l l these p e r i l o u s centuries. A g a i n , i f the
life-blood w h i c h r a n t h r o u g h the veins o f H i n d u society, a p p a
rently most heterogenous and miserably disorganised, had
n o t a n i m a t e d i t s d i v e r s i f i e d e l e m e n t s w i t h some u n d y i n g a n d
u n i f y i n g force w i t h a c e r t a i n c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f i t s t r u e self*^.
388-A. T h i s powerful unifying national sentiment which
so u n m i s t a k a b l y h e l d t o g e t h e r t h e s e different a n d apparently
autonomous elements of the H i n d u society a n d fused t h e m
t o g e t h e r was ;
Hindutwa ! A n d Hindudharma.
389. W h a t we s h o u l d like to call to-day the seven
n a t i v e shackles [viz. U n t o u c h a b i l i t y (?q^^^) ban on dining
t o g e t h e r o f t h e p e o p l e b e l o n g i n g t o different castes (^'^c'^),
ban on inter-caste marriages and so on] did never
a p p e a r t o be s h a c k l e s o r f e t t e r s t o t h e H i n d u s o f t h o s e t i m e s ,
w h e n the M u s l i m s h a d begun i n v a d i n g I n d i a . To them they
were but the charmed amulets or p r o t e c t i n g bands ! Every
caste, whether o f the Brahmins or of the sweepers was
immensely p r o u d of its separate entity.
390. T h e s e v a r i o u s castes a n d s u b - c a s t e s o f t h e H i n d u s
p u n i s h e d even the slightest v i o l a t i o n o f the caste-laws with
social ostracism**—even i f such a v i o l a t i o n o f caste-law was
v o l u n t a r y or i n v o l u n t a r y , k n o w i n g l y or u n k n o w i n g l y !
391. Today we are apt to take this social ostracism
quite lightly: but at the time o f M u s l i m aggressions and
thereafter, the v e r y m e n t i o n o f s u c h social ostracism w o u l d
have unfailingly shocked to death every Hindu—whether he
w a s a p r i n c e o r a p a u p e r : T o be c u t off f r o m one's o w n c a s t e
w a s t o be c u t off f r o m t h e w h o l e w o r l d a n d f r o m life itself.
So severe was this p u n i s h m e n t o f social b o y c o t t t h a t the
unfortunate person a t once lost his parents and brothers,
h i s k i t h a n d kin^—the p e o p l e o f h i s o w n flesh a n d b l o o d — a n d
w a s t h r o w n i n t o a b y s m a l g l o o m . I t s h o u l d be sufficient t o s a y
here briefly t h a t this social ostracism was far more dreaded
than any physical torture or a heavy fine involving any
financial loss or even death. Consequently the tendency to
observe scrupulously, and in strict conformity with the
prevalent social practices, the t r a d i t i o n a l caste-laws, sanc
t i o n e d b y the sacred religious b o o k s a n d the w r i t e r s of the
various S m r i t i s , was i n g r a i n e d i n t o the very texture of the
H i n d u s o c i e t y f o r g e n e r a t i o n s together*^.
392. A l t h o u g h we c a n g r a t e f u l l y c i t e m a n y other t h i n g s
regarding the caste-system w h i c h b r o u g h t about the cohesive-
ness o f t h e d i v e r s i f i e d H i n d u s o c i e t y a n d had lasting effects
o n i t , i t w o u l d be e q u a l l y u n g r a t e f u l o n o u r p a r t i f w e desist
from criticising with sufficient s e v e r i t y the u n l i m i t e d h a r m
done b y this caste-system a n d the irrational and obstinate
pride t h a t the H i n d u s t o o k i n i t , when the M u s l i m s began to
k n o c k at their doors.
393. A s a means of beating d o w n the religious aggression
of the Muslims, this counter-stroke o f the Hindu caste
system proved to be most ineffectual a n d useless l i k e a
blunted sword. O n the c o n t r a r y these v e r y caste-laws and
the strict adherence to them brought about a series of
disasters on the H i n d u religion a n d the H i n d u n a t i o n , m a k i n g
the conversion o f the millions o f H i n d u s far too easier for
t h e M u s l i m s t h a n c a n be i m a g i n e d , w h i l e i t c a n n o t be d e n i e d
t h a t they made the conversion o f the M u s l i m s t o H i n d u i s m ,
absolutely impossible.
394. Before t h e y came to I n d i a , the A r a b i a n s a n d o t h e r
M u s l i m s forced the m i l l i o n s o f C h r i s t i a n , J e w i s h , and P e r s i a n
populations of Iran, Turan, the kingdoms o f the middle
A s i a a n d A f r i c a , right from E g y p c to S p a i n , to give up their
own religious faiths and accept I s l a m at the p o i n t o f the
sword. B u t these v a r i o u s E u r o p e a n a n d Afro-Asian people
never for a m o m e n t t h o u g h t t h e m s e l v e s t o be p o l l u t e d , n o r
that their own original religion was lost to them simply
because they took food or drink w i t h the M u s l i m s . The
Muslim rulers h a d to keep their swords constantly hanging
over t h e i r heads to enforce t h e i r allegiance to Islam, and to
ensure from them the strict observance o f the Muslim
religious rites and duties, for centuries together. If by
chance the M u s l i m power at any place was uprooted and
completely effaced the forcibley converted Christians or
Persians and others went over to their original religions
e n masse, t h r o w i n g a w a y to the w i n d s the green M u s l i m s h r e d
o f a flag a n d p r o u d l y fluttering their own in its stead. As
such it was v e r y difficult for even the M u s l i m powers t h e r e
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 16*
t o k e e p these u n w i l l i n g c o n v e r t s t i e d to the Islamic faith,

the Muslim armed soldiers h a d to keep a v i g i l a n t eye o n
t h e s e f o r e i g n c o n v e r t s a n d t o see e v e r y t i m e i f t h e i r f a i t h in
I s l a m was s h a k e n even a b i t or whether they d i d not foment
a n y a g i t a t i o n t o go b a c k t o t h e i r o w n r e l i g i o n * * .
395-396. G n the c o n t r a r y i n S p a i n , Greece, S e r b i a a n d
other countries where the M u s l i m s i n t h e i r t u r n were f o r c e d
to forsake I s l a m and court C h r i s t i a n i t y or on the pain of
death, the C h r i s t i a n rulers there h a d to keep a s i m i l a r s t r i c t
w a t c h o n these M u s l i m converts. F o r the M u s l i m s , t o o , n e v e r
t h o u g h t t h a t t h e y w e r e a n y w a y d e f i l e d because o f a n y food
they ate f r o m the C h r i s t i a n s or because t h e y h a d m a r i t a l o r
extramarital relations w i t h them. These forcibly converted
Muslims were o n t h e a l e r t t o see i f t h e r u l i n g p o w e r b e c a m e
w e a k at a n y p l a c e a n d immediately revolted, hoisting any
green cloth that they c o u l d c a t c h h o l d o f as t h e i r flag a n d
re-entered the M u s l i m fold*'. They would even compel, i f
possible, the Christians themselves to accept Islam, and
thus avenge the wrong done to them. This experience
else w h e r e m a d e t h e e a r l y A r a b i a n a n d o t h e r M u s l i m i n v a d e r s
of I n d i a fear at least for a century or t w o that they would
be obliged to use military force alone to keep the n e w l y
converted H i n d u s t i e d d o w n to the I s l a m i c f a i t h .
397-398. But when they invaded Sindh and forced
conversion to the I s l a m i c faith on the people there, these
Muslim invaders came to realize soon enough t h a t a l t h o u g h
the H i n d u s ' p r i d e for their r e l i g i o n and their l o y a l t y to it
was no less ardent than that o f any other people, and at
times i t was far more fervent a n d irrepressible t h a n t h a t of
all of them,—why, for this v e r y reason,—it was v e r y easy
f o r t h e M u s l i m s a n d o t h e r s t o enforce p h y s i c a l c o n v e r s i o n o n
the H i n d u s , if, h o w e v e r , mental conversion was far too
difScult.
399. This d i d not merely pertain to the time when the
Muslims invaded India. Even before the rise o f I s l a m , the
S y r i a n C h r i s t i a n s , w h o were v e r y g e n e r o u s l y — i n other w o r d s
s u i c i d a l l y — g i v e n shelter b y the H i n d u k i n g s i n the M a l a b a r * ^
i62 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
and who began to proselytize the H i n d u community,—also

came to know very soon that i t was quite possible to
desecrate a whole village o f Caste H i n d u s b y merely t h r u s t i n g
a morsel of grub into their mouths or b y just throwing
crumbs of half-eaten loaves o f b r e a d or biscuits or slices o f
beef or the m e a t o f cows i n t o wells a n d tanks where people
went to have d r i n k i n g water; a n d t h a t no one o f t h e m h a d
a n y p l a c e i n t h e H i n d u c o m m u n i t y a n y longer**.
400. Later on, w h e n i n the 15th a n d the 16th centuries
the E u r o p e a n armies o f the Portuguese and others rushed
into India b y t h e s e a - r o u t e s t h e y , too,- w e r e p l e a s e d t o find
the above-mentioned superstitions of contamination and the
absurd r e l i g i o s i t y o f t h e H i n d u s , a n d w e r e fired w i t h a n e v i l
a m b i t i o n to proselytize the whole of I n d i a w i t h no difficulty
at all.
FETTERS FOR T H E MISERABLE HINDU

PROSELYIES
401-402. T h e H i n d u a r m o u r y has a l l a l o n g been f u l l o f

i n v i n c i b l e weapons to beat b a c k the p o l i t i c a l aggressions of
the foreigners, and t h e y h a d successfully crushed d o w n such
attempts on various occasions. B u t i t had, at least i n those
t i m e s , n o w e a p o n t o fight b a c k t h i s r e l i g i o u s a g g r e s s i o n . So
t h e I n d i a n s h a d t o r e l y o n t h i s sole w e a p o n o f s o c i a l b o y c o t t ,
while facing t h i s unprecedented M u s l i m religious aggression o f
p o l l u t i n g a n d c o n v e r t i n g the H i n d u s . T h e y went o n relentlessly
with their policy of completely ostracizing every proselyte
Hindu according to the custom o f those days. The then
Hindu Society had kept no w a y open to purify a convert b y
some f o r m o f a t o n e m e n t f o r t h e sin of contamination and
conversion. Although, by the time of the M u s l i m advance
upto the P u n j a b , the number o f H i n d u converts to I s l a m h a d
already mounted to hundreds o f thousands"" a n d a l t h o u g h
m a n y o f t h e m e a r n e s t l y w i s h e d t o come back to Hinduism,
this social o s t r a c i s m o f t h e c o n v e r t s w a s so v e r y p e r s i s t e n t
w i t h the b a n o n eating f o o d f r o m persons of another caste,
the ban o n i n t e r c a s t e m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s a n d t h e otherSj t h a t
6 T H GLORIOUS EPOCH : 163
i t was at once accepted b y t h e leaders o f the Hindu Society

without any thought aboub the consequences. Naturally
-this b a n o n t h e r e p u r i f i c a t i o n a n d a d o p t i o n o f the converts
b a c k to H i n d u i s m also a u t o m a t i c a l l y grew i n t o a new fetter
a n d , i n s t e a d o f c h e c k i n g the, f o r e i g n religious aggression, it
h a m p e r e d the progress of H i n d u i s m itself.
BAN O F OSTRACISM AND SELF-SEEKING

CONVERTS
403. W e l l , i t w o u l d have been quite p r o p e r a n d necessary

to ostracize those opportunists a m o n g the H i n d u s who h a d
•taken to Islam for their selfish ends, for power, or for
âvenging t h e i r p r i v a t e g r u d g e a g a i n s t t h e i r o w n f e l l o w - m e n ;
f o r they h a d w i l l i n g l y severed a l l connections with Hindu
people, and no g o o d could be served b y r e a d m i t t i n g these
sinful people i n t o the H i n d u Society. B u t w h a t i f they s h o u l d
later on sincerely repent for this sinful act o f theirs ! T h i s
irrevocable ban d i d immeasurable w r o n g to those unfortunate
tens and hundreds of thousands who, fearing social boycott,
w o u l d never have dreamt o f going over to I s l a m but who were
absolutely unable a n d h e l p l e s s t o face t h e a t r o c i t i e s o f t h e
M u s l i m o n s l a u g h t . F o r these m i s e r a b l e a n d f o r l o r n thousands
^ n d for t h e i r offsprings a t least there s h o u l d h a v e been some
hope o f r e d e m p t i o n !
404. A g a i n , the self-seeking o p p o r t u n i s t s who w i l l i n g l y
went over to I s l a m were m u c h too l i m i t e d i n n u m b e r . P r e c i s e l y
for this very reason it seems extremely tragic that this
punitive measure of ostracism fell l i k e a bolt from the blue
o n the helpless v i c t i m s o f the a v a l a n c h e - l i k e M u s l i m religious
aggression : d o i n g not the least h a r m to the real perpetrators
•of t h e c r i m e . A s i t were i t w a s i n s u l t a d d e d t o i n j u r y . They
were a l r e a d y w r i g g l i n g w i t h e x c r u c i a t i n g a g o n y a t t h e loss o f
t h e i r r e l i g i o n a n d Mêre, e v e n p r e p a r e d t o c o u r t d e a t h b y w a y
atonement and yet they were irretrievably condemned to
permanent d a m n a t i o n , were never again to be received by
their own parents, their husbands and sons and all their
r e l a t i v e s , as t h e i r o w n , T h e v e r y flesh o f t h e i r flesh a n d t h e
b l o o d o f t h e i r b l o o d , were n o w complete strangers to t h e m , a t

rleast i n this w o r l d !
A STRANGE JUSTICE
405. W h i l e t h u s m e r c i l e s s l y p e n a l i s i n g these i n n o c e n t
victims, the H i n d u s could not only do no harm to the
malevolent a n d atrocious M u s l i m invaders w i t h their counter-
stroke o f ostracism, b u t on the contrary helped t h e m d i r e c t l y
and enormously i n their work of proselytization !
406-407. U n l i k e the a r m e d v i g i l a n c e t h a t was necessary
for hundreds of years to keep the converted C h r i s t i a n s , J e w s
a n d other peoples o f the west, t i e d d o w n to the M u s l i m f a i t h ,
the w o r k of p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n i n I n d i a necessitated o n l y a d a y ' s
labour for the Muslims. I f once at the t i m e o f a b a t t l e o r a n
a r m e d aggression o n cities a n d villages they t o o k the t r o u b l e
of defiling the thousands of m e n a n d women either b y food,
d r i n k or rape or mere association, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f k e e p i n g
them i n the Muslim fold for generations together was
s h o u l d e r e d b y t h e H i n d u s as i f i t w a s a r e l i g i o u s d u t y o f t h e i r
o w n ! T h u s w o r k e d the p u n i t i v e measure o f ostracism, serving
the best interests of the enemy w h o m i t sought to counteract.
408. B u t t h e c o n v e r s i o n o f one Hindu to the Islamic
faith meant the transformation of a m a n into a demon, the
metamorphosis of a God into a Satan ! This was the u n p l e a
sant r e a l i t y o f the cataclysraal H i n d u - M u s l i m wars ! How
t h i s d e m o n i z a t i o n of the H i n d u s took place is briefly shown
i n p a r a g r a p h s 379 & 380.
409. E v e n t h e n t h e H i n d u s o c i e t y t u r n e d a d e a f ear a n d
b l i n d eye t o t h i s r e a l i t y ! T o s p e a k b r o a d l y , i t c a n be s a f e l y ,
said that the M u s l i m s h a d never to w o r r y about the converts
e v e r g o i n g b a c k t o t h e i r o w n r e l i g i o n , f o r t h e y were c o n v i n c e d
t h a t the H i n d u s w o u l d never accept them !
410. T h e H i n d u s j'could never clearly distinguish the
change o f caste f r o m the change o f r e l i g i o n .
411. F o r instance, i f a Vaishya had an illicit exchange
o f food or m a t r i m o n i a l relations w i t h one o f a lower H i n d u
c a s t e , s a y a S h i m p i (a t a i l o r ) , a B h a n d a r i (a b r e w e r ) , o r s o m e -
o n e else^ he w a s e x c o m m u n i c a t e d f r o m h i s caste. Similarly

i f a H i n d u h a d perforce to t a k e f o o d , or d r i n k water with a
s i n f u l ( i n t h e i r o p i n i o n ) n o n - H i n d u o r i f he or his wife was
d e f i l e d o r r a p e d , a n d so h a d t o l i v e w i t h t h e M u s l i m s , he w a s
banished n o t o n l y b y his o w n caste b u t even b y the lowliest
caste o f the H i n d u s . I t means the casting out of a Hindu
f r o m one c a s t e , f o r h a v i n g t h e s o - c a l l e d illicit relations w i t h
another, was considered on a par w i t h the casting out of
another from the whole o f the H i n d u society for s i m i l a r
reason ! The fundamental national difference between the
two w h i c h i n the l o n g r u n was t o affect, adversely and
h o r r i b l y , the numerical s u p e r i o r i t y of the H i n d u s , altogether
escaped t h e i r notice.
412. A n e x i l e f r o m a n y one c a s t e o f t h e Hindus never
l o s t h i s H i n d u s o c i e t y n o r h i s H i n d u r e l i g i o n ; he c o u l d m e r g e
i n a n y one o f the m a n y other H i n d u castes or c o u l d f o r m a
new caste o f s i m i l a r outcastes. B u t this new caste of such
outcastes formed a n integral p a r t o f the H i n d u society. There
was a change o f caste b u t never a change o f r e l i g i o n — n o r even
a change o f society. W h y then speak o f a change of n a t i o n
ality ? The above-mentioned Vaishya, for instance, lost his
V a i s h y a caste, but his being a H i n d u r e m a i n e d unimpaired^^.
N a t u r a l l y t h i s s o r t o f b a n i s h m e n t f r o m one c a s t e t o t h e o t h e r
i n the H i n d u s o c i e t y never caused a n y n u m e r i c a l loss to i t .
413. B u t when, a c c o r d i n g to the same custom, a H i n d u
banished because o f some sort o f (so-called) illicit contact
w i t h a n y M u s l i m , he w o u l d cease t o be a Hindu altogether,
as t h o u s a n d s o f s u c h Hindu men and women were, often
enough, being converted under coercion b y the M u s l i m aggres
s o r s , a n d as t h e y w e r e a l l , w i t h o u t any exception, thrown
out of the H i n d u society, i t was the Hindu society which
suffered h u g e n u m e r i c a l losses y e a r after y e a r !
414. Only one extract from the many 'Tava,rikhs'
( h i s t o r i e s ) w r i t t e n b y v a r i o u s M u s l i m w r i t e r s s h o u l d s e r v e as
a sample to show h o w miserable the H i n d u converts were !
415-417. O f t h e h u n d r e d s o f H i n d u s t a k e n as s l a v e s a n d
sent to Persia, T u r a n (Turkey) a n d A r a b i a , at the time o f the
invasions of M a h m u d Ghazni, some could g i v e J;he slip,

i n d i v i d u a l l y or i n groups a n d would r u n away to the P u n j a b ,
w h i c h because o f t h e s t a u n c h H i n d u resistance remained the
extreme l i m i t o f M u s l i m d o m i n a t i o n for over a century or so
after Mahmud Ghazni. Thereafter these runaway Hindu
c o n v e r t s w o u l d escape e v e n f r o m t h e Punjab and enter the
n e i g h b o u r i n g H i n d u states o f R a j p u t a n a for shelter, a n d were
glad at heart that t h e y w e r e a t l a s t free f r o m t h e M u s l i m
clutches and t h a t they w o u l d live h a p p i l y in H i n d u families,
i n their o w n temples and i n their o w n society !
418. B u t alas ! t h e y were grossly d i s a p p o i n t e d because
of the ban on reconversion and rehabilitation of these
cast-outs ! These groups of r u n a w a y H i n d u converts w o u l d
c o m e t o these H i n d u s t a t e s o n l y t o find t h a t not only their
o w n , b u t no other H i n d u state was prepared to accept them
i n their fold. I f at a l l t h e y w i s h e d [to live in the Hindu
states, these m e n a n d w o m e n , o f the r u n a w a y s h e l t e r - s e e k i n g
groups, h a d t o l i v e as M u s l i m s alone ! L a t e r o n , w h e n , after
a c e n t u r y or so, the M u s l i m a r m i e s b e g a n to m a k e successful
expeditions upto Delhi and central India they were very
m u c h s u r p r i s e d t o see t h e s e p e o p l e s t i l l l i v i n g i n t h e s e H i n d u
s t a t e s as M u s l i m s ! I f a n y such group or community of the
Hindus were found to be existing i n the M u s l i m states i t
c o u l d n e v e r h a v e b e e n a l l o w e d t o l i v e as a H i n d u c o m m u n i t y
any longer ! F o r , b y force or b y craft it would have been
converted to Islam. T h i s was the experience o f the M u s l i m s t
This was the M u s l i m religion !
419. H e r e , however, i n H i n d u states the Hindus who
were converted m u c h a g a i n s t t h e i r w i l l a n d w h o were w i l l i n g
to come b a c k to the H i n d u s o c i e t y h a d t o l i v e as none else
b u t the M u s l i m s , because o f the b a n o n t h e i r r e o r i e n t a t i o n t
This was the H i n d u Religion** !
420. W h a t wonder then i f i n an unequal war the M u s l i m s
defiled, w i t h craft or coercion, m i l l i o n s o f H i n d u s a n d thus
i n f l i c t e d i m m e a s u r a b l e n u m e r i c a l loss t o t h e H i n d u n a t i o n !
The greatest wonder, however, is how this loss was
l i m i t e d to this much alone !
C H A P T E R VIII
PERVERTED CONCEPTION O F VIRTUES
421-422. Besides the silly superstitions of the H i n d u s

a b o u t the caste-system, the v a r i o u s bans o n exchange o f food
a n d d r i n k , r e d e m p t i o n o f the outcastes a n d others, o f w h i c h we
have a l r e a d y w r i t t e n fully, a n d which h a d done t r e m e n d o u s l y
more harm than the two-pronged religio-political Muslim
offensive h a d d o n e , a n o t h e r s u i c i d a l m o r b i d i t y h a d c o m p l e t e l y
possessed the H i n d u m i n d for a l o n g t i m e . This morbidity
p a r a l y s e d t h e i r o w n offensive a n d counter-offensive might.
E a r greater than the Muslims could ever a t t e m p t were the
defeats i n f l i c t e d o n t h e m s e l v e s by these m o r b i d l y v i r t u o u s
H i n d u s ! I f a c o m p a r a t i v e l y m i l d t e r m i s t o be u s e d f o r t h i s
infatuation—^^this m e n t a l i m b a l a n c e of the Hindus, which
c a u s e d d i s a s t r o u s losses f o r t h e m s e l v e s — w e have to call i t a
p e r v e r t e d sense o f H i n d u v i r t u e s .
423. I n fact virtues or v i c e s are only relative terms.
No virtue can be unqualified and absolute under every
circumstace or at every place. Be it s a i d briefly that in
p r a c t i c e o r i n e t h i c a l code a v i r t u e s h o u l d be c a l l e d a virtue
o n l y t o t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h i t i s u s e f u l t o t h e best i n t e r e s t s o f
human society. A n d t h e m o m e n t i t b e g i n s t o cause h a r m t o
mankind, i t s h o u l d be considered a vice and as such
discarded forthwith.
424. Some qualities at least are divided into three
p a r t s : S a t w i k ( m i l d , gentle). Rajas (Passionate) a n d Tamas
( i r a s c i b l e , i r r i t a b l e } ; a n d e v e n t h e s e s h o u l d be v i e w e d w i t h
reference t o t h e p e c u l i a r c o n d i t i o n o f t i m e , p l a c e a n d p e r s o n .
The H i n d u civilization h a d the noblest a m b i t i o n o f r a i s i n g
M a n t o t h e s t a t u s o f G o d a n d as s u c h i t w e n t i n for an all-
out a t t e m p t to inculcate and c u l t i v a t e w i t h assiduous care,
these gentle qualities i n h i m . B u t this w o r l d l y existence is
not w o v e n w i t h one t h r e a d a l o n e ; its texture shows at least

three different threads; the gentle, the passionate and the
irritable^. It is precisely for this reason that i f a man,
w h o s o e v e r he m a y be, w i s h e s t o l i v e i n t h i s w o r l d , wants to
win or at l e a s t does n o t i n t e n d t o be v a n q u i s h e d b y o t h e r s ,
o r does n o t w a n t t o see i n j u s t i c e t r i u m p h o v e r h i m , he m u s t
have a three-edged weapon which could successfully face
these t h r e e - f o l d (qualities. B u t at t h i s time of the Hindu-
M u s l i m war the H i n d u n a t i o n forgot even the B h a g w a t Geeta
which preached the relative, and, not absolute, values of
these v i r t u e s . W h y , they even t w i s t e d the message o f the
Bhagwad Geeta itself. The quintessence o f the Bhagwat
Geeta is the consideration o f t h e fine d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n
m a n and m a n — o f which the H i n d u s o f those times seem to
be d i v i n e l y o b l i v i o u s .
425. O f course, it m u s t be remembered that a l l this
argument applies generally and collectively to the Hindu
p o l i t y made up o f hundreds o f millions of people, but i t m u s t
a l s o be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t t h e r e w e r e t o come t o l i f e , f r o m t i m e
to time, thousands o f exceptional groups of men a n d brave
societies of dauntless people who opposed this perversely
virtuous H i n d u society i n order to bring about a social
revolution. T h e y w i l l be r e f e r r e d t o i n t h e i r p r o p e r p l a c e s .
426-427. To let go the vanquished and abjectly
surrendering enemy i s s a i d t o be a v i r t u e * i n s o m e r e l i g i o u s
books; so enemies like the ingratitudfe and ungrateful
Mohammed Ghori a n d t h e R o h i l a N a j i b k h a n , w e r e set free*.
A n d what d i d they do i n return for this noble act of the
Hindus ? T h e first b r u t a l l y m u r d e r e d h i s f o r m e r benefactor,
P r i t h v i r a j Chauhan*, w h i l e the second conspired against the
very Marathas*, who let him go a l i v e , a n d b r o u g h t a b o u t
their unprecedented destruction at Panipat. Having only
learnt by rote the m a x i m , to give food to the hungry and
w a t e r t o t h e t h i r s t y i s a virtue®, t h e H i n d u s w e n t on giving
m i l k to the v i l e poisonous cobras a n d v i p e r s ! E v e n w h i l e the
M u s l i m demons were d e m o l i s h i n g H i n d u temples a n d b r e a k i n g
to pieces their holiest of idols like Somnath, they never
wrecked their vengeance u p o n those w i c k e d Muslims, even

when they had g o l d e n o p p o r t u n i t i e s to do so, nor d i d t h e y
ever take out a single brick from the walls of Masjids,
because their religious teachers a n d priests preached the
v i r t u e o f n o t i n f l i c t i n g p a i n o n t h e offender :
'Never pay the tormentor i n his own coin
b u t b e a r t h e t o r m e n t s m e e k l y a n d be p a t i e n t
that God will punish h i m '
428. The vilest of vices recorded i n the catalogues of

the religious texts could never have been more detrimental
to the welfare o f m a n k i n d , more h a r m f u l to the national
interests, and so m o r e d e t e s t a b l e t h a n s u c h v i r t u e s as g i v e
rise t o h o r r i b l e atrocities and the greatest o f sins. Naturally
whoever cultivates, and lives upto, such virtues thoughtlessly
^nd foolishly and with slavish adherence to the religious
texts, and also with fanatic obstinacy, is bound to perish
i n d i v i d a l l y and b r i n g about disaster o f the nation in which
he lives. These qualities are not v i r t u e s ; t h e y are v i r t u e s
•distorted in the extreme. Whichever virtue is adopted
thoughtlessly and without regard to the time, place and
person is corrupted and rotten, and, like putrefied food,
iDecomes p o i s o n o u s .
429-430. Every Hindu seems t o have been made to
suck, along with his mother's milk, this Nectar-like advice
that religious tolerance is a virtue'. But nobody ever
•explains t o h i m the essence o f t h a t p r e c e p t . If that alien
religion is also t o l e r a n t o f our own religion, our tolerance
t o w a r d s i t c a n be a v i r t u e . B u t t h e M u s l i m a n d t h e C h r i s t i a n
religions, which boldly p r o c l a i m it to be their religious d u t y
to destroy most cruelly the H i n d u religion a n d to eradicate
f r o m t h e face of this earth the kafirs and the heathens, can
n e v e r be d e s c r i b e d as t o l e r a n t o f o t h e r r e l i g i o n s . I n respect
-of t h e s e intolerant foreign religions the very extremely
e n r a g e d i n t o l e r a n c e , w h i c h seeks t o r e t a l i a t e t h e i r a b t r o c i t i e s
•with super-atrocious r e p r i s a l s , i t s e l f becomes a virtue^ !
431. E v e n i f we were t o r e s t r i c t o u r discussion to the

period under discussion, it w i l l be seen t h a t e v e r y M u s l i m
aggressor w e n t o n d e m o l i s h i n g H i n d u temples at Mathura
and K a s h i (Benaras)*. T h e most sacred idols i n the v a r i o u s
magnificent shrines from a l l over I n d i a right upto R a m e s h -
w a r a m were n o t o n l y p u r p o s e l y t a k e n to the M u s l i m c a p i t a l s
l i k e D e l h i a n d plastered i n t o the p o r t a l steps of their royal
palaces, but, f o r t h e sole p u r p o s e o f h u r t i n g the feelings o f
the H i n d u s and insulting them, they were also used as
slabs and tiles for lavatories, water-closets, a n d urinals^". T o
be tolerant towards those Muslims who called these and
m a n y other atrocities their religious d u t y is the v e r y negation
o f v i r t u e , its sacrilegious perversion ! N a y , for the H i n d u s to
show such tolerance was t h e g r e a t e s t s i n t o be p u n i s h e d i n
H e l l ! B u t the H i n d u s committed this very sin under the
name o f v i r t u e ! E v e n after o v e r t h r o w i n g the v a r i o u s M u s l i m
p o w e r s , i.e. e v e n when the Hindus had acquired political
ascendancy, t h e y d i d not destroy the various masjids at K a s h i
(Benares), Mathura or R a m e s h w a r a m nor used their ruins
as t i l e s f o r t h e v a r i o u s b u i l d i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n s a l o n g r o a d s .
A t the most, the H i n d u s reconstructed a n d renovated their
o l d t e m p l e s w h i c h were r a i s e d t o t h e ground b y the Muslims..
T h e y d i d n o t h i n g more ! O n the c o n t r a r y , there are a s t o n i s h
i n g instances o f grant o f new lands for their maintenance a n d
a s s u r a n c e o f p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e m a s j i d s w h i c h h a d been b u i l t b y
the M u s l i m aggressors, b y t h e H i n d u powers^!. I n this con
n e c t i o n one s t r a y i n s t a n c e c a n be c i t e d t o show confusion o f
t h e t h e n H i n d u t h o u g h t . I t affords a s h a m e l e s s e x h i b i t i o n o f
the p e r v e r t e d v i r t u e of the H i n d u s which makes a n y further
discussion i n this regard absolutely unnecessary !
432-433. After Mahmud of Ghazni demolished the
t e m p l e o f S o m n a t h f o r t h e first t i m e , it was rebuilt several
times b y the H i n d u s a n d destroyed b y the M u s l i m conquerors
as many times ! Once when a powerful Hindu king^*'
established his power in that r e g i o n , he r e b u i l t i t with all
pomp and ceremony, and under h i s able g u i d a n c e t h e l a n d
also prospered. This Hindu ruler should have, i n fact,.
debarred from entering i n t o the I n d i a n waters any Arab

traders who used the I n d i a n ports i n this region of Sindh
as watering and fuelling stations on their way to the
distant eastern and southern parts of India, For the
Hindus often h a d . the bitter experience o f the A r a b armies
and navies following these traders b y sea. But in order
to e x h i b i t his religious tolerance a n d generosity this H i n d u
ruler not only d i d not stop these A r a b i a n traders from
visiting the I n d i a n coast, but t r e a t e d t h e m w i t h such great
d e a l o f h o s p i t a l i t y , t h a t t h e y m i g h t feel q u i t e a t h o m e there.
N a t u r a l l y , these A r a b i c traders, a c t u a t e d whether b y p o l i t i c a l
t r i c k e r y or b y religious pride, thought of b u i l d i n g b y w a y of
a c h a l l e n g e , as i t w e r e , a M a s j i d j u s t i n f r o n t o f t h e S o m n a t h
Temple, rebuilt b y the H i n d u Kafirs. B u t under the circum
stances t h e n prevalent t h e r e , t h e y c o u l d n o t d o so by f o r c e
or bravado. Hence with their usual craft they applied i n
the most courteous and humble words to the King for
permission to b u i l d the M a s j i d . A n d O what wonder ! That
gullible Hindu King consented to i t most willingly, a n d u p
r o s e t h e new m a s j i d c h a l l e n g i n g t h e S o m n a t h temple. As a
matter o f fact, considering the highly miserable state to
w h i c h the T e m p l e o f S o m n a t h was reduced by Mahmud of
Ghazni a n d others, t h a t H i n d u K i n g should have w i p e d out
o f e x i s t e n c e a l l t h e m a s j i d s w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n , as s o o n as he
conquered t h e l a n d , a n d t h e n a n d t h e n a l o n e c o u l d he h a v e
restored the Somnath temple to its original glory. But
i n s t e a d o f d e s t r o y i n g t h e e x i s t i n g m a s j i d s he p e r m i t t e d a n e w
one to be b u i l t u p a n d bestowed an annuity on i t for its
maintenance. F o r this suicidal religious tolerance (perversion
o f a v i r t u e a g a i n !) he h a d v e r y s o o n t o p a y dearly; because
when after some time the b r u t a l forces o f A l l a - u d - d i n a n d
other M u s l i m aggressors a t t a c k e d G u j r a t a n d k i l l e d t h o u s a n d s
o f H i n d u m e n a n d r a p e d as m a n y H i n d u w o m e n , a n d pulled
down hundreds of Hindu temples and marched straight
t o w a r d s S o m n a t h , h o w d i d these A r a b s a n d t h e i r d e s c e n d a n t s
repay the religious tolerance of the H i n d u K i n g who allowed
the A r a b i a n traders to b u i l d the said m a s j i d ? D i d t h e y a l l o w
the restored Somnath Temple to remain unmolested in

return for the o b l i g a t i o n o f the H i n d u s — e v e n i f i t were to
tantalize the Hindu gullibility and simplicity ? No ! The
M u s l i m armies battered the T e m p l e to pieces once again and
o u t d i d M a h m u d o f G h a z n i i n t a k i n g away the sacred i d o l a n d
t h e s l a b i n s i d e t h i s t e m p l e t o D e l h i a n d m a d e t h e m fit n i c e l y
i n t o the pedestal for a m a s j i d t h e r e " .
434. Once again, when H i n d u power was established i n
the region, H i n d u temples rose up and once more the
M u s l i m s like S u l t a n A h m e d Shah ravaged the l a n d w i t h their
usual religious ferocity a n d harassed the H i n d u s there w i t h
wholesale massacres, rapes, arson and other incendiary
•activities. Thousands of H i n d u s were t a k e n prsioners and
w e r e s o l d as s l a v e s i n f o r e i g n countries^*. S o m n a t h r e m a i n e d a
heap o f rubble, b u t the notorious masjid grew i n importance:
B e s i d e s the o l d masjids w h i c h were preserved and raised to
greater g l o r y b y the H i n d u rulers, the Muslim rulers build
taller and more spacious mosques.
435. It was this confesed religious thought, the
distorted sense o f virtues a n d the b l i n d religious tolerance
which culminated i n the religious suicides of the H i n d u s .
How many more incidents may one c i t e , w h i c h c a m e off
century after c e n t u r y at every place r i g h t from K a s h m i r to
E a m e s h w a r a m , i n t h e face o f M u s l i m a g g r e s s i o n ? S t i l l one
m o r e i n s t a n c e m a y be n a r r a t e d h e r e t o s h o w t h e p e r v e r s i o n o f
another virtue by the Hindus; generosity—misplaced
generocity !
435-A. Siddharaj Jaysinh (1096-1143 A . D . ) was a
v a l i a n t k i n g o f A n h i l w a d i n Gujrat^*. He had also a very
k e e n sense o f j u s t i c e . B u t he was a Hindu k i n g ! H e was
deluded by the absolute values, w i t h o u t any regard to time,
place or person, o f a l l the v i r t u o u s ideologies about justice
a n d injustice, his o w n a n d the a l i e n r e l i g i o n , generosity and
large-heartedness ! Once d u r i n g his r e i g n t h e r e w a s some
dispute between the H i n d u s a n d the Muslims near Gambay
(Khambayat)!*. Writes Muhammad 'Ufi—himself a Muslim
w r i t e r — i n his book, Jami'-ul-Hikayat.
436. "In the reign of K i n g J a i Singh, there was a

mosque a n d a minaret from which the summons to prayers
was cried out. The Fire-worshippers instigated an attack on
the M u s a l m a n s , a n d the m i n a r e t was d e s t r o y e d , the mosque
b u r n t d o w n a n d e i g h t y M u s a l m a n s were k i l l e d "
A c e r t a i n M u h a m m a d a n , a K h a t i b or a reader o f the K h u t b a ,
b y n a m e K h a t i b ' A l i ' , e s c a p e d a n d fled t o Nahrwala. None
of the courtiers of the R a i p a i d any attention to him, or
rendered h i m a n y assistance. H a v i n g learnt t h a t the R a i was
g o i n g out to h u n t , K h a t i b ' A l i ' sat d o w n b e h i n d a tree i n t h e
forest a n d a w a i t e d the R a i ' s a r r i v a l . W h e n the R a i reached
the spot, K h a t i b A l i stood up a n d implored the former to
stop the elephant a n d l i s t e n t o the latter's complaint. He
t h e n p l a c e d i n h i s h a n d a " K a s i d a " , w h i c h he h a d composed
i n H i n d i v e r s e s t a t i n g t h e w h o l e case. The R a i having heard
this complaint, placed K h a t i b A l i under the charge o f a
servant, ordering h i m to take care o f h i m . . . L a t e r d i s g u i s i n g
himself i n tradesman's dress, the R a i entered the city (of
K h a m b a y a t ) a n d s t a y e d a s h o r t t i m e i n different p l a c e s i n t h e
market-place, m a k i n g e n q u i r i e s as to the t r u t h o f Khatib
All's complaint. H e then learnt that the M u s a l m a n s were
oppressed a n d were slain without any grounds The
next d a y he h e l d a c o u r t H e s a i d i t was his d u t y to
see t h a t a l l h i s subjects were afforded such protection as
w o u l d e n a b l e t h e m t o l i v e i n peace. He then gave orders
t h a t t w o l e a d i n g m e n from each class o f I n f i d e l s — B r a h m a n s ,
F i r e w o r s h i p p e r s (sometimes a p p l i e d to B u d d h i s t s ) a n d others
— s h o u l d be p u n i s h e d . H e gave one l a c B a l o t r a s to enable the
Musalmans to r e b u i l d the mosque a n d the minarets. H e also
gave some clothes to K h a t i b . " Muhammad 'Ufi : Jami'-ul-
H i k a y a t , E l l i o t H I E D V o l . I I P p . 162-163).
437. T h i s R a j a J a y a s i n h h a d gone o n a f o o t p i l g r i m a g e "
to the rejuvenated temple o f S o m n a t h a n d was a devotee of
Shiva and h a d implicit faith in the H i n d u religion. Probably
because for t h i s v e r y reason i n place o f d r i v i n g the i n v e t e r a t e
a n d c r a f t y M u s l i m enemies o u t o f h i s o w n k i n g d o m o r i n s t e a d
of reconverting t h e m to H i n d u i s m , even i f b y means o f force.
he had the m a s j i d s — t h e masjids o f those M u s l i m s who h a d

reduced to mere r u b b l e , n o t o n l y the temple o f S o m n a t h , b u t
hundreds of other temples i n Gujrat a n d thousands i n other
p a r t s o f I n d i a — r e b u i l t a t t h e c o s t o f t h e H i n d u s a n d offered
them a special protection according to his H i n d u creed o f
religious tolerance a n d generosity !
438. W a s i t ever possible for the H i n d u s u n d e r M a h m u d
of G h a z n i , or M u h a m m a d G h o r i or for those i n the d o m a i n o f
t h e S u l t a n w h o h a d gone o n k i l l i n g t h e Hindus and ravaging
their lands—was it ever possible for them to c o m p l a i n to a n y
M u s l i m governor of the l a n d against the destruction of their
own temples ? (Let alone the appeal for the restoration o f
such a demolished t e m p l e !) To complain i n such a w a y
w o u l d itself have a m o u n t e d to a viery g r a v e offence of the
Kafirs, according to the M u s l i m religious code, a n d for this
v e r y offence e v e r y one o f t h e H i n d u m e n and women would
have been sold in Kabul o r K a n d h a r as w r e t c h e d s l a v e s .
B u t such t r e a c h e r o u s a n d dangerous Muslims were allowed
b y the H i n d u k i n g s to l i v e i n large colonies a n d were treated
with special honour i n order to bolster up their creed of
religious tolerance. A n d i n thousands o f cases d u r i n g the
long period of Hindu-Muslim war, these very minority
M u s l i m s w h o h a d b e e n l i v i n g as refugees i n the H i n d u states
n e v e r f a i l e d to r e b e l o r sabotage the Hindu war-efforts as
s o o n as t h e r e w a s a n y f o r e i g n M u s l i m invasion. Even while
they were seeing a l l these t r e a c h e r o u s activities of the
Muslims, the H i n d u kings went on practising, and commit
t i n g to their memory, the precepts of religious tolerance and
large-heartedness i n utter disregard of the proper place, time
o r p e r s o n a n d , o f c o u r s e , t h e y f e l l as m i s e r a b l e v i c t i m s . This
is v e r i l y t h e d i s t o r t i o n o f v i r t u e i t s e l f !
THE GRAVE DANGER OF T H E MUSLIM

ABDUCTION A N D POLLUTION O F MILLIONS
OF HINDU WOMEN
439. One side-issue o f the M u s l i m religious aggression,

w h i c h caused a continuous d r a i n on the n u m e r i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y
of the H i n d u s was the d i a b o l i c M u s l i m faith that it was a

religious d u t y o f every M u s l i m to k i d n a p a n d force i n t o their
own religion, non-Muslim women. T h i s i n c i t e d t h e i r sensua
l i t y a n d lust for carnage a n d , w h i l e i t enormously increased
t h e i r n u m b e r , i t affected t h e H i n d u p o p u l a t i o n i n an inverse
proprotion. T o hesitate to acknowledge this hard fact under
the guise o f politeness is s i m p l y a puerile self-deception.
This abduction of thousands and millions of H i n d u women
by the Muslims is not such a trifling thing as to be
dispensed w i t h by calling it religious fanaticism or simply
by c o n n i v i n g at i t . E v e n i f i t were a madness, there was a
method i n it ! A n d the m e t h o d i n t h i s M u s l i m madness was
so h o r r i b l e t h a t , w i t h t h e mistaken Hindu neglect of this
so-called religious f a n a t i c i s m , the H i n d u n a t i o n came to have
a perpetual bleeding sore. Eor, as a matter of fact the
religious f a n a t i c i s m of the M u s l i m s was not madness at a l l ; i t
w a s a n effective m e t h o d o f i n c r e a s i n g t h e M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n
w i t h special regard to the unavoidable laws o f nature.
440. T h e s a m e l a w o f n a t u r e is instinctively obeyed b y
the a n i m a l w o r l d . I f i n the cattle-herds the number of oxen
g r o w s i n excess o f t h e c o w s , t h e h e r d s d o n o t g r o w n u m e r i c a l
ly i n a r a p i d manner. B u t on the other h a n d , the number o f
a n i m a l s i n t h e h e r d s , w i t h t h e excess o f c o w s over the oxen,
grows i n m a t h e m a t i c a l progression. T h e same is t r u e o f m a n ,
for a t t h e c o r e m a n i s e s s e n t i a l l y an animal. Even in the
pre-historic times the so-called w i l d tribes o f the forest-
dwellers knew this law quite well. The African wild tribes
of t o - d a y k i l l o n l y the males from amongst their enemies,
whenever there are t r i b a l wars, b u t n o t the females, w h o are
e v e n t u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d b y the v i c t o r tribes a m o n g themselves.
To obtain from them future progeny to increase their
numbers is considered by these tribes to be their sacred
duty ! It is said of at least o n e o f t h e N a g a tribes^^ t h a t
when they attack an enemy they shoot simple unpoisoned
a r r o w s at the males, b u t i f a n y w o m e n are seen fighting on
the enemy side highly envenomed a r r o w s are u s e d t o k i l l
them instantly. F o r , t h e y argue, to kill one woman who
c a n n o t be c a p t u r e d a l i v e i s as g o o d as t o k i l l five m e n .
441. This very natural l a w was adopted and obeyed
openly b y the aggressive but numerically poor African
M u s l i m a r m i e s a n d t h e i r chiefs while attacking the major
populations of N o r t h Africa^'. O n conquering those kafiirs,
t h e r a n s o m t h a t was c o l l e c t e d w a s calculated in terms of
money and women i n equal share*", a n d these women,
c o l l e c t e d as r a n s o m , w e r e d i s t r i b u t e d b y fives o r t e n s a m o n g s t
the most faithful followers of I s l a m . The future progeny
of these conquered women was b o r n M u s l i m a n d so amongst
the Muslim environments became l i t e r a l l y fanatical. The
M u s l i m chiefs w h o t h u s m u l t i p l i e d t h e i r n u m b e r s r a p i d l y w e r e
h o n o u r e d as ' G h a z i s ' b y t h e r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s * ^ . The law
of the M u s l i m religious welfare granted the victorious M u s l i m
a r m y every r i g h t to o w n the kafir women as completely as
their other movable or immovable property.
442-443. After Ravan abducted Seeta and Shree
Ramchandra marched on h i m , some of his well-wishers
advised the demon King, j u s t before t h e w a r , t h a t b e c a u s e
o f his unjust act, the d e m o n k i n g d o m was threatened w i t h a
terrible war and that he s h o u l d send Seeta back to her
h u s b a n d , because i t was highly irreligious to kidnap her ?
' W h a t ?' c r i e d the w r a t h f u l R a v a n , " T o a b d u c t a n d rape the
womenfolk of the enemy, do y o u c a l l i t irreligious ? " P o o h ,
p o o h !—<M?rRT'I. i d w : "l^RllÊrTOri; **.
(To carry away the women o f others a n d to r a v i s h them
is itself the supreme religious d u t y of the Rakshasas.)
' P a r o d h a r m a h ' , the greatest d u t y !
444. With t h i s s a m e shameless r e l i g i o u s f a n a t i c i s m the
aggressive M u s l i m s o f those times considered i t their highly
religious duty to carry away forcibly the women of the
e n e m y s i d e , as i f t h e y w e r e c o m m o n p l a c e p r o p e r t y , t o r a v i s h
them, to pollute them, and to distribute them to a l l a n d
sundry, from the S u l t a n to the common soldier and to absorb
them completely i n their fold. T h i s was considered a noble
act which increased their number*'.
445. In every province where the M u s l i m rule establi-
5TH GLORIOUS E P O C H
shed itself, the S u l t a n , the Navabs, a n d the N i z a m s — w h y :

e v e n t h e m e a n e s t o f M u s l i m officers i n e v e r y t o w n a n d village^
therein levied o n the H i n d u p o p u l a t i o n not o n l y the Jizia
t a x for collecting wealth; but also the heinous-tax o f d e m a n d
i n g openly the daughters and even m a r r i e d ladies from the
Hindu royaP* families a n d others o f h i g h r a n k , a n d even;
carried them away forcibly and openly.
446. After Sindh, the Arabs d i d not attempt another
i n v a s i o n of I n d i a , yet the A r a b bands did come here along
with other Muslim armies, and l i k e t h e s e A r a b s , a l l those-
newly converted people like the Persians (Iranians) the-
Turanians, Afghans, the T u r k s , M o g h u l s and others fell on
India with all the ferocity at their command. Obviously
they had not brought their millions of womenfolk along
with them. B u t a l l those f r o m the S u l t a n s to the common
soldiers, as a rule, began to settle down here with the
kidnapped Hindu women, whom they either married or
simply kept as their concubines^^. Let alone the vast
n u m b e r s o f H i n d u w o m e n o f h i g h as w e l l a s low ranks who
led the m o s t ignoble o f lives i n the harems o f the Emperors,
Sultans or N a v a b s , but almost every Muslim kept at least
three or f o u r such forcibly polluted women. Thus the
women i n this aggressive Muslim c o m m u n i t y came to b©
more numerous than the men, and polygamy being an
accepted practice sanctioned b y t h e i r religion^*, these foreign
Muslim communities began to grow r a p i d l y year after y e a r ,
f r o m a few t h o u s a n d s t o m i l l i o n s a n d m o r e .
447. A n interesting p o i n t to note is that S u l t a n G h i y a s -
ud-din Tughlak, Sultan Shikandar, Sultan Phiroz-Shah
T u g h l a k a n d m a n y other d e v i l i s h H i n d u - h a t e r s were born of
H i n d u mothers^' !
MUSLIM WOMEN TOO PLAYED THEIR DEVILISH

P A R T IN T H E M O L E S T A T I O N AND HARASSMENT O F
THE HINDU WOMEN
448. Hindu w o m e n were considered kafirs and born

slaves. So these M u s l i m w o m e n were t a u g h t t o t h i n k i t t h e i r
d u t y to help i n a l l possible ways, their molestation a n d forci

ble conversion to Islam. N o M u s l i m woman whether a B e g u m
or a beggar, ever protested against the atrocities c o m m i t t e d
b y their male compatriots; on the contrary they encouraged
t h e m t o d o so a n d h o n o u r e d t h e m f o r i t . A Muslim woman
did everything in her power to harass such captured or
kidnapped H i n d u women. N o t o n l y i n the troubled times
of war but even i n the intervening periods o f peace a n d even
when they themselves l i v e d in the Hindu kingdoms, they
enticed and carried away young H i n d u girls locked them
u p i n their o w n houses, or conveyed them to the Muslim
centres i n Masjids a n d Mosques. The M u s l i m women a l l over
I n d i a c o n s i d e r e d i t t h e i r h o l y d u t y t o d o so**.
THE HINDU CHIVALRY TOWARDS ENEMY WOMEN
449. The M u s l i m women never feared retribution or

punishment at the hands of any H i n d u for their heinous
crime. They had a perverted idea of woman-chivalry. If in
a b a t t l e the M u s l i m s w o n , t h e y were r e w a r d e d for such crafty
and deceitful conversions o f H i n d u women; but even i f the
H i n d u s c a r r i e d t h e field a n d a H i n d u power was established
in that particular place (and such incidents i n those times
were n o t v e r y rare) the M u s l i m - m e n alone, i f at a l l , suffered
the consequential indignities b u t the M u s l i m women—never !
Only Muslim men, and not women, were taken prisoner.
Muslim women were sure t h a t even i n the t h i c k o f battles
and in the confusion wrought just after t h e m neither the
v i c t o r H i n d u Chiefs, nor a n y of their common soldiers, nor
even a n y c i v i l i a n w o u l d ever t o u c h t h e i r h a i r . F o r 'albeit
enemies a n d atrocious, they were w o m e n ' ! H e n c e , even when
they were t a k e n p r i s o n e r i n battles the Muslim women,—
r o y a l l a d i e s as also the commonest slaves,—were i n v a r i a b l y
sent b a c k safe a n d s o u n d t o t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e f a m i l i e s ! S u c h
incidents were c o m m o n enough i n those times. And this
a c t w a s g l o r i f i e d b y t h e H i n d u s as t h e i r c h i v a l r y t o w a r d s t h e
enemy women a n d the generosity o f their religion ! For a
sample, read the following incidents.
450. E v e n n o w we p r o u d l y refer to the noble acts of

Chhatrapati Shivaji and Chimaji Appa, when they honourably
sent b a c k the daughter-in-law of the Muslim Governor of
K a l y a n ^ ^ a n d the wife o f the Portuguese governor o f Bassein*"
respectively. B u t is i t n o t strange that, when they d i d so,
neither Shivaji Maharaj nor Chimaji A p p a should ever r e m e m
ber, the atrocities and the rapes and the m o l e s t a t i o n ,
perpetrated by Mahmud of Ghazni, Muhammad Ghori,
A l l a - u d - d i n K h i l j i and others, o n thousands of H i n d u ladies
a n d girls l i k e the princesses o f D a h i r , K a m a l d e v i , ^ ^ the wife
of Karnaraj of Karnawati and her extremely beautiful
daughter, Devaldevi*^. D i d not the plaintive screams and
p i t i f u l lamentations o f the m i l l i o n s o f molested H i n d u women^
which reverberated throughout the length and breadth of the
c o u n t r y , r e a c h t h e ears o f S h i v a j i M a h a r a j a n d C h i m a j i A p p a ?
451. T h e souls of those millions of aggrieved women
might have perhaps said, " D o n o t forget, 0 , y o u r Majesty,
Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, and O ! your Excellency,
C h i m a j i A p p a , the u n u t t e r a b l e atrocities a n d oppression and
o u t r a g e c o m m i t t e d o n us b y t h e Sultans and Muslim noble
men and thousands o f others, big and small. Let those
S u l t a n s a n d t h e i r peers t a k e a f r i g h t t h a t i n the event of a
H i n d u victory our molestation and detestable lot s h a l l be
avenged on the M u s l i m w o m e n . O n c e t h e y are h a u n t e d w i t h
this dreadful apprehension, that the M u s l i m w o m e n , t o o ,
s t a n d i n t h e s a m e p r e d i c a m e n t i n case t h e H i n d u s w i n , the
future Muslim conquerors will never dare to t h i n k of such
molestation of H i n d u women."
45]-A. B u t because o f the then prevalent perverted
religious ideas about c h i v a l r y to women, which u l t i m a t e l y
p r o v e d h i g h l y d e t r i m e n t a l to the H i n d u community, neither
S h i v a j i M a h a r a j n o r C h i m a j i A p p a could do such wrongs to
the M u s l i m women.
452. I t was the suicidal H i n d u idea of chivalry to
women w h i c h s a v e d the M u s l i m w o m e n ( s i m p l y because t h e y
were women) from the heavy punishments of committing
indescribable sins and crimes against the H i n d u w o m e n .
Their w o m a n h o o d became their shield quite sufficient to

protect them.
453. Still worse was the ridiculous idea, which the
H i n d u s of those times entertained, that it was a sin to
convert a Muslim woman to Hinduism. They foolishly
thought that to have any sort of relations with a Muslim
woman meant their o w n conversion to Islam". Naturally,
even i n the m i d s t o f a Hindu community and the Hindu
S t a t e t h e y were secure against a n y a t t e m p t by the Hindus
at abducting t h e m or their forcible conversion to Hinduism.
E x c e p t i o n s however were v e r y rare.
454. U n d e r these circumstances, the M u s l i m feminine
class [ f a i r (?) sex] w a s left s e r a p h i c a l l y free f r o m a n y c h a s t i s e
ment or p e n a l t y for their share o f the crimes perpetrated
against the H i n d u w o m a n - w o r l d , a n d their w o r k of enticing
a,nd ensnaring the Hindu women and forcing them to
accept I s l a m went o n for hundreds o f years u n h a m p e r e d and
unimpeded.
BUT IF
465. Suppose, i f from the earliest M u s l i m invasion o f

I n d i a , the H i n d u s also, whenever t h e y were victors on the
battlefields, h a d d e c i d e d t o p a y the M u s l i m ' f a i r sex i n the
s a m e c o i n o r p u n i s h e d t h e m i n some o t h e r waja, i.e., by con
version even w i t h force, a n d then absorbed t h e m i n t h e i r f o l d ,
then ? T h e n w i t h this horrible apprehension at t h e i r h e a r t
they would have desisted from their e v i l designs against a n y
H i n d u lady. I f they h a d t a k e n such a fright i n the first two
or three centuries, millions a n d millions of luckless Hindu
ladies w o u l d have been saved a l l their indignities, loss o f
their own religion, rapes, ravages and other unimaginable
persecutions. Our woman-world would not have suffered
such a tremendous n u m e r i c a l loss, w h i c h means t h e i r future
progeny w o u l d not have been lost p e r m a n e n t l y to Hinduism
and the Muslim population could not have thrived so
audaciously. W i t h o u t a n y increase i n their womenfolk the
Muslim population would have dwindled into a negligible
S T H GLORIOUS E P O C H 181
minority.
456. (The sociological e x p l a n a t i o n for this contention
has a l r e a d y b e e n offered i n p a r a g r a p h s 439 t o 4 4 6 ) .
457. B u t h a u n t e d w i t h the fantastic idea of c h i v a l r y to
•enemy-women a n d a b l i n d eye t o t i m e , place or person, the
H i n d u s o f t h a t p e r i o d , never tried to chastise the Muslim
women-folk for their wrongs to H i n d u women, even when the
former were m a n y a t i m e c o m p l e t e l y at t h e i r m e r c y .
MISPLACED CHIVALRY T O ENEMY WOMEN-FOLK

AND T H E CONSEQUENT MISERABLE PLIGHT
458. W e l l , d i d this misplaced chivalrous idea of the

H i n d u s h a v e a n y s a l u t a r y effect o n t h e i r M u s l i m foes ? W e r e
the latter ever ashamed o f their sin of molesting a Hindu
woman in view of this H i n d u religious generosity and high-
mindedness ? D i d the M u s l i m s ever sincerely feel thankful
to the Hindus for the safe r e t u r n o f t h o u s a n d s o f M u s l i m
w o m e n to their o w n k i t h and kin? Never ! O n the c o n t r a r y
they again and again reciprocated H i n d u chivalrous behavi
o u r w i t h t h e same o l d t r e a c h e r y a n d a t r o c i t y , and thus held
it to ridicule and scorn.
459. O n the contrary the Muslims were puffed up,
perhaps, w i t h the t h o u g h t t h a t i f a t a l l the H i n d u s were to
show chivalry to a n y b o d y , i t s h o u l d have been to their o w n
H i n d u women ! I t was they who had t h e first r i g h t t o s u c h
a chivalrous treatment ! B u t i f t h e H i n d u s c o u l d n o t rescue
thousands of their own women who were being abducted,
polluted, and forced into Islamic religion, i n their very
presence, through centuries, why s h o u l d the Muslims not
ridicule the H i n d u chivalrous idea o f c i v i l i t y to women, even
enemy women? O n the contrary they perhaps thought that
the H i n d u s d a r e d not t h i n k of v i o l a t i n g or even i n s u l t i n g the
Muslim women for fear of horrible reprisals. Thus they
were more l i k e l y to misconstrue the H i n d u idea of chivalry,
t h a n i n t e r p r e t i t i n t h e r i g h t sense, as to have been b o r n of
cowardice than of strength and bravery.
T H E HINDUS O F T H E PRE-ISLAMIC E R A NEVER

I N T E R P R E T E D C H I V A L R Y T O W O M E N IN T H I S
ANTI-NATIONAL SILLY W A Y
460. A serpent, whether male or female, i f i t comes t o

b i t e m u s t be k i l l e d . T h e e n e m y w o m e n w h o e n f o r c e d c o n v e r s i o n
a n d heaped a l l sorts of h u m i l i a t i o n o n our mothers a n d sisters,
had by that very devilish act, lost their womanhood, and
their r i g h r to chivalrous treatment, and deserved nothing b u t
only the most stringent punishment for their atrocious crimes.
Hence, when T r a t i k a , the she-Demon m a r c h e d on R a m c h a n d r a
with other d e m o n s , he killed her immediately, without a
moment's thought'*. When Shoorpanakha, another she-
demon, rushed to eat away Seeta like cucumber, Laxman
deprived her o f nose and ears and sent her back—not
h o n o u r a b l y w i t h generous gifts o f o r n a m e n t s t o s h o w off h i s
c h i v a l a y to w o m e n ' * ! When Narakasur carried away thou
sands of Aryan women to his Asur kingdom (Assyria of
to-day), Shree K r i s h n a m a r c h e d u p o n the demon and killed
h i m i n the war. B u t he d i d not stop with military and
p o l i t i c a l d e f e a t he i n f l i c t e d on Narakasur ! H e rescued all
the thousands of i m p r i s o n e d A r y a n females, undergoing a l l
sorts o f h u m i l i a t i o n there, a n d brought t h e m b a c k to his own
kingdom; and thus took a social revenge ! Shree Krishna's
a r m y d i d n o t forsake their k i n s w o m e n , s i m p l y because they
were forcibly p o l l u t e d and violated—a dastardly thought
w h i c h he n e v e r e n t e r t a i n e d f o r a minute. O n the contrary
S h r e e K r i s h n a as t h e B h o o p a t i , t h e L o r d o f the whole E a r t h ,
b r o u g h t a l l those sixteen t h o u s a n d or more women to his
kingdom, rehabilitated them honourably and took upon him
self the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f feeding a n d protecting them. This
very act o f K r i s h n a , as t h e B h o o p a t i , h a s b e e n f a n t a s t i c a l l y
c o n s t r u e d b y the w r i t e r s o f the P u r a n a s as to describe him
the husband o f those thousands of women. He was later
t h o u g h t t o h a v e m a r r i e d a l l o f them'®.
461. I n the post-Puranik period, whenever our valiant
and victorious princes vanquished the enemies, like the
Y a v a n , S h a k a , or H u n commandants, kings or e m p e r o r s on
the battlefield, they i n v a r i a b l y m a r r i e d the enemy princesses.

T h i s seems t o h a v e b e e n t h e t r a d i t i o n prevalent right from
Chandragupta M a u r y a to the G u p t a E m p e r o r s ! S h a l i v a h a n
k i n g s too m a r r i e d S a k a princesses*'. N o t only our victorious
kings but all Hindus, right from the Samants (feudatory
princes) to common citizens married unhesitatingly Yavan,
Saka or H u n women. The n a t i o n was v a l i a n t enough to
absorb not o n l y the progeny o f those enemy-women but the
whole enemy communities i n their o w n and leave no trace o f
their origin behind !
H A R M F U L E F F E C T S O F T H E B A N O N PURIFICATION
AND REHABILITATION
462. U n d e r the illusion o f p r e s e r v i n g [the purity of

t h e i r o w n caste a n d r e l i g i o n , t h e H i n d u S o c i e t y o f t h e I s l a m i c
e r a b e g a n t o e n f o r c e , as their religious duty, the bans on
exchange of food, o n inter-caste marriage, and other bans,
even when they were h a r m f u l to the society. In a similar
w a y , a n d for the same reason of protecting the purity of
t h e i r caste a n d r e l i g i o n , the b a n o n r e p u r i f i c a t i o n o f the c o n
verted H i n d u s a n d that o n Sea-faring began to be enforced
most scrupulously and rigidly as religious injunctions.
N e i t h e r any single H i n d u , who was converted under coercion,
nor even his progeny could ever come back to Hinduism ;
t h e i r s i n (?) h a d n o r e d e m p t i o n , n o s a l v a t i o n . E o r g e n e r a t i o n s
together the H i n d u s believed this to be their inviolable
religious injunction ; with very rare exceptions, every H i n d u ,
f r o m sweeper t o B r a h m i n , f r o m C h h a t r a p a t i ( t h e s o v e r e i g n ) t o
P a t r a p a t i (the h o l d e r o f a p a r c h m e n t ) ; f r o m S h a n k a r a c h a r y a
(the R e l i g i o u s H e a d ) t o S h a n k h a c h a r y a (the p r i n c e o f b l o c k
heads), whether learned or i l l i t e r a t e , h e l d this o p i n i o n about
the b a n o n repurification o f the converts u n a n i m o u s l y a n d
unswervingly from K a s h m i r to K a n y a k u m a r i .
463. O n a c c o u n t o f these v e r y b a n s , thousands of our
H i n d u l a d i e s k i n d l e d t h e fires o f j o h a r , c e n t u r y a f t e r century,
i n order to avoid v i o l a t i o n at the hands o f the Muslims'^. T o
save themselves from this humiliation of violation by the
m SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS O F INDIAN HISTORY
enemies, m i l l i o n s others l e a p t i n t o r i v e r s , lakes a n d w e l l s , a l l

over the c o u n t r y and destroyed themselves along w i t h their
small children at their breasts. Most bravely d i d many
others die d e f i a n t l y r e f u s i n g to be c o n v e r t e d to Islam, like
Chhatrapati Sambhaji, Guru Teg Bahadur and many of our
S i k h gurus l i k e the m a r t y r B a i r a g i B a b a B a n d a , who kept
on defying the Muslims t i l l the last even when his b o d y was
b e i n g c u t off l i m b by limb. H o w c a n we ever forget this
unprecedented m a r t y r d o m , unless we are ungrateful to t h e m ?
F e w other communites i n the h i s t o r y of the w o r l d c o u l d h a v e
sacrificed t h e i r lives o n such a v a s t scale or w i t h such s e v e r e t y
as d i d the H i n d u s ! This martyrdom o f the H i n d u s was not
altogether futile i n respect o f s a v i n g their religion f r o m the
M u s l i m o n s l a u g h t . T h e h e r o i c t a l e s of t h e i r m a r t y r d o m h a v e
been inspiring generations o f the nation to offer t h e i r l i f e
for protecting the religion—and this is not altogether
insignificant.
464. Although highly detrimental to the interests of
t h e n a t i o n as a whole, and as such deserving t h e severest
of c r i t i c i s m , these v a r i o u s bans, l i k e those o n exchange o f
food and sea-voyage and the custom of social ostracism,
were a l l i m p o s e d b y the H i n d u s o f t h a t p e r i o d — l e t i t n o t be
f o r g o t t e n — w i t h t h e sole n o b l e o b j e c t o f p r o t e c t i n g t h e p u r i t y
of their caste and creed. Millions of Hindus, who, for
generations, suffered unimaginable pangs, did so with
unswerving l o y a l t y to their accepted creed. W e r e they ever
happy to b o y c o t t a n i n d i v i d u a l for h a v i n g — a l t h o u g h u n w i l l
ingly and through force—taken water from a M u s l i m h a n d or
for other such reasons ? H o w c a n one d e s c r i b e t h e a g o n i e s
a n d pangs o f the p a r e n t s a n d other relatives at the u n a v o i d
able separation o f t h e i r sons and daughters, of husbands
a n d wives, o f brothers a n d sisters ? H o w m a n y of t h e m m i g h t
have courted death, owing to this extreme grief when they
closed their doors on them, simply because they were,
although unwillingly and forcibly, converted to Islam ? B u t
t h e y suffered a l l t h i s w i t h t h e g r i m d e t e r m i n a t i o n , viz.,
snrW i^r^w c^rgrg; ii^'.

P o r t h e s a k e o f t h e f a m i l y a n i n d i v i d u a l i s t o be abandoned.
P o r the sake o f the v i l l a g e a f a m i l y has to be forsaken. For
the sake o f the state a v i l l a g e has to be g i v e n u p as l o s t ,
a.nd f o r t h e sake of r e l i g i o n one should give up the whole
world !
465. S h o u l d we not therefore be grateful to those
H i n d u s f o r t h e u n b e a r a b l e pangs, a n d u n i m a g i n a b l e g r i e f t h e y
suffered ? T h e y were m i s l e d i n t o accepting those traditions
o f v a r i o u s b a n s as t h e i r r e l i g i o u s d u t i e s , b u t t h e i r l o y a l t y t o
their religion was u n m i s t a k e n , unshaken ! W h a t was consi
dered to be a n antidote, turned out to be poison itself!
B u t the object i n a d m i n i s t e r i n g i t was to give an antidote,
to save the life o f the n a t i o n ! H o w can we, then forbear
w r i t i n g a w o r d or t w o o f sincere g r a t i t u d e for the h a r r o w i n g
m e n t a l a n d p h y s i c a l agonies they suffered with the honest
intention of saving their religion ?
ANTI-NATIONAL ILLUSORY PLATITUDES !
466. A n effective w a y o f l i q u i d a t i n g t h e M u s l i m r e l i g i o u s
a u t h o r i t y c o u l d e a s i l y have been availed of by the Hindus
•of t h o s e t i m e s , i f t h e y h a d b u t done what the M u s l i m s had
been doing i n their hundreds o f offensives against H i n d u
states. The Muslims went on slaughtering wholesale the
H i n d u population. Similarly whenever the Hindus gained
a n upper hand, they could have retaliated by massacring
Muslim population and m a k i n g the region Muslim-less !
devoid of Muslims ! E v e n their ban on r e p u r i f i c a t i o n (gf%)
would not have prevented them from doing this. For in
•doing this there was no question involved of eating or
d r i n k i n g or of h a v i n g a n y dealings w i t h the M u s l i m s ! B u t — !
But i f not the ban on repurification, the s u i c i d a l Hindu
•creed o f r e l i g i o u s t o l e r a n c e w a s c e r t a i n l y a major obstacle !
F r o m the v e r y ancient times, the H i n d u s h a d been boasting

of their high i d e a l s o f r e l i g i o u s tolerance*", o f the equal
status they conceded to a l l the religions of the w o r l d , o f
p r e a c h i n g the sameness o f R a m a n d R a h i m , o f a l l o w i n g e v e r y
one to follow his own faith ! T h i s they considered to be
the height of t h e i r religion !
467. Instead of massacring en masse the h u n d r e d s o f
thousands of Muslims, who from time to time fell in their
hands completely vanquished and utterly helpless, i n o r d e r
t o avenge the untold wrongs and humiliation heaped by
them on H i n d u s , the H i n d u s i n their t u r n refrained t h e m
selves from doing the Muslims even the slightest harm
because they were i n m i n o r i t y , a n d belonged to another
religion. O n the contrary, the Muslins were allowed to.
enhance the g l o r y a n d scope o f t h e i r own religion without
the least possible h i n d r a n c e . N o t o n l y l i k e the H i n d u citizens,
but even more leniently and w i t h more facilities were the
M u s l i m s a l l o w e d , b y H i n d u states o f those d a y s , to enjoy t h e
l e g a l r i g h t s * ! — a f a c t w h i c h i s b o r n e o u t b y pages a f t e r p a g e s
of Indian history.
468. Is it necessary to add that these 'cow-faced'
f o l l o w e r s o f Hinduism*8<», p r o u d o f t h e i r u t m o s t t o l e r a n c e o f
other religions were not (in the least) l i k e l y to hit back the
tiger-faced M u s l i m s on religious grounds ?
469. Religious tolerance ! A virtue ! Yes, It can be
a v i r t u e only where the other religion is tolerant o f our o w n I
B u t to tolerate the M u s l i m religion, the followers o f which
r i g h t from the S u l t a n s like Mahmud of Ghazni and Ghori
a n d others to the various Shahs and Badshahs thought it
their religious o b l i g a t i o n to massacre the K a f i i r H i n d u s to
celebrate t h e i r accession to the t h r o n e a n d h a d been c a r r y i n g
on horrible religious persecution of the H i n d u s for nearly
a t h o u s a n d years, was t a n t a m o u n t to cut the t h r o a t o f one's
own religion ! I t was n o t tolerance t o w a r d s other r e l i g i o n s ,
i t was tolerance of irreligion ! I t was n o t even tolerance,
i t was impotence ! B u t this truth never dawned u p o n the
H i n d u society of those days even after the h o r r i b l e experience
o f a t h o u s a n d y e a r s o r so. T h e y o n t h e i r own part went o n
tolerating even such a hideous r e l i g i o n as the I s l a m and
considered it a glorious virtue of their own—a special
o r n a m e n t i n the crown o f the H i n d u c o m m u n i t y !
470. 0 thou H i n d u society ! O f a l l the sins a n d weak
nesses, w h i c h h a v e b r o u g h t a b o u t t h y f a l l , t h e greatest and
m o s t p o t e n t are t h y v i r t u e s themselves.
471-472. Ahimsa (non-violence), kindness, chivalry
even towards the enemy women, protection of an abjectly
c a p i t u l a t i n g enemy, f^'JI'T^ ( f o r g i v e n e s s , a glorious-
e m b l e m for the b r a v e ! ) and religious tolerance were all
virtues no doubt—very noble virtues ! B u t it is b l i n d a n d
s l o v e n l y — e v e n i m p o t e n t — a d o p t i o n o f a l l these v e r y v i r t u e s ,
irrespective of any consideration g i v e n to the propriety of
time, place o r p e r s o n s t h a t so h o r r i b l y v a n q u i s h e d them i n
the m i l l i e n n i a l H i n d u - M u s l i m war on the religious front.
For
[ E v e r y v i r t u o u s act done without the least r e g a r d to-

the p r o p r i e t y o f the persons concerned—without the least
thought whether the other person deserves such noble
treatment or not—becomes a g l a r i n g v i c e m o s t h a r m f u l to-
the t r u e religion.]
CHAPTER IX
SUPER-DIABOLIC COUNTER-OFFENSIVE
THE ONLY ANSWER
473 I t has already been shown i n the earlier chapters

h o w the H i n d u S o c i e t y was unable to recover its tremendous
n u m e r i c a l l osses suffered d u e t o f o r c i b l e m a s s c o n v e r s i o n s a n d
tyrannical a n t i - H i n d u laws of M u s l i m kings and Sultans,
because o f its own silly, anti-national traditions o f caste-
differences, b a n s o n r e c o n v e r s i o n o f t h e h e l p l e s s H i n d u p r o s e
lytes, and the like, a n d m a n y other perverted concepts of
virtue. H a d it not been for some prophetic social and
religious reformers, astute diplomats, gigantic thinkers and
philosophers a n d m e n of a c t i o n a m o n g the H i n d u s o f t h a t time
who towered, though only from time to time, over the
a l l - p e r v a d i n g g l o o m and guided their c o m m u n i t y , the H i n d u
society w o u l d never have escaped total extinction.
MAHARSHI DEVAL AND MEDHATITHI
474. T w o o f these t h i n k e r s are M a h a r s h i D e v a l and

M e d h a t i t h i , t h e c r i t i c s o f Manusmriti, who unfailingly attract
o u r a t t e n t i o n , because o f t h e i r d a z z l i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l b r i l l i a n c e .
T h e i r e x t a n t w r i t i n g s show us, beyond any shadow of doubt,
that even during those calamitous years, that intervened
between the first A r a b invasion of S i n d h a n d the Muslim
religio-political atrocities i n the Punjab and its f i n a l occupa
tion, they had p o i n t e d out to the H i n d u s brave n e w ways,
new religious thoughts, n e w weapons, w h i c h were c a l c u l a t e d
t o b r i n g t h e m success.
475-476. The Chapter on the pollution of religion i n
D e v a l S m r i t i , begins w i t h the line.
I t c l e a r l y shows t h a t i t w a s i n S i n d h first t h a t a s e c t i o n
5 f H GLORIOUS E P O C H 18&
of Brahmins, Kshatriyas and others was organized. It

determined to i m p r o v e the code of social and religious
b e h a v i o u r o f t h e H i n d u s as m u c h , a t l e a s t , as to recuperate
t h e n u m e r i c a l l y s t u p e n d o u s losses suffered a t t h e h a n d s o f t h e
Muslims. F o r t h e y c l e a r l y saw t h a t the laws of behaviour
l a i d d o w n i n different s m r i t i s were i n every w a y powerless t o
c o u n t e r a c t the a r m e d r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l a g g r e s s i o n o f the e n e m y .
T h e H i n d u leaders, present i n the hermitage of D e V a l o n the
b a n k o f t h e I n d u s , o n c e a s k e d t h e sage, " W i l l i t be p o s s i b l e
to bring back to Hinduism thousands of H i n d u men and
women, who have fallen v i c t i m to the religious persecution
of the M u s l i m s a n d have been forcibly converted to I s l a m
b y some f o r m o f a t o n e m e n t and by repurification ?" The
verses i n D e v a l Smriti clearly mention that such type o f
discussions were h e l d at different times a n d the authorita
t i v e a n d final a n s w e r s were given and the rules o f conduct
p r o p o u n d e d b y M a h a r s h i D e v a l f a v o u r i n g reconversion^. These
advocates and writers of this new Smriti a n d their followers
d e c l a r e d as u n l a w f u l a n d i r r e l i g i o u s i n t h o s e a d v e r s e c i r c u m
stances, the v e r y religious act o f b a n n i n g reconversion, as
i t w a s c a u s i n g t r e m e n d o u s n u m e r i c a l losses t o t h e H i n d u s * .
SPECIAL WEAPONS FOR SPECIAL OCCASIONS
477-478. I n the a r m o u r y o f o u r r e l i g i o u s code o f c o n d u c t

there a l w a y s h a d been v e r y s p e c i a l a n d progressive weapons
for m e e t i n g v e r y special a n d exceptional circumstances. All
t h a t was needed was a class o f leaders t o use them from
time to time ! I f i n the initial stages o f adverse times o f
the Hindu-Muslim war, these special and exceptional
weapons h a d o n l y been unsheathed a n d sharpened, H i n d u i s m
itself might have completely routed Islam from the Indian
soil, as i t happened when the valiant (because t h e y were
a t t a c k i n g the e n e m y !) a n d v i c t o r y - l o n g i n g gods and the
A r y a n s fought w i t h the demons (dashyus). E v e n i f the same
religious resplendence was not uniformly shown by the
Hindus, it was, i n some m e a s u r e , seen i n t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y
religious reforms of D e v a l Maharshi of Sind. Maharshi
D e v a l is s a i d to have lived sometime between A . D . 800 t o

A . D . 900*.
479. Because of this religious resplendence alone, D e v a l
M a h a r s h i could k i c k away the traditional religious ban on
r e d e m p t i o n for the u n w i l l i n g converts a n d p r o p o u n d e d i n his
•Smriti a n expedient o f atonement for the s i n o f c o n v e r s i o n .
I t has been laid down i n the D e v a l Smriti, that if, within a
c e r t a i n p e r i o d o f his or her forcible conversion to Islam, a
H i n d u m a n o r w o m a n s h o w e d h i s o r h e r d e s i r e t o be r e c o n v e r
t e d t o H i n d u i s m w i t h due a t o n e m e n t , he o r she w a s t o be a d
ministered s i m p l e a n d p r a c t i c a l penance o f fast or s o m e t h i n g ^
else and absorbed once again in the H i n d u society*. T h e
liberal attitude of this S m r i t i towards women, i n the context
of the times, is s p e c i a l l y laudable. It enjoined that the
women forcibly converted to I s l a m , or those who served i n
the Muslim households as menial servants or slaves be
•considered pure after their next menses*, and s h o u l d be
completely absorbed in the Hindu community. Even a
pregnant H i n d u w o m a n , freed f r o m the M u s l i m bondage, was
t o be c o n s i d e r e d as p u r e as a b a r o f g o l d after b e i n g h e a t e d
i n t h e g o l d s m i t h ' s c h a f i n g d i s h , o n c e h e r f o e t u s came o u t a f t e r
delivery'.
480. I t is, however r e a l l y strange, t h a t even this D e v a l
S m r i t i w h i c h w a s so p a r t i c u l a r a b o u t the r e p u r i f i c a t i o n and
reconversion o f the fallen H i n d u w o m e n , w i t h a v i e w to s t o p p
i n g t h e n u m e r i c a l losses of our c o m m u n i t y , should not have
cared to do the same for their children born o f the M u s l i m
w o m e n . I t is v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o e x p l a i n w h y i t s h o u l d h a v e f a i l e d
to d o so*. W e were r e m i n d e d of this D e v a l Smriti when
o n c e we w e r e t o l d o f a c u s t o m a m o n g s t t h e B e n g a l i H i n d u s :
i f a c h i l d - w i d o w or a n u n m a r r i e d g i r l i n a H i n d u f a m i l y gave
•birth t o an illegitimate child it w a s t o be s o l i c i t o u s l y g i v e n
o v e r to t h e Muslims who l i v e d beyond the local river for
b e i n g b r o u g h t u p as t h e i r o w n . T h i s expedient was no d o u b t *
thought of b y the H i n d u p r i e s t h o o d w i t h the best i n t e n t i o n
of saving the family from public humiliation and the
society f r o m every contagion of that s i n . The Muslims too.
Rights and usage


Identifier: m-s-001069-^
t h i n k i n g t h a t these H i n d u children increased their number,

gladly accepted them. The simple god-fearing H i n d u s on
the other h a n d never for once understood that their own
number decreased to t h a t extent. I t is quite evident that
this B e n g a l i custom must have been popularized by some
S m r i t i l i k e the D e v a l S m r i t i .
481. T h e basic cause of this cowardly arrangement
made b y even those reformers who condemned the caste
division, b a n on repurification o f the 'fallen', and favoured
reconversion, was the deep-rooted s i l l y belief o f the H i n d u s
t h a t the p u r i t y o f the caste was t o be p r e s e r v e d a t a l l costs
and even at the risk of caste-extinction. But the Hindu
society o f those days never understood t h a t the v e r y same
p u r i t y of their caste was lost w h e n lakhs of their women
fell i n t o the hands of the Muslims, a n d that i f those p r o h i
bitions on reconversion were to continue the whole of the
H i n d u society would perish.
482. Another thing to be noted is t h a t the portion,
now extant, o f the D e v a l S m r i t i does n o t p r o v i d e for the
conversion of the original Muslims to H i n d u i s m as i t d i d
for the conversion o f the u n f o r t u n a t e H i n d u converts. The
reason p r o b a b l y is o n l y this t h a t the H i n d u s considered i t
a great sin to a d m i t another c o m m u n i t y into their o w n fold.
E v e n the r e l i g i o u s law-givers u p to the w r i t e r of the B h a g w a t
G e e t a * s e e m e d t o be e x t r e m e l y w o r r i e d h o w t o k e e p off t h e
i n t e r m i n g l i n g o f the castes a n d subcastes w i t h i n the Hindu
Society itself.
483. I n fine, w e c a n s a y , the daring reformers i n the
Ashram of Maharshi Deval made at least some p r o v i s i o n f o r
a d m i t t i n g the forcibly converted H i n d u men and women to
the H i n d u s o c i e t y . B u t i t seems t h a t t h e w r i t e r s o f S m r i t i s
a n d t h e w a r r i o r s o f t h e t i m e d a r e d n o t use a t e v e r y s t a g e m o r e
v i o l e n t means to beat d o w n the monstrously violent Muslim
aggression. Nevertheless under the adverse circumstances,
when the M u s l i m power had established itself firmly i n the
land, this religious revolt of the hundreds of Hindu leaders
like D e v a l a n d others was not a s m a l l t h i n g .
192 SIX G L O R I O U S E P O C H S O F I N D I A N H I S T O R Y
C H E C K O N MUSLIM RELIGIOUS AGGRESSION

IN S I N D H
484. Strangely enough the above-mentioned attempt
of the H i n d u leaders l i k e D e v a l was supported b y the H i n d u
s o c i e t y as a w h o l e . T h e H i n d u society w h i c h was originally
zealously fond of their caste-system reconverted thousands
of convert men and women and absorbed them in their
midsti". N o t o n l y o n t h e p o l i t i c a l (cf. p a r a 357) f r o n t but
on the religious front, too, the M u s l i m s were thus beaten
completely i n Sindh. This two-fold v i c t o r y o f the H i n d u s
in Sindh—of reconquering Sindh within t h i r t y years of
K a s i m ' s invasion a n d m a i n t a i n i n g their grip on i t for n e a r l y
two hundred years afterwards, a n d of the revolutionary
r e d e m p t i o n o f the 'fallen', b y M a h a r s h i D e v a l a n d others—has
t o b e s t r e s s e d a g a i n a n d a g a i n as i t has n o t b e e n adequately
described, not even mentioned at a l l , i n I n d i a n histories.
485. A l t h o u g h there is v e r y slender evidence on our
&ide t o b e a r out this two-fold Hindu v i c t o r y i n S i n d h , we
c a n find a s t r o n g e r p r o o f i n t h e w r i t i n g s o f t h e e n e m y . The
Muslim w r i t e r s were v e x e d at their general rout in the
reconquest of S i n d h b y the Hindus^^.
486. A l B i l a d u r i (or B a l a d h u r i ) w r i t e s , " I n the days
of T a m i m , the M u s a l m a n s retired from several parts o f I n d i a ,
and left their position H a k i m son of A w a n a h al
K a l b i succeeded T a m i m . The people of I n d i a had returned
to i d o l a t o r y e x c e p t i n g those of K a s s a h a n d the M u s a l m a n s
h a d no place o f security i n w h i c h they could take refuge, so
he b u i l t a t o w n o n t h e other side of the lake facing India
and called it A l Mahfuza, "the secure", a n d t h i s he m a d e a
p l a c e o f refuge a n d s e c u r i t y f o r t h e m a n d t h e i r c h i e f t o w n . "
( E l l i o t H I E D V o l I P.126)
487. H i s t o r y places M a h a r s h i D e v a l somewhere between
A . D . 800 to A . D . 900. R o u n d about this period i.e. about
A . D . 8 6 0 t o A . D . 950 w a s b o r n f o r t u n a t e l y for the Hindus
another upholder of t h i s new surge o f r e l i g i o u s revival.
He sought to overcome the disastrous Muslim religious
aggression with -still more disastrous counter-aggression.
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 19S
The weapon worship religious law given by A c h a r y a M a d h a -

tithi^^, became the most effective guidance to the H i n d u s ,
l i k e t h e Arthashastra of A r y a Chanakya to the generation
of the valiant Chandragupta Maurya. T o the whole of
Aryavarta he wanted to teach once again the lesson o f
expansionism and victorious imperialism^^. Medhatithi, the
new interpreter o f Mamsmriti, w a s t h e sole r e l i g i o u s l e a d e r
a n d perhaps the last o f the w r i t e r s o f S m r i t i . H e t r i e d tO'
e r e c t before t h e p e r p l e x d H i n d u s o f t h e 9 t h a n d 1 0 t h c e n t u r i e s
a huge light-house tower of the former A r y a n imperialism
a n d expansionism o f C h a n a k y a a n d to regenerate into t h e m
new courage to push ahead determinedly and strike hard at
the aggressor. H i s intention was clearly to animate his
society w i t h the v i b r a n t i n s p i r a t i o n to repulse i n s t a n t l y the-
armed religious aggression of the M u s l i m s of those times i n
the same magnificent tradition of the A r y a n empires o f o l d
and with their military strategy in fighting down the
aggressive Rakshasas (enemies). H e wanted the H i n d u s t o
establish not only the o l d empire of A r y a v a r t a , but to
conquer a n d annex the M u s l i m states even b e y o n d the limits-
of A r y a v a r t a a n d establish H i n d u i s m there, i f necessary
even with force. The A r y a n slogan 'Krunvanto Vishvam
Aryam" (We are going to make the whole world A r y a n ) o f
the Vedic times resounds incessantly throughout his
critique on Mamsmriti-
488. T h e r e h a d been a g r e a t c o n f u s i o n w r o u g h t in the
Hindu Society over a thousand years or so preceding
Medhatithi's age b y t h e a n t i - n a t i o n a l and imbecile social
t r a d i t i o n s , ( w h i c h we h a v e m e n t i o n e d so f a r a n d w i l l m e n t i o n
hereafter) about the differentiation of caste, religious
tolerance and fear of pollution, which appeared as i f l a i d
d o w n b y t h e s m r i t i s (Vedas) a n d r u l e d as p e r t h e injunction
of the S m r i t i s . T h e c r i t i c M e d h a t i t h i was the only one
who o n seeing the miserable p l i g h t of the H i n d u s d e t e r m i n e d
to check their d o w n w a r d course a n d convulse the imbecile
and intellectually stagnant H i n d u society into its original
A r y a n form. N a t u r a l l y , he d e c i d e d t o c r i t i c i s e Mamsmriti
194 SIX G L O R I O U S EPOCHS O F INDIAN HISTORY
i t s e l f w h i c h was c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h e basic foundation of a l l

other smritis. He ruthlessly tested the laws of political
conduct propounded therein on the anvil of Chanakya's
•Arthashastra^^. In this w a y , w i t h the original Manusmriti
of the A r y a n s i n one hand and the empire-worshipping,
conquest-loving Kautilya's Arthashastra in the other
Medhatithi d e c l a r e d as i r r e l i g i o u s a l l t h e codes o f c o n d u c t
w h i c h h a d been rendered i m p o t e n t because o f the imbecile
a n d intellectually sterile H i n d u Ahimsai^. W i t h one s t r o k e
o f remonstrance l i k e the following :—
489. m ^? ?I^JT: i
lie rendered not o n l y a l l the s i l l y ' c o d e s o f c o n d u c t ' buc

even the smritis that called them caste-laws absolutely
defunct a n d valueless.
490. Most probably Medhatithi might have seen and
heard about a l l the r e l i g i o u s p e r s e c u t i o n b y t h e M u s l i m s i n
S i n d h a n d the P u n j a b and the failure o f the Hindus, for
various reasons a l r e a d y discussed, to avenge i t or even to
counteract i t effectively. N a t u r a l l y , i n order to din once
a g a i n i n t o the ears o f the then defeated, fallen a n d p e r p l e x e d
A r y a n n a t i o n t h e echoes o f t h e s m r i t i s o f t h e o l d A r y a v a r t a ,
which was on its w a y to g l o r y a n d w h i c h ' w i t h the motto
^cjriiit s t l ^ o n its banner was conquering i n a l l directions,
M e d h a t i t h i p i c k e d up a n d extolled i n his o w n critique, as
M a n u ' s o r i g i n a l commandments, o n l y the w a r l i k e , arms-ador
ing, a n d imperialistic religious rites a n d precepts. A l l others
h e c o n d e m n e d as ^<cii^: (smritis against the Vedas) ! H i s
t h u n d e r i n g s e n t e n c e s d i d n o t befit t h e t h e n p o w e r l e s s Hindu
k i n g s , n o r c o u l d those k i n g s u t t e r t h e m w i t h proper d i g n i t y
and grandeur. Those precepts were r e a l l y meant for an
E m p e r o r l i k e C h a n d r a g u p t a or E m p e r o r P u s h y a m i t r a !
491-492. Medhatithi c l e a r l y declares that to invade
another kingdom—especially, an e n e m y s t a t e — c a n n e v e r be
a n i n j u s t i c e i n p o l i t i c a l science^^. I t i s , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e
duty of a king, he said, to pounce upon the non-Hindu
enemy and crush h i m before he grows powerful enough to
i n v a d e the former. I n statesmanship, the protection o f the

A r y a v a r t a is the supreme d u t y o f a king. That is w h y he
condemns as s u i c i d a l , d i l a t o r y a n d so a d v e r s e t o t h e k i n g l y
d u t y , everything t h a t the other impudent, foolhardy critics
r e c o m m e n d as p r o p e r code o f c o n d u c t : viz. t h a t w h i l e a t t a c k
ing a foreign k i n g d o m , and especially the M u s l i m kingdom,
t h e A r y a n k i n g s s h o u l d n o t s t r i k e t i l l t h e o t h e r g i v e s offence
of some sort or the other." O n the contrary, he says
that the neighbouring king is an enemy is i n itself his
f a u l t " ; a t a n o p p o r t u n e m o m e n t h e s h o u l d be p o u n c e d upon
•and crushed. What more, i f the neighbouring non-Aryan
k i n g d o m i s s e e n t o be getting stronger and mightier than
our Aryan s t a t e , w h e t h e r i t i s g u i l t y o f a n y t a n g i b l e offence
or not, we should ourselves f o r m alliance w i t h other f r i e n d l y
or unfriendly powers a n d go t o w a r a g a i n s t t h i s n o n - A r y a n
s t a t e , t h e m o m e n t w e are a s s u r e d o f success.
493. T h r o u g h o u t the c r i t i c a l treatise o f M e d h a t i t h i one
•dominant aspiration makes itself felt on almost every page
th^t the smaller states of Shreeman Bhojraj, the Rajput
princes and other Hindu kings should be united into a
powerful kingdom and once again a m i g h t y empire l i k e the
old—nay an invincible and victorious Bharatiya E m p i r e —
should rise on the Indian soil. From this point of view,
w h i l e w r i t i n g a b o u t t h e o t h e r k i n g l y d u t i e s he h a s e m p h a s i z e d
o n e , viz. t h a t e v e n before t h e M l e n c h c h a s ( n o n - A r y a n s ) a t t a c k
an A r y a n state, the latter s h o u l d march against the enemy
kingdom. O n c e y o u are e n g a g e d i n w a r w i t h t h e e n e m y , y o u
s h o u l d t h r o w kindness and generosity to the winds a n d crush
the enemy outright. The crafty enemy s h o u l d be s t r u c k
down with super-cunning and skilful deception under any
p r e t e x t w h a t s o e v e r . I n w a r the s o - c a l l e d v i r t u e s l i k e h o n e s t y ,
s i m p l i c i t y , c o n s i s t e n c y i n speech a n d a c t i o n a n d p o l i t e n e s s ,
g e n t i l i t y a n d g e n e r o s i t y t h e m s e l v e s p r o v e f a t a ! to t h e n a t i o n .
Hence, a k i n g s h o u l d not fall a prey to t h e m — s h o u l d keep
himself aloof from them.
494. M e d h a t i t h i has most powerfully expounded this
sort o f s t e r n p o l i t i c a l t h e o r y (ethics). F o r is was a b s o l u t e l y
196 SIX G L O R I O U S E P O C H S O F INDIAN HISTORY
essential for saving the H i n d u s from complete annihilation

at the hands of the M u s l i m s because o f t h e i r s i m p l i c i t y . To
teach them the arch-diplomacy of A r y a Chanakya was his
sole aim. M e d h a t i t h i p l a i n l y says t h a t the A r y a d h a r m a n o
w h e r e decrees t h a t t h e A r y a n s s h o u l d c o n f i n e themselves to
the boundaries o f A r y a v a r t a . O n the c o n t r a r y the, p i t h a n d
m a r r o w o f the religious code o f the H i n d u s , he says, is that
i f the mighty A r y a n kings invade the n o n - A r y a n k i n g d o m s
b e y o n d the A r y a v a r t a a n d conquer them and immediately
spread their A r y a d h a r m a there a n d finally establish their
empire i n those lands, then even those former non-Aryan
lands should thereafter be considered Aryan lands and
i n c o r p o r a t e d i n A r y a v a r t a I^*
495. A t l e a s t some H i n d u states^' o f t h o s e t i m e s f o l l o w e d
these precepts of Medhatithi and like Chanakya's ideal
disciple, Chandragupta, literally crossed the boundaries o f
A r y a v a r t a and waged successful wars against the Muslim
powers. A l t h o u g h to the n o r t h , the frontier H i n d u states
w e r e f o r c e d , n o t t o cross b u t t o d e f e n d t h e i r b o u n d a r i e s , yet
till nearly one hundred and fifty years after the d e a t h o f
Mahmud o f G h a z n i the Southern Hindu states remained
independent and powerful. So the S o u t h I n d i a n H i n d u States
were able to c a r r y o u t the v i c t o r i o u s p o l i t i c a l experiments o f
t h e M a u r y a n e r a as p e r t h e i n j u n c t i o n s o f M e d h a t i t h i . And
that is w h y the K a l i n g a s , the P a n d y a s , the Cheras, Cholas
a n d other H i n d u states sent powerful n a v a l expeditions across
t h e W e s t e r n (often m i s n a m e d t h e A r a b i a n Sea) t h e Southern
and t h e E a s t e r n Seas c a r r y i n g t h e i r v i c t o r i o u s b a n n e r t o t h e
n o n - A r y a n k i n g d o m s r i g h t u p t o t h e A f r i c a n c o a s t o n t h e one
side a n d t h e C h i n e s e o n t h e other*". The astonishing fact is
t h a t while i n the n o r t h M a h m u d of G h a z n i a n d Mohammed
G h o r i were r a v a g i n g a n d p l u n d e r i n g c a p i t a l after c a p i t a l a n d
t e m p l e after t e m p l e o f t h e H i n d u s , a n d t r a m p l i n g d o w n t h e i r
powerful k i n g d o m s , i n the South the colossal temples l i k e
t h e one a t B h u v a n e s h w a r w e r e being erected*'-. Kings like
Rajendra Chola marched w i t h their mighty victorious naval
forces, t h r o u g h B u r m a , P e g u , t h e A n d a m a n s a n d t h e N i c o b a r s
a n d o t h e r a r c h i p e l a g o s i n t h e E a s t e r n Sea**. T h e y v i s i t e d t h e
H i n d u confederate states i n J a v a , I n d o - C h i n a , a n d T h a i l a n d ,
conquered the Lakhadiv and M a l d i v a i s l a n d states i n the
Western Sea, and finally conquering Ceylon hoisted their
i n v i n c i b l e flag o n t h e S o u t h e r n O c e a n * ' .
496. I t is doubtless that o n the strength o f religious
authority of M e d h a t i t h i i l l u m i n e d b y the glorious t r a d i t i o n
o f C h a n a k y a t h e s e v i c t o r i o u s H i n d u n a v a l forces conquered
k i n g d o m a f t e r k i n g d o m b e y o n d t h e g r e a t seas a n d annexed
t h e m to the A r y a n empire. T h i s was a c c o m p l i s h e d not o n the
h o b b y horse o f t i g h t conventions, a n d r i g i d injunctions w h i c h
came i n t o force a c e n t u r y o r t w o before, b u t because o f the
enlightening and guiding commentaries of M e d h a t i t h i .
CHAPTER X
INTERMITTENT HINDU RETALIATION AGAINST

MUSLIM RELIGIOUS AGGRESSION
497. A t t h e e n d o f a n e a r l i e r c h a p t e r we h a d e x p r e s s e d
o u r a s t o n i s h m e n t as t o h o w t h e H i n d u S o c i e t y d i d n o t p e r i s h
C o m p l e t e l y i n s p i t e o f t h e v a r i o u s defects o f c l a s s - d i f f e r e n c e s ,
b a n o n reconversion, misconceptions about virtues and the
like, and h o w i t e s c a p e d w i t h t h e loss o f o n l y some m i l l i o n s ;
of H i n d u s converted. F o r , b e y o n d the frontiers of India
wherever such M u s l i m religious aggression t o o k place, the
n a t i v e s t h e r e were t o t a l l y d e p r i v e d o f t h e i r religions^. The
northern coast o f A f r i c a u p t o S p a i n a n d t h e A s i a n l a n d s u p
to the frontiers of India were totally converted to Islam.
But in India alone their a t t e m p t s were not completely
successful*. A t the time of M u h a m m a d K a s i m ' s i n v a s i o n o f
S i n d h i n the 8 t h c e n t u r y a n d t h e n from the 11th c e n t u r y i.e..
for nearly a thousand years from the marauding expedition
of M a h m u d of G h a z n i a n d o f G h o r i to the complete overthrow
of the M o g h u l [empire b y the Peshwas i n the 18th c e n t u r y ,
t h e M u s l i m i n v a d e r s v i o l e n t l y con-verted l a k h s o f H i n d u s a n d
t r i e d to m u l t i p l y t h e i r numbers. The circumstances in this
land—most adverse for the Hindus—also favoured them.
W h y t h e n d i d the M u s l i m s f a i l to d e s t r o y the H i n d u Society
completely ?
498. The first reason w h i c h can explain this strange
occurrence is the p o l i t i c a l defeat w h i c h the H i n d u s inflicted
o n these M u s l i m s . In the i n i t i a l stages B h i m ' and Rana
Pratap* a n d other R a j p u t princes a n d n e x t the Hindu kings
of Vijayanagar^ h a d rendered the M u s l i m power out of g e a r
and crippled it. L a s t l y the M a r a t h a s dealt i t deadly blows
and fluttered their v i c t o r i o u s banner under the leadership o f
the Peshwar right u p to A t t o c k . T h i s p o l i t i c a l defeat o f the
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 19^
Muslims at t h e h a n d s o f t h e H i n d u s , -which i s w e l l k n o w n t o
a l l , made i t impossible for the M u s l i m s to b r i n g a l l the H i n d u s
under t h e i r green flag.
499. But the other potent reason for this strange-
p h e n o m e n o n is t h a t t h e r e a r o s e f r o m t i m e t o t i m e h e r o i c m e n
and women -warriors who staunchly opposed the armed
religious aggression o f the M u s l i m s w i t h counter-aggression
following the precepts o f M a h a r s h i D e v a l a n d M e d h a t i t h i . It
is this counter-aggression on the religious front by the
H i n d u s t h a t has r e a l l y s a v e d t h e Hindu society from total
extinction. Some s t r a y i n c i d e n t s are c i t e d here to show h o w
the H i n d u s d i d i t .
500. (1) After the Muslims conquered Sindh, the
celebrated B a p p a R a v a l of M e v a d * attacked not only Sindb
b u t the Muslim strongholds beyond that land and annexed
them to his territory. H e even went further. A s the Rassos
(Political biographies) o f the Rajput princes tell us, he
married a Muslim princess^ w h o w a s c a p t u r e d at the final
M u s l i m r o u t a n d k e p t her i n his harem along w i t h his other
queens. H i s offsprings from t h i s M u s l i m c o n v e r t e d princess
w e r e r e s p e c t e d i n t h e s o c i e t y as born i n the family of the
S u n god*. I n respect of this progeny o f the K i n g o f Mevad,
the H i n d u s of that time d i d not always act w i t h foolish
r e l i g i o e i t y o f the M a r a t h a s w h o refused t o accept the s o n of
the v a l i a n t Bajirao Peshwa from his M u s l i m wife, Mastani,
a n d forced the c h i l d b a c k i n t o the M u s l i m society^.
501. (2) R a v a l Chechak o f J a i s a l m i r married the dau
ghter of Sultan H a i b a t k h a n , named S o m a l d e v i and established
h e r h o n o u r a b l y i n h i s Y a d a v race^".
602. (3) W h e n K n n w a r J a g m a l , t h e eldest son o f R a o
M a l l i n a t h R a t h o d of M a r w a d h e r o i c a l l y defeated the M u s l i m
Sultan of Gujarat and annexed i t to h i s o w n d o m a i n , he-
married publicly the daughter o f the S u l t a n , called G i n d o l i
who was renowned for her exceptional beauty, a n d established
h i s o f f s p r i n g s , b o r n o f her, a m o n g s t t h e h i g h r a n k e d J a g i r d a r s
of Marwad and assimilated them amongst the Rajputs
completely!!.
•200 SIX G L O R I O U S E P O C H S O F I N D I A N H I S T O R Y
5 0 3 . (4) Besides a l l these, the H i n d u s here a n d there

seem to have effected bold, prudent counter-strokes to the
t e r r i b l e c a l a m i t y o f the mass conversions of H i n d u s by the
M u s l i m aggressors, a n d f o i l e d t h e i r attempts^*. F o r instance,
B a i m a l , the K i n g o f M a r w a d , captured 600 M u s l i m women,
and after reconverting them to Hinduism married them
p u b l i c l y to several noblemen o f his court.
5 0 4 . (5) Kumbha'rana of Mevad likewise defeated the
M u s l i m s t a k i n g a l l the captured M u s l i m w o m e n to his king
dom. He reconverted them and married them to his
n o b l e m e n as p e r t h e i r wishes^*.
5 0 5 . (6) The celebrated historian of Rajastan, Major
T o d , has n a r r a t e d m a n y more instances o f this t y p e .
5 0 6 . (7) T h e different p o l i t i c a l histories, called Rassos
o f the R a j p u t r o y a l f a m i l i e s , also m e n t i o n m a n y instances o f
this type of conversion and assimilation of Muslim women
into the H i n d u society.
. 5 0 7 . (8) R a j a J a y a s t h i t i o f N e p a l also avenged M u s l i m
religious aggression i n l i k e manner. H e too followed M e d h a t i
thi's p o l i c y of c r u s h i n g the w i c k e d enemy. A b o u t A . D . 1360,
Shamsuddin, the Newab of B e n g a l , attacked N e p a l a n d p l a y e d
havoc there, destroying m a n y H i n d u a n d B u d d h i s t temples,
converting violently hundreds of Hindu and Buddhist
subjects. W h e n this brave H i n d u K i n g came to the throne
he made N e p a l a h o t - b e d for the Muslims, drove them out
completely and avenged the wrongs done t o his subjects.
N o t o n l y d i d he r e b u i l d t h e ruined H i n d u and Buddhist
t e m p l e s b u t he e v e n r e c o n v e r t e d t o H i n d u i s m a l l the unfor
tunate Hindus and B u d d h i s t s who h a d been the v i c t i m s o f
t h e M u s l i m aggression^*,
5 0 8 . (9) I n the h i s t o r i c a l records of the times, like the
Tarikhs^^ one c u r i o u s l y finds t h e M u s l i m w r i t e r s t h e m s e l v e s
c o m p l a i n i n g that, at the least o p p o r t u n i t y , the H i n d u K a f i r s
c o n v e r t e d e v e n t h e M u s l i m women^* t o H i n d u i s m a n d m a r r i e d
them i n the H i n d u c o m m u n i t y . Such events, of which no
t r a c e w h a t e v e r c a n be f o u n d i n o u r Hindu historical books,
a r e a v a i l a b l e o n l y i n the M u s l i m h i s t o r i c a l records.
•5TH G L O R I O U S EPOCH 201
5 0 9 . (10) F o r instance, i n Tarikh-i-Sorathi', its M u s l i m

T^riter says, " E v e n at the troubled times o f M a h m u d Ghazni's
expeditions the K i n g o f A n h i l w a d at the firstl* opportunity
carried away several of the Turkish, Moghul and Afghan
women who lingered behind a n d the H i n d u s m a r r i e d t h e m
•unhesitatingly." He also puts i t on record t h a t 'whenever
possible the H i n d u s carried away M u s l i m women en masse
a n d c o n v e r t e d t h e m t o H i n d u i s m !' H e has a l s o g i v e n some
interesting information on the purification and reconversion
•ceremony o f M u s l i m w o m e n p e r f o r m e d b y the H i n d u s ^ ^
510. H e s a y s , ' w h i l e c o n v e r t i n g t h e M u s l i m w o m e n as a
class, the Hindu priests burned some barley over their
heads*". T h e n t h e y w e r e g i v e n some w a t e r m i x e d with cow-
d u n g (of c o u r s e i^M'M) to d r i n k . T h e n they were considered
fit f o r a l l m u t u a l d e a l i n g s a n d t h e H i n d u s married them as
per t h e i r tastes a n d desires. A t some places, i n the ceremo
n i a l mass conversion o f M u s l i m women these H i n d u s gave
them purgatives a n d v o m i t t i n g drugs, and thereafter distri-
Ijuted them among the various H i n d u c a s t e s a n d classes
•according to their ranks. T h e fairest women f e l l to the lot
of high ranking Hindus. Sardars and noblemen married
those o f decent b i r t h and lineage w h i l e the maids a n d slaves
were w e d d e d to the H i n d u s o f t h e i r respective classes. The
whole p r o g e n y o f these w o m e n was completely merged into
t h o s e r e s p e c t i v e classes o f t h e H i n d u s o c i e t y . "
5 1 1 . (11) When Arundevrai of Ajmer overcame the
M u s l i m s a n d o u s t e d t h e m f r o m h i s l a n d , he p e r f o r m e d a g r e a t
ceremony to purify the l a n d w h i c h was rendered impure by
the M u s l i m c o n t a c t a n d at t h a t h o l y place b u i l t a b i g t e m p l e
•and a l a k e n a m e d ' A n a s a g a r ' * ! . A l l the men and women
who were converted at the t i m e o f the M u s l i m d o m i n a t i o n
were a l l reconverted to H i n d u i s m by merely dipping into
this Anasagar lake, and moreover, i t was g i v e n o u t as a
religious precept that whichever M u s l i m convert bathed in
this l a k e , w i t h due d e c l a r a t i o n of his i n t e n t i o n , a n d a c c o r d
i n g t o some p r o c e d u r e , w a s t o be considered purified and
could enter H i n d u i s m .
202 SIX G L O R I O U S E P O C H S O F I N D I A N HISTORY
6 1 2 . (12) A m a r s i n g Maharaj o f J a i s a l m i r also performed

a similar ceremony and b u i l t a lake called Amarsagar. In
this lake, sanctified by the great ceremony, thousands o f
H i n d u s i n S i n d h , w h o were formerly converted to Islam,
d i p p e d en masse, d e c l a r i n g their intention to enter into
Hinduism and chanted Mantras while they bathed, and the
religious authorities recognised their purification and
reconversion to H i n d u i s m .
6 1 3 . (13) A reference h a s t o be m a d e to Shree Vidya-
ranyaswami who like Maharshi Deval and Medhatithi tried
to check the M u s l i m religious aggression by inspiring the
H i n d u s to retaliate b y bringing forth revolutionary proofs**^
of religious authority a n d sometimes enunciating new religi
ous laws** f o r t h e purpose. Shree V i d y a r a n y a s w a m i had.
accepted not o n l y the supreme leadership (authority) of the
religious institution of Shankaracharya at Shringeri, but
also of the r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n s t i t u t i o n designed to overthrow
the M u s l i m power a n d to establish i n its place a Hindu
empire in order to protect Hinduism**. H e produced not
only religious a u t h o r i t y for the reconversion o f the unfortu
nate H i n d u s leading a miserable life under Islam, but he
himself publicly reconverted the once forcibly converted
Harihar and Bukka ; and when these two great warriors,
defeated the M u s l i m s on several occasions a n d established in
A . D . 1336 t h e H i n d u S t a t e o f V i j a y a n a g a r , he h i m s e l f c r o w n e d
a n d r e c o n v e r t e d H a r i h a r as t h e H i n d u E m p e r o r * ^ .
514. After the overthrow of the Muslim power in
G o m a n t a k this v e r y V i d y a r a n y a M a d h a v a c h a r y a b u i l t at a.
holy place a lake named M a d h a v t e e r t h a n d effected m a s s -
reconversion of the M u s l i m i z e d H i n d u s w i t h ceremonial baths
in it. H e also p r o v i d e d a religious a u t h o r i t y for the future
reconversion and purification.
5 1 5 . (14) Shree Ramanujacharya, his disciples Shree
R a m a n a n d a n d Shree C h a i t a n y a Prabhu*^ of Bengal also
purified hundreds of M u s l i m i z e d H i n d u s w i t h an a d m i n i s t r a
t i o n of the vows of V a i s h n a v i s m .
5 1 6 . (15) I t is w e l l k n o w n t h a t the most daring and.
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 203:
v a l i a n t Shree S h i y a c h h a t r a p a t i who avenged a l l the wrongs

done to the Hindus by establishing a H i n d u independent
state, himself reconverted Bajaji Nimbalkar*'' and Netaji
Palkar** w h o h a d been forced to c o u r t I s l a m .
A COUNTER-AGGRESSION ?
5 1 7 . (16) Towards the end o f h i s carreer, Aurangzeb-

opened, w i t h his huge fourfold a r m y , the most determined
offensive a g a i n s t t h e H i n d u s . B e f o r e he f e l l u p o n t h e M a r a
t h a s he w a n t e d t o c r u s h t h e R a j p u t s . B u t no sooner d i d h e
go a w a y to the S o u t h , the R a j p u t s r e t a l i a t e d w i t h the same
vehemence and v i g o u r and made up for the h u m i l i a t i o n a n d
numerical losses o f the Hindus. The glaring instance o f
J o d h p u r m a y be c i t e d here*®. U n d e r the leadership of the
powerful Maharana Jaswantsingh and the brave Durgadas;
R a t h o d , not o n l y the Masjids erected by Aurangzeb on the
r u i n s o f H i n d u t e m p l e s , b u t a l l o t h e r M a s j i d s a l s o were r a i s e d
to the g r o u n d a n d on their site Hindu temples were built.
T h e J o d h p u r i a n R a j p u t s reconverted not only the M u s l i m i z e d
H i n d u s b u t as m a n y o f t h e Muslims as they could on an
extensive scale. I f the M u s l i m armies went on t h r o w i n g b e e f
into the H i n d u temples a n d wells, the Rathod armies cast,
p o r k ' " i n M a s j i d after M a s j i d a n d p a i d t h e m i n t h e same c o i n .
Hundreds of Muslim women were converted to H i n d u i s m
a n d m a r r i e d to the R a j p u t s or were s i m p l y kept as concubi
nes l i k e t h e H i n d u w o m e n b y t h e M u s l i m s before t h e m . The
w h o l e o f t h e M u s l i m s o c i e t y i n R a j p u t a n a was h o r r o r - s t r i c k e n
t o see t h i s f e r o c i o u s o u t b u r s t of H i n d u rage. Not merely
for the s i n o f e a t i n g a n d d r i n k i n g w i t h the Muslims, but for
h a v i n g cohabited with and married M u s l i m women, and even
k e e p i n g t h e m i n t h e i r houses, H i n d u s w e r e n o longer s o c i a l l y
ostracized. F o r at least t h i r t y to forty years this Hindu
r e t a h a t o r y aggression on the M u s l i m s spread a n d glowed a n d
resounded through t o w n after t o w n a n d village after village
in the H i n d u s t a t e s i n R a j a s t h a n . I t is o f course, needless
to say t h a t w i t h the decline of the power of the brave D u r g a
das R a t h o d , t h i s f e r o c i o u s a p p e a r a n c e o f the H i n d u society
also vanished'!.
REASON ?
518. T h e reason is o n l y this t h a t the a b i d i n g state of

the Hindu m i n d at that time d i d not favour religious
counter-aggression, but social boycott.
T H E INNATE CAPACITY O F T H E HINDUS F O R

REJUVENATION
519. I t is i n t e r e s t i n g to note h o w side b y side w i t h the

repeated a n n i h i l a t i n g aggressions of M a h m u d of G h a n z i and
•Ghori a n d o t h e r M u s l i m s ; a n d s i d e b y s i d e , again, w i t h huge
n u m e r i c a l losses suffered b y the Hindus because of their
morbid misconception of virtues and caste-differences and
the ban on repurification and reconversion, the age-old
native missionary spirit a n d urge o f the Hindu nation also
burst into action elsewhere, acquiring not only political
power b u t a s s i m i l a t i n g newer tribes of thousands of people !
T h e s t o r y o f the c o n v e r s i o n o f t h e A h o m ' * t r i b e in Assam to
H i n d u i s m c a n be c i t e d here as a s a m p l e , n o t i n g at t h e s a m e
t i m e the spread of the Hindu empire in Indo-China and
beyond, referred to already towards the end of the last
•chapter.
520. W h i l e hundreds of H i n d u warships and merchant-
marine were l o r d i n g over the vast seas and oceans—the
Gangasagar (The B a y o f B e n g a l ) , the S i n d h u s a g a r (the B a y o f ^
B o m b a y ) a n d the whole o f the I n d i a n Ocean—right from the
S o u t h e r n e n d o f A f r i c a to the v e r y coast o f C h i n a , i t was
impossible for any H i n d u to have ever thought o f the beg
g a r l y b a n on Sea-Voyage ! T h i s c o n q u e s t o f t h e seas ( b y t h e
Hindus) is also referred to earlier. T h e conversion of the
A h o m t r i b e t o H i n d u i s m i s d e s c r i b e d here as an illustration
of how v i s - a - v i s the vast numerical losses suffered in the
n o r t h because o f t h e d i a b o l i c o n s l a u g h t s o f the M a h m u d of
Ghazni and Ghori, the Hindus went o n w i n n i n g religious
victories a n d assimilating thousands of alien people into the
H i n d u religion.
521. B e y o n d A s s a m , m a n y w i l d tribes lived a nomadie

life f o r generations together, subsisting on marauding and
plunder. A h o m , a b r a n c h o f one o f t h e s e t r i b e s , c a l l e d Shan'*^
began to press h a r d since the 8 t h c e n t u r y A . D . o n the H i n d u
kings of V a r m a n , Salstam and Pal'* dynasties adjoining
Assam. I n the end i n A . D . 1228 K i n g S u k a p h a began to
rule a l l these lands'^. H e w a s t h e first k i n g t o c a l l h i m s e l f
a n d h i s subjects A h o m ' ^ — A j o d — i . e . u n r i v a l l e d ! These new
administrators of the land b o l d l y a n d successfully faced even
the M o g h u l m i g h t " . Sukapha's k i n g d o m was also called
A h o m , and modern Assam, i n the o p i n i o n o f some scholars^
is the c o r r u p t f o r m o f A h o m " .
521-A. T h e m o s t a s t o n i s h i n g f a c t i s t h a t a m o n g these-
v a r i o u s m o u n t a i n t r i b e s , as a m o n g t h e H u n s a n d S a k a s , the
Hindu missions and missionaries then e x i s t i n g there had
p l a n t e d the principles a n d rules o f r e l i g i o u s c o n d u c t , as l a i d
down by Hinduism, so d e e p l y a n d firmly t h a t as s o o n as h e
c o n q u e r e d A s s a m i n A . D - 1554 a n o t h e r A h o m k i n g a l o n g w i t h
many of his tribe accepted Hinduism'*. Gradually that
whole tribe o f thousands of people merged itself into the
H i n d u society. T h a t k i n g changed his original name i n the
S h a n dialect to Jaydhwajsingh*", a name a m o n g the H i n d u
K s h a t r i y a s . A l l the later A h o m kings too took for themselves
H i n d u n a m e s alone*!.
BAN O N CROSSING ATTOCK AND SEA-VOYAGE
522. W h i l e the brave tribes, l i k e the above-mentioned

A h o m , were courting Hinduism even i n its evil days, there
was n o l i k e l i h o o d o f a n y b a n on purification or any caste-
differences t o s t o p t h e m f r o m d o i n g s o . F o r these o n l y m a d e
some new a d d i t i o n to the already e x i s t i n g numerous castes
in the Hindu nation. Some o f their customs a n d manners
w e r e l i m i t e d t o t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r castes b u t a l l o t h e r r i t e s a n d
ceremonies were c o m m o n t o a l l i n s t r i c t c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the
injunctions of the H i n d u Smritis*'. The ban on purification
and reconversion was being enforced more a n d more s t r i c t l y
o n l y towards the n o r t h up to the P u n j a b , s o l e l y because of
the ruthless atrocities o f the M u s l i m s . T h e rest o f the I n d i a n

c o n t i n e n t w a s w h o l l y free f r o m t h e d a n g e r o f M u s l i m d o m i n a
tion. The M u s l i m s had not yet made any further headway.
^Naturally the ban on purification and reconversion had not
so f a r ^ p r e s e n t e d i t s e l f t o t h e m i n a n y u r g e n c y . I t s h o u l d be
t o l d here t h a t t h e b a n o n t h e c r o s s i n g o f t h e A t t o c k , i.e. the
injunction appearing i n the later smritis, declaring it a sin
t o cross t h e I n d u s a n d t o go over into the Muslim lands,
m u s t h a v e been p r o m u l g a t e d b y o u r t r a d i t i o n a l i s t priesthood
w i t h the sole i n t e n t i o n of saving Hinduism. For, it was
impossible that crossing the Indus meant abandoning
H i n d u i s m (the V e d i c c u l t ) a n d b e i n g p o l l u t e d , as it is now
amply proved that even after the ravages of M a h m u d of
G h a z n i , the whole o f the region b e y o n d the I n d u s even up to
t h e M o u n t P a r i y a t r a ( H i n d u k u s h m o u n t a i n s ) was r e c o n q u e r e d
b y the H i n d u s and the H i n d u rule spread up to Khotan.
Even up to t h a t time ' K r u n v a n t o V i s h w a m A r y a m ' was the
m o t t o inscribed on our national flag. 'Traverse the whole
w o r l d for spreading A r y a d h a r m a ' was the supreme unqualified
religious order o f the d a y !
523-4. But it becomes clear from the historical facts
mentioned above t h a t it is o n l y w h e n the Hindu states
b e y o n d the I n d u s were l i q u i d a t e d , thousands of H i n d u s began
t o be v i o l e n t l y c o n v e r t e d to I s l a m b y the d e v i l i s h M u s l i m s ,
who subjected the followers of other religions to harrowing
persecution. The b a n on crossing the A t t o c k must, therefore,
h a v e been e n f o r c e d o w i n g t o t h e h e l p l e s s n e s s caused by the
l a c k of a n y armed s u p p o r t for the H i n d u s i n those regions.
Another proof of this i s the provision i n the (Smrityaite)
smarta order (order-system-laid down by the smritis) for
adding or deleting a c c o r d i n g to the times a n d circumstances
t h e r e l i g i o u s d u t i e s b e n e f i c i a l o r h a r m f u l t o the n a t i o n . The
verse :
' D i f f e r e n t were the religious rites
a n d duties o f the k r i t , D w a p a r a n d
other e p o c h s (ages) ( B u t ) o w i n g t o
the d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f the ages the
duties of men have come t o be

different'
^ ' ^ ^ ^ ^^?:
•expresses t h e i d e a v e r y s u c c i n c t l y .
525. N a t u r a l l y when the H i n d u kingdoms beyond the
I n d u s were lost a n d the H i n d u s a n d P e r s i a n s a n d others were
converted to I s l a m , under unbearable persecution b y the
M u s l i m powers established there, and as such when to go
b e y o n d t h e I n d u s became as h o r r i b l e as t o a b a n d o n o n e ' s o w n
r e l i g i o n , i t must have become absolutely necessary for the
smritis to issue t h e n e w o r d e r o f the d a r k e s t h o u r (adverse
times) that it was s i n f u l f o r a n y H i n d u t o cross t h e I n d u s ,
that the land beyond the Indus s h o u l d be considered a
Muslim land. F r o m this time onwards therefore, the ban on
c r o s s i n g A t t o c k m u s t h a v e been s t r i c t l y e n f o r c e d .
626-528. T h e verse i n B h a v i s h y a Puran** w h i c h describes
the new boundaries of I n d i a , a n d w h i c h I m y s e l f brought to
l i g h t f o r t h e first time**.
'The Aryan nation is b e s t called
Sindhusthan. The l a n d b e y o n d the
Indus is made the land of the
M u s l i m s b y t h a t great soul.'
%H TflcTRT II
must have been appended to the smritis at this t i m e i.e.
after M o h a m m e d G h o r i ' s i n v a s i o n . T h i s t i m e i s a l s o m e n t i o n e d
in that verse itself. T h e then H i n d u Maharaja—great King—
w h o fixed t h i s b o u n d a r y , a n d w h o i s r e f e r r e d t o here by the
p h r a s e ' b y t h a t g r e a t s o u l ' m u s t p r o b a b l y be M a h a r a j a Bhoj*®
o f D h a r a (C 9 9 9 A C - 1054 A C ) the g r e a t e s t a m o n g the H i n d u
rulers o f the t i m e .
208 SIX G L O R I O U S E P O C H S O F INDIAN HISTORY
SMRITIS A N D T H E B A N O N S E A V O Y A G E S
629. Although the Muslim political conquests i n the

n o r t h brought u p o n the H i n d u n a t i o n t h i s miserable c a l a m i t y
of narrowing the northern and north-western boundaries o f
I n d i a , yet it was limited to the north alone. The rest of
India, on this side o f the P u n j a b , the w h o l e o f S i n d h u s t h a n
w a s free t o a s s i m i l a t e n e w e r t r i b e s b e y o n d A s s a m , free to be
the mistress of the e a s t e r n , w e s t e r n a n d s o u t h e r n seas a n d
extend its rule right up to I n d o - C h i n a a n d w i n new victories.
Sinhaldweep (Ceylon) was also a Baby India—a setellite
I n d i a n state ! F o r , the i s l a n d o f C e y l o n h a d a l l a l o n g been
ruled by royal dynasties o f I n d i a n extraction**! T h e same i s
true o f the L a k h a d i v a n d M a l d i v a n d other archipelagos*" i n
the vast ocean u p to the A f r i c a n Coast, w h i c h were under the
a u t h o r i t y o f the H i n d u k i n g s . I t is foolish to t h i n k of any
order b y the S m r i t i s which claimed to follow the V e d i c cult,
b a n n i n g sea-voyage at this time. The greatest conquerors
of a l l the quarters l i k e the E m p e r o r R a j e n d r a C h o l a were
strict followers o f the V e d i c cult, and t o o k for themselves the
title, 'Trisamudreshwar'—ruler of the t h r e e seas—as that
o f " S a m r a t " i n the north.
SEA VOYAGE AND FETTERS
630-533. The verse, fra*^ ^STn'T ^ q^'...cited

above indirectly points to the reason w h y helpless Hindu
l a w givers** o f l a t e r d a y s , l a b o u r i n g u n d e r p o l i t i c a l s l a v e r y ,
were obliged to clamp this b a n on the voyage o f the three
seas i n t h e S o u t h . The reason w h i c h actuated i n the north
the prevention of crossing the Indus into the lands beyond
was no other t h a n the religious persecution of the H i n d u s b y
alien religious fanatics. I n order t h a t the insertion into the
old o r i g i n a l smritis of new precepts a n d bans, calculated to
m e e t t h e c r i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n s a r i s i n g i n f u t u r e , m i g h t be p o s s i b l e ,
a n e w c o n c e p t o f t h e d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f t h e age a n d t h e chapter
o n r u l e s o f c o n d u c t p r e s c r i c e d i n t h e ^fesfsq SRRTJI was cleverly
adopted. It is needless to say that this concept of the
d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f t h e age a n d t h e t h e o r y o f i(iRi<fs4 t h i n g s d i d a c t -
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH
u a l l y affect a d v e r s e l y the i m m u t a b i l i t y o f t h e o l d s m r i t i s . B u t
s u c h a n i n d i r e c t change, i n t h e best i n t e r e s t s o f t h e s o c i e t y ,
w a s u n a v o i d a b l e f o r the r e l i g i o u s l a w - g i v e r s o f the t i m e s , w h o
s o m e t i m e s m o d i f i e d o r e n l a r g e d some o l d p r e c e p t s w h i l e t h e y
i n t r o d u c e d some a l t o g e t h e r n e w ones. The verse, tki^*\
etc., which occurs i n most o f the s m r i t i s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e ,
bears o u t t h i s r e m a r k v e r y c l e a r l y . I t is o n l y i n the smritis
c o m p i l e d o r e d i t e d i n t h i s S m r i t y i t e f a s h i o n after the p e r i o d s
of Maharshi Deval and Acharya Medhatithi that the
u n e q u i v o c a l b a n o n sea v o y a g e , d e n y i n g e v e r y s o r t o f r e d e m p
t i o n f o r one u n d e r t a k i n g sea v o y a g e , a n d m a k i n g i l l e g a l t h e
acceptance o f such a person i n t o his original religion or caste,
seems t o h a v e been e n f o r c e d s t r i c t l y . This period synchroni
zes w i t h the preponderance of Christians, more p a r t i c u l a r l y
the Portuguese, i n o u r W e s t e r n Sea w i t h the Portuguese
persecution and p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n of the thousands of H i n d u s
in G o m a n t a k (Goa) a n d w i t h t h e A r a b occupation of J a v a ,
Sumatra a n d I n d o - C h i n a a n d the wholesale v i o l e n t conver
s i o n o f the H i n d u - B u d d h i s t p o p u l a t i o n o f t h o s e l a n d s . This
w a s t h e p e r i o d w h e n t h e sea-faring H i n d u - B u d d h i s t s t a t e s o f
the greater I n d i a n empire, staunchly supported by the
gallant navies of the Cholas and the Pandyas along with the
whole of Southern I n d i a fell d e v a s t a t e d before the M u s l i m
m i g h t . I t w a s t h e same p e r i o d w h e n the H i n d u s h i p s s t o p p e d
v i s i t i n g those distant states, a n d the H i n d u s lost a l l contact
with them. It was the m o s t m i s e r a b l e , the m o s t w r e t c h e d
p e r i o d i n t h e r e l i g i o u s a n d p o l i t i c a l l i f e o f the H i n d u n a t i o n .
N a t u r a l l y , this must have been the period when the ban o n
sea-faring was strictly and universally clamped on the
Hindus. A n d i t is only i n the latest smritis of this period,
l e t i t be r e m e m b e r e d , t h a t t h e verses a b o u t the b a n on the
c r o s s i n g o f A t t o c k a n d t h a t o n s e a - f a r i n g are to be f o u n d !
534. It is clear from the above-mentioned state o f

t h i n g s t h a t i t is o n l y w h e n every H i n d u rover crossing a n y
of t h e t h r e e I n d i a n seas h a d t o f a l l a prey to the rapacious
M u s l i m o r C h r i s t i a n c r o c o d i l e s , w i t h no H i n d u p o w e r o v e r l o r d
i n g t h e sea a n y l o n g e r t o protect h i m from t h a t tragic fate.
I t was w i t h this noble intention of protecting the H i n d u

society, that their foremost leaders had to issue t h i s b a n —
t h i s o r d e r n o t t o cross t h e seas o n a n y o c c a s i o n .
535. A nation, w h i c h is obliged to suffer a l l s o r t s o f
h u m i l i a t i o n heaped on its natives a n d the adherents o f the
n a t i v e r e l i g i o n (one w h i c h i s o b l i g e d t o see h e l p l e s s l y f o r e i g n
M u s l i m or C h r i s t i a n religions imposed on p a i n of death upon
i t s people a n d which sadly lacks the a r m e d might to w a r d
•off t h i s d i s a s t r o u s s i t u a t i o n , h a s n o o t h e r go t h a n f o r b i d i t s
people, o f course f o r self-preservation alone, from going to
the enemy l a n d s .
SELF-IMPOSITION O F T H E B A N ON CROSSING
ATTOCK OR T H E SEAS
536. The greatest mistake m a d e was that when these

various bans were i n t e r p o l a t e d i n the older S m r i t i s as the
best m e a n s o f s e r v i n g t h e needs o f the p a r t i c u l a r hour, the
s p u r i o u s verses d e a l i n g w i t h these bans were also g i v e n the
same s a n c t i t y , the same a u t h e n t i c i t y a n d the same i n v i o l
ability by stamping t h e m w i t h the o l d authoritative seal of
W ?R7ciJi: ( ' T h i s is t h e o l d t r a d i t i o n ' ) as w a s g i v e n t o t h e
g e n u i n e l y o l d verses. T h a t is w h y even after the p a r t i c u l a r
adverse times, for w h i c h these bans o n crossing A t t o c k or
t h e sea w e r e o r i g i n a l l y designed, had passed off a n d more
favourable times p r e v a i l e d i n as m u c h as w h e n t h e Hindu
military might under the Peshwas and Ranjit Singh was
powerful enough not only to cross A f g h a n i s t a n b u t e v e n
attack Persia, this anti-national b l i n d faith i n those bans,
however, d i d not vanish.. I t was s t i l l b a l k i n g the credulous
H i n d u S o c i e t y , w i t h the fear o f c o m m i t t i n g a s i n i n crossing
Attock*®. T h a t m e a n s e v e n w h e n t h e o n c e b e n e f i c i a l r e l i g i o u s
t r a d i t i o n h a d g r o w n h a r m f u l t o t h e n a t i o n the H i n d u S o c i e t y
was n o t p r e p a r e d to give it up i m m e d i a t e l y for fear o f the
religious injunction. Even when to break that tradition
would have definitely proved greatly advantageous to the
n a t i o n and h o l y from the religious p o i n t o f view, the b l i n d
faith i n the o l d t r a d i t i o n t h a t to b r e a k the o l d c u s t o m was
to c o m m i t a sin was still m a i n t a i n e d . I t is, therefore, the

seal 'J^ SERT^:'. w h i c h the modern writers of Smritis
affixed t o these l a t e r interpolations and w h i c h a c t e d as a
bugbear, t h a t p l a y e d the greatest mischief.
537. T a k e for instance the ban on sea-faring ! Had
these writers o f S m r i t i s of later times specifically m e n t i o n e d
that in o l d ' K r i t yug'our Arya nation was m i g h t y enough
t o cross t h e (seven) seas a n d r u l e o v e r o t h e r i s l a n d s a n d
archipelagos, t h a t even up to the t i m e o f R a j e n d r a C h o l a we
were the l o r d s o f the three seas ((^91^*?%) a n d t h a t as s u c h
c r o s s i n g t h e seas w a s e s s e n t i a l f o r t h e s p r e a d o f o u r r e l i g i o n
and empire and holy; but that as t h e naval power and the
l o r d s h i p o f t h e seas h a d n o w b e e n u n f o r t u n a t e l y lost, cross
ing t h e seas a n d g o i n g i n t o t h e e n e m y l a n d i n a h e l p l e s s
h u m b l e w a y w a s h i g h l y i n j u r i o u s t o o u r n a t i o n , a n d so s i n f u l ;
and t h a t it was, therefore banned till we r e g a i n e d that
l o r d s h i p o f t h e seas. H a d t h e y b u t s a i d so i n so m a n y w o r d s !
51 f raig^'Rr: s h o u l d r e a l l y be c o n s t r u e d as ^Hcl fieig^TO."
'because o f t h e l o s s o f m i g h t ' . T h e b u g - b e a r o f ^^ ^v;:
s h o u l d be t r u l y held up only to t h a t extent. H a d (once
a g a i n we repeat) the writers of S m r i t i s o f t h a t time announ
ced t h i s c l e a r l y , t h e tremendously h a r m f u l consequences o f
t h e s e b a n s o n c r o s s i n g A t t o c k a n d t h e seas, w h i c h t h e n a t i o n
h a d t o suffer , c o u l d h a v e been a v o i d e d t o a l o r g e e x t e n t .
538. B u t because t h e n e w p r e c e p t s about the various
ibans o n c r o s s i n g A t t o c k a n d the seas a n d o t h e r s , w h i c h w e r e
r e a l l y i n t r o d u c e d i n t h e c h a p t e r o n ^fBr^sq t h i n g s b y t h e n e w
r e l i g i o u s l a w - g i v e r s o f l a t e r d a y s , were p u b l i s h e d u n d e r the
name of the o l d w r i t e r s of Smritis, they were t o remain in
force t i l l the end o f t h e qilergiT ( K a l i y u g ) /.e.permanantly.
A l t h o u g h later o n b r e a k i n g these b a n s itself would have
proved advantageous to the H i n d u s a n d although the H i n d u s
had become s t r o n g enough to break them, i t was impossible
that the credulous H i n d u S o c i e t y w o u l d ever have been
p r e p a r e d t o b r e a k t h e m t i l l t h e d o o m s d a y qsi^f^Rr (the e n d o f
•^(§151) because o f t h e specific S m r i t i o r d e r ' t h e s e five s h o u l d
be abandoned in Kaliyuga f^î^^ )^''- A g a i n w h e n d i d
212: SIX G L O R I O U S E P O C H S O F I N D I A N H I S T O R Y
t h e (qifegji) K a l i y u g b e g i n ? How long was i t to last ? A n d

when was i t to end ? A n d after its end, w h e n was the A g e
of T r u t h ( H ? ? ^ ) to commence once a g a i n ? The different
opinionsBi held on these points by many of our religious
law-givers made the confusion worse confounded.
T H E CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS OFFENSIVE

AGAINST T H E HINDUS !
539. In paragraph 399 of this book is mentioned the

a n t i q u i t y o f the first H i n d u contacts w i t h the Christians.
According to the Christian mythology, when i n the first,
c e n t u r y A . D . the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n b e g a n t o be p r e a c h e d i n
S y r i a , the v e r y Jews w h o h a d crucified Jesus of N a z a r e t h began
to persecute these handful o f C h r i s t i a n s . A t that very time
some o f the Christians who k n e w the w a y t o I n d i a , fled i n
groups to seek s h e l t e r w i t h t h e H i n d u K i n g of Malabar^*
Z o m o r i n (the corrupt form of Samudriya). A s a matter o f
fact, t h a t H i n d u K i n g ought not to have unconditionally
a l l o w e d these a l i e n p e o p l e t o l a n d o n h i s sea-coast. B u t being
a f f l i c t e d b y t h e disease o f t h e m o r b i d l y e r r o n e o u s conception
o f v i r t u e s , t h a t H i n d u k i n g offered shelter to those S y r i a n
Christians, and allocated a separate t r a c t for t h e i r h a b i t a
tion. H e even went to the l e n g t h o f offering a copper-plate
(awia) i n s c r i p t i o n ! r e c o g n i z i n g t h e i r e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t ^ ' as a.
separate caste i n the gram-panchayat (town-council). B u t
later o n when these S y r i a n - C h r i s t i a n s came to k n o w t h a t even
i f t h e H i n d u s were f o r c e d merely t o eat o r d r i n k w i t h them
t h e y w o u l d be p o l l u t e d a n d c o u l d b e c o m e Christians, these
ancient S y r i a n Christians made an inauspicious start o f the
spread of Christianity i n India. Whereas during the first
Christian century (1st C e n t u r y A . D . ) n o t a t r a c e of Christi
a n i t y c o u l d be f o u n d i n E n g l a n d i t s e l f , i n I n d i a H i n d u s h a d
a l r e a d y b e g u n t o bo f o r c i b l y b a p t i z e d and made Christians !
(It is w o r t h w h i l e for every H i n d u to r e a d the h i s t o r y o f the
s p r e a d o f C h r i s t i a n i t y i n t h o s e d a y s . M o r e o v e r , i t seems t h a t
the customs and codes o f conduct which were likely to
facilitate the enemy in the work o f p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n were
firmly r o o t e d i n u s as t h e b a s i c r e l i g i o u s c o n d u c t e v e n as f a r
b a c k as t h e first century A . D . B u t we w i l l leave this t o p i c
alone for w a n t o f space at our d i s p o s a l a n d because i t has
l i t t l e b e a r i n g u p o n the subject i n h a n d .
540. H o w e v e r , we s h o u l d l i k e t o refer t o one p r e g n a n t
i n s t a n c e here. O n seeing t h a t a number o f H i n d u people i n
a town used to bathe i n a h o l y l a k e , some o f t h o s e S y r i a n -
C h r i s t i a n missionaries thought t h a t even here, they could t r y
the device of p o l l u t i n g and C h r i s t i a n i z i n g the H i n d u s , who
considered themselves polluted b y merely eating food or
drinking water with the Christians. With this intention
these S y r i a n C h r i s t i a n missionaries stealthily went to b i g
l a k e s w h e r e H i n d u p e o p l e u s e d t o go i n l a r g e n u m b e r s f o r a
bath a n d for carrying d r i n k i n g water home. They bathed there
a l o n g w i t h a l l a n d d r a n k i t s w a t e r . T h e n after some d a y s t h e s e
very missionaries themselves declared loudy in their
congregations^*, "0 y o u H i n d u s ! W e are Christians, the
followers o f Jesus ! W e are not H i n d u s ! W e have been
bathing i n y o u r lakes along w i t h you. After worshipping
our Christian g o d we d r i n k t h e h o l y w a t e r o f t h e C h r i s t i a n
r e l i g i o n a n d h a v e been giving y o u the same w a t e r a l l these
days and y o u drank i t devoutly. A s per y o u r H i n d u religion
whichever H i n d u d r i n k s the Christian water becomes a
C h r i s t i a n f o r life. T h i s i s y o u r r e l i g i o u s i n j u n c t i o n , so y o u
a l l have become Christians. T h a t y o u r other brethren m a y
n o t be d e c e i v e d , w e p i o u s p e o p l e a r e p u b l i s h i n g t h i s t r u t h ! "
This news s p r e a d a m o n g the C h r i s t i a n s a n d the H i n d u s o f
several villages i n no t i m e . There was a great havoc every
w h e r e ! A l l t h o s e H i n d u s b e c a m e i m p u r e a n d so t h e y began
t o be b o y c o t t e d . I n the u s u a l w a y , a l l those villages a n d
t o w n s i n course o f t i m e were s o c i a l l y ostracized a n d became
Christian villages and towns !
541. N o w we s h a l l cite just for fun—but fun that kills
—another i n c i d e n t showing h o w a l l the h u m a n races a t t h a t
time were fanatics i n the extreme.
541-A. The early S y r i a n Christian migrants to India
were also d i v i d e d i n t o d i f f e r e n t sects. They vied w i t h one
a n o t h e r as t o which of them disseminated the Christian

doctrine more t r u l y i n foreign countries. S o t h e sects other
t h a n t h e one w h i c h h a d C h r i s t i a n i z e d H i n d u v i l l a g e s , protes^-
ted against the latter a n d out of malice informed the superior
r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s i n E u r o p e t h a t t h a t sect h a d c o n v e r t e d
the simple a n d foolish Hindus^^ to Christianity b y a b o m i n a b l e
lies a n d deception, a n d collected contributions, b u t h a d never
preached any Christian d o c t r i n e s as such. Therefore, they
pleaded, the number o f the c o n v e r t s s h o u l d n o t be t a k e n
into account, and that they s h o u l d be s t o p p e d f r o m d a m a g
i n g the prestige o f the Christian propagandists. Because
of the incessant protests o f these other Christian sects,
those H i n d u converts to C h r i s t a n i t y h a d for a long time no
l e g a l s t a t u s as C h r i s t i a n s , a l t h o u g h t h e y t h o u g h t themselves
t o be s u c h , a n d t h e i r subscriptions to the C h u r c h were n o t
a c c e p t e d noi" w e r e they allowed entrance i n t o the C h u r c h .
I n the e n d , the k n o t t y p r o b l e m seemed to h a v e been s o l v e d
by way of sumptuous subscriptions. F o r , a f t e r some d a y s a
directive^* was received from E u r o p e t h a t a l l the H i n d u con
v e r t s were n o w t o be c a l l e d C h r i s t i a n s a n d s u b s c r i p t i o n s f r o m
a l l o f t h e m w e r e n e c e s s a r i l y t o be c o l l e c t e d . L a t e r o n a l l t h e
C h r i s t i a n m i s s i o n a r i e s , t o w h a t e v e r sect t h e y b e l o n g e d , dec^
l a r e d i t t o be t h e i r religious d u t y to convert the H i n d u s not
only by h o o k o r b y c r o o k o r b y s l y m e a n s , b u t e v e n b y force
a n d a r m e d force. N a t u r a l l y , the elementary ways o f conver
s i o n l i k e m a k i n g t h e H i n d u s eat o r d r i n k w i t h t h e C h r i s t i a n s
were b e y o n d a l l range of dispute a n d doubt.
542. Thereafter the S y r i a n and other Christians fell
o u t i n t h e i r o w n c o u n t r y , a n d t h e r e w e r e fierce b a t t l e s f o u g h t
a m o n g s t t h e v a r i o u s C h r i s t i a n sects*'. Therefore, for two or
three centuries thereafter the w o r k of the C h r i s t i a n mission
a r i e s i n I n d i a h a d p r a c t i c a l l y s t o p p e d . B u t one t h i n g m u s t be
r e m e m b e r e d i n t h i s c o n t e x t t h a t because t h e r e w a s n o a t t e m p t
whatsoever on the part of the H i n d u s to reconvert the Chris
tianized H i n d u s (Indian Christians) the latter kept on calling
t h e m s e l v e s C h r i s t i a n s a n d ceased t o h a v e a n y r e l a t i o n w h a t
soever w i t h the H i n d u s .
543. In this brief account one great p r o s e l y t i z i n g

movement i n the fifteenth century deserves some slight
reference. That is the rigorous proselytizing movement
carried on b y the Portuguese missionaries after the passing
of G o m a n t a k into the Portuguese hands a n d the opening of
the centres o f C h r i s t i a n p r o p a g a n d a on the M a l a b a r coast.
T h e i r first e n e r g e t i c a n d determined archbishop to convert
the H i n d u s b y means of any horrible atrocities was Saint
X a v i e r , who came t o the land of G o m a n t a k b y about A . D .
1540^*. After moving heaven and earth for the spread of
C h r i s t i a n i t y (of c o u r s e i n h i s h o r r i b l e w a y ) , he w r o t e s e v e r a l
letters to the E m p e r o r o f P o r t u g a l about the obstacles i n
his way of proselytization.
544. I n one o f h i s l e t t e r s to the Portuguese K i n g he
c o m p l a i n s t h a t t h e P o r t u g u e s e officers i n I n d i a , i n s p i t e o f t h e
f a c t t h a t t h e y were Christians themselves, i r r e v e r e n t l y set
at naught his orders i n respect o f the propagation of their
faith. T h e y were e n t i r e l y g i v e n to lustful pleasures and a
l i f e o f l u x u r y , a n d were always on the look out for e v e r y
means to grow rich. M o n e y was their G o d . T o the service
of the true God, to which the missionaries like himself
had dedicated their lives those officers never d i d lend any
helping hand. " T h e s e c o n d n e c e s s i t y f o r t h e C h r i s t i a n s " , he
wrote i n his letter addressed from A m b o i n a (Moluccas) to
D. Joao HI, King of Portugal, on May 16, 1545, " i s t h a t Y o u r
Majesty establish the Holy I n q u i s i t i o n because t h e r e are
m a n y who live according to the Jewish law and according
t o t h e M o h a m e d a n sect, w i t h o u t a n y fear of G o d or shame
of the w o r l d . A n d s i n c e t h e r e are m a n y w h o are s p r e a d a l l
o v e r the fortress there is the need o f the H o l y Inquisition
a n d o f m a n y preachers^®." I n o n e o f h i s l e t t e r s t o t h e S o c i e t y
a t R o m e , he w r o t e , " I f i t were n o t f o r t h e o p p o s i t i o n o f t h e
B r a h m i n s we should have them a l l embracing the religion
of Jesus Christ*"." These B r a h m i n s were alleged to h i n d e r
the progress of the C h r i s t i a n p r o s e l y t i z i n g m o v e m e n t . While
the Christian missionaries went on converting thousands of
H i n d u s to C h r i s t i a n i t y , these ' w i l y ' B r a h m a n s were f o u n d t o
216 SIX G L O R I O U S EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
be s e c r e t l y t a k i n g t h e m a l l t o t h e b a n k s o f t h e M a n d v i r i v e r
a n d bluffed t h e m i n t o b a t h i n g i n the river. After reciting
s o m e verses, i n o r d e r t o w&sh. off a l l s i n s o f b e i n g c o n v e r t e d
t o C h r i s t i a n i t y , they were d e c l a r e d t o be original Hindus.
Thus with these a n d various other blatant lies these
B r a h m a n s were a l l e g e d t o be purifying a number of H i n d u
converts to Christianity. I n spite of a l l attempts, to i n t i m i
date and terrorise these B r a h m a n s , t h e y were said to be
carrying on their activities nonchalantly". X a v i e r complains
t h a t t h e P o r t u g u e s e officers i n I n d i a d i d n o t i n f l i c t o n t h e s e
B r a h m a n s s u c h severe p u n i s h m e n t s as he w o u l d h a v e l i k e d
them to do.
545- T i r e d of t h e s e i n c e s s a n t c o m p l a i n t s o f t h e C h r i s t i a n
missionaries like St. X a v i e r , the Portuguese Emperor issued
stern orders to his Governors and other officers t h a t t h e y
s h o u l d n o t n e g l e c t h e l p i n a n y w a y i n t h e s a c r e d (?) cause o f
the spread of Christianity ; otherwise their whole p r o p e r t y
w o u l d be c o n f i s c a t e d . E v e n then not satisfied, St. Xavier
went on complaining against the Brahmans. H e nevertheless
gloated at the tremendous success h i s p r o s e l y t i z i n g efforts
h a d achieved**. A t the v e r y sight o f a Christian missionary,
H i n d u villages were taken afright and people there were
said to be running away helter-skelter, for, most severe
were the measures t a k e n against those of the Hindus who
d i d not court Christianity. L e t alone the common Hindu
villagers, even the high priests of b i g H i n d u temples, the
heads of H i n d u monasteries a n d the rich i n the cities were
all put into prisons and w e r e s u b j e c t e d t o so m u c h p h y s i c a l
torture that the p r i e s t l y class a t many p l a c e s is s a i d to
h a v e m a d e g o o d t h e i r escape t o p l a c e s o u t s i d e G o a , c a r r y i n g
their sacred idols w i t h t h e m . " W h e n e v e r I hear of any act
of idolatrous w o r s h i p " , wrote S t . Francis Xavier to the
S o c i e t y a t R o m e , i n 1543 A . D . , " I go t o t h e p l a c e w i t h a l a r g e
b a n d of these children, w h o v e r y soon load the d e v i l w i t h a
greater amount of insult and abuse than he has lately
received of honour a n d worship from his parents, r e l a t i o n s
a n d acquaintances. The children run at the idols, upset
them, dash them down, break them to pieces, s p i t o n t h e m ,

trample on them, kick them about and, i n short, heap o n
them every possible outrage*'." H e further wrote to the
same society at Rome from C o c h i n o n the 2 7 t h J a n . , 1545,
" W h e n a l l are b a p t i z e d , I o r d e r a l l t h e t e m p l e s o f t h e i r false
gods to be d e s t r o y e d a n d a l l the idols to be b r o k e n i n t o
pieces**." " T h e cruelties", writes a Goan Historian, J.C.
Barreto Miranda, " w h i c h i n the name o f r e l i g i o n o f peace
a n d love this t r i b u n a l (of I n q u i s i t i o n ) practised i n E u r o p e ,
-were c a r r i e d to even greater excesses in I n d i a Every
word of theirs (of the I n q u i s i t o r s ) was a sentence of death,
a n d at their slightest nod was moved to terror the vast
population spread over the Asiatic regions whose lives
fluctuated in their hands and who, on the most frivolous
pretexts, could have been clapped for all time in the
•deepest d u n g e o n s or strangled or offered as food for the
flames o f t h e pyre**." T h e h a r r o w i n g a t r o c i t i e s * * o f S t . X a v i e r
and his successors on the H i n d u s of his a n d later dates
•cannot be d e s c r i b e d h e r e f o r w a n t o f s p a c e .
546. I n a l l the provinces i n n o r t h I n d i a the H i n d u s i n
•general h a d t o b e a r t h e b r u n t o f t h e M u s l i m r e l i g i o u s perse
c u t i o n o n l y . B u t the H i n d u s to the S o u t h of V i n d h y a d r i r i g h t
u p t o R a m e s h w a r a m h a d t o suffer s u c h h o r r i b l e p e r s e c u t i o n
not only from the five independent Muslim states, then
ruling i n the D e c c a n , b u t also from the even fiercer Portu-
•guese, w h o s e b r u t a l t r e a t m e n t o f t h e H i n d u s i n o r d e r t o f o r c e
t h e m t o s w e a r a l l e g i a n c e te t h e C h r i s t i a n f a i t h , seems t o h a v e .
•no parallel. W h o e v e r wishes t o understand the whole
harrowing story s h o u l d r e a d 'Os Hindus De Goa Repnblica
Portuguesa', b y D r . A n t o n i o Norohna*". Although many
/great a n d s m a l l volumes o f histories** d e s c r i b e t h e h o r r i b l e
religious persecution o f the H i n d u s b y these Portuguese
m i s s i o n a r i e s , before w h i c h the M u s l i m atrocities pale into
insignificance, this book is p a r t i c u l a r l y mentioned because
t h e w r i t e r Dr. Antonio Norohna happened to be a judge of
the Portuguese High Court i n Goa. The Purtuguese happily
i a v e the honest h a b i t o f preserving a l l the f a v o u r a b l e and
218 SIX G L O R I O U S EPOCHS O F INDIAN HISTORY
unfavourable documents regarding their history, right from

the ancient to the modern times and i t is their ancient
t r a d i t i o n t o m a k e a l l these a v a i l a b l e for study to any inter
ested scholar. N a t u r a l l y , he g o t every facility to read a l l
those documents and books thoroughly, completely and
publicly. That this Portuguese judge of the High Court
should write this book after t h o r o u g h l y s t u d y i n g all the
documents, i n c l u d i n g the o r i g i n a l letters of t h e t h e n r u l i n g
Portuguese Emperor, the Portuguese Christan missionaries
at that time i n India, a n d the then Pope o f R o m e , is the
special merit of this book !
547. B e s i d e s t h i s b o o k o f D r . A n t o n i o N o r o h n a , one is
also recommended to read 'The H i s t o r y of Reconversion i n
Gomantak'*® i n M a r a t h i . I t w a s w r i t t e n u n d e r t h e s u p e r v i s i o n
o f the late Shree M a s u r k a r M a h a r a j who reconverted more
than ten thousand H i n d u s formerly made Christian under
great coercion. The present book ' S i s Glorious Epochs' is
not really a history of India, but a critical treatise. So the
detailed account of this Portuguese religious persecution and
f o r c i b l e c o n v e r s i o n o f H i n d u s c a n n o t be g i v e n h e r e a t l e n g t h .
I t is e n o u g h to say t h a t the detailed discussion (which has,
h e r e been r e c o r d e d i n t h e e a r l i e r c h a p t e r s ) o f the thousand-
year-old unprecedented and bitter H i n d u - M u s l i m war since
the i n v a s i o n o f S i n d h b y the Muslims and the suicidal
consequences of the v a r i o u s h a r m f u l a n d anti-national bans
self-imposed b y the H i n d u s on eating, drinking, touching,
intermarrying and especially that on r e p u r i f i c a t i o n and
reconversion o f the p o l l u t e d H i n d u s a n d m a n y other foolish
religious concepts of the H i n d u s of the time, is applicable,
almost w o r d b y w o r d , to the various acrimonious battles o f
the H i n d u s w i t h the Portuguese after their a r r i v a l i n I n d i a
and the C h r i s t i a n missionaries i n general and the Christian
nations also.
548. I t m u s t also be r e m e m b e r e d here t h a t a t t h i s v e r y
t i m e the A r a b a n d the Christian nations established their
rule over the S o u t h Sea (the I n d i a n Ocean). They attacked
our o l d H i n d u - B u d d h i s t states w h i c h had spread far a n d
wide up to Indo-China and deprived millions of H i n d u s of

their religion, causing the H i n d u s , indirectly, to fetter them
selves w i t h t h e n e w shackles o f the ban on sea-voyage™.
This not only worsted the Hindu political and religious
a u t h o r i t y , but caused a great loss t o them of their grand
aspiration, for the n a v a l empire a n d foreign trade. They
lost their whole n a v y a n d n a v a l trade. Not only did the
s h i p - b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y o f the H i n d u s perish but to maintain
such sea-faring n a v a l force itself became s i n f u l . Hindu
religion and H i n d u nation became l i t e r a l l y narrow-minded
because o f its o w n blunders. E v e n if any daring H i n d u tried
to break this shell o f narrow-mindedness on the Eastern,
Western and Southern oceans there was the prohibitive
placard : I %^ <h l l " T h i s was inviolable.
549. Heretofore we have mentioned o n l y some of the
chosen events, v i o l e n t o r n o n - v i o l e n t , regarding the M u s l i m -
Christian two-foid political and religious armed aggression
a g a i n s t t h e H i n d u s , a n d the w a y i n w h i c h chey f a c e d i t ; a n d
even o f the revenge t h a t the H i n d u s also t o o k o f those a t r o
cities a n d h u m i l i a t i o n s d u r i n g this violent thousand-year-old
Hindu-Muslim war. T h e y can easily show according to the
' ^ s f t 3$!]* (judging cooked rice b y testing one cooked
g r a i n only) the e n o r m i t y o f the struggle.
650. T r u l y speaking, while religious leaders l i k e Shan
k a r a c h a r y a V i d y a r a n y a s w a m i , n a t i o n a l heroes l i k e Chhatra-
pati Shivaji, Durgadas Rathod, Maharaja Jaswantsingh of
Jodhpur and saints and sages, like Ramanand, Shree
C h a i t a n y a a n d others gave the lead i n c a r r y i n g on counter-
offensives o n t h e religious front by individual or mass
conversions, the Hindu society as a whole, ought to have
r o c k e d t h e s k i e s b y effecting u n c e a s i n g m a s s conversions of
the Muslim men and women to H i n d u i s m and reconversion
of H i n d u converts who h a d fallen v i c t i m to the violence or
guile of the enemy. T h e y should have t h r o w n to the winds
the o l d t r a d i t i o n a l views and customs. T h e y ought to h a v e
made i t the religion of the day !
550-A. T h e H i n d u s were n o t a v e r s e to i d o l a t o r y . Many
o f t h e H i n d u sects a n d m a n y o f t h e Hindu religious tenets

had been established b y great personalities, and the H i n d u
s o c i e t y as a w h o l e h a d r e c o g n i z e d t h e m a n d a d a p t e d t h e m t o
the f r a m e w o r k o f t h e i r religious code, at least so f a r as t h e y
concerned their followers. I n their own individual capacity
the followers o f those p a r t i c u l a r religious heroes obeyed
t h o s e p a r t i c u l a r codes o f c o n d u c t . B u t the otherwise, h i g h l y
i d o l a t r o u s H i n d u society d i d n o t f o l l o w these new i d o l s — t h e
n e w h e r o e s — w h o effected individual and mass conversions
and reconversions, carried o n equally violent religio-political
counter-offensives. T h e y a v e n g e d t h e h u m i l i a t i o n a n d perse
c u t i o n of the H i n d u w o m e n on the M u s l i m women b y similar
treatment. The national heroes w h o d i d a l l t h i s have all
a l o n g b e e n h i g h l y h o n o u r e d a n d w o r s h i p p e d as i d o l s a m o n g
t h e H i n d u s , y e t t h e w a y t h e y s h o w e d , as the most suitable
for the age, was not a c t i v e l y a n d enthusiastically followed
a f t e r t h e y h a d p a s s e d a w a y . A s s o o n as t h o s e heroes d i e d t h e i r
particular followers relegated to oblivion their practical
lessons o f v i o l e n t o r n o n - v i o l e n t r e l i g i o u s counter-aggression
a n d t h e i r t e a c h i n g i n this respect'^. W h y , while the parti
cular sects o f C h a i t a n y a a n d o t h e r s h a v e b e e n s t i l l a l i v e so
far as the other aspects o f their teachings are concerned
and their eulogistic biographies like the *if^ ^sm have been
written and read most devoutly, not the slightest mention
of the armed revenge these v e r y heroes t o o k a g a i n s t t h e
M u s l i m s is t o be f o u n d in them. Does i t not sound very
strange ? N o r i s a n y h e r o i c b a l l a d seen t o h a v e b e e n c o m p o
sed on t h e i r counter-aggression or o n their mass reconversions
by a n y of the minstrels or bards or 'Charans' o f those d a y s !
T h e H i n d u society i n general felt no urgency o f handing d o w n
to the later generations the anecdotes a n d legends o f those
h e r o i c deeds.
651. FOR DEEP DOWN THE MODERN HINDU
M I N D IS T O L E R A N T , W H I C H , I N T H E V U L G A R , M E A N S
SHAMELESS OR CALLOUS !
THE MODERN-MOST EVENT OF THOSE TIMES
WHICH LENDS T H E STRONGEST HISTORICAL PROOF
5TH' GLORIOUS EPOCH 2211
ANB SUPPORT TO A L L THE STATEMENTS AND

REMARKS HAVE BEEN D I S C U S S E D SO P A R I N T H E
E A R L I E R CHAPTERS OF THIS BOOK.
552. W h a t e v e r instances we have quoted of the Hindu
religious counter-aggressions so far i n t h i s C h a p t e r are o f
course, o n l y exceptions considering the m a n y centuries o f the
H i n d u - M u s l i m epic w a r . T h e y were inadequate attempts to
p a t c h u p the shattered firmament. B u t i t is b e c a u s e some
Hindus performed brave deeds, befitting the valour of the
H i n d u n a t i o n , of r e t a l i a t i o n to the M u s l i m s on the religious
front t h a t the H i n d u side was n o t completely overthrown.
The Muslim enemy always feared t h a t even the H i n d u s also
c o u l d avenge religious persecution on occasions. I f without
losing any time the whole H i n d u society h a d adopted the
same m i l i t a r y strategy o n t h e r e l i g i o u s f r o n t as these e x c e p
t i o n s o f H i n d u heroes d i d i n l a u n c h i n g counter-offensives, n o t
a single M u s l i m could have remained as a Muslim in this
country—at least at that time. T h i s we have often shown
i n earlier chapters of this b o o k .
553. B u t t h e n w h y d i d n ' t a l l the other H i n d u s dare do
so ? W h y were t h e y a f r a i d ? W h y d i d they feel i t to be
against their Hindu religion itself to l a u n c h such a r m e d
counter-offensive against the M u s l i m s ? W h y d i d they come
to consider the v a r i o u s bans on repurification, sea-voyage,
e a t i n g a n d d r i n k i n g a n d o t h e r s as t h e t r u e religious codes of
c o n d u c t f o r t h e H i n d u s ? T h e a n s w e r t o a l l these q u e s t i o n s —
the justification of their conduct—the H i n d u s of those times
offered, w a s t h a t s u c h a n a r m e d r e t a l i a t i o n w o u l d not have
been beneficial to the best interests o f the H i n d u s , nor d i d i t
become the H i n d u c i v i l i t y — H i n d u culture ! They meant to
say t h a t i n those times o f repeated terrific M u s l i m onslaughts
i f the H i n d u kings and society had reconverted their unfor
tunate brethren who were converted to I s l a m , or w o u l d have
launched counter-attacks o n the religious front and again,
as we h a v e s u g g e s t e d , c o n v e r t e d t h e M u s l i m men and women
to H i n d u i s m the M u s l i m s w o u l d have been s t i l l more enraged
a n d a g a i n and a g a i n i n t h e i r fresh attacks they would have
wrecked far more a p p a l l i n g vengeance o n the Hindus. It

w a s t h i s fear, t h e y s a i d , t h a t p r o m p t e d t h e H i n d u s t o a c c e p t ,
as a n e x c e p t i o n a l c o d e o f c o n d u c t suitable for the adverse
circumstances, those v a r i o u s bans a n d the m o r b i d l y p e r v e r t e d
concept of virtues which amounted really to abject
surrender'*.
563-A. So i n order t o refute these a n d other illogical
arguments a n d to support our arguments and opinions and
t h e v a r i o u s references we h a v e m a d e i n the foregoing dis
c o u r s e we s h a l l c i t e a n o t h e r e v e n t which will go t o prove
c o n c l u s i v e l y our inference t h a t the HINDUS HAD THE
A B I L I T Y A N DS T R E N G T H TO L A U N C H ARMED COUN
TER-OFFENSIVES EVEN O N T H E RELIGIOUS FRONT
B U T T H E Y H A D N O T T H E W I L L T O D O SO !
554. T h a t event is the M a r a t h a w a r w i t h the M u s l i m s i n
the South which destroyed T i p u S u l t a n !
CHAPTER X I
TIPU SULTAN, T H E SAVAGE
555. Towards the m i d d l e of the eighteenth century, the

M a r a t h a E m p i r e h a d b e c o m e so e x t e n s i v e a n d so p o w e r f u l as
t o h a v e b r o u g h t a b o u t t h e de facto o v e r t h r o w o f the M o g h u l
Empire at Delhi. The Hindu p o w e r h a d no M u s l i m rival
state to oppose i t effectively throughout the length and
breadth of I n d i a , r i g h t from the H i m a l a y a s to K a n y a k u m a r i .
B u t at this v e r y time, H y d e r - a l l i , a n o r d i n a r y M u s l i m soldier
h a d been g r a d u a l l y r i s i n g to power i n the a r m y o f the H i n d u
S t a t e o f M y s o r e , a n d h a d a l r e a d y become quite indispensable^.
E v e n after the sad experience of centuries together h o w the
v e r y M u s l i m servants i n w h o m the H i n d u K i n g s had placed
c o m p l e t e confidence a n d w h o m t h e y had brought to pros
perity and power, had betrayed those very H i n d u masters
most treacherously* ever since the times of M a h m u d of G h a z n i
and G h o r i , this H i n d u K i n g of Mysore, committed the same
blunder. Because of his u s u a l artless, a n d almost unwise
attitude of e q u a l i t y to a l l religions, which was i m b i b e d
assiduously amongst the Hindus in general. K i n g Chikka
K r i s h n a r a j V o d y a r or more p a r t i c u l a r l y his Chief Minister,
Nanjeraj, entrusted the supreme m i l i t a r y c o m m a n d ' to this
fanatical M u s l i m adventurer, Hyder-alli. The consequences
w e r e i n e v i t a b l e . H y d e r - a l l i set a s i d e C h i k k a K r i s h n a r a j V o d
y a r , w i t h a l i t t l e p e n s i o n a n d usurped the throne of Mysore*.
H e once m a r c h e d a g a i n s t t h e M a r a t h a s a l s o , b u t w a s so s o r e l y
b e a t e n b y t h e m o n t h e b a t t l e - f i e l d t h a t he dared not give i t
a second trial again*. He had also once attacked the
E n g l i s h at M a d r a s successfully. B u t as w e are n o t c o n c e r n e d
here w i t h t h e o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s ' o f h i s , i t w o u l d be sufficient
s i m p l y to a d d t h a t after h i s d e a t h i n 1 7 8 2 ' he w a s s u c c e e d e d
to the throne of the H i n d u State of Mysore by his equally
unscrupulous adventurer o f a son, T i p u S u l t a n !

556. A s s o o n as h e c a m e t o t h e t h r o n e , Tipu wiped out
even the name o f the original Hindu King and proclaimed
himself the S u l t a n o f a M o s l e m state* 1 T i p u was the l a s t
o f the M u s l i m r u l e r s t o e s t a b l i s h a new independent state
and style himself a S u l t a n d u r i n g the m i l l e n n i a l H i n d u -
Muslim war.
557. T r u e t o the u s u a l M u s l i m tradition, Tipu perfor
m e d h i s first d u t y as a S u l t a n o f a n n o u n c i n g publicly i n the
v e r y first s e s s i o n o f h i s c o u r t ( D a r b a r ) t h a t he w o u l d see to
it that all the K a f i r s were m a d e M u s l i m w i l l y nilly®. He
c o m m a n d e d a l l the H i n d u s i n his state to embrace Islam.
H e o r d e r e d h i s v a r i o u s oflScers o f h i g h a n d l o w r a n k s i n e v e r y
c i t y , t o w n a n d village to convert every H i n d u to Islam. If
the H i n d u s d i d not w i l l i n g l y t a k e to I s l a m , t h e y were to be
forced to do so, o r else t h e m e n were t o be s l a u g h t e r e d and
the w o m e n were to be distributed as slaves among the
Muslims!".
558-560. T h i s c a m p a i g n b y T i p u o f p o l l u t i o n a n d prose
l y t i z a t i o n o f t h e H i n d u s w a s so t h o r o u g h and ruthless and
i t was carried to such vast dimensions that there was
universal wailing and a sense of unimaginable horror
t h r o u g h o u t the H i n d u c o m m u n i t y i n the state". Not only
the soldiers i n his a r m y but even the M u l l a - M o u l a v i s i n the
meanest of villages, too, with the Muslim hooligans and
rufBans to help t h e m , began a systematic persecution o f the
Hindus ! A t a later date T i p u i n v a d e d M a l a b a r a n d at the
first s t r o k e c o n v e r t e d ! * a h u n d r e d thousand H i n d u s i n that
one s i n g l e c o a s t a l d i s t r i c t . Then overtaking the Karnatak
he e v e n m a r c h e d o n the Maratha territory!*. Millions of
H i n d u s from D h a r w a r to Travancore were horror-stricken and
h u n d r e d s o f m e n a n d w o m e n f r o m a l l castes a n d sects o f t h e
Hindu society feeling thoroughly incapable of facing this
armed attack of the M u s l i m s preferred d e a t h , by drowning
themselves i n the K r i s h n a a n d the T u n g b h a d r a , to a l l the
indignities and atrocities of M u s l i m v a n d a l i s m . Hundreds of
o t h e r s l e a p t i n t o t h e fire,!* b a t d i d n o t b e c o m e M u s l i m s !
TIPU'S A R R O G A N T P R O C L A M A T I O N !
561. P u f f e d u p b y t h e s p e e d y success o f h i s atrocious
aggressions u p o n the H i n d u s a n d d i a b o l i c a l l y elated at t h e i r
miserable p l i g h t , T i p u once p r o u d l y declared i n his court
that his campaign of mass-conversion of the H i n d u s was
accomplished beyond a l l expectations. O n one occasion he
said fifty thousand H i n d u s i n his K i n g d o m were converted
hardly w i t h i n twenty-four hours ! N o other Muslim Sultan
before h i m , he proudly stated, could have achieved that
stupendous success, but that b y the grace o f A l l a h he h a d
been able t o p e r f o r m that amazing task o f the spread of
Islamic faith a n d the t o t a l a n n i h i l a t i o n o f the Kafirs^* !
562. I n order to carry on this prodigious task Tipu
formed a special division, of his a r m y which surpassed all
other M u s l i m soldiers in enormity and vandalism. He
m a n n e d i t b y the p i c k o f the bitterest enemies o f t h e H i n d u s
and most l o v i n g l y called them his o w n sons. Whoever of
t h o s e l o v i n g sons o f h i s d i d some e x c e p t i o n a l l y b r u t a l a c t o f
r a v a g i n g H i n d u w o m e n , o f f o r c i b l y c o n v e r t i n g H i n d u families,,
o f p l u n d e r a n d a r s o n , []or o f w h o l e s a l e m a s s a c r e w a s r e w a r d
ed w i t h the youngest a n d most beautiful o f the thousands of
H i n d u g i r l s c a p t u r e d f r o m d i f f e r e n t p a r t s o f t h e State^*.
563. T h e whole of the Muslim-world was, no doubt,
overcome w i t h the highest gratitude to T i p u Sultan for his
unprecedented success i n the violent propagation of the
Muslim faith. H e w a s h o n o u r e d as G a z i ^ ' , the hero of the
I s l a m i c faith b y his M u s l i m brethren a l l over. Naturally the
whole o f the Muslim c o m m u n i t y was thus a p a r t y to this
fanatical persecution of the H i n d u s by T i p u . Especially the
whole of the M u s l i m society from K a r n a t a k to Travancore
which had collectively but actively participated i n these
atrocities richly deserved punishment from the Hindu
standpoint.
NOW A T POONA
564. Now on hearing the piteous cries and heart

breaking screams of the persecuted H i n d u s of Mysore, there
arose a Violent surge o f f u r y at P o o n a , the capital of the

M a r a t h a E m p i r e , w h i c h was d u t y - b o u n d to defend H i n d u i s m .
The M a r a t h a diplomats and war-lords decided forthwith to
i n v a d e M y s o r e i n order to crush this new demon o f a S u l t a n
i n the S o u t h . T h e Chief A d m i n i s t r a t o r of the Peshwas, N a n a
Phadnavis" issued an instant order to a l l the a v a i l a b l e
M a r a t h a chieftains to m a r c h on T i p u f r o m a l l sides w i t h huge
•armies.
WAR WITH TIPU
565. Tipu was extremely annoyed to learn that the

M a r a t h a forces w e r e p r o c e e d i n g a g a i n s t h i m . S o before the
m a i n M a r a t h a b a t t a l i o n s c o u l d a r r i v e t o t h e i r rescue, he m a l i
ciously attacked N a r g u n d and K i t t u r ^ * i n q u i c k succession.
T h e s e t w o v e r y s m a l l H i n d u s t a t e s w e r e v e r y close t o M y s o r e
a n d far detached f r o m the M a r a t h a t e r r i t o r y .
566. T i p u hated a l l the H i n d u s , yet more vehemently the
B r a h m i n s who were foremost i n t r y i n g to k i n d l e i n the H i n d u
S o c i e t y a b u r n i n g p r i d e for their r e l i g i o n a n d self-respect. H e
had reached the limit of his b r u t a l i t y i n persecuting the
B r a h m i n s m o r e t h a n a n y o t h e r caste o f t h e H i n d u s . T h e g r e a t
historian, Sardesai, writes, " B r a h m i n s v/ere s i n g l e d o u t for
s p e c i a l i n d i g n i t i e s b y Tipu^®." The rulers of N a r g u n d and
K i t t u r were b o t h B r a h m i n s ' " a n d b o t h of t h e m h a d spitefully*^
declined his demand for immediate surrender. Furiously,
therefore, did Tipu m a r c h first o n N a r g u n d a n d then on
Kittur at t h e h e a d o f a v e r y p o w e r f u l army**. The ruler of
N a r g u n d , B h a v e , fought b r a v e l y to the bitterest e n d b u t for
want of any t i m e l y assistance f r o m P o o n a , his s m a l l a r m y
was easily vanquished*'. T h e moment the city of Nargund
fell, T i p u like a hungry wolf, rushed straight to the ruler's
palace, his M u s l i m a r m y b u r n i n g a n d p l u n d e r i n g the citizens
a n d t h e i r houses. T h e r e he a r r e s t e d t h e r u l e r , Bhave, him
self a n d his v a l i a n t m i n i s t e r , P e t h e , and put heavy fetters
on their hands and feet. They and their relatives, their
families a n d friends were a l l subjected to unbearable torture.
The brutal humiliation T i p u himself inflicted o n the royal
ladies i n the palace a n d caused his followers to perpetrate

e l s e w h e r e i n t h e c i t y is b e y o n d a l l d e s c r i p t i o n ! The young
and f a i r ones o f t h e r o y a l l a d i e s w e r e first p u t t o inhuman
torture and then b r u t a l l y ravished. T i p u locked i n his harem
the exceptionally beautiful y o u n g lady from the r o y a l family
a n d took her to his capital. T h e sight of the inhuman and
disgraceful t r e a t m e n t meted out to her daughters and daugh
t e r s - i n - l a w , nieces a n d grand-daughters b r o k e the h e a r t of
P e t h e ' s g r a n d o l d m o t h e r a n d she d i e d i n s t a n t a n e o u s l y .
567. T i p u ' s a r m y too spared no pains i n torturing and
v i o l a t i n g the H i n d u men a n d w o m e n i n the city of Nargund
a n d plundered to their fullest satisfaction the p a l a t i a l resi
d e n c e s o f t h e w e a l t h y L i n g a y a t s as a l s o e v e r y s i n g l e h o u s e o f
the commonest of H i n d u citizens. P i n a l l y , setting fire to
their houses, Tipu c a r r i e d a w a y t h e select H i n d u m e n a n d
w o m e n as a b j e c t slaves**.
568. T i p u next fell v i o l e n t l y on the other Hindu state
of K i t t u r and stamped i t out of existence i n l i k e manner.
H e himself repeated a n d made his a r m y repeat to the latter
a l l the i n f e r n a l outrages, w h i c h were performed at N a r g u n d ,
•on t h e K i t t u r r u l e r , h i s f a m i l y , a l l t h e m e n a n d w o m e n i n h i s
p a y a n d a l l t h e p e o p l e i n t h e city**.
569. B y this time the m a i n b o d y o f the M a r a t h a a r m y
was a d v a n c i n g r a p i d l y reconquering the regions a n d cities
formerly subjugated by Tipu. S k i p p i n g over the other
details of this campaign on Tipu, w h i c h are not quite
p e r t i n e n t t o t h e t o p i c i n h a n d , we t h i n k i t quite sufficient
to s a y t h a t i n t h e e n d Sardar Patwardhan, Phadke, Behare
H o l k a r , Bhonsale a n d other Maratha chieftains routed the
M u s l i m armies of T i p u on various battle-fields and after
rescuing the whole of Karnatak** pressed h i m back up to
M y s o r e and there encircled h i m into a tight grip ! Snatching
this o p p o r t u n i t y o f T i p u ' s distress, the E n g l i s h at M a d r a s
too marched on h i m . A s the strokes of the M a r a t h a swords
and the thrusts of their spears began to make bloody
incisions on the b a c k of T i p u ' s religious fanaticism, the d e v i l
i n h i m began to relent a n d his haughtiness began to temper
down. T i p u grew despondent.
AND THEN TIPU FELL A T T H E FEET OF

HINDU GODS
570. Whether to appease the M a r a t h a s or to w i n b a c k

the m i l l i o n s o f H i n d u s groaning sorely under the y o k e o f h i s
religious persecution, T i p u a l l of a sudden began to make
munificent grants to Hindu temples*'. H e even had new
idols ceremoniously installed*' i n the b i g temples formerly
smashed to pieces b y his o w n M u s l i m h i r e l i n g s . H e requested
the H i n d u Brahmins** to p r a y to t h e i r gods i n various H i n d u
temples that he might get success i n this war with the
Marathas. I n order to please t h e v e r y B r a h m i n s w h o m he
hated most bitterly and tortured m e r c i l e s s l y he now paid
t h e m large sums of money'". He had ceremonial prayers
made. H e himself paid great homage to Shree Shankara-
c h a r y a ' ! (of S h r i n g e r i ) t o a v e r t t h e i m m i n e n t c a l a m i t y , a s k e d
for his blessings, w h i c h the great m a n r e a d i l y gave'*. Tipu
not only attended the Chariot-festival of certain H i n d u gods
a t K a n c h i , b u t he h i m s e l f w a l k e d i n t h e f e s t i v e procession.
W i t h h i s o w n h a n d s he i g n i t e d the fire-works" to heighten
the festive s p i r i t of the occasion.
DEMONS WORSHIP GODS
571. I t is s a i d t h a t e v e n d e v i l s s t a r t w o r s h i p p i n g t h o s e
gods who have the weapons p o w e r f u l enough to destroy the
enemy.
But neither G o d nor D e v i l came to save the w i c k e d
Tipu from that calamity and at last after two or three
expeditions t h e M a r a t h a s a n d t h e E n g l i s h forces subjuga
ted the whole of his kingdom. Tipu himself was killed
i n 1799, a n d h i s d o m i n i o n s w e r e d i v i d e d . The small portion
formerly belonging to the H i n d u K i n g of Travancore was
returned to him and the original royal family of the
V o d y a r s was r e i n s t a l l e d at M y s o r e . Some o f the r e m a i n i n g
t e r r i t o r y was t a k e n over b y the E n g l i s h , w h i l e the large t r a c t
from K a r n a t a k to the T u n g b h a d r a r i v e r was annexed b y t h e
Marathas to their empire. A l l the Hindu states, w h i c h he

had vowed to wipe out at the time of his accession t o the
throne, began once again to rule peacefully i n their own
places. If any one was t o t a l l y r u i n e d , i t was T i p u h i m s e l f
w i t h a l l his M u s l i m territory.
HINDUS' SUCCESS
572. Thus the violent religious aggression under Tipu's

leadership, w h i c h the M u s l i m s i n S o u t h I n d i a h a d launched
a n d p e r p e t r a t e d w i t h a crescendo against t h e H i n d u s d u r i n g
the two d e c a d e s o r so i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g t h e y e a r A . D .
1790 w a s h e r o i c a l l y a n d s u c c e s s f u l l y p u t d o w n b y t h e H i n d u s
p o l i t i c a l l y as w e l l as o n t h e b a t t l e - f i e l d .
MUSLIMS GAIN
673. M a r a t h a warriors, c l a i m i n g to defend H i n d u reli

g i o n , s m a s h e d t h e M u s l i m m i l i t a r y a n d p o l i t i c a l m i g h t as h a s
been already described. But they d i d not simultaneously
deal a n y counter-blow to their religious front i n order to
repulse and avenge t h e i r a l l - o u t a t t e m p t to d i s r u p t H i n d u i s m ,
their mass-conversions of H i n d u s , their most heinous attacks
upon the chastity of thousands of H i n d u women. They d i d
n o t severely p e n a l i z e the p e r p e t r a t o r s o f these crimes. No,
they d i d not do a n y t h i n g o f the k i n d to a t t a c k the M u s l i m
religion i n return !
THE RESULT
674-676. T h e i n e v i t a b l e consequence was t h a t the t w o or

three hundred thousand forcibly converted H i n d u men and
women a n d c h i l d r e n remained groaning w i t h agony i n the c l u t
ches o f t h e M u s l i m c o m m u n i t y i n S o u t h I n d i a . A l t h o u g h T i p u ' s
p o l i t i c a l power perished completely under the heavy counter
blows o f the c o m b i n e d M a r a t h a - E n g l i s h swords a n d spears,
the religious d o m i n a t i o n he forced o n the m i l l i o n s o f H i n d u s
g r e w ever stronger a n d stronger i n the absence o f a n y counter-
offensive. T h e future generations of these converted H i n d u s ,
i n t h e absence o f a n y i m m e d i a t e r e c o n v e r s i o n , w e n t o n a d d i n g
r a p i d l y to the numerical strength of the enemy of Hinduism

by at least one a n d a h a l f t i m e s o r t w i c e as m u c h . Being
brought up from birth under the I s l a m i c influence, this
future progeny of the H i n d u converts became the inveterate
e n e m i e s o f t h e H i n d u s a n d i n s t e a d o f d e s i r i n g t o come b a c k t o
H i n d u i s m t h e y c h e r i s h e d , l i k e t h e -wolf i n t h e ' A e s o p ' s f a b l e s ' ,
the fiendish a m b i t i o n o f c o n v e r t i n g t h e rest o f t h e H i n d u s to
islam. T h e y considered i t their most sacred d u t y !
576. I f the M a r a t h a s h a d so r e t a l i a t e d , a l l t h o s e two
or three hundred thousand H i n d u men a n d women recently
c o n v e r t e d , d u r i n g t h o s e f o u r o r five y e a r s o f the war with
T i p u , would have, i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , courted H i n d u i s m m o s t
w i l l i n g l y , because o f t h e love they bore for their original
families a n d relatives a n d because o f the pangs o f s e p a r a t i o n
t h a t t h e y suffered. Their devotion to and fascination for
their recently lost r e l i g i o n , t h e i r love a n d affection for t h e i r
separated H i n d u fathers a n d mothers, sons and daughters,
relatives and friends must h a v e a t t h a t t i m e been so a c u t e
a n d fresh as t o c a u s e t h e m m a n y a h e a r t - a c h e and to m a k e
them shed m a n y a n agonized tear at their slightest mention
and recollection.
577. H o w v e r y s i m p l e i t w o u l d have been, at t h a t time,
to reconvert a l l those luckless two or three hundred thousand
H i n d u brethren a n d absorb them a l l i n the H i n d u society !
578. A f t e r T i p u ' s defeat, t h e v i c t o r i o u s M a r a t h a a r m i e s
of Sardar P a t w a r d h a n , H o l k a r , B a s t e and other great chief
t a i n s were r e t u r n i n g t r i u m p h a n t l y t o M a h a r a s h t r a f r o m t h e i r
respective fronts and by different routes. Their multiple
infantry, c a v a l r y and a r t i l l e r y brigades were g a i l y fluttering
their saffron-coloured banners and rending the skies with
their war-cry 'Har H a r M a h a d e v !' And in those very
districts, towns a n d cities of M y s o r e , K a r n a t a k and Mahara
shtra t h r o u g h w h i c h these w a r r i o r s p a r a d e d t h e i r v i c t o r i o u s
e x u l t a t i o n , l a y r o t t i n g a n d s l a v i n g i n v a r i o u s M u s l i m houses',
the thousands of abducted H i n d u women w h i l e men equally
l a r g e i n n u m b e r s , were l e a d i n g a m i s e r a b l e l i f e o f s h a m e a n d
remorse for their forced conversion t o Islam. The exultant
w a r cries of ' H a r H a r M a h a d e v ' o f these H i n d u w a r r i o r s ,

following closely the g l a d news o f v i c t o r y a n d the d o w n f a l l
of the M u s l i m state o f Mysore, must have informed t h e m of
the triumphal march of the M a r a t h a conquering armies
through their own towns, villages and cities. H o w eagerly
these unfortunate H i n d u c o n v e r t s — a n d especially the w o m e n
—must have hastened to crowd the windows, doors, fissures
and small openings o f t h o s e M u s l i m p r i s o n - l i k e houses a n d
c o t t a g e s t o h a v e a t l e a s t a fleeting g l i m p s e o f t h o s e martial
processions ! A n d h o w k e e n l y must their sorely afflicted
hearts have felt the happy yet acutely painful pangs of
intense expectation of imminent deliverance from those
Satanic M u s l i m dungeons and confines ! " A t l a s t — a t long
l a s t — t h e y h a v e come ! " t h e y m i g h t h a v e s a i d t o t h e m s e l v e s ,
"Our/my-Hindu brothers have come t r a m p l i n g d o w n the
wicked hearts o f the M u s l i m t y r a n t s to d e l i v e r us f r o m t h e i r
abject servitude !" O n occasions some o f t h e m m i g h t have
v e r y p r o b a b l y seen t h e i r o w n f a t h e r s o r b r o t h e r s o r h u s b a n d s
or relatives or at least some neighbours proudly strutting
t h r o u g h the streets i n their t r i u m p h a l marches !
T H E L A C K O F WILL
579. O n such occasions i f o n l y these p r o u d l y m a r c h i n g

m i l i t a r y detachments of H i n d u warriors had simply willed
it, they could h a v e , i n n o t i m e , set free t h o s e t h o u s a n d s o f
m i s e r a b l e H i n d u m e n a n d w o m e n r o t t i n g i n M u s l i m bondages
They c o u l d h a v e s i m p l y gone o n d o i n g i t j u s t as t h e y p a s s e d
a l o n g the streets ! So simple the whole t h i n g really was.
But...!
580. F o r , at t h a t time the M u s l i m s , neither i n d i v i d u a l l y
nor collectively h a d a n y c o u r a g e o r s t r e n g t h left i n t h e m t o
oppose the t r i u m p h a n t H i n d u a r m y . A t the approach of the
M a r a t h a s o l d i e r y , the M u l l a - M o u l a v i s a n d the rogues, k n a v e s
a n d b r i g a n d s were at great pains to h i d e t h e i r faces into
whichever nook or ditch they could find i n order to save
their lives.
580-A. I f only one gay blast from the M a r a t h a bugle
L a d rung out and reverberated through every t o w n and

every village assuring the people i n some such manner !
" C o m e , 0 y o u , H i n d u mothers a n d sisters, come ! Y o u , w h o
have been wickedly p o l l u t e d a n d forced to do a l l sorts o f
menial and dirty w r e t c h e d w o r k i n the Muslim household,
come out, come u n d e r o u r protection ! We, your foster-
b r o t h e r s , h a v e c o m e t o y o u r d o o r s i n o r d e r t o rescue y o u a n d
take you to y o u r respective families. Whichever Muslim
comes t o o b s t r u c t y o u , d i e s i n s t a n t l y ! M a y t h a t M u s l i m be
then a m a n or a w o m a n , of high r a n k or low ! S i m i l a r l y , O
y o u helplessly c o n v e r t e d H i n d u b r e t h r e n come, j o i n us when
and where you can ; join our conquering brigades ! The
moment y o u gather under this Saffron-coloured H i n d u banner,
y o u w i l l have every sort o f p r o t e c t i o n . "
580-B. I f only such a reassuring blast was h e a r d a n d
echoed t h r o u g h towns a n d villages, thousands u p o n thousands
of those ill-fated H i n d u converts, men and women, mothers
a n d sisters, w o u l d a l l have rushed most willingly and of
their o w n a c c o r d to j o i n those M a r a t h a warriors. A n d they
a l l could have been m o s t easily purified a n d reconverted to
Hinduism and the | M u s l i m religious v i c t o r y under T i p u ' s
leadership w o u l d h a v e been t o t a l l y nullified.
B U T ALAS ! N O B O D Y E V E R T H O U G H T O F THIS !
581. Neither those Maratha warriors, nor their

commanders, nor the Sardars and Chieftains, n o r the
Shankaracharyas, n a y not even the P e s h w a at Poona, nor
the C h h a t r a p a t i s o f S a t a r a a n d K o l h a p u r — a l a s ! n o t a single
H i n d u soul ever d r e a m t o f this simple w a y of reconversion
of those ill-starred Hindus ! Nobody of them ever felt
a s h a m e d o f m a r c h i n g s t r a i g h t a h e a d w i t h o u t c a s t i n g so m u c h
as a sympathetic glance at the thousands of the b r u t a l l y
ravaged H i n d u mothers and sisters ! Their martial drums
a n d pipes p r o c l a i m e d to the w o r l d their m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l
victory I The M a r a t h a companies a n d battalions proudly
paraded through the villages, towns and cities s u p r e m e l y
unconcerned about the two or three hundred thousand of
•5TH G L O R I O U S EPOCH 233
their miserable H i n d u brethren i n M u s l i m bondage. No,

no ! n o t a single miserable s o u l was at t h a t t i m e reconverted
to Hinduism!
582. T h e n a t u r a l consequence o f i t a l l w a s t h a t those
thousands of our brutally converted H i n d u mothers and
sisters a n x i o u s l y w a i t i n g for the v i c t o r i o u s H i n d u armies to
•set t h e m free from those hellish tortures and death-like
h u m i l i a t i o n i n the M u s l i m p r i s o n - l i k e homes m u s t h a v e most
probably turned away from the doors and windows i n utter
•despair ! T o see n o n e o f t h e s o l d i e r s e v e r c a r i n g t o r e c o g n i z e
a n d p i t y them—let alone to rescue and reconvert them-^
must have rent their hearts i n two ! T h e y must have resigned
themselves helplessly to the M u s l i m bondage a n d rotted till
•death b r i n g i n g f o r t h M u s l i m offsprings ! W h a t w o n d e r i f t h e y
j n i g h t h a v e b o r n e t h e b i t t e r e s t g r u d g e a g a i n s t these u n a v a i l
i n g H i n d u brethren !
583. O n the other hand, the M u l l a - M o u l a v i s a n d the
M u s l i m hooligans a n d rogues who had so f a r disappeared
" u n d e r g r o u n d f o r f e a r o f d e a t h v e r y s o o n came t o k n o w t h a t
.neither those v i c t o r i o u s armies, nor t h e i r chiefs, nor even
the rulers a n d a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f H i n d u states were g o i n g t o
p u n i s h them individually or collectively for a l l the wrongs
t h e y had perpetrated against the H i n d u s . B e i n g thus assured
-of s a f e t y t h e y c a m e o u t boldly a n d began to move about
freely and enjoy, as their legal right, the abducted H i n d u
w o m e n a n d t h e p l u n d e r e d H i n d u p r o p e r t y as t h e i r o w n . It
-also might have happened that many Hindus had the
m i s f o r t u n e t o w i t n e s s m e e k l y w i t h t h e i r o w n eyes t h e i r own
daughters and nieces a n d d a u g h t e r s - i n - l a w s l a v i n g as w i v e s
or m a i d s i n M u s l i m houses i n t h e i r o w n v i l l a g e s and towns.
iBut strangely enough neither the H i n d u population there
•nor t h e H i n d u a d m i n i s t r a t o r s n o r a g a i n the officers a t those
-places ever t h o u g h t o f freeing a n y o f those luckless ladies !
H a r d l y any such instance is recorded i n history. For, the
Eindus h a d c u l t i v a t e d a shameless religious conceit for over
- c e n t u r i e s t o g e t h e r t o suffer a l l t h e h e a r t - r e n d i n g humiliation
w i t h o u t a p r i c k o f conscience. N o b o d y as a r u l e i s a s h a m e d
234 SIX G L O R I O U S E P O C H S O F INDIAN HISTORY^
of a thing which is not considered blameworthy b y the-

society. Because of the one b a n on reconversion w h a t was:
t h i s s h a m e l e s s p e r v e r s i o n o f i d e a s a n d e m o t i o n s t o w h i c h the-
H i n d u society h a d brought i t s e l f !
A HEAP OF CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTARY

EVIDENCE
584. Abundant information in all details is now-
available about this war with Tipu. Histories written i n
E n g l i s h b y M a r s h m a n a n d others, those i n M a r a t h i by Rao
Bahadur Sardesai and the c o n t e m p o r a r y c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f
the then English diplomats, administrators and political'
agents and ambassadors have been published. Research,
scholars like Rajwade, Parasmis and K h a r e have brought to
light heaps of letters b y the Chiefs o f the M a r a t h a States,
t h e i r s u b o r d i n a t e officers a n d ambassadors and agents, of"
merchants a n d men o f rank i n the society, o f various people
i n political, religious a n d social walks of life. A clear picture
paints itself o f the d a i l y r o u t i n e life of t h e H i n d u S o c i e t y of
the time, its habits and customs, its codes of religious,
political and social conduct, its ethics and philosophy, i f
o n e cares t o r e a d t h e d i s p a t c h e s o f t h e g r e a t p e r s o n a l i t i e s o f
the times like H a r i p a n t P h a d k e to N a n a P h a d n a v i s at P o o n a
about his association w i t h L o r d Cornwallis, at the b a t t l e of
Shreerangpattam against Tipu, those about his high level-
discourses on war-moves a n d treaties, down to the letters^
describing the raids o f robbers, a n d pilgrimages o f d e v o u t
p i l g r i m s , letters o f travels a n d those g i v i n g m a r k e t rates a n d
also those of Shankaracharya complaining about the^
ransacking of his ' A s h r a m ' !
585. B u t n o e v i d e n c e c a n be g e n e r a l l y f o u n d i n a l l t h i s ,
heap of documents to show i f anyone was y e a r n i n g to avenge
the M u s l i m atrocities and their religious v i c t o r y over the'
Hindus. N o H i n d u commander nor a small troop of soldiers,,
nor even a group of men is ever r e p o r t e d to h a v e d r a w n ,
s w o r d s t o rescue t h e converted H i n d u women and to cut.
down the Muslim miscreants. N o o n e i s r e p o r t e d t o have?
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 23a
felt a n y shame at the humiliation o f these unfortunate
•women a n d at the Hindu failure to rescue them. These
hundreds a n d hundreds o f letters show a lamentable w a n t o f
realization—not to speak of any anxiety about i t — o n the
p a r t o f t h e H i n d u s o c i e t y , t h a t d a y b y d a y t h e y were losing,
territory and power so f a r as t h e i r r e l i g i o n w a s c o n c e r n e d .
Howsoever strange a n d sad i t m i g h t appear the fact cannot
be gainsaid. Not a word seems to have been breathed or
r e c o r d e d a b o u t t h e r e t a l i a t i o n o f the Muslim atrocities—let
alone its actual execution !
586. W e m a y set a s i d e t h e w h o l e h e a p o f c o n t e m p o r a r y
documents but we cannot help referring to one letter o f
Haripant Phadke i n particular. T h e said letter'* was w r i t t e n
to Nana Phadnavis informing h i m o f t h e t w o sons o f T i p u ,
t a k e n as h o s t a g e s b y t h e M a r a t h a s a n d t h e E n g l i s h t o e n s u r e
the prompt execution o f the terms of the treaty, w h i c h was
s i g n e d b y T i p u after his defeat. Writes Haripant Phadke,
perhaps casually, to show how they h a d brought T i p u to s u c h
a miserably low condition,—
586-A. "Lord C o r n w a l l i s s e n t t h e t w o sons o f T i p u to
m e . W h e n I s a w t h e m t h e y p l e a d e d t h e y were h u n g r y . I sent
them to a neighbouring tent a n d ordered that they should
be w e l l f e d . T h e n a f t e r s o m e t i m e t h e y w e r e r e t u r n e d to the
E n g l i s h camp of L o r d Cornwallis !"
586- B . T h e i n c i d e n t referred to i n this letter and the
one w e a r e s h o r t l y g o i n g t o q u o t e h e r e w i t h reference t o t h e
B a t t l e o f K h a r d a h o l d as i t were to a searching analysis
under the X-ray the perverted sense o f v i r t u e s w h i c h h a d
permeated, through centuries, to the m a r r o w o f the Hindu
society, rendering i t s l o v e n l y a n d i n b e c i l e a n d i n s e n s i b l e to.
a l l sorts o f shameful h u m i l i a t i o n .
5 8 7 -5 8 8 . H a r i p a n t Phadke's genial treatment of T i p u ' s
t w o s o n s r e m i n d s us o f a n o t h e r i n c i d e n t w h i c h by contrast
w i l l g i v e us a p r a c t i c a l i l l u s t r a t i o n o f o u r d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e
p e r v e r t e d H i n d u sense o f v i r t u e s i n p a r a g r a p h s 4 0 5 t o 4 7 1 .
588-A . I n t h e first o r t h e s e c o n d d e c a d e o f the seven
teenth century the tenth G u r u of our H i n d u - S i k h s , D h a r m v e e r
236 SfX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
Shree G o v i n d s i n g found i t impossible to continue the war

w i t h the Moghuls. H e was at last besieged i n the fort o f
• C h a m k a u r ' * a l o n g w i t h h i s sons. O v e r c o m e w i t h terror, some
of his sworn disciples from the Sikh a r m y conspired to
desert their G u r u j i , renounce t h e i r S i k h r e l i g i o n a n d left the
fort secretly. T w o e l d e r sons o f t h e Guruji were killed
before h i s eyes i n the battle. A t l a s t i n t h e face o f s u c h
grave danger the G u r u j i advised a l l to leave battle and run
f o r life w h e r e v e r t h e y c o u l d . F i n d i n g a suitable opportunity
he m a d e g o o d h i s o w n e s c a p e . B u t i n t h a t confusion t w o o f
his sons, o f a t e n d e r age o f 12 o r b e l o w , m i s s e d t h e w a y a n d
fell i n t o the M u s l i m hands'*. H o w d i d the Muslims treat
them according to T H E I R O W N R E L I G I O U S C O D E ?
589. T h e L e t t e r o f H a r i p a n t P h a d k e referred to above
shows h o w k i n d l y a n d s y m p a t h e t i c a l l y , a c c o r d i n g to T H E I R
'OWN RELIGIOUS CODE, the M a r a t h a s treated the two
sons o f T i p u w h e n t h e y c a m e i n t o t h e i r h a n d s .
590. O n t h e c o n t r a r y , as s o o n as t h e b r a v e c u b s o f G u r u
Govindsing fell into the Muslim hands they were taken
straight to their war council a n d asked " A r e y o u w i l l i n g to
be M u s l i m s ? I f so, y o u w i l l be g i v e n y o u r l i f e a n d e v e r y t h i n g
y o u want. Otherwise nothing !" The children answerd : " W e
w o n ' t be M u s l i m s e v e n i f o u r l i f e i s n o t s p a r e d " ! " I m m e d i
ately the diabolic M u s l i m justice decreed t h a t the two s m a l l
children be f o r t h w i t h b u i l t alive in a brickwall! While
t h e y w e r e t h u s b e i n g b u i l t i n t h e y w e r e a s k e d , as e a c h b r i c k
was p l a c e d on the w a l l , " D o y o u become M u s l i m s ? " The
two brave H i n d u cubs would reply again and again "No
w e w o n ' t be M u s l i m s ! " T h e l a s t b r i c k w a s l a i d o n t h e h e a d s
•of b o t h the y o u n g m a r t y r s and they ceased to breathe !
E v e n t o d a y i f a t r u e H i n d u e n t e r s t h e v i c i n i t y o f t h a t scene
•of m a r t y r d o m he w i l l v e r y l i k e l y hear the words reverbera
ting the whole atmosphere there : ''I won't become a
M u s l i m : n a y , n o t at a l l ! I am a H i n d u , I am a S i k h ! I
bravely court d e a t h " !"
591. Supposing t h a t by a n adverse t u r n o f events t w o
•children o f our Peshwas were to fall i n the hands o f T i p u
6TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 23T
or any other Muslim ruler—what then ? H e would not

have f e d , as t h e H i n d u - h e a r t e d H a r i p a n t P h a d k e d i d , the
two t e n d e r - a g e d c h i l d r e n a n d r e t u r n e d t h e m t o t h e P e s h w a !'
Such a behaviour would have been considered sacrilegious
and c o w a r d l y a c c o r d i n g to the M u s l i m religious belief; they
w o u l d most p r o b a b l y have been built up a a l i v e in brick-
walls o r else w o u l d have been crushed under an elephant's
foot. The Hindus, on the other hand, would not have
avenged such brutality with any hyper-brutal retaliation,,
e v e n i f t h e y h a d h a d t h e s t r e n g t h a n d o p p o r t u n i t y t o d o so.
For, the v i r u s o f the perverted sense o f v i r t u e s h a d b e e n
flowing through their arteries and veins for centuries,
together.
592. I t s h o u l d be m a d e c l e a r a t t h i s v e r y s t a g e t h a t t h e
ethics of war which demanded that a charioteer must fight
w i t h another charioteer only, the sword should meet another
sword alone, that the armed warrior ought n o t to fight
w i t h an u n a r m e d one, t i l l he has been armed equally, that
a f a l l e n , senseless w a r r i o r w a s n e v e r t o be a t t a c k e d t i l l h e h a d
r e g a i n e d c o n s c i o u s n e s s e t c . etc'*, was perhaps quite s u i t a b l e
for the ancient t i m e s before Mahabharat. F o r both the
contending parties obeyed the same set o f rules : b o t h
w o r s h i p p e d the same ethics of w a r . T h e P a n d a w a s themselves
had violated*", at the instance of L o r d Krishna, many of
these chivalrous rules of war ! B u t the H i n d u s o f these
m i d d l e ages f o r g o t t h e l e s s o n t a u g h t b y t h e B h a g w a t G e e t a ,
of g i v i n g due consideration to the time, place a n d person o r
persons concerned while o b e y i n g these r u l e s o f w a r . They
on their own p a r t kept on fighting the diabolic Muslim ways
of war w i t h the same old—originally sane a n d c i v i l i z e d b u t
n o w o u t m o d e d a n d so h i g h l j ' s u i c i d a l — t a c t i c s i n w a r .
592-A. B e s i d e s t h i s i n c i d e n t o f T i p u ' s t\Hi s o n s , we
s h o u l d l i k e to cite a n o t h e r — e q u a l l y shameful for the M a r a t h a s
and t h e H i n d u s , i n a s m u c h as i t offers another illustration o f
t h e p e r v e r t e d sense o f v i r t u e s o f t h e H i n d u s o f t h o s e t i m e s I
I t h a p p e n e d d u r i n g t h e B a t t l e o f K h a r d a (1795 A . D . ) against
the Nizam, the last restlessly writhing remnant of the
-Muslim power at Delhi ! The Nizam was at that time

c o m p l e t e l y at the mercy of the Marathas*^; he would have
lieen w i p e d o u t o f existence a n d saved a l l further trouble,
l j u t for the shameless e x h i b i t i o n o f t h i s p e r v e r t e d sense o f
virtues, b y the M a r a t h a s !
593. T h e M a r a t h a forces w i t h their excellent strategic
-moves h a d e n c i r c l e d t h e N i z a m at s u c h a d e s o l a t e a n d dry
place that his vast army could get no food o r water**.
The scarcity of d r i n k i n g water was so a c u t e t h a t h u n d r e d s
•of M u s l i m s o l d i e r s d r a n k stinking water from dirty pools,
n o t fit e v e n f o r animals*'. Nizam-alli himself was almost
i n tears**. A n d a t t h i s m o s t c r i t i c a l m o m e n t t h e b i g M a r a t h a
guns began to rend the skies w i t h their t h u n d e r i n g .
594. B u t at this most crucial moment the Maratha
w a r cabinet was seized w i t h such a p a r o x y s m of their age-old
i n c u r a b l e disease o f t h e perverted sense o f v i r t u e s v / z . , m i s
p l a c e d generosity to w i t h h o l d the strokes a n d allow time to
even the inveterate f a i n t i n g enemy to regain consciousness,
-that h a d i t l a s t e d a little longer, the scales of war would
have turned against the H i n d u s themselves and the M u s l i m s
w o u l d never have failed to annihilate them completely. At
a time when the Nizam himself, the chief enemy of the
Marathas, was d y i n g of thirst and when the Marathas
l u c k i l y h a d the best o p p o r t u n i t y o f c a p t u r i n g h i m a l i v e a n d
of d e s t r o y i n g his whole a r m y the P e s h w a , S a w a i M a d h a v r a o ,
was i n s p i r e d w i t h the grand idea** t h a t t h e true greatness
of a w a r r i o r was to show mercy to the down-cast enemy. H e ,
therefore, sent, i n c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h his war-cabinet, a v e r y
valuable supply of water enough for the Niâm and his
r o y a l family from his o w n stock of d r i n k i n g water w h i c h was
p r e s e r v e d w i t h no less d i f f i c u l t y . A n d this was done i n the
t h i c k of the fray—quite consistently with the m a x i m : g^j
( F o r g i v e n e s s is t h e v i r t u e o f t h e b r a v e ) . [ R e m e m b e r
for a contrast 'The Battle of Samugad or Shambhugad'
( 1 6 5 8 . A . D ) a n d t h e siege o f A g r a b y A u r a n g z e b — S h a h a j a h a n
w a s b r o u g h t t o h i s k n e e s b y c u t t i n g off t h e w a t e r s u p p l y t o
t h e f o r t o f Agra**].
-5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 239
A FINE ILLUSTRATION O F SELF-

CONTRADICTION !
595. A c o m m o n b e l i e f seems t o p r e v a i l t h a t t h e H i n d u s
strictly banned any reconversion of Muslimized H i n d u s or
a n y c o n v e r s i o n o f b o r n M u s l i m s because t h e y d r e a d e d fresh
•outrages f r o m t h e M u s l i m s i n I n d i a a n d p e r h a p s n e w h o r r i b l e
invasions of foreign Muslims resulting i n untold monstro-
cities a n d consequent horrible retribution.
596. I t is p u r p o s e l y to s h o w h o w e r r o n e o u s , u n r e a l i s t i c
a n d wholly improbable, this belief is t h a t we have quoted
the episode the Maratha war with Tipu.which provides
ample historical evidence to s u p p o r t a l l t h e p o i n t s we h a v e
m a d e so f a r .
597. S e t t i n g aside t h a t episode of the w a r w i t h Tipu
for a while, i t is enough to pose a question : i f at a l l , the
- H i n d u s w e r e so t e r r i b l y a n d i n c e s s a n t l y obsessed with the
•dread of Muslim retaliation they would have offered n o
resistance, howsoever s l i g h t i t m i g h t have been ! T h e y w o u l d
never have counter-attacked the M u s l i m s on the political
a n d m i l i t a r y fronts a n d won at great odds. F o r , i t is o n l y
i n those H i n d u states which, the Muslims conquered, that
• such religious persecution of the H i n d u s was, or w o u l d have
been, possible for the M u s l i m s . I f a t a l l the H i n d u s w e r e
to dread anything they should have dreaded the M u s l i m
a r m e d p o l i t i c a l aggression first. B u t barring minor incidents
-and l o o k i n g at t h i s g i g a n t i c s t r u g g l e i n one b r o a d s w e e p ,
the reader can clearly see t h a t i n order to protect their
states a n d r e l i g i o n the H i n d u s h a d fought g r i m a n d deter-
imined battles right from the times of M a h m u d of Ghazni's
a n d G h o r i ' s d e m o n i c a l raids. T h e y lost their states, t h e y w o n
t h e i r s t a t e s ! D e f e a t a n d v i c t o r y , v i c t o r y a n d defeat ! The
f o r t u n e s o f t h e fields c h a n g e d i n q u i c k succession ! B u t for
more t h a n seven centuries the H i n d u s kept on fighting the
Muslims throughout the whole o f I n d i a , fought every inch
-of i t and finally brought the m i g h t y M u s l i m enemy to his
- i n e e s i n abject s u r r e n d e r ! T o say t h a t these H i n d u s w o u l d
J i a v e e v e r c a r e d a t w o - p e n c e f o r t h e fiercer r a g e o f t h e M u s l i m
r e v e n g e i s i n i t s e l f a fine i l l u s t r a t i o n o f s e l f - c o n t r a d i c t i o n !
698. O f course, the M u s l i m s h a d never to w o r r y i n the
least about the security of their religious d o m i n a t i o n in
I n d i a ! T h e H i n d u s were firm as r e g a r d s o n e t h i n g : n e v e r
to convert a n y M u s l i m , not to counter-attack the sphere of
the Muslim religious influence; nor again to h a r m them i n
any way i n matters religious; for, a l l these actions were
completely contrary to the Hindu religious faith ! The
M u s l i m s h a d o n l y o n e a n x i e t y as t o h o w t o s p r e a d t h e I s l a m i c
faith incessantly throughout the length a n d breadth o f I n d i a ,
even i f the H i n d u s had reconquered political power ! W e have
a l r e a d y discussed at different places i n t h i s b o o k the trem
endous loss to the Hindu nation this Muslim religious
aggression h a d caused. O n l y t w o major p o i n t s need a b r i e f
resume here.
LOSS O F THIRTY MILLION HINDUS
599. E v e n i n those days the Hindu society was quite

aware o f t h i s n u m e r i c a l loss ! B u t b e c a u s e o f t h e i r m o r b i d
ban o n reconversion no effective remedy c o u l d be found
against this d r a i n of its life-blood. V e r y l i k e the i n v a l i d
patient m e e k l y bearing the death-pangs of a n incurable
disease the then Hindu world endured this blood-draining,
deadly disease!
LOSS OF TERRITORY !
600. B u t g r a v e r s t i l l t h a n t h i s loss o f n u m e r i c a l s t r e n g t h
was another : the permanent loss of the vast territory
snatched away b y the Muslim religious incursions, slowly,
bit by bit, but steadily, without the knowledge of the
Hindus ! T H E M U S L I M S T H U S S E I Z E D E A R M O R E H I N D U
LAND THROUGHOUT INDIA B Y CONVERSION, THAN
T H E Y DID B Y CONQUESTS !
601. F o r , t w e n t y to t h i r t y m i l l i o n H i n d u converts, a n d
millions of foreign Muslims that flocked to India to seek
their fortune, settled permanently in India alone ! The
land—the cities a n d towns a n d p a r t i c u l a r p a r t s o f cities and
towns and villages that were inhabited and were to be

i n h a b i t e d b y these M u s l i m s a n d t h e i r descendants t o come in
future—^were permanently lost to the H i n d u s , n e v e r t o be
regained ! O n these t r a c t s a n d patches o f l a n d fluttered non-
challantly the green M u s l i m bands i n d i c a t i n g the u n i m p e d e d
sway o f the M u s l i m religious faith a l l over ! The Hindus,,
and more p a r t i c u l a r l y the Marathas, wrested away p r a c t i c a l l y
a l l the p o l i t i c a l power throughout the whole of I n d i a from
the M u s l i m s t o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h i s e p i c H i n d u - M u s l i m war..
Yet the Muslims retained their hold individually or
c o l l e c t i v e l y o n t h e masses a n d o n p r o p e r t y t o o !
602. A g a i n as the Muslim population grew rapidly
because of p o l y g a m y p o p u l a r amongst them and the spread
of t h e i r r e l i g i o n b y conversion more a n d more l a n d was to t h a t
extent being gradually but surely occupied by them and was
p a s s i n g for ever i n t o the Muslim hands. In order to give
some idea o f the actual c o n d i t i o n i t is enough to say t h a t
even after the establishment o f the de facto sovereignty of
the M a r a t h a s e v e r y l i t t l e t o w n or v i l l a g e h a d a separate p a r t
k n o w n as M u s a l m a n w a d a o r M u s a l m a n m o h a l l a ! W h y , even
cities like P o o n a , Satara, K o l h a p u r , N a g p u r i n Maharashtra,
Baroda, Devas, Dhar, Indore, Gwalior and Udaypur in
Central India and Jodhpur, Jaipur, Amritsar, Lahore right
up to Shreenagar i n K a s h m i r i n the n o r t h , each h a d a separate
section exclusively colonized b y thousands of Muslims and
k n o w n as ' M u s l i m - p u r a ' o r ' M u s l i m - a b a d i ' . T h e M u s l i m s n o t
only dominated these separate sections religiously, but
p r a c t i c a l l y b e c a m e t h e i r o w n e r s *'!
603. A n d the fun of i t was t h a t this religious d o m i n a
tion of the Muslims and their i n d i v i d u a l right to that land
h a d been c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y a n d l e g a l l y p r o t e c t e d b y the H i n d u
kings themselves, g i v i n g t h e m e q u a l c i v i l status as subjects
along w i t h the H i n d u s ! E s p e c i a l l y because o f open a n d deep-
rooted enmity between the Hindus and the Muslims in
t h o s e d a y s a n d as change o f r e l i g i o n w a s t h e n t a n t a m o u n t t o
change o f n a t i o n a l i t y , a l l the l a n d t h a t passed i n t o the M u s l i m
hands, this way or t h a t , was i n r e a l i t y permanently g i v e n
over to the n a t i o n a l enemy o f the H i n d u s !
604. Thus throughout the whole of India, in every

•village a n d t o w n a n d c i t y a n d p r o v i n c e , b i g or s m a l l Muslim
pockets (Muslimistans) were being created a n d fostered r i g h t
•from t h o s e d a y s . That again means that from that time
India was being v i v i s e c t e d u n w i t t i n g l y between two p a r t s :
t h e H i n d u I n d i a a n d the M u s l i m I n d i a !
605. THESE BIG OR SMALL ISLAMISTANS WERE
REALLY T H E TIME BOMBS LAID B Y THE COVERT
MUSLIM RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY I N T H E FOUNDATION
OF T H E HINDU POLITICAL SUPERSTRUCTURE !
606. Y e t neither the Hindu rulers, nor the c o m m o n
people, nor even the historians of the t i m e seem to have
apprehended, acutely or even f a i n t l y , the instantaneous or
t h e b e l a t e d consequences o f t h i s t r e m e n d o u s loss o f n u m b e r s
and territory. F o r nobody else has so f a r t r i e d , as we a r e
d o i n g here, a n y bold, lucid and comprehensive historical
exposition of this loss o f numbers a n d t e r r i t o r y that the
H i n d u n a t i o n h a d to suffer because of the morbid Hindu
r e l i g i o u s c o n c e p t s o f v a r i o u s b a n s a n d t h e i r p e r v e r t e d sense o f
virtues ! I f a t a l l t h e r e be a n y s u c h a t t e m p t i t is b o u n d to
be an exception.
607-608. Moreover, h a d the H i n d u s at that time really
u n d e r s t o o d the f u l l significance of the above-mentioned evil
consequences o f t h e M u s l i m r e l i g i o u s d o m i n a n c e t h e M a r a t h a
government would have been immediately and definitely
launched a counter religious aggression upon the Islamic
faith i n the south, the moment its leader, T i p u , was p o l i t i c a l l y
vanquished. F o r the H i n d u s h a d never before h a d such a
c o m p l e t e l y f a v o u r a b l e o p p o r t u n i t y , as t h e y had it then to
launch such a counter-offensive on the religious front.
Throughout the whole o f I n d i a t h e r e w a s left no Muslim
power at that time which could e v e n so m u c h as t h i n k o f
o p p o s i n g t h e M a r a t h a s , as w e h a v e already pointed it out,
and as our contemporary b a r d sings i n one o f h i s h e r o i c
ballads with evident pride for H i n d u i s m —
[The pirates (meaning the Portuguese), H y d e r , the N i z a m ,

the E n g l i s h a l l were exhausted fighting (with the Marathas)
W h o e v e r l o o k e d ( w i t h e n m i t y ) a t P o o n a , l o s t t h e i r w e a l t h !]
DAVIL C A N B E F O U G H T BY ARCH-DpVtt ONLY
609. S u p p o s e , as s o o n as t h i s p r o p i t i o u s t i m e h a d comej
the Maratha Chieftains like Bhonsale, Holkar, Patwardhan,
B a s t e a n d others, who h a d fought against T i p u , the M a r a t h a
administrators, the Peshwa and the Chhatrapati, had
promulgated, i n consultation w i t h the prominent religious
authorities, some such order (if n o t a c t u a l l y couched i n the
s a m e w o r d s ) as t h e f o l l o w i n g :
610. " J u s t as t h e v a l o u r o f t h e Maratha warriors had
trampled under t h e i r feet the Muslim rule of Tipu, i n a
•similar w a y , i n o r d e r t o b r i n g t o t h e l o w e s t d u s t the M u s l i m
religious preponderance under the fiendish Tipu, which has
•so far i n f l i c t e d e v e r y s o r t o f b r u t a l i t y a n d h u m i l i a t i o n o n t h e
H i n d u s a n d t o c h a s t i s e t h o s e g u i l t y o f these h e i n o u s crimes,
our government has decided to attack i n return the M u s l i m s
o n the religious field.
611. "Faithfully following the interpretation of the
religious l a w and the religious code of conduct by Shree
S h a n k a r a c h a r y a V i d y a r a n y a s w a m i , whose a u t h o r i t y is c o n s i
dered n e x t o n l y to the V e r y F i r s t Shree Shankaracharya by
t h e w h o l e o f t h e H i n d u w o r l d , we h e r e b y f o r t h e first time,
propose to break the psychological b a n on reconversion which
h a s s i m p l y p a r a l y s e d t h e H i n d u s o c i e t y , so f a r as t h e r e t a l i a
tion of the t y r a n n i c a l M u s l i m r e l i g i o n i s c o n c e r n e d , a n d we
hereby order e v e r y s i n g l e official, o f whatever rank, to make
t h e necessary arrangements to enforce the strict observance
•of t h e f o l l o w i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s .
612. " O n learning about the forcible conversion of
Hindu men and women i n his p a r t i c u l a r jurisdiction, every
v i l l a g e a n d city-officer s h a l l gather together a l l such oppres-
•sed H i n d u s i n some rescue camp under the government
p r o t e c t i o n , a n d s h a l l a t t e n d to a l l their needs.
613. "Every several M u s l i m m a n and woman i n every
t o w n a n d v i l l a g e i n whose house or h u t H i n d u w o m e n , girls a n d

c h i l d r e n m i g h t be f o u n d s l a v i n g as o p p r e s s e d c o n v e r t s , s h a l l ,
along w i t h the whole family, be f o r t h w i t h f e t t e r e d and
thrown into prison and the miserable H i n d u women and
children a f t e r b e i n g i m m e d i a t e l y set free s h a l l be a f f e c t i o n a
t e l y a n d c o u r t e o u s l y t a k e n t o t h e rescue c a m p s .
614. " S i m i l a r l y the w a r r i o r s from T i p u ' s select c o m p a n y
o f t h e d i r e s t y o u n g M u s l i m s c o u n d r e l s w h o m he f o n d l e d as
h i s ' s o n s ' s h a l l be f e t t e r e d w i t h v e r y h e a v y s h a c k l e s w h e r e v e r
t h e y w i l l be f o u n d i n Maharashtra, K a r n a t a k or elsewhere
a n d l o c k e d i n jails, and the fairest y o u n g and innocent H i n d u
w o m e n , w h o were g i v e n a w a y as r e w a r d s to those Muslim
young rogues from this brigade for their b r u t a l atrocities
t o w a r d s t h e H i n d u s , s h o u l d a l l be r e s c u e d a n d sent w i t h a l l
c i v i l i t y t o t h e s a i d rescue c a m p s .
615. "Finally, a n a t i o n a l reconversion week w i l l be
announced b y a S u p e r i o r Officer, before which all the
r e s c u e d H i n d u c o n v e r t s f r o m t h e rescue camps a l l over the
particular r e g i o n s h a l l be conducted i n large groups u n d e r
m i l i t a r y g u a r d to the h o l y places a d j o i n i n g their n a t i v e places
or t o D h a r w a r or B a d a m i or other places where the oppres
sive M u s l i m armies have been destroyed b y the Marathas.
At a l l these p l a c e s s h a l l these o p p r e s s e d H i n d u c o n v e r t s b e
reconverted to H i n d u i s m en masse. At all these places
s a c r i f i c i a l fires s h o u l d be l i t a n d offerings m a d e f o r t h e r e p u r i
fication o f a l l these m i l l i o n s o f H i n d u converts and they
s h o u l d a l l be r e c e i v e d i n the Hindu Society ceremoniously
with chorus-singing of praises for the H i n d u r e l i g i o n . All
t h o s e w h o a r e l i k e l y t o be w i l l i n g l y , l o v i n g l y a n d h o n o u r a b l y
r e c e i v e d b y t h e i r o r i g i n a l f a m i l i e s s h o u l d be e s c o r t e d t o t h e i r
o r i g i n a l homes a n d r e h a b i l i t a t e d i n those families. B u t the
thousands o f other repurified and reconverted H i n d u s who
m a y n o t find s u c h a l o v i n g reception i n their original sub-
castes, s h o u l d a l l be c l a s s e d as a • n e w w a r r i o r class i n the
s t r u c t u r e o f t h e H i n d u society—gTpWjigi—a fire r a c e a c c o r d i n g
to the R a j p u t legend—and a l l the political and religious
authorities i n the l a n d are h e r e b y o r d e r e d t o concede to
t h e m a l l r i g h t s d u e t o a H i n d u as e q u i t a b l y a n d j u s t l y as t h e
other caste H i n d u s enjoy.
616. " T h e n i n order to reward the meritorious services
o f the choicest M a r a t h a warriors i n this H i n d u - M u s l i m war
a t least as m a n y y o u n g a n d b e a u t i f u l M u s l i m g i r l s s h o u l d be
captured, converted to H i n d u i s m a n d p r e s e n t e d t o t h e m as
were the H i n d u girls d i s t r i b u t e d b y T i p u amongst the dare
d e v i l w a r r i o r s o f his select b r i g a d e .
617. "Thereafter the thousands of M u s l i m rascals and
s c o u n d r e l s , who h a v e , i n this Hindu-Muslim war, inflicted
h a r r o w i n g atrocities o n the H i n d u s , raped H i n d u women a n d
g i r l s , h a v e b r o k e n h o l y i m a g e s o f H i n d u gods and goddesses
and have demolished their temples and who w i l l have been
l o c k e d as p e r t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d o r d e r i n various prisons,
s h a l l be c o n d u c t e d u n d e r s t r o n g m i l i t a r y g u a r d t o t h e f o u r o r
five c h i e f c i t i e s t h a t w i l l be s i g n i f i e d l a t e r o n b y t h e S u p e r i o r
Ofi&cers. T h e y s h o u l d e s p e c i a l l y be t a k e n to Nargund and
K i t t u r — t h e places where T i p u himself h a d inflicted i n h u m a n
atrocities on the H i n d u men a n d w o m e n w i t h the a i d of his
d i a b o l i c a r m y , so t h a t T i p u ' s d e v i l i s h acts m i g h t be a v e n g
ed w i t h e q u a l f e r o c i t y a n d with the harshest punishments
meted out to the dare-devil soldiers o f his Islamic brigade i n
the v e r y presence o f the afflicted people there. O n the a p p o i n
ted day, d u r i n g the reconversion week, these h u n d r e d s of
M u s l i m d e v i l s s h o u l d be b r o u g h t u n d e r s t r o n g a r m e d g u a r d o f
soldiers a n d cannons to the vast parade-grounds and after
the charge-sheets against t h e m , i n d i c a t i n g t h e i r fiendish acts
against the H i n d u s , have been r e a d out to t h e m , t h e y s h o u l d
be b l o w n off f r o m c a n n o n - m o u t h , before t h e joyful eyes of
the thousands of H i n d u spectators.
A NATIONAL HOMAGE T O T H EHINDU MARTYRS
618. "In the end this reconversion week should be

concluded with a national homage to the report of three
volleys o f guns from every fort a n d c i t y of Maharashtra in
honour o f the thousands of men and women who courted
m a r t y r d o m b y l e a p i n g i n t o the rivers l i k e the K r i s h n a or the
Tungbhadra, o r i n soiae other w a y s , because t h e y h a d no

o t h e r effective m e a n s t o s a v e t h e i r r e l i g i o n a n d t o escape t h e
d i r e c t j e r s e c u t i o n at t h e h a n d s o f T i p u ' s s o l d i e r s when thou-
sards of them surrounded and blockaded whole towns
c a r r y i n g o n w h o l e s a l e c o n v e r s i o n s w i t h fire a n d s w o r d . "
T H E ECHOES O F RELIGIOUS RETALIATION
619. I f at a l l the Marathas h a d dealt such a crushing

c o u n t e r - b l o w o n t h e M u s l i m r e l i g i o u s f r o n t , t h e echoes, a n d r e
echoes o f t h e g u n s , thundering from every fort i n Maharash
t r a , w o u l d n o t h a v e been h e a r d i n t h e v a l l e y s o f t h e K r i s h n a
a n d the T u n g b h a d r a alone; they w o u l d also have reverberated
throughout the G a n g e t i c , the I n d u s , n a y , f a r b e y o n d i t , t h e
V a k s h u (Oxus) r i v e r - v a l l e y s a n d the w h o l e of the Muslim
world. The barest news, t h a t the H i n d u s , too, h a d been
reconverting the millions of converted Hindus, breaking
a w a y the fetters of the ban on reconversion, would have
s h o c k e d the M u s l i m w o r l d far more fiercely than the report
of t h o u s a n d s o f g u n s fired simultaneously, and their very
existence w o u l d have begun to dwindle. T h i s is n o t mere
historical guesswork, but a guarantee of historical
probability.
620. B u t this historical p r o b a b i l i t y remained only a
probability ! The H i n d u s never broke the ban on recon
version, nor d i d they allow i t to be b r o k e n . Naturally
t h e I s l a m i c r e l i g i o u s d o m i n a n c e i n I n d i a c o u l d n o t be over
thrown.
621. T h e v i r u s o f t h e caste-differences caused by birth
h a d already permeated the whole blood-system of t h e H i n d u
society long before any Muslim aggressor could come to
India. P e r p e t u a l M u s l i m a t r o c i t i e s a g g r a v a t e d i t s effects a l l
the more, a n d the H i n d u S o c i e t y lost its original susceptibi
l i t y to change, its e x p a n s i o n i s m , its a b i l i t y to absorb newer
elements a n d its strong i n c l i n a t i o n to r e t a l i a t i o n even i n the
religious field. H o w could the Hindu leaders, then, hit
back t h e M u s l i m f o r e i g n e r s or a b s o r b t h e m in their H i n d u
Society ? r : • ; ' ' v ' • ..:
622. " H o w could a man", they thought, " w h o was a

b o r n M u s l i m ever become a t r u e Hindu by merely dipping
into the Gangetic waters ?" " F o r , " they argued, "the caste
is decided by b i r t h . "
623. TT?nT sr^r^TT TfRft^ ^rrsflf i
^wt %^ II*'
["Even as a donkey washed i n the holiest o f waters
C a n never become a s p i r i t e d horse..."
How can we then admit these b o r n n o n - H i n d u s t o our
original castes m e r e l y because a certain scented pigment
betokening H i n d u i s m is a p p l i e d to t h e i r foreheads ? A r e we
to dine w i t h them ? A n d i f that p e r s o n be a w o m a n , are w e
to marry her s i m p l y because a n auspicious k u m k u m t i l a k
f r o m a H i n d u b o x is a p p l i e d t o h e r f o r e h e a d ? A n d t h a t too
openly ? Impossible ! Impossible ! ! Irreligious ! Irreligious ! I
623-A. S u c h were the religious ideas of not only the
B r a h m i n s a n d the K s h a t r i y a s , b u t the Mangs, the D h o r s , the
B h i l s a n d other so-called 'low castes' a n d wild tribes too !
They considered this to be the only true H i n d u religion.
T h e m a i n p r i n c i p l e u n d e r l y i n g these ideas of caste-differences
Was t h a t whichever H i n d u went over to the M u s l i m f o l d ,
w i l l y n i l l y — w h e t h e r b y p e r s u a s i o n o r by- c o e r c i o n — w a s p o l
luted and damned—irrevocably damned for l i f e — n a y for a l l
his generations to come !
623-B. What woder then i f hundreds of millions of
H i n d u s who, cherishing such absurd ideas about religious
behaviour, had stoutly opposed any reconversion of the
oppressed H i n d u s or o f the b o r n M u s l i m s !
T H E O N L Y F O R T U N A T E THING WAS...
624. T h e o n l y fortunate t h i n g was t h a t at the b e g i n n i n g
of the Muslim onslaughts on I n d i a no couplet i n A n u s t h u p
m e t r e w a s i n t e r p o l a t e d i n some smriti by some Brihaspati
(wiseacre) o r a n o t h e r b a n n i n g t e r r i t o r i a l c o n q u e s t s as o t h e r s
were, in respect of bans on food-exchange, inter-caste
marriages, reconversion, sea-faring a n d m a n y other things t
I f t h e f o r c i b l y c o n v e r t e d H i n d u c o u l d n o t be r e c o n v e r t e d to
Hinduism, i f a m a n d e a l i n g w i t h a M u s l i m h i m s e l f became a
M u s l i m , how c o u l d a l a n d or t e r r i t o r y once conquered b y the
M u s l i m s be again a Hindu land ? Whoever tried to w i n
back that lost k i n g d o m would himself become a Muslim !
T h e l a n d , however, w o u l d never become a H i n d u l a n d a g a i n !
I f some learned H i n d u fool h a d argued t h i s w a y a n d p r o m u l
gated such a ban on reconquering the lost territory the
H i n d u s w o u l d h a v e b e e n r e n d e r e d as a b s o l u t e l y p o w e r l e s s to
overthrow the Muslim p o l i t i c a l d o m i n a n c e , as t h e y w e r e t o
o v e r t h r o w the M u s l i m religious ascendancy, because i t w o u l d
have b e c o m e e q u a l l y i r r e l i g i o u s , a n d so i m p o s s i b l e , o w i n g t o
such a ban. A n d like Afghanistan, Iran, Babylonia, ancient
E g y p t , T u r k e y a n d M o r o c c o i n the far west, I n d i a , i n the east,
w o u l d also have been completely M u s l i m i z e d ! I t w o u l d have
become b o t h p o l i t i c a l l y a n d religiously an Islamistan ! T h a t
would have been the last line written about the Hindu
History. B u t I n d i a was at least s a v e d t h a t h o r r i b l e fate
then, and once again was written a new chapter of the
rejuvenation o f H i n d u i s m , i l l u m i n a t e d by the d a z z l i n g v a l o u r
of the H i n d u warriors.
625. T h e h i s t o r y o f I n d i a as a l s o o f a l l t h e p a r t s o f the
rest o f the world, wherever the Muslims had established
religio-political ascendancy a m p l y proves that not only
those several nations w h i c h were incapable o f overthrowing
the Muslim religio-political dominance became completely
M u s l i m i z e d , but even those other n o n - M u s l i m nations which
smashed the Muslim p o l i t i c a l m i g h t b u t left t h e i r r e l i g i o u s
hold untouched could not escape the constant horrible
pestilence o f the M u s l i m onslaughts. O n l y five o r s i x o r a t
the most ten nations, which precipitated the M u s l i m religious
downfall soon a f t e r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y defeat and
r i d themselves o f every single M u s l i m , could—these a n d these
alone could—free themselves completely from the Muslim
p e s t i l e n c e ! F o r w a n t o f space o n l y one instance of Spain
s h o u l d suffice t o i l l u s t r a t e t h i s p o i n t .
•5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 249
EMANCIPATION O F SPAIN F R O M MUSLIMS

626. Simultaneously with their raids on India the
A r a b s under the Omayyads^", h a d overrun S p a i n a n d had
established a powerful M u s l i m state there. Naturally as
•elsewhere t h e M u s l i m s began the religious persecution and
conversion o f the Spanish Christians^!. Countless C h r i s t i a n
men a n d w o m e n were violently and mercilessly converted to
I s l a m at the p o i n t o f t h e s w o r d o r k i l l e d outright^*. Later
•on a f t e r some c e n t u r i e s , w h e n t h e r e were i n t e r n e c i n e wars
amongst the M u s l i m s themselves the much too oppressed
Christians o f S p a i n rose i n revolt against the tyrannical
-Muslims Government under one of their own old royal
dynasties^' and w i t h the help of a growing C h r i s t i a n n a t i o n
in Prance and w i t h encouragement from the P a p a l seat of
Home^*. A f t e r m a n y years of bitter warfare d u r i n g the 11th
a n d 13th centuries the S p a n i s h C h r i s t i a n s d e l i v e r e d most o f
their country from the M u s l i m rule and finally with the
c o n q u e s t o f G r a n a d a i n A . D . 1492 t h e y w i p e d o u t t h e M u s l i m
•power a l t o g e t h e r ' ^ . B u t as i n I n d i a , so i n S p a i n t o o , even
•after t h e l o s s o f p o l i t i c a l p o w e r , the Muslilns had their firm
religious h o l d u n i m p a i r e d o n the converted Spanish Chris
tians and the l a n d they had actually inhabited. Nay this
M u s l i m religious h o l d was getting more and more explosive
a n d t e r r i b l e so as t o c u t a s u n d e r the whole o f the Spanish
•Jiation a t s o m e f u t u r e date^*. T h o s e o f t h e S p a n i s h C h r i s t i a n s
who could c l e a r l y foresee this impending danger and who
'had always awaited an opportunity to wreak their revenge
•decided to r o o t out the M u s l i m r e l i g i o u s influence f r o m S p a i n ,
-as t h e y d i d w i t h t h e i r p o l i t i c a l o v e r l o r d s h i p .
CHRISTIANS W E R E N E V E R F E T T E R E D AS HINDUS
WERE B Y ANY RELIGIOUS BANS O N FOOD
EXCHANGE, RECONVERSION
AND SO O N
627. T h e t a s k o f r e c o n v e r t i n g the countless Muslim-

iized C h r i s t i a n s was, therefore, so easy as to be r e a d i l y
.accomplished the moment these S p a n i a r d s simply willed it.
250 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY'
The o n l y difficulty was that o f the Muslim political andl

military might. N o sooner was the M u s l i m a r m y destroyed
t h a n the S p a n i s h C h r i s t i a n s s t a r t e d t h e c o m p l e t e r o u t o f the-
I s l a m i c f a i t h i n one h o l o c a u s t throughout Spain. Thousands,
of M u s l i m i z e d Christians began to be r e b a p t i z e d incessantly
a n d s p e a d i l y . ' T h e s p o r a d i c M u s l i m r e s i s t a n c e i n f u r i a t e d the-
Spanish n a t i o n a l l the more. The Spanish Government, the^
Spanish C h r i s t i a n Church and the Spaniards at large vowed
openly that i n their country no person calling himself or-
herself a M u s l i m , n o r a n y s t r u c t u r e k n o w n as a mosque be
allowed to remain unimpaired any longer.
628. The newly independent Spanish government gave:
a n u l t i m a t u m ^ ' t h a t before a n appointed date every sundry
Muslim—man or woman—had either to court Christianity-
w i l l i n g l y or to leave the c o u n t r y f o r t h w i t h , w i t h f a m i l y a n d
friends, bag and baggage. Whoever failed to do either,.
a f t e r t h a t d a t e w a s t o be b e h e a d e d m e r c i l e s s l y a n d u n h e s i t a
tingly.
629. What ? A Christian Government order ! H o w
atrocious ! But it must be remembered that when the-
Muslims conquered Spain they had imposed their f a i t h far-
more b r u t a l l y on the C h r i s t i a n populace there a n d flooded
the streets w i t h C h r i s t i a n blood^'. N o w the Christians were
t o rewash the streets w i t h Muslim blood. A s soon as the-
stipulated time elapsed, the Spanish C h r i s t i a n s rose v i o -
lentlyS' against the r e m a i n i n g M u s l i m s at various places,,
p u t e v e r y o n e o f t h e m — m a n o r w o m a n , y o u n g o r o l d — t o the-
sword ! The C h r i s t i a n church o f S p a i n became pure w i t h a
M u s l i m blood-bath. S p a i n was r i d of the M u s l i m s entirely..
A n d so S p a i n r e m a i n e d C h r i s t i a n !. I t was not turned into-
a n o t h e r M o r o c c o !!
630. T h e same fate a w a i t e d the M u s l i m s i n Poland*".
Serbia", Bulgaria**, Greece*' a n d other C h r i s t i a n nations.-
T h e y a l l r i d t h e i r once M u s l i m - d o m i n a t e d countries of every
s i n g l e M u s l i m !!
ir
CHAPTER XII
A RESUME
631. The various points that h a v e been discussed at

l e n g t h i n t h e f o r e g o i n g c h a p t e r s viz., C h . V t o X I o f t h i s book-
c a n n o w be b r i e f l y s u m m a r i z e d here i n t o a c o n s i s t e n t w h o l e .
632. I n the historic past, I n d i a , too, like a l l other great
n a t i o n s , h a d been i n v a d e d b y the l o n i a n s , S a k a s and Huns
and other non-Hindu wild people. B u t after c e n t u r i e s o f
v i o l e n t struggle w i t h them a l l the H i n d u nation stamped out
their political dominance by smashing their armed might on
the various battle-fields a n d became independent a g a i n and.
again. Moreover it converted the millions o f the Ionian,.
S a k a a n d H u n foreigners who settled d o w n here i n various
provinces d u r i n g the years of those hard struggles and
t a u g h t t h e m the V e d i c cult, the w o r s h i p o f the V e d i c gods
and goddesses, and the S a n s k r i t c i v i l i z a t i o n a n d c u l t u r e so.
as t o m e r g e t h e m so c o m p l e t e l y a m o n g s t i t s o w n p e o p l e as t o
leave not a single trace of their original non-Hindu races
and names behind.
633. W h e n the unprecedented c a l a m i t y o f the Muslim,
aggression fell on India, the Hindus" kept on stubbornly
fighting the aggressors f o r o v e r a t h o u s a n d y e a r s o r s o , a n d
u l t i m a t e l y s h a t t e r e d t h e M u s l i m p o w e r as c o m p l e t e l y as t h e y
d i d the n o n - H i n d u S a k a - H u n empires; and once again they^
established their political independence ! Y e t they could
not recover their tremendous loss of numerical strength
which was brought about b y the forcible conversions nor
could they r e g a i n the I n d i a n areas a c t u a l l y o c c u p i e d b y the
Muslim settlers here, nor even could they H i n d u i s e the
M u s l i m s as c o m p l e t e l y as t h e y d i d the Ionian, Saka, Hun
a n d other non-Hindus 1 Why ? >
634. T h e a n s w e r t o t h i s m a i n v e x i n g q u e s t i o n i s chiefly^
a n d t h o r o u g h l y discussed w i t h adequate historical proofs i n

€hapters V to X I of this book. The conclusion that one
arrives at after e v a l u a t i n g the contemporary events and
c i r c u m s t a n c e s i s t h a t as s o o n as t h e M u s l i m rule was over
t h r o w n or was i n the process of being overthrown, neither
the H i n d u s at large, n o r the H i n d u rulers ousted the M u s l i m
religious dominance even when proper opportunities present
ed themselves and although t h e y were far more strongly
armed t h a n their M u s l i m opponents. They d i d not convert
•even a s i n g l e M u s l i m to H i n d u i s m b y persuasion—let alone
b y force !
635. H a d the victorious H i n d u n a t i o n i n s t a n t l y b r o k e n
off a l l b a n s o n f o o d - e x c h a n g e , i n t e r - m a r r i a g e s , (re) c o n v e r s i o n
seafaring and other refractory social and religious traditions
a n d reconverted a l l the M u s l i m s — w h e t h e r c o n v e r t e d or o r i g i
nal—and absorbed them in the then prevailing caste
s t r u c t u r e o f t h e H i n d u s o c i e t y , o f course w i t h due r e g a r d f o r
the status and qualifications o f the persons concerned (as
t h e y h a d a l r e a d y done w i t h the S a k a , H u n a n d other subju
gated foreigners, i n the by-gone days). Like Spain, India
w o u l d i m m e d i a t e l y have been rendered M u s l i m l e s s ! H i n d u s -
t h a n w o u l d have been at t h a t v e r y time, the place of the
E i n d u s i n t h e t r u e s t sense o f t h e t e r m .
636-637. T h i s treatise deals w i t h the Muslim invasions
of I n d i a d u r i n g the period covering over a thousand years
f r o m A . D . 700 t o A . D . 1800 a n d the c h a i n o f consequent
Hindu-Muslim wars. N a t u r a l l y the points raised in this
discussion a p p l y o n l y to the conditions prevailing during
that period. Therefore, while reading such h i s t o r i c a l disser
tations a n d treatises, the reader must a l w a y s bear in mind
one i m p o r t a n t f a c t t h a t t h e a c t i o n s a n d t h e codes o f c o n d u c t
which are, o r s e e m t o be, m o s t p r o p e r , b e n e f i c i a l a n d neces
sary i n th e c o n t e x t o f the particular conditions obtainable
during that period and i n respect of persons a n d places
c o n c e r n e d , m a y n o t n e c e s s a r i l y be proper, beneficial under
-different conditions or during another period. They might
e v e n b e h i g h l y o b j e c t i o n a b l e , d e t r i m e n t a l a n d so u n n e c e s s a r y
6TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 263:
at times u n d e r different c o n d i t i o n s or w i t h different p e r s o n s .

M a y those actions t h e n refer to r e l i g i o n o r p o l i t i c s or other
walks o f life ! Samartha Ramdas S w a m i well-versed in.
r e l i g i o u s a n d p o l i t i c a l sciences has s u c c i n c t l y m a d e t h e same-
p o i n t i n t h e f o l l o w i n g w o r d s :-
w r r mrnr ?nT?t JTT I
3iOTtqtii?ii —^?ra?l^
" C o n d i t i o n s are n o t e x a c t l y s i m i l a r , n o r can one rule

prevail (for e v e r ) ! I f one r u l e is f o l l o w e d ( e v e r y t i m e ) i n
p o l i t i c s , difficulties arise !"
[Ramdas—Shree Dasbodh—18-6-6]'
1
CHAPTER XIII
HINDU WAR POLICY O N T H E RELIGIOUS A N D

POLITICAL FRONT
638-639. I t is m a d e a m p l y c l e a r i n C h a p t e r s V to XII
-of t h i s b o o k t h a t i n t h e i r r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l w a r w i t h t h e M u s l i m s
w h i c h the H i n d u s fought most tenaciously for centuries to
gether the H i n d u w a r - p o l i c y h a d n o t been sufficiently s t r o n g
t o defeat t h e M u s l i m s o n t h e r e l i g i o u s f r o n t . W h y , it proved
to be definitely weak and s u i c i d a l i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the
-diabolically ferocious war-strategy o f the Muslims on that
front. E o r the Hindu nation had completely forgotten, at
least i n respect of the religious side of i t , t h a t a nation has,
as a rule, to adopt a war-strategy far stricter, crueller a n d
more unrelenting than that o f the unscrupulous enemy it
wants to conquer.
640. D u r i n g the V e d i c and the P u r a n i k (mythological)
p e r i o d , the ancestors o f the H i n d u N a t i o n had to fight the
Daityas, Danavs and the Rakshasas, the cruellest, most
atrocious and c u n n i n g cannibals of the time. It is because
'(as the Vedic a n d P u r a n i k s t o r i e s show) t h o s e o f o u r ances
tors, our gods, our emperors, the V e d i c R i s h i s who chanted
war canticles, the epic poets o f the Puranas a n d a l l those who
a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the w a r c o u l d become more atrocious,
more deceptive and cunning, and far crueller than those
• e n e m i e s — l i k e the Rakshasas a n d o t h e r s — i t i s because t h e y
could formulate an adequate war policy to meet the ever
changing guiles o f the enemy and practise i t effectively—
t h a t they c o u l d always succeed i n those various wars, and
our n a t i o n too became stronger and more expansive t h a n
before.
64L I t was not o n the p o l i t i c a l front alone, but o n the
r e l i g i o u s f r o n t t o o , t h a t the e n e m y h a d t o be f a c e d in those
-6TH G L O R I O U S EPOCH 255
times ! When Vishwamitra took Shreeram to t h e forest t o

-protect t h e R i s h i s , t h e l a t t e r w a s t o l d at great length how
those Rakshasas destroyed the religious rites of the time,
viz., t h e sacrifices, a n d h o w t h e d a u g h t e r s o f t h e R i s h i s were
kidnapped^. L a t e r on i n D a n d a k a r a n y a Shreeram came to
k n o w w h a t great havoc h a d the Rakshasa army of R a v a n
wrought u p o n the hermitages o f t h e R i s h i s , w h o were i n a
- m i n o r i t y there, w i t h t h e i r sacrificial rites, w i t h their colonies
a n d e v e n w i t h t h e i r lives*. R a m was also shown at various
places the heaps o f bones o f those R i s h i s whose b l o o d those
• c a n n i b a l s h a d d r u n k a n d w h o s e flesh t h e y h a d e a t e n . ' This
will clearly show t h a t this long-drawn mythological war of
•our a n c e s t o r s w i t h t h e R a k s h a s a s w a s f o u g h t not o n l y o n the
p o l i t i c a l but also o n the religious front. A n d at that time
those gods and g o d - l i k e emperors, too, considered it the
holiest religious duty to shows uper-savage cruelty to beat
• d o w n t h e c r u e l t y o f t h e R a k s h a s a s , t o be a r c h - d e v i l s a g a i n s t
t h e d e v i l s ! ( F o r a f u l l e r d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e p o i n t please refer t o
p a r a g r a p h s 4 6 0 t o 461 o f t h i s b o o k ) . I t is enough to m e n t i o n
here t h a t the i n c a r n a t i o n of Nursinh who appeared in the
most terrifying form i n order to protect the great devotee
-Prahlad and who tore to pieces his religious enemy, the
w i c k e d H i r a n y a K a s h i p u with his leonine talons was—
A GOD-HEAD OF O U R NATION
— w a s our leader ! The story of K a c h a a l s o shows t h a t in
the war our gods followed the p o l i c y —
642. gsrfjcT ?r i ^mf^ ^rf^R: i i *

' T o fight t h e c r a f t y e n e m y w i t h s u p e r - c r a f t , to destroy bar
barism with hyper-barbarity, as t h e o n l y effective means o f
annihilating the foe, was the praiseworthy principle of
religious warfare of o u r ancestors t i l l a t lease t h e close o f
the P u r a n i c era.
643. H o w e v e r , w h e n gods fought against other gods,
•or w h e n t h e r e w e r e i n t e r n e c i n e w a r s l i k e t h a t o f the K o u r a v a s
a n d the P a n d a v a s , the w a r strategy differed c o m p l e t e l y . No
single c h a r i o t e e r w a s t o be attacked by many charioteers;
the submissive or surrendering w a r r i o r w a s t o be g i v e n h i s

life^. S u c h considerations for justice and injustice were to
be a c t u a l l y s h o w n o n t h e b a t t l e - f i e l d . T h i s ethics o f war was
preached because i t w a s honoured b y b o t h the contending
parties.
644. B u t , as we h a v e a l r e a d y p o i n t e d o u t i n paragraph
315, the invasions of v a r y i n g magnitudes of the Persians, the
lonians, the Greeks, the Sakas and the Kushanas and the
Huns w h i c h began at t h e close o f t h e P u r a n i c p e r i o d a n d
c o n t i n u e d d u r i n g the e a r l y p a r t o f our historic past, were a l l
m a d e m a i n l y for p o l i t i c a l ascendancy and not for any religious
enmity. Their own religions were more or less l i k e t h e
offshoots o f H i n d u i s m i t s e l f . L a t e r on, after t h e i r defeat b y
our H i n d u ancestors, the millions o f these foreign invaders
w h o chose t o s e t t l e h e r e , merged into the Hindu society
completely. So during this early historical period, i n the
absence o f any religious aggression b y these foreigners o n o u r
religion, our ancestors fought pure and simple political wars
with them with effective strategical counter-moves and
vanquished them completely. A s these wars were purely
p o l i t i c a l i n n a t u r e , the question o f religiosity or irreligiosjty,
of extreme k i n d n e s s , t r u t h , violence or non-violence or other
fine d i s t i n c t i o n s o f p r i n c i p l e s n e v e r arose ! Naturally the
t e n d e n c y t o r e t a l i a t e i n t h e same f a s h i o n e v e n o n t h e r e l i g i o u s
f r o n t — t o face religious aggression with counter religious
offensives—to meet c r u e l t y w i t h supra-cruel blows, craft w i t h
super-craft, violence with extreme violence a n d to consider
this war policy to be a highly religious duty of a brave
w a r r i o r — l a y d o r m a n t i n o u r n a t i o n a l m i n d because t h e r e w a s
n o o c c a s i o n f o r t h e m t o use s u c h w a r s t a c t i c s o n t h e r e l i g i o u s
f r o n t l o n g after t h e r e l i g i o u s w a r s w i t h t h e R a k s h a s a s .
645. Moreover, during this intervening period, the
different r e l i g i o u s sects w h i c h w e r e r e a l l y t h e offshoots o f t h e
V e d i c religion and which had a strong propensity to Sanyas
(renunciation or asceticism) and extreme non-violence, l i k e
the A j i v a k a s , the J a i n s , the B u d d h i s t s and others, preached
to the society t h a t true religion meant extreme non-violence.
k i n d n e s s , l o v e a n d t r u t h a n d n o t h i n g else. Among the rest

of the V e d i c p o p u l a t i o n class d i s t i n c t i o n s a n d t h e i r d e v e l o p
m e n t i n t o c a s t e differences a n d t h e r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s a b o u t
food-exchange, touchables and untouchables; w h i c h cut to
p i e c e s t h e c o m p o s i t e l i f e o f t h e s o c i e t y , were g r o w i n g s t r o n g e r
a n d t h e s e v e r y , r e a l l y a n t i - s o c i a l , t r a d i t i o n s came t o be c o n
s i d e r e d as t r u e r e l i g i o n . L a t e r o n flesh-eating was p r o h i b i t e d
even i n the sacrificial rites. The fact that the extreme
forms and manifestations o f t r u t h m o s t often p r o v e t o be
t h e h a r m f u l v i c e s was l o s t s i g h t o f b y t h e r e l i g i o u s i d e o l o g y
o f the t i m e , w h i l e the excessive, i n o p p o r t u n e a n d s u i c i d a l
use o f v i r t u e s w h i c h r u i n e d t h e n a t i o n , w a s i t s e l f considered
the highest form of religious conduct. Generally speaking,
t r u t h f u l c o n d u c t is a v i r t u e . T o satisfy a promised gift or
word is also a virtue ! B u t when i n the heat of e x t o l l i n g
virtues to the skies the P u r a n a s ( m y t h o l o g i c a l stories) told
the story of Harischandra who made good his promise given
to V i s h w a m i t r a i n his dream by presenting him with , his
kingdom and such other childish stories, they definitely
changed the n a t i o n a l w a r - p o l i c y into an imbecile, weak and
s u i c i d a l one. N o words c a n adequately condemn this influence
of the P u r a n a s . More respectable t h a n this truthful c o n d u c t
w a s c o n s i d e r e d t h e p r a c t i c e o f n o n - v i o l e n c e as the highest
f o r m of v i r t u e not o n l y b y the J a i n s and the B u d d h i s t s but
i n some o f the V a i s h n a v texts also, w h i c h later on hastened
o u r t e r r i b l e d o w n f a l l as d e t e r m i n e d l y a n d as enormously as
e v e n o u r enemies, t h e M u s l i m s , c o u l d n o t p e r h a p s a c c o m p l i s h .
M a n l i n e s s a n d v a l o u r c a m e t o b e c o n d e m n e d as t h e v i l e s t o f
vices. T h e u n m a n l y , the i m b e c i l e , the v a l o u r - l a c k i n g c o w a r d ,
not o n l y l a c k i n g the a b i l i t y b u t even the desire to avenge
t h e n a t i o n a l i n s u l t a n d i n j u s t i c e , c a m e t o be h i g h l y r e s p e c t e d
i n r e l i g i o u s c i r c l e s as t h e g r e a t e s t and most magnanimous
saint, ripe for an honourable place i n heaven.
646. T h i s p o i n t has a l r e a d y been adequately discussed
w i t h sufficient p r o o f s a n d i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n C h a p t e r V I I I u n d e r
the caption "Perverted Sense of Virtues" and i n other
c h a p t e r s a l s o ; a n d i t w i l l be t o u c h e d a g a i n w h i l e w e s h a l l be
SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN H I S T O R Y
n a r r a t i n g the events o n the p o l i t i c a l front. Here i t has to.

be remembered that as all the invasions o n I n d i a after
t h e P u r a n i k times h a d been p o l i t i c a l and not religious (at
l e a s t n o t o f s u c h h u g e d i m e n s i o n s as those o f t h e Rakshasas
so as to s h a k e t h e v e r y f o u n d a t i o n o f o u r r e l i g i o n ) , we h a d
c o m p l e t e l y forgotton the o l d war-strategy to meet such t e r r i
ble r e l i g i o u s a g g r e s s i o n . O u r very definitions of virtues a n d
religion a n d their practice h a d undergone a complete change.
The war-strategy of Nursinh o f the ancient times, which
s o u g h t a t o o t h f o r a t o o t h a n d a n eye for an eye had now
become vegetarian, submissive, tolerant and shameless !
647. N a t u r a l l y , when the Islam i n v a d e d H i n d u i s m w i t h
far more ferocity and bitterness and with more dangerous
weapons than t h e R a k s h a s a s o f t h e P u r a n i k age, o u r H i n d u
ancestors of the seventh c e n t u r y h a d no other war-strategy
t o face i t w i t h , t h a n t h e i m b e c i l e , i m p o t e n t a n d s u i c i d a l one
w h i c h offered m i l k t o a v e n o m o u s s e r p e n t . T o encounter the
w o l f , t h e sheep h a d p r e f e r r e d its own neck ! A l l this, as
also our consequent e n o r m o u s losses o n t h e r e l i g i o u s f r o n t ,
h a s b e e n c l e a r l y s h o w n i n the earlier chapters. H e n c e we
shall n o w b e g i n a c r i t i c a l s t u d y of the p o l i t i c a l side o f this
H i n d u - M u s l i m epic struggle.
•
CHAPTER X I V
THE AGE-LONG RELATIONS OF T H E ARABS

WITHt INDIA
648. When I first read the w o r d jg^cT ( M u s a l ) i n m y
student days i n 'Mousal P a r v a ' i n one o f t h e s e c o n d a r y
P u r a n a s like the Hariwansh and wondered how the huge
rushes uprooted b y t h e Y a d a v a s f r o m t h e sea-shores b e c a m e
big p o u n d i n g pestles w h i c h c r u s h e d t h e i r bones as some
lethal weapons would, I at once h i t u p o n o n e probable
explanation that perhans the word, ' M o u s a l ' , m i g h t be a n
a t t e m p t at p u n o n the word M u s a l (g^rsr) b y t h e Puranik
p u n s t e r s , a n d t h a t i t m i g h t h a v e been s u g g e s t e d b y t h e word
Musalman given to the A r a b traders o f the past after t h e i r
oonversion to Islam. B u t this fanciful explanation could not
then be s u p p o r t e d b y the t i m e - s e n s e a n d o t h e r c o o r d i n a t i n g
i i s t o r i c a l events.
649. M u c h later i n the A n d a m a n s when I began r e a d i n g
a, l o t o f B e n g a l i L i t e r a t u r e , I r e m e m b e r t o h a v e t h e n perused
an essay about the passing a w a y of L o r d K r i s h n a either b y
•Shree M a d h u s u d a n D a t t a , t h e f a m o u s Bengali poet, of the
narrative ' M e g h a n a d ' a n d the promoter of the ' A m i t r a k s h a r '
metre, or b y B a n k i m c h a n d r a , the poet who sang the n a t i o n a l
a o n g , V a n d e M a t a r a m ! T h e s a i d e s s a y t r i e d t o offer a p l a u s i
b l e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e final e x i t o f B a l a r a m , after the death
•of L o r d K r i s h n a , a l o n g w i t h h i s f o l l o w e r s i n t o the sea i n h i s
o r i g i n a l f o r m o f Shesh ( ^ ) , a snake. It meant to say that
B a l a r a m e n t e r e d t h e W e s t e r n sea a t D w a r k a i n h i s s h i p s a n d
w e n t a w a y t o some f o r e i g n i s l a n d i n a s e r p e n t i n e fashion. I
t h e n remembered to have read a parallel instance mentioned
by an Arya-Samajee traveller i n the account o f his travels.
About fifty years ago this Arya-Samajee traveller had
visited A r a b i a to see the actual condition of the Hindu
residents o f the place. After e n q u i r y he f o u n d t h e r e i s a

s m a l l section of people who grew tufts o f h a i r on the top of
t h e i r {heads (as t h e B r a h m i n s a n d o t h e r H i n d u s h e r e d i d t i l l
very recently). They told h i m that, according to a very
sacred legend h a n d e d d o w n to t h e m b y t h e i r forefathers, they
were s u p p o s e d t o h a v e gone there f r o m I n d i a at some very
ancient time. It is b e l i e v e d t h a t at the t i m e o f a great w a r
i n I n d i a t h e y had left for A r a b i a and established a colony
there, but never got themselves m i x e d up w i t h the factions
o f t h e n a t i v e s t h e r e n o r w i t h t h e i r feuds a n d w a r s . T h a t was
w h y t h e y c o u l d be seen i n t h e i r m u c h t h e s a m e o r i g i n a l s t a t e .
T h e inference t h a t the said traveller has d r a w n f r o m this is
t h a t t h e s e s t r a n g e p e o p l e m u s t h a v e been t h e s a m e H i n d u s
w h o h a d l e f t I n d i a a t t h e close o f t h e e p i c s t r u g g l e o f t h e
Kouravas and the Pandavas i n Mahabharat^.
650. I f we then assume from the foregoing statements
that Yadavas led by Balaram had gone t o Arabia and
f o r m e d a b i g c o l o n y there, t w o more things seem to. support
such an assumption. T h e first i s t h a t T a m i l w a s o r i g i n a l l y
called ( A r a v i ) , the aborigines A r a b i a were m o s t l y S h a i v -
ites, w o r s h i p p i n g the ( S h i v ) l i n g (as m o s t o f t h e h i s t o r i a n
agree) a n d t h e i r p r i e s t s w e r e c a l l e d Druids (Dravid s[f^) in
English—the same class w h i c h seems t o h a v e existed i n
Britain and Ireland as per the o l d legends told by the
historians.
651. T h i s i s n o t t h e p l a c e t o r e l a t e a l l these a n d other
legends bearing on this t o p i c , b u t i t c a n be f a i r l y a s s u m e d
t h a t A r a b i a a n d I n d i a h a d v e r y close t i e s a n d t r a d e r e l a t i o n s
from very ancient times, and there must have been Indian
colonies established i n t h a t peninsula, and we can infer t h a t
l i k e those i n J a v a , S u m a t r a a n d other lands i n the Eastern
Ocean, i n this land i n the Western Ocean too, now k n o w n as
A r a b i a a n d others, there must have once thrived Indian
(especially South Indian) colonies, k i n g d o m s and c i v i l i z a t i o n .
But w e c a n n o t offer i t here, as y e t , as any proven fact or
theory. O n l y the various details leading to this conclusion
h a v e s i m p l y b e e n s u m m a r i z e d h e r e b r i e f l y so t h a t t h e y m i g h t
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 26;1
he o f Some u s e t o gQine f u t u r e s t u d e n t o f h i s t o r y who ipight

be a t t r a c t e d t o i t .
652. I t is o n l y pertinent here to write about the rela
tions of India a n d A r a b i a d u r i n g the seventh c e n t u r y w h e n
the A r a b s h a d already courted I s l a m . Islam was born after
the birth of Muhammad i n A . D . 570, a n d i t t o o k a t l e a s t
f o r t y t o fifty y e a r s f o r t h e A r a b s t o j o i n i t . They had civil
wars on the question of adopting this new faith. Y e t the
M u s l i m h i s t o r y is believed to s t a r t from their Hizri era in
A . D . 622 and we m i g h t as w e l l accept t h a t belief for the
present discussion.
653. E v e n b e f o r e t h e s e n e w A r a b i c M u s l i m aggressor^
crossed their borders a n d fell o n their neighbouring Persian
empire, the Hindu s t a t e s h a d p r a c t i c a l l y s p r e a d once a g a i n
to the v e r y d i s t a n t borders of C h a n d r a g u p t a M a u r y a ' s empire
beyond the Indus. T h e Chinese traveller, Huen-tsang entered
I n d i a from the north-east a b o u t A . D . 629 a n d has left an
eye-witness account o f w h a t e v e r he s a w h e r e . A c c o r d i n g to
h i m the H i n d u borders h a d stretched far beyond the Indus
t o i n c l u d e w h a t are n o w c a l l e d K a b u l , G h a z n i , a n d G a n d h a r * .
A l m o s t a l l the Chinese who came to I n d i a d u r i n g those years
h a d t o crose t h e s e H i n d u s t a t e s a n d the I n d u s before they
stepped into India.
THE CHINESE OF THAT E R A CALLED T H E

HINDUS SHINTSU'
654. T h a t is w h y t h e y i n C h i n a referred to I n d i a b y its

most ancient name of Sindhu, and the Hindu people as
'Shintsu''. I t is quite p l a i n t h a t this ' S h i n t s u ' was a Chinese
corruption of Sindhu. T h i s j is yet another proof on the
Chinese side t h a t the w o r d H i n d u is d e r i v e d originally from
the w o r d S i n d h u .
T H E FIRST A R A B INVASION O F SINDH A N D

THEIR DEFEAT
665. M o s t o f the modern h i s t o r i e s refer to the Arab

invasion on K i n g D a h i r as the first invasion wherein the
262 SIX G L O M O U S EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
H i n d u K i n g was completely defeated. B u t this is a b l a t a n t

falsehood. The F i r s t A r a b invasion of Sindh took place i n
A . D . 640 i n w h i c h t h e i n v a d e r s were c o m p l e t e l y v a n q u i s h e d
a n d their commander-in-chief was k i l l e d b y the H i n d u s (cf :
p a r a g r a p h 324)
T H E S E C O N D M A J O R INVASION O F SINDH B Y
THE ARABS
656. B u t i n A . D . 711, however, Mohammed Kasim

m a r c h e d o n S i n d h at the head of a fifty-thousand-strong
a r m y and while facing i t bravely Maharaj D a h i r of S i n d h was
destroyed, (cf. p a r a g r a p h s 327 t o 331).
657. But i m m e d i a t e l y w i t h i n fifty y e a r s o f t h i s f a l l o f
K i n g D a h i r , the R a j p u t s and specially their leader, B a p p a
R a v a l o f C h i t o d , w r e s t e d i t a w a y f r o m t h e A r a b s a n d he a n d
other H i n d u kings pushed their boundaries r i g h t f r o m the
Pariyatra M o u n t a i n i.e. H i n d u k u s h mountains, Kashmir,
Gandhar ( w h i c h is n o w c a l l e d A f g h a n i s t a n ) s t r a i g h t u p t o
Sindhusagar (which we now shamelessly call A r a b i a n sea).
T h i s H i n d u s o v e r e i g n t y over the vast region lasted for three
h u n d r e d years.
THREE HUNDRED YEARS AMOUNT T O

ABOUT SEVEN GENERATIONS
658. E v e n w h e n the H i n d u s h e l d t h e i r sway over such

a vast region for more than three hundred years and
even w h e n S i n d h h a d been reconquered b y the R a j p u t s w i t h i n
twenty-five years of its loss to K a s i m , m o s t o f t h e E n g l i s h ,
as also t h e H i n d u , h i s t o r i a n s n e v e r so much as m e n t i o n i t .
O n the contrary great historians, litterateurs, well-known
p r o f e s s o r s a l l t h e w o r l d o v e r as a l s o t h e s c h o o l - g o i n g c h i l d r e n
have a l l along been repeating blindly that right from the
t i m e K a s i m conquered S i n d h the Muslims began their o n w a r d
march right up to Rameshwaram and for a l l these t w e l v e
h u n d r e d y e a r s o r so f r o m A . D . 711 t o the time the British
l e f t I n d i a i n 1947 t h e H i n d u s had been rotting i n slavery.
This a s s u m p t i o n is as f a l s e as i t i s i n s u l t i n g t o t h e H i n d u s .
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 26S
T h i s is a n unbearable p e r v e r s i o n o f facts.
659. Hereafter at least a t r u t h - l o v i n g w r i t e r o f history-
should scrupulously avoid this falsehood, this perversion,
o f facts f r o m s c h o o l o r c o l l e g e t e x t - b o o b s as a l s o f r o m t h o s e
of a greater worth and importance.
THESE THREE HUNDRED YEARS
660. F o r d u r i n g t h e s e t h r e e h u n d r e d y e a r s i.e., u p t o
A.D. 1000 o r so i n t h e w h o l e o f I n d i a r i g h t f r o m H i n d u k u s h
to C e y l o n a n d to B u r m a i n the east the H i n d u S o v e r e i g n states
ruled proudly. A t such an early date as that the Hindu
kings i n the south l i k e the Cher, C h o w l , P a n d y a , Rashtrakut
and others sometimes the one, at o t h e r s the next ruled the
vast southern seas so p o w e r f u l l y as to call themselves
Trisamudreshwar. To say t h a t the whole of I n d i a sweated
i n slavery under the M u s l i m s o r some o t h e r rulers, ignoring
its prosperous and independent sovereign status, is to belie
history.
F R O M A . D . 1000 T O A.D. 1030
661. A l l of a sudden like a comet rose M a h m u d of

Ghazni, at this time. A t his accession to the throne he
vowed to M u s l i m i z e the whole of I n d i a and, as h a s been
a l r e a d y d e s c r i b e d i n p a r a g r a p h s 365 t o 3 7 5 , c a r r i e d o n a s e r i e s
of depredations and arson, religious persecution and rapes
a n d p o l l u t i o n a n d conversion t h r o u g h o u t the vast t r a c t from
M u l t a n i n P u n j a b to Someshwar i n S o u r a s h t r a .
662. B u t i t is because at s u c h cataclysmal times t h e
H i n d u s showed exemplary valour a n d perseverance a n d for
bearance i n facing a l l these calamites never l o s i n g self-respect
or courage, t h a t H i n d u states c o u l d again raise their banners
overthrowing the M u s l i m ascendancy hardly w i t h i n twenty-
five t o t h i r t y y e a r s o f M a h m u d G h a z n i ' s d e a t h i n A . D . 1 0 3 0
w i t h t h e sole e x c e p t i o n p e r h a p s o f t h e northern p a r t o f the
Punjab b e y o n d the I n d u s . T h i s can surely be c i t e d as t h e
astonishing i l l u s t r a t i o n of the tenacity of any nation for
that matter.
663. S e c o n d l y , i t m u s t be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t d u r i n g the
thirty or forty years o f the political havoc wrought by
M a h m u d o f G h a z n i i n the n o r t h , the whole of South India
h a d been displaying daring and adventure while enjoying
independence, prosperity, a n d t h e m a s t e r y o f t h e t h r e e seas
as n o n - c h a l a n t l y as b e f o r e .
664. This is w h y even d u r i n g those t h i r t y o r f o r t y
y e a r s o f G h a z n i ' s r a i d s , I n d i a as a w h o l e c a n n e v e r be said
t o be s l a v i n g under the foreign heels. O f course we d o n o t
deny that a small part of the north-western Punjab was
annexed b y Ghazni establishing political as w e l l as r e l i g i o u s
ascendancy firmly o v e r t h e r e . H o w e v e r , i t m u s t a l s o be b o r n e
i n m i n d that even at t h a t time K a s h m i r was a H i n d u state.
HUNDRED AND FIFTY YEARS AFTER T H E

D E A T H O F M A H M U D O F GHAZNI
IN A . D . 1030
665. A hundred and fifty years i.e. a b o u t five g e n e r a
t i o n s after A . D . 1030 t h e w h o l e o f I n d i a r i g h t from K a s h m i r
to A s s a m a n d B u r m a i n the n o r t h a n d Rameshwaram i n the
South, was p o l i t i c a l l y independent, powerful a n d prosperous
as b e f o r e . G r e a t preachers, saints a n d M a h a n t s a n d priests
following the path o f Shree Shankaracharya were, along
w i t h S m r i t i k a r s D e v a l a n d M e d h a t i t h i , leading the cultural
life of the whole of I n d i a a n d its oversea-colonies. Sanskrit
was the I n d i a n priestly language throughout. Kashi was
the c u l t u r a l centre o f the w h o l e H i n d u nation. The great
w o u n d s suffered b y o u r H i n d u n a t i o n on the p o l i t i c a l front
d u r i n g the raids o f M a h m u d of G h a z n i were healed up b y
rulers d u r i n g these y e a r s . I f the temple o f S o m n a t h was
rebuilt on this side, new s k y - h i g h temples like that of
Bhuvaneshwar and religious centres i n Orissa a n d A s s a m
rose to t h e i r f u l l glory. T h e H i n d u m a s t e r y o f the E a s t e r n ,
W e s t e r n a n d t h e S o u t h e r n seas, t h e i r t r a d e and commerce,
to-and-fro movement of thousands of their troops, their
royal visits and return visits right up to Mexico i n the tar
east a n d to A f r i c a i n the west continued unhampered and
therefore the I n d i a n s overseas could keep constant contact

with their mother-land and t h e r e b y p r o s p e r e d m a t e r i a l l y as
w e l l as c u l t u r a l l y .
666. C a n a n y H i n d u - h a t e r dare say, therefore, of this
p e r i o d at least t h a t the whole o f I n d i a was r o t t i n g i n abject
slavery ?
CHAPTER X V
FROM T H E TWELFTH CENTURY A.D. TO T H E

END OF T H E THIRTEENTH CENTURY A.D.
667. A f t e r the death o f M a h m u d o f G h a z n i , the Muslim

power there grew far too weak because i n the first place the
p o p u l a t i o n there consisted m a i n l y o f the a b o r i g i n a l tribe-
converted quite recently b y craft or coercion to I s l a m a n d
secondly because the Arabian Muslim States were being:
destroyed completely by the Mongols a n d T u r k s , the two
great A s i a n tribes which h a d not yet sworn allegiance to Islam^
d u r i n g their sweeping raids through the vast tract o f C e n t r a l
A s i a right upto E u r o p e .
668. A s has already been pointed out m a n y big and
small H i n d u communities and royal families ruled this regioa
for a long time. G h u r i w a s o n e o f these H i n d u communities
r o u n d about Ghazni^ w h i c h was w h o l l y converted to Islam
during the Muslim religio-political aggressions. Being
forced to follow the Muslim socio-religious practices for
generations this originally H i n d u c o m m u n i t y o f the Ghuries-
became so s t a u n c h and bigoted i n their faith that they
ardently desired to rule the other M u s l i m s i n G h a z n i . From
the same M u s l i m (yet originally Hindu) Ghuri community
rose t o p o w e r o n e M o h a m m a d G h o r i w h o s u b j u g a t i n g a l l the-
warring tribes d u r i n g the internecine b a t t l e s t h a t b r o k e out-
after the death o f M a h m u d o f G h a z n i , finally proclaimed
h i m s e l f the S u l t a n of the S t a t e . I n order to enlist the loyal
s u p p o r t o f a l l t h e M u s l i m s he m a d e e v e r y w h e r e t h e s t o c k - i n -
trade proclamation, which reverberated throughout that
r e g i o n a n d t h e n o r t h - w e s t r e g i o n o f H i n d u s t a n , t h a t he w o u l d
force a l l t h e K a f i r s ( m e a n i n g H i n d u s ) i n I n d i a t o a c c e p t I s l a m
a n d w o u l d f o u n d a n e m p i r e there^.
669. H o w e v e r , i n spite o f h i s a m b i t i o n he c o u l d n o t do.
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 26T
a n y t h i n g o f t h e k i n d M a h m u d o f G h a z n i h a d d o n e before h i m
i n his seventeen h o r r i b l e p r e d a t o r y raids because o f the a d v e r s e
c i r c u m s t a n c e s . I n A . D . 1176 M o h a m m e d G h o r i first c a p t u r e d
t h e s t r o n g f o r t o f O o c h n e a r t h e c o n fluence o f t h e P a n c h n a d
w i t h the Indus. Enraged at the weakness of her husband
the qeen i n the fort killed h i m and m a r r i e d her daughter
to the v i c t o r i o u s M o h a m m e d s u r r e n d e r i n g the overlordship
o f t h e r e g i o n a t t h e same time*.
670. Then i n order to size u p t h e Hindu Kingdoms
M o h a m m e d G h o r i m a r c h e d o n t h e w e a k e s t one o f G u j a r a t b y
proceeding s t e a l t h i l y a l o n g the borders of Rajasthan. For,
the K i n g of Gujarat h a v i n g died, the Queen and her m i l i t a r y
chiefs enthroned a minor. This led Mohammed Ghori to
t h i n k t h a t i t was w e a k e n o u g h t o be a t t a c k e d . B u t he was
m i s l e d b y appearances. F o r , on learning of Ghori's ensuing
invasion, the H i n d u army of Gujarat, augmented by those
of other sympathising Hindu Kings, marched forward, to
the mountain-ranges, of A b u . The Queen herself fought i n the
battle most v a l i a n t l y , urging all the soldiers to defend the
i n f a n t k i n g w h o m , she s a i d , she h a d d e l i v e r e d t o t h e i r c a r e .
Inflamed b y her words the whole H i n d u a r m y f o u g h t so-
furiously that the M u s l i m s were routed completely i n a l l
directions, M o h a m m e d G h o r i h i m s e l f escaped n a r r o w l y a n d
fled s t r a i g h t t o h i s d o m a i n b e y o n d t h e borders*.
SECOND MAJOR DEFEAT OF MOHAMMED

GHORI B Y T H E HINDUS
671. M o h a m m e d G h o r i , h o w e v e r , w a s n o t t o be d a u n t e d
by adversities. S o w i t h o u t b e i n g d i s c o u r a g e d b y h i s recent-
d e f e a t a t A b u he o n c e a g a i n m a r c h e d o n I n d i a i n A . D . 1 1 9 1 ,
invading this time the territory of Prithviraj Chouhan,
w h e r e u p o n t h a t g a l l a n t m o n a r c h o f D e l h i a l o n g w i t h as m a n y
H i n d u r u l e r s as he c o u l d t h e n g . a t h e r a d v a n c e d a g a i n s t G h o r i
a n d j o i n i n g battle at T a r a y a n to the n o r t h of K a r n o o l near
P a n i p a t d e a l t a c r u s h i n g defeat o n t h e i n v a d e r , a f t e r a b l o o d y
dayS. Mohammed Ghori himself was captured a l i v e by-
Prithviraj. T h i s b a t t l e i s k n o w n as t h e B a t t l e o f T a t a v a d i .
268 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS O F I N D I A N ; HISTORY
672. E m p e r o r (Samrat) Prithyiraj and his feudatory

p r i n c e s were a f t e r a l l H i n d u s b y b i r t h a n d b e l o n g e d t q t h e
topmost Rajput ranks. Hence they sincerely believed that
t o l e t go t h e c a p t i v e n a t i o n a l e n e m y a l i v e , h o w e v e r treache;-
rous he m i g h t be, to g i v e b a c k his k i n g d o m w i t h a l l p o m p
and show, was the highest form of religious conducts
c o n d u c i v e t o h e a v e n l y b l i s s as regards a true w a r r i o r was
concerned.
673. f^Rt ^vi;fir^T ^ =^Rr i
5R-f^5r ififq' s^fft- 'g^rff^ ii*
W e r e a serpent (an i n v e t e r a t e n a t i o n a l e n e m y ) t o come
w i t h a view to bite the motherland, he s h o u l d be smashed
t o pieces w i t h a surprise attack, deceit or c u n n i n g or i n any
other way possible. Although this war-strategy of Shree
K r i s h n a and C h a n a k y a was t a u g h t to the H i n d u s l o n g ago,
a t t h a t t i m e i t a p p e a r e d t o t h e m l i k e one o f t h e five d e a d l i e s t
sins. F o r as w e h a v e a l r e a d y s h o w n i n p a r a g r a p h s 397 t o
454, the w h o l e o f the H i n d u n a t i o n was at that time utterly
infatuated w i t h the perverted sense o f v i r t u e s . . . . B u t the
Muslims, however, followed this very war-strategy most
scrupulously.
674. See h o w : H a d P r i t h v i r a j C h o u h a n , instead of
Mohammed Ghori, invaded Ghazni and had the Muslims
d e f e a t e d t h e R a j p u t s (as t h e R a j p u t s h a d a c t u a l l y done w i t h
M o h a m m e d Ghori) they would have not only killed P r i t h v i r a j
but w o u l d also h a v e converted, b y u s i n g force a n d c u n n i n g ,
•all t h e captive Rajputs to Islam, would have made them,
their wives and c h i l d r e n slaves for the whole o f their lives
i n their houses a n d the b e a u t i f u l among the H i n d u captive
women G h o r i himself might have t a k e n into his harem and
ravaged. To such a damned, demoniacal enemy of our
r e l i g i o n , l i k e M o h a m m e d G h o r i , was m e r c y s h o w n b y P r i t h v i
raj and the other confederated Rajput rulers following
sheepishly the t e x t u a l maxim ^ ' J W R : . (a m a x i m t o be
used only i n the case o f s o m e n o b l e a n d magnanimous
•enemy!) w i t h o u t t h e s l i g h t e s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n b e i n g g i v e n t o t h e
p ropriety of time, place a n d the circumstances a n d persons
i n v o l v e d ! N a y , they showed mercy not only to Mohammed

Ghori but even to the whole M u s l i m a r m y , o n l y to respect
the noble R a j p u t t r a d i t i o n of assuring full protection from
fear to those who surrendered meekly. O n l y an oral promise
w a s o b t a i n e d f r o m M o h a m m e d G h o r i t h a t he w o u l d n o t a g a i n
i n v a d e I n d i a a n d he w a s a l l o w e d t o go a l i v e . H i s domain of
Ghazni, too, was returned to him". A n d proud, more o f
their suicidal and credulous generosity than of their h a v i n g
defeated the M u s l i m a r m y of M o h a m m e d G h o r i , those R a j p u t
warriors marched t r i u m p h a n t l y to D e l h i and celebrated their
victory !
BUT W H A T DID M O H A M M E D GHORI

DO O N REACHING GHAZNI ?
675. D i d M o h a m m e d G h o r i forget his enmity to the

H i n d u s because o f this generosity of Prithviraj Chouhan ?
N o ! O n the contrary like a snake, provoked by a slight
injury M o h a m m e d G h o r i a n d a l l the M u s l i m s i n his k i n g d o m ,
without any sense o f g r a t i t u d e for the Hindu imbecile
generosity, were a l l the more embittered, and r e s o l v e d to
crush the Hindus altogether*. And with a huge army
Mohammed G h o r i once again attacked Prithviraj i n A . D .
H93»,
THE RAJPUT RASOS' AND T H E BEST AMONG

T H E M T H E PRITHVIRAJ RASO' O F C H A N D BHAT
676. I n fact i t is impossible a n d i m p r o p e r to write a n y

t r u s t - w o r t h y h i s t o r y o f the R a j p u t s w i t h o u t closely s t u d y i n g
the contemporary h i s t o r i c a l accounts written b y the Rajput
B h a t s a n d C h a r a n s i n t h e i r h e r o i c a n d , t o some e x t e n t , p o e t i c
s t y l e a n d k n o w n i n t h a t r e g i o n as ' R a s o s ' . B u t i t is d o u b t f u l
whether amongst o u r h i s t o r i a n s t h e r e be five o r a t t h e m o s t
ten such as h a v e read them w i t h any scientific curiosity !
T h a t is w h y none o f the histories written o f the Rajputs of
the times or, for t h a t m a t t e r , o f the whole H i n d u society of
that age, w i t h the solitary exception of that of C o l . T o d
r e a l l y d e s e r v e s t o be t r u l y c a l l e d h i s t o r i e s . T h e y are m e r e
270 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF I N D I A N HISTORK
translations or transliterations of stray incoherent remarks

and disconnected and perverted accounts o f the M u s l i m or
the E n g l i s h writers. I n d e p e n d e n t ' R a s o s ' seem t o h a v e been
composed on valiant Rajput Ranas, proud of their religion
(Hamir Raso, Chhatrasal R a s o , etc.). The 'Rasos' are not
pure, unadulterated histories ! B u t the forceful and vivid
descriptions of the v a r i o u s events, t h e i r h i g h f e r v o u r a n d the
fact o f their authors' p a r t i c i p a t i o n , t o a lesser or greater
•degree, i n t h o s e p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l e v e n t s m a k e t h o s e g r a n d
incidents live, as i t w e r e , before the imagination of the
r e a d e r , as t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d sketchy outlines of chrono
logical accounts can never do. 'Prithviraj Raso' by the
f a m o u s C h a n d B h a t , w h o M'as i n t h e p a y o f P r i t h v i r a j , b e a r s
•out t h e a b o v e r e m a r k b y its epic serenity, calm dignity and
m o v i n g pathos i n its descriptions o f the H i n d u s of the time
a n d o f its account of the first Muslim raids from the north-
•westô.
T H E S T O R Y O F T H E F I R E R A C E ( ^T^^^ )
677. T h i s ' P r i t h v i r a j R a s o ' gives the famous anecdote o f
the s i f ' H - ^ the fire-race i n connection w i t h the origin o f the
R a j p u t dynasties. According to i t when the plague of the
n o n - H i n d u i n v a d e r s grew enormously, S a i n t V a s i s h t a perfor
m e d a g r a n d sacrifice o n Mount A b u from the leaping flames
•of w h i c h a p p e a r e d f o u r s p l e n d i d w a r r i o r s i n o r d e r t o p r o t e c t
the Vedic H i n d u religion. These were the founders o f the
four celebrated R a j p u t dynasties : the Q u h i l o t s of C h i t t o d ,
the P r a t i h a r s of K a n o u j , the Chouhans of Sambar a n d the
P a r m a r s o f D h a r . T h e essence o f t h i s p o p u l a r a n e c d o t e seems
t o us q u i t e consistent w i t h history. F o r after the Hindus
vanquished the H u n s utterly and when the l a t t e r began to
merge wholesale i n the H i n d u society, the saints of those
•days m u s t n e c e s s a r i l y h a v e p e r f o r m e d s o m e g i g a n t i c s a c r i f i c e
of p u r i f i c a t i o n a n d conversion for atleast some hundreds of
them—a memorable i n c i d e n t w h i c h p e r h a p s finds t h i s p o e t i c
•expression in Chand Bhat's 'Prithviraj Raso' i n the finest
t r a d i t i o n o f the P u r a n i k w r i t e r s .
•5m GliORIOUS E P O C H : 271
678i ' The Nagari Pracharini Sabha had undertaken to

republish this ' P r i t h v i r a j R a s o ' i n 1922-23 w h e n I was i n
p r i s o n at R a t a n g i r i , where some p a r t s o f i t were sent to m e
o n request b y m y brother for m y essay o n H i n d u t w a . I do n o t
Jmow, however, whether this whole book was ever p u b l i s h e d .
T H E S E NON-HINDUS A R E SHAMELESS
WE, HINDUS FIGHT SHY !
679. The ' P r i t h v i r a j R a s o ' describes the Hindu-Muslim

skirmishes a n d frays i n the epic style of M a h a b h a r a t , and the
p o e t has p r a i s e d t h e H i n d u s h i g h l y f o r v a n q u i s h i n g M o h a m
med Ghori again and a g a i n a n d t h e n s e t t i n g h i m free t o go
•alive, because t h i s n o b l e a c t o f t h e H i n d u s , he t h o u g h t , a d d e d
to their glory ! B u t when Mohammed Ghori again attacked
P r i t h v i r a j i n A . D . 1193, v i o l a t i n g h i s p r o m i s e t h a t he w o u l d
never again i n v a d e I n d i a , Ghand B h a t wrote w r a t h f u l l y , " W e
E i n d u s are scrupulous about religious and irreligious conduct,
a b o u t t r u t h a n d f a l s e h o o d , w e fight s h y of sinful acts, but
t h e s e n o n - H i n d u s ( m e a n i n g M u s l i m s ) a r e u t t e r l y shameless !
680. B u t the breach o f promise w h i c h could Muslimize
the whole o f the K a f i r state was a h i g h l y religious d u t y for
the M u s l i m s , a n d because M o h a m m e d G h o r i b r o k e his promises
again a n d a g a i n he became a Gazi among the Muslims !
T h i s f a c t a l s o m u s t be e n g r a v e d o n t h e hearts of the H i n d u s
that the Muslims who acted irreligiously according to C h a n d
B h a t were blessed w i t h success b y G o d w h e r e a s ' t h e H i n d u s
who never broke any promise but showed the quixotic
greatness of setting the enemy free a l i v e were crushed
o u t r i g h t owing to t h e i r steadfast adherence to their so-called
religious conduct 1
681. There was another reason w h y M o h a m m e d G h o r i
thought it to be the best o p p o r t u n i t y t o m a r c h against
P i r t h v i r a j . J a y c h a n d , the K i n g o f K a n o u j , h a d secretly given
a solemn promise to help h i m against Prithviraj, his direst
enemy!!, a promise w h i c h later p r o v e d fatal to himself. In
1193, the H i n d u - M u s l i m armies met at Sthaneshwar, where
272 SIX G L O R I O U S EPOCHS O F INDIAN HISTORY"-
i n the t h i c k of the fray fell i n the h a n d s o f the M u s l i m s , d e a d

ox a l i v e t h e R a j p u t p r i n c e s , C h a i n u n d r a i , H a m i r , H a d a a n d
good many other warriors ! M u s l i m losses i n l i v e s w e r e a l s o
terrible. . A l l this detailed account s h o u l d r e a l l y be read,,
i f possible, f r o m the ' P r i t h v i r a j R a s o ' i t s e l f , because i n the
h i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t s b y t h e M u s l i m w r i t e r s n o t h i n g b u t censure^
and condemnation of the K a f i r s c a n o n l y be m e t with, and
w i t h the exception of these p o e t i c a l R a s o s , histories, w r i t t e n
b y H i n d u writers, do not s i m p l y exist. The Muslim writers
vouch that Prithviraj was, at length, killed i n the. battle
a n d the M u s l i m s were victoriously. S o o n after this victory
Mohammed Ghori marched straight to Delhi, because he h a d
to perform his d i a b o l i c a l l y pious deed o f demolishing the
H i n d u temples, o f s l a u g h t e r i n g the masses o f H i n d u s , o f arson
and especially of ravaging the young wife of P r i t h v i r a j ,
the daughter of J a y c h a n d , S a n y o g i t a , who was w e l l - k n o w n at
t h a t t i m e for her exceptional beauty. F a s t as M o h a m m e d
G h o r i made for D e l h i , faster s t i l l went the t r a g i c n e w s of"
the defeat o f P r i t h v i r a j a n d o f h i s d e a t h o r probable capture
b y the Muslims, to the r o y a l palace o f D e l h i , whereupon,
according to the pre-arranged p l a n perhaps, the empress
S a n y o g i t a l o s t n o t a m i n u t e t o face t h e d a n g e r b o l d l y i n t h e
traditional Rajput way. A t once, l e a v i n g aside a l l consider
a t i o n for wealth, parental love, fraternal affection, the
a t t a c h m e n t to her e a r t h l y existence, a n d b r e a k i n g a l l ties o f
love a n d d u t y she j u m p e d from the top-most floor of the
p a l a c e a n d k i l l e d h e r s e l f w i t h t h e w o r d J a y h a r (stflsr)—glory
to G o d Shiv ! on h e r l i p s she p e r f o r m e d Jayhar—Johar I
W h a t o f the empress, Sanyogita, hundreds o f other Hindu
•Hômen l e a p t one a f t e r another into the Y a m u n a (Jamuna)
a n d d r o w n e d t h e m s e l v e s before t h e M u s l i m s c o u l d e v e n t o u c h
or pollute t h e m !
682. O n reaching D e l h i , Mohammed Ghori immediately
set t o p l u n d e r a n d d e s t r o y t h e r o y a l p a l a c e s a n d t h e c i t i z e n s
w i t h fire a n d s w o r d , t o his heart's content^'. Proclaiming
next the establishment o f the Muslim power there, he
appointed a trusted s l a v e , o f h i s , ope K u t u b u d d i n , as his
chief administrator, and went s t r a i g h t off t o ^Ghazni. L a t e r

on within two years i n 1195 M o h a m m e d G h o r i a t t a c k e d
Jaychand. With his administrator K u t u b u d d i n to assist-
h i m h e m a r c h e d o n K a n o u j w h e r e i n a f u r i o u s scuffle J a y c h a n d
was u t t e r l y v a n q u i s l i e d a n d killed^*. In a sense t h e I n d i a n
K i n g received a fitting reward f o r h i s h i g h t r e a s o n against-
the H i n d u n a t i o n !
683. Nearly a hundred years or more had elapsed
since the d r e a d f u l raids o f M a h m u d o f G h a z n i a n d as s u c h
t h e i r r e c o l l e c t i o n was g r o w i n g fainter like an evil hallucina
tion or dream i n the Hindu mind. So w i t h these two
invasions of M o h a m m e d Ghori, every H i n d u K i n g , E m p e r o r ,
Saint, dignitary of every sort, d o w n to the hut-dweller was
shocked to the m a r r o w o f his bones at t h i s miserable plight
of H i n d u courage and strength. M o h a m m e d G h o r i , too, was
elated at this unexpected victory, and hearing of Kashi
(Benares) as t h e h o l i e s t o f H i n d u p l a c e s o f w o r s h i p h e h e a d e d
straight for it i n order to destroy H i n d u religion.
684. T h e people at K a s h i were t a k e n unawares b y t h i s
f a n a t i c a l a n d b l o o d - t h i r s t y r a i d a n d as s u c h h a d n o a r r a n g e
ment to face it. Naturally Mohammed Ghori captured
K a s h i i n no time, started f o r t h w i t h to slaughter H i n d u men
and women, to p l u n d e r the Hindu house's, to r a v i s h H i n d u
women, and s p e c i a l l y to force countless Hindu men and
women to accept Islam and slavery. A b o v e a l l he r a i s e d t o
b i g heaps o f rubble a n d b r i c k every H i n d u temple and broke
t h e i d o l s w i t h i n i t t o bits^^.
685. B u t he immediately heard the news t h a t i n t h e
H i n d u states b e y o n d a n d especially i n R a j a s t h a n , plans were
being c h a l k e d out o f e n c i r c l i n g h i m ; a n d h a v i n g the bitter
experience of the u n i t e d H i n d u s w o r d s m e n t w i c e before, h e
satisfied himself w i t h w h a t e v e r he c o u l d a c h i e v e d u r i n g o n e
sweep from K a n o u j to K a s h i (Benaras), a n d went b a c k t o
Ghazni. A s before he a p p o i n t e d h i s v e r s a t i l e , b r a v e and
trusted s l a v e K u t u b u d d i n , h i m s e l f as t h e Governor of the
recently won territory upto Kanouj^*.
686. A n d alas ! A t this very evil, unpropitious moment
•our a g e - o l d C a p i t a l o f t h e H i n d u empire since the d a y s o f

Y u d h i s h t h i r this our Indraprastha, H a s t i n a p u r or modern
Delhi, was lost to the n o n - H i n d u s a n d there was l a i d the
foundation stone of the Muslim e m p i r e *;for centuries to
•come ! D e l h i b e c a m e t h e centre o f servitude a n d remained
so r o t t i n g u n d e r t h e foreign rule for the next five or six
h u n d r e d years (with v e r y short breaks i n between ) t i l l at
last the Marathas t r i u m p h a n t l y hoisted their saffron-coloured
flag a t A t t o c k a n d o v e r t h r o w i n g t h e M u s l i m i m p e r i a l power
beyond, made i t the handmaid of the Hindu imperial
•authority.
687. S o o n a f t e r he r e a c h e d Ghazni, Mohammed Ghori
w a s k i l l e d , ( i n t h e o p i n i o n o f some M u s l i m h i s t o r i a n s , ) b y a
•small b a n d o f s o l d i e r s i n h i s army^^, b u t C h a n d B h a t gives
a colourful and detailed d e s c r i p t i o n i n his B a s o of how
Prithviraj seized the one unique opportunity to k i l l h i m
-and a v e n g e d h i s d e f e a t . A l t h o u g h no other support for this
folk-lore c a n be f o u n d , as y e t , it is n o t unworthy of a
m e n t i o n here. T h e essence o f t h i s s u p e r b l y d e s c r i b e d f o l k
lore i n the poetical ' P r i t h v i r a j R a s o ' is t h a t P r i t h v i r a j was
captured alive by Ghori and was not k i l l e d i n the battle.
M o h a m m e d G h o r i t o o k h i m t o G h a z n i as a c a p t i v e a n d s t r u c k
out his eyes, making him blind. A t this s h o c k i n g news
C h a n d B h a t went on his own to Ghori's court at G h a z n i i n
o r d e r t o d o h i s t r a d i t i o n a l d u t y as a Bhat of laying down
his l i f e f o r h i s e m p e r o r . Charans a n d B h a t s were supposed
t o b e a r a c h a r m e d l i f e , — t h e y w e r e n o t t o be k i l l e d — a n d t h e
M u s l i m rulers also could not generally break this conven
tion ! Sultan M o h a m m e d Ghori too asked Chand B h a t to
have his say. Chand B h a t was a w e l l - k n w o n a n d ready-
w i t t e d , facile poet, w h o sang o u t at the top of his sonorous
voice a heroic b a l l a d to mean, " M y master is y o u r captive
a n d y o u are sure t o e n d h i s life as best y o u please. But my
sole r e q u e s t i s t h a t I s h o u l d a l s o be k i l l e d w i t h h i m i n the
same or a n y other manner. Secondly, I submit that the
Sultan should himself witness a demonstration of the
exceptional s k i l l of m y master i n the wonderful art o f h i t t i n g
t h e sound—n\*<i^'^-—in a r c h e r y . T h i s r e q u e s t m a d e t h e S u l t a n
•curious a b o u t this wonderful art. Even then w i t h every
p r e c a u t i o n the necessary arrangements for the d e m o n s t r a t i o n
Tvere m a d e . Twenty-one pans were hung i n a row. Sultan
IMohammed sat eagerly w i t h his select retinue a n d his noble
m e n at a h i g h place i n the court to witness the feat. Chand
B h a t a n d P r i t h v i r a j , the last H i n d u E m p e r o r of D e l h i , were
m a d e t o s i t before t h e p a n s i n t h e wake of a strong military
guard. T h e n as each p a n was struck the stroke r a n g clear
and loud. A s soon as the sound rang out the blinded
Emperor Prithviraj took an u n m i s t a k a b l e a i m at the p a n
concerned a n d h i t the m a r k . A s this feat was repeated w i t h
exceptional accuracy o f a i m for twenty-one times, the whole
court was thrilled with wonder and admiration and the
•clapping o f h a n d s went on unceasingly, and finally the
Sultan himself shouted aloud 'shabas, shabas'—'bravo, bryo!!'
A t that v e r y moment the captive Chand Bhat sitting near
Prithviraj composed a couplet (^fi) on the spur of the
moment telling P r i t h v i r a j to shoot, without wasting a
moment, the S u l t a n s i t t i n g at a p a r t i c u l a r distance, shouting
'shabas, s h a b a s — B r a v o , b r a v o ' . A t this the b l i n d e d E m p e r o r
P r i t h v i r a j t o o k an a i m i n the d i r e c t i o n of the S u l t a n s h o u t i n g
-"shabas, s h a b a s ' a n d k i l l e d h i m w i t h a s h a r p a r r o w . A t once
t h e r e was a n u p r o a r a n d confusion everywhere, but before
the gaurds o f the S u l t a n could f a l l upon them with their
weapons, Prithviraj and Chand Bhat drew out their own
s w o r d s a n d c u t off t h e i r o w n h e a d s !
THE SLAVE DANASTY
688. S o o n after the death of M o h a m m e d G h o r i , his

s l a v e (governor) a d m i n i s t r a t o r i n I n d i a , K u t u b u d d i n , h i m s e l f
became t h e S u l t a n a n d e s t a b l i s h e d h i s i n d e p e n d e n t k i n g d o m
at D e l h i . K u t u b u d d i n was a T u r k b y b i r t h , b u t as he was
-a s l a v e o f M o h a m m e d G h o r i , h i s d y n a s t y i s c a l l e d t h e S i a v e
Dynasty.
276 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INEdAN HISTORY
T H E FICTITIOUS STORY O F K U T U B M I N A R
689. T h e l e g e n d t h a t he b u i l t t h e famous K u t u b m i n a ?
as a m e m o r i a l to his v i c t o r y is altogether false. This pillar
o f v i c t o r y w a s b u i l t as V i s h n u s t a m b h — t h e p i l l a r o f V i s h n u —
by a certain Hindu emperor, mo?t probably by Samudra
Gupta and was dedicated to L o r d Vishnu^*. Recent excava
tions have discovered a n ancient i d o l o f Shree V i s h n u near
the pillar, which supports the above assertion. Thereafter
P r i t h v i r a j Chouhan i m p r o v e d i t to a great e x t e n t ; so i n the
R a j p u t p e r i o d it was sometimes called P r i t h v i s t a m b h ^ ' . The
Muslims had grown very much fond of obliterating the
names a n d a l l other traces of the o l d monuments and stam
ping them w i t h t h e i r o w n seals w h e r e v e r t h e y went on w i t h
their expeditions. H e n c e i n I n d i a , too, they changed the o l d
o r i g i n a l n a m e s o f t h e c a p i t a l s t h e y c o n q u e r e d , t h e h o l y placep^
of pilgrimage, the i m p o r t a n t sites, w o r k s o f a r t and gave
them a l l their M u s l i m names. According to this mischievous
habit K u t u b u d d i n named this very monument of V i s h n u -
stambh Kutubminar. A t m a n y p l a c e s o n t h a t p i l l a r he got
the h y m n s and aphorisms from the Koran engraved in
Arabic, and a d d e d some n e w f e a t u r e s t o t h e p i l l a r h e r e a n d
there. B u t the b l o c k s o f stones t h a t were required for this
purpose were intentionally procured from the demolished
H i n d u temples a n d the idols therein.
RAIDS O N CHITOD A N D HINDU VICTORIES
690. While Kutubuddin was conquering the Punjab,.

D e l h i , K a n o u j a n d o t h e r H i n d u s t a t e s , he w a s uneasy about
the Rajput states. Soon he learat of the death o f R a n a
S a m a r s i n g of C h i t o d and of the succession of his m i n o r son
Karna to the throne. H e was n o t a f o o l t o l e t go t h i s fine
o p p o r t u n i t y to subdue it. B u t the m o t h e r of the m i n o r k i n g
of C h i t o d , K a r u n d e v i , was v e r y brave a n d o f great abilities.
T h a t y o u n g mother-queen took the leadership o f the army
a n d i n s p i r i n g t h e o t h e r n e i g h b o u r i n g H i n d u s t a t e s t o fight o n
h e r s i d e , d e a l t a m e m o r a b l e defeat o n the M u s l i m army in a
battle near Ambar (Amber of Amer)^''. I n order to a v o i d
complete destruction, K u t u b u d d i n retreated to Delhi; Later

on when Rahup succeded Kama to the throne of Chitod,
K u t u b u d d i n ' s a r m y once a g a i n m a r c h e d o n C h i t o d . B u t o n c e
again the Rajputs p u t the Muslim army to rout'^. Rana
R a h u p p r o v e d t o be a v e r y a b l e r u l e r . T h e M u s l i m s t h e r e f o r e
never thought o f invading Chitod t i l l his death.
691. B u t i t m u s t be r e m e m b e r e d h e r e t h a t even while
the Muslims l a u n c h e d repeated a t t a c k s o n the H i n d u states,
t h e H i n d u s as a r u l e n e v e r i n v a d e d t h e m nor ever pursued
the fleeing Muslim army, nor a g a i n besieged the M u s l i m
localities left behind and destroyed them or their Masjids*
It is because t h e H i n d u s n e v e r thus retaliated the Muslim
a g g r e s s i o n o w i n g t o t h e i r p e r v e r s e sense o f v i r t u e s , t h e l a t t e r
again a n d again perpetrated these crimes against the f o r m e r .
692. After K u t u b u d d i n ' s death i n A . D . 1210, one or
two incapable Sultans came to the throne o f D e l h i , b u t as
they were soon deposed S u l t a n a R a z i a began to rule'^. She
was well trained i n t h e affairs o f t h e S t a t e b y K u t u b u d d i n
himself. She a t t e n d e d the court or her army i n the guise
of a man. L a t e r on she f e l l i n l o v e w i t h a trusty slave
of hers, n a m e d J a l a l u d d i n , who chiefly m a n o e u v r e d t h i n g s i n
the court and began to l i v e openly w i t h her. This was,
however, most detestable to the T u r k i s h noblemen of her
c o u r t , because J a l a l u d d i n was a N e g r o . The Turks thought
t h e m s e l v e s t o be o f h i g h r a n k a n d d e s p i s e d t h e N e g r o s as l o w
bred.
69 3 . T h i s w i l l m a k e another p o i n t clear, to the reader
that although the Turks, the Mongols, the Arabs, the
P a t h a n s , the Negros (Abyssinians) a n d others called them
selves M u s l i m s a n d p r o u d l y p r o c l a i m e d the absence o f caste-
differences a n d e x h i b i t e d i n place and out of place the
equality o f status for a l l i n order to belittle the H i n d u s o n
t h a t a c c o u n t , t h e y w e r e n o t a l t o g e t h e r free f r o m t h o s e c a s t e -
differences. T h e s e d i s t i n c t i o n s were o n t h e c o n t r a r y far too
pronounced amongst them a n d caused a good deal of trouble.
694. S h o r t n e s s o f s p a c e c o m p e l s us t o refer the reader
to a chapter i n our b o o k , "Essay on Abolition of Castes'*
278 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN H I S T O R Y
(oflfg^^? fe''?) named "Sects and Pactions Amongst the

Muslims"23.
695. I n t h e e n d the T u r k i s h n o b l e m e n rose i n r e b e l l i o n
against the Negro (Abyssinian?) Jalaluddin and Sultana
Razia under the leadership of Altunia, the governor o f
Sarhiud, a n d defeated R a z i a i n a battle, whereupon Razia
cast her spell u p o n the v i c t o r A l t u n i a a n d m a r r i e d h i m . The
n e w l y w e d d e d c o u p l e m a r c h e d o n D e l h i once again but were
defeated a n d k i l l e d b y the noblemen and the army there.
After jconsiderable court intrigues and plots and counter
plots a nobleman, named ' B u l b a n ' usurped the throne and
b e c a m e the S u l t a n o f D e l h i .
MONGOL RAIDS—CHENGEEZKHAN
696. D u r i n g the reign o f this v e r y slave d y n a s t y M o n g o l

raids on India's farthest borders through Central Asia
were causing constant trouble. Like whirlwinds great
armies from Mongolia who had not so far sworn their
allegiance to Islam went on t r a m p l i n g over, and crushing,
a l l t h e n a t i o n s a n d c o u n t r i e s f r o m the Pacific to the Black
Sea**. T h e i r leader i n those days was the world-famoua
Chengeezkhan, who, t i l l the last moment of his life, heajaed
all possible ignominies and insults on the M u s l i m and A r a b
States a n d the M u s l i m religion. H e deposed and killed the
K h a l i p h of B a g h d a d , w h o m the M u s l i m s h i g h l y respected as
the political and religious representative of G o d , and raised
to the ground the c i t y o f Baghdad*". Y e t the Allah could
do absolutely n o t h i n g against h i m . W i t h his ploughshare of
d e s t r u c t i o n h e f u r r o w e d the v a s t t e r r i t o r y right u p to R u s s i a
w i t h o u t t h e l e a s t o b s t r u c t i o n ; he o v e r t h r e w t h e k i n g d o m of
K i e v i n Russia*^, r a v a g e d the whole t r a c t straight up to the
B l a c k Sea w i t h massacre, p l u n d e r , arson a n d annexed it to-
his t r a n s c o n t i n e n t a l empire. B u t no power on this vast earth
dared restrain this destructive hand of Chengeezkhan ! On
their way b a c k f r o m R u s s i a these M o n g o l a r m i e s w e r e o b v i
ously to d a s h v i o l e n t l y against I n d i a . B u t quite mysterious
l y , he w e n t s t r a i g h t off t o M o n g o l i a , after first subduing the
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 27^
M u s l i m k i n g d o m of G h a z n i and quite suddenly d i e d there i n

A . D . 1227. L a t e r on t h i s extensive empire passed into the
hands of one of this Mongol race—Kublai K h a n . These
M o n g o l s h a d a l r e a d y r e d u c e d the w h o l e o f C h i n a a n d Korea.^
Kublai Khan made the age-long Chinese c a p i t a l o f P e k i n g
his own'".
697. O n e after-effect of this Mongol-Turkish struggle-
was t h a t t h e y h a d a m i x e d progeny, w h i c h was called M o g h a l
or M u g h a l . These Moghals frequently tried to rush into
India and finally reached D e l h i . Some of t h e m took to I s l a m ,
b u t the o l d M u s l i m s d i d n o t t r e a t t h e m e q u a l l y ; t h e y consi
d e r e d t h e m t o be l o w - b o r n . These Moghals founded i n D e l h i
a separate c o l o n y of theirs named 'Moghalpura'". Some
others of them w e n t t o t h e R a j p u t s f o r s h e l t e r because t h e
o l d M u s l i m s scoffed a t t h e m . Especially some two thousand
of them sought employment i n the army of the valiant
H i n d u king of Ratanbhor.
698. S u l t a n B u l b a n o f t h e S l a v e D y n a s t y w a s i n a sense
t h e m o s t p o w e r f u l a n d a b l e ; he c a l l e d h i m s e l f t h e t r u e r e p r e
sentative of A l l a h . B u t as r e g a r d s h i s hatred towards the
H i n d u s he s u r p a s s e d everybody from the emperor to the
m e a n e s t o f servants^®. H e imposed various heavy taxes on
the H i n d u s , forbade t h e i r pilgrimages to the h o l y places w h i l e
t h e i r forcible conversions a n d massacres went o n u n c e a s i n g l y
from v i l l a g e to village.
699. Bulban d i e d i n o l d age i n A . D . 1286"'. There
being no able person from the Slave D y n a s t y to succeed h i m ,
within four years a n o b l e m a n f r o m the K h i i j i f a m i l y J a l a l -
luddin, slew the sons and grandsons of Bulban and
p r o c l a i m e d h i m s e l f the S u l t a n o f D e l h i , p u t t i n g a stop to t h e
Slave D y n a s t y for ever, a n d s t a r t i n g his o w n ,
KHILJI D Y N T S T Y
700. This Khiiji dynasty of J a l a l l u d d i n called itself

Pathans (Afghans), i f at a l l i t was o f T u r k i s h extractions
J a l a l l u d d i n himself was, as t h e o t h e r Sultans and Muslims
were, fired with the d e v i l i s h a m b i t i o n to destroy the H i n d u
p o l i t i c a l , as w e l l as r e l i g i o u s , p o w e r r o o t and branch. He
was just, as regards other departments of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,
b u t was p a r t i a l to the M u s l i m s . Seeing the tremendous loss
o f M u s l i m l i v e s i n t h e siege o f B a t a n b h o r , he r a i s e d t h e siege
and decamped saying, " I value a single h a i r o f a Muslim
more t h a n a hundred such f o r t s . " B u t this wisdom o f his was
so b e l a t e d t h a t t h e cause f o r t h i s a c t i o n o f h i s h a s to be
sought i n the unbeaten v a l o u r of the Rajputs. After this
f a i l u r e he n e v e r a g a i n t r o u b l e d t h e R a j p u t s .
701. T h e o l d J a l a l l u d d i n r e a l l y wanted to enthrone his
one a m b i t i o u s , b r a v e , a n d s t a u n c h M u s l i m n e p h e w , A l l a u d d i n
after his o w n d e a t h . S o he h a d s e n t h i m w i t h a large army
to face the Rajputs B u t not content w i t h this assignment
w h i c h seemed t o o meagre for his d a r i n g H i n d u - h a t r e d he
marched straight off w i t h o u t t h e Sultan's permission to
conquer the southern Hindu states a n d rob t h e m o f their
reported fabulous wealth of which he h a d lately grown
covetous beyond every l i m i t . T h e first H i n d u s t a t e t o f a l l a
v i c t i m to this unexpected a t t a c k o f A l l a u d d i n was t h a t of the
Yadavas of Devgiri.
702. T h e r e i s o n e s p e c i a l p o i n t t o be n o t e d as regards
this southern conquest of Allauddin. The H i n d u society
o f t h e s o u t h h a d , f o r m o r e o r less t w o t h o u s a n d years, from
the e a r l y b e g i n n i n g s o f t h e m o d e r n h i s t o r y i.e. f r o m 5 0 0 o r
6 0 0 B . C . t o t h e 1 3 t h c e n t u r y A . D . , been enjoying complete
political, religious and social independence a n d h a d been
economically h i g h l y prosperous. I t h a d n e v e r been success
f u l l y i n v a d e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e s e t w o t h o u s a n d years^^. W h o e v e r
o f t h e f o r e i g n i n v a d e r s d a r e d t o d o so, w a s r u t h l e s s l y c r u s h e d
on the borders themselves. So this invasion of Allauddin
w a s t h e first o f i t s k i n d a n d w a s b o u n d t o be s u c c e s s f u l , w i t h
far-reaching harmful effects. Because of this special
revolutionary and harmful character of this invasion of
A l l a u d d i n i t has t o be d e a l t w i t h i n a f r e s h c h a p t e r .
CHAPTER X V I
M U S L I M INVASIONS O N S O U T H INDIA
S O U T H INDIA U P T O T H E BEGINNINGS O F T H E
14TH C E N T U R Y .
703. R i g h t from the beginnings of known history i.e.

from about 500 or 600 B . C . t o t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 1 4 t h
century South I n d i a never k n e w any great foreign i n v a s i o n
•either b y l a n d o r sea. The H i n d u states there enjoyed their
p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y and power almost unhampered and unimpe-
•ded. O n the contrary millions of H i n d u people a n d armies
of the K a l i n g s , Pandyas, Chers, Chols, A n d h r a s , R a s h t r a k u t s ,
'Chalukyas, Y a d a v a s a n d others upto D w a r k a h a d victoriously
spread their political and commercial supremacy, their theo
logical a n d scientific knowledge, their art and sculpture upto
M e x i c o o n t h e one s i d e a n d t o c e n t r a l A f r i c a o n t h e other^.
704-705. B u t this glorious achievement o f the Hindu
states o f the South of m a i n t a i n i n g their independence for over
t w o t h o u s a n d y e a r s has n e v e r b e e n so s p e c i f i c a l l y a n d f o r c i b l y
stated anywhere i n h i s t o r y ' ! W e however challenge i f a n y
' c o u n t r y o r s t a t e o f s u c h m a g n i t u d e as t h a t o f t h e continent
like S o u t h I n d i a n p e n i n s u l a c a n be f o u n d o n t h e face o f t h i s
earth which has valiantly maintained its independence,
•power a n d e m p i r e a n d k e p t f o r e i g n i n v a d e r s either by land
•or sea off i t s t e r r i t o r i e s f o r s u c h a l o n g p e r i o d !
706. A n d such a country l i k e I n d i a , more than half of
-whose territory enjoyed s u c h a g l o r i o u s p a s t , is d e r i d e d b y
-some h a l f - c r a z y j e a l o u s h i s t o r i a n s , f o r e i g n as w e l l as I n d i a n ,
or b y s o m e H i n d u - h a t e r s l i k e D r . A m b e d k a r o r b y some q u i t e
ignorant writers, so as to say, 'Indian history from the
'beginning is a h i s t o r y of a slavish people, sunk deep into
foreign bondage a n d c o n s t a n t l y t r a m p l e d under foreign heels.'
' T h e w o r d ' s l a v e r y ' s u m s u p the w h o l e h i s t o r y o f t h e H i n d u s
w h o h a v e been d r a g g i n g o n t h e p o o r e x i s t e n c e f o r t e n s a n d
socres o f centuries^ !
707. A t least from now onwards every I n d i a n or n o n -
Indian historian must, for the love of truth, mention
specifically this glorious p e c u l i a r i t y o f S o u t h I n d i a ! T h e n
a l o n e t h e i r w r i t i n g s w o u l d d e s e r v e d l y be c a l l e d h i s t o r y ! !
T H E CREDIT D U E T O T H E HINDUS O F T H E
NORTH
708. O f course, w h i l e s p e a k i n g o f this g l o r i o u s a c h i e v e

ment of the S o u t h o f I n d i a — o f m a i n t a i n i n g its independence
a n d v a s t e m p i r e o v e r s u c h a l o n g p e r i o d — d u e c r e d i t m u s t be-
given to the Hindu warriors who tenaciously fought for
more t h a n six or seven h u n d r e d years the b l o o d y a n d disas
t r o u s wars w i t h t h e A r a b s , P a t h a n s , T u r k s , M o g h a l s , m i l l i o n s
o f p i l l a g i n g aggressors o f n u m e r o u s n a t i o n s a n d communities,
of almost the whole of A s i a , and halted their all-sweeping
advance there i n the N o r t h for such a l o n g p e r i o d ; a n d to
those millions of H i n d u m a r t y r s who gave a w a y their lives
for defending their r e l i g i o n b y l e a p i n g into the h u n g r y flames,,
i n t o the bounding waves of the flooded rivers o r i n the
wholesale man-slaughter c a r r i e d o n b y the enemy, b u t never
f o r s o o k t h e i r r e l i g i o n as p e r t h e i r v a r i o u s b e l i e f s ! T h e H i n d u
h i s t o r y can never forget—must never forget—these immeasur
able obligations of those generations of H i n d u s of the N o r t h
over the whole of the H i n d u n a t i o n — o b l i g a t i o n s w h i c h can
have no requital whatsoever !
709. However world history itself t e l l s us that even
the greatest of nations, too, fall victims, some t i m e or the
o t h e r , e v e n i f after a v e r y l o n g l a p s e o f t i m e , t o some f o r e i g n ,
domination. S i m i l a r l y towards the v e r y e n d of the 13th
century (in A . D . 1294) this sub-continent of South India
was overcome with this calamity of the foreign Muslim^
aggression.
710. B u t it must be r e m e m b e r e d here t h a t t h e o n l y :
nation i n the then known world, which could be fairly-
c o m p a r e d w i t h I n d i a as r e g a r d s i t s e x t e n t a n d g r e a t n e s s — t h e
Chinese nation—was o v e r r u n from end to end a n d subjugated

b y Chengeezkhan nearly a hundred years prior to the 14th
century*; and simultaneously w i t h the first invasion of
South India by A l l a u d d i n — o f w h i c h we are going to write
very shortly—it had already become the foot-stool of the
foreign throne o f the M o n g o l E m p e r o r , K u b l a i K h a n ^ ! B u t
can a n y profane, abusive writer make b o l d to say that the
C h i n e s e n a t i o n has a l l a l o n g been r o t t i n g i n f o r e i g n b o n d a g e ?
MODERN HISTORY OF SOUTH INDIA
711. T h e r e l e v a n t a n d sufficient p o r t i o n o f t h e ancient

h i s t o r y o f S o u t h I n d i a has a l r e a d y been referred to in an
early part of this book. W e c a n safely assume t h a t w i t h the
d o w n f a l l o f t h e S h a l i v a h a n d y n a s t y i n A . D . 236 o r t h e r e a b o u t
began the modern history of South India. Thereafter the
gallant Chalukya Emperor, P u l a k e s h i shone l i k e a light
house tower, c o u n t i n g t h e passage o f t i m e , i n t h e h i s t o r y o f
the South. He too has been mentioned in the earlier
c h a p t e r s . T o h i s c o u r t h a d come t h e f a m o u s C h i n e s e t r a v e l l e r ,
Huen-tsang (or Y u a n C h w a n ) w h o has first used the word
Maharashtra to describe P u l a k e s h i ' s kingdom*. T h a t is t h e
first i m p o r t a n t r e c o r d e d use o f the w o r d i n h i s t o r y . Emperor
P u l a k e s h i fell fighting w i t h the P a l l a v k i n g , N u r s i n h V a r m a ,
o f t h e S o u t h i n A . D . 642 a n d h i s k i n g d o m w a s c o n q u e r e d by
t h e P a l l a v a s . B u t v e r y s h o r t l y a f t e r w a r d s i t was reconquered,
b y his son, V i k r a m a d i t y a I, after defeating the P a l l a v a s i n a
furious battle.
712. T o this very C h a l u k y a dynasty belonged V i k r a m a
d i t y a 11, w h o l a t e r o n i n the 8 t h century A . D . s e n t a huge
a r m y to N a v a s a r i a n d defeated the A r a b invaders there !
713. V a r i o u s such H i n d u conquests over the Muslims
are n o t e v e n m e n t i o n e d i n m o d e r n h i s t o r i e s . H i s t o r y of late
has become too p a r t i a l and vulgar. T h e various such incidents
of H i n d u supremacy and superior craft, that have been
mentioned hereotfore, can very rarely be found in the
contemporary histories written by M u s l i m writers. Hereafter
at least H i n d u w r i t e r s should describe such glorious acts o f
valour of the Hindu kings and warriors after careful

research.
714. T h e above-mentioned r o y a l d y n a s t y o f the P a l l a v a s
was one o f t h e v a l o r o u s a n d p r o s p e r o u s ones o f t h e S o u t h .
T h e y h a d t h e i r c a p i t a l a t K a n c h i ( K a n j i v a r a m ) f o r some time^
A t the end o f the n i n t h c e n t u r y A . D . a C h o i k i n g of S o u t h
India itself, n a m e d Aditya, overpowered Aparajit P a l l a v '
a n d subdued his k i n g d o m for ever.
THE RASHTRAKUTS
715. After the C h a l u k y a s the R a s h t r a k u t s had esta

blished a prominent and very powerful kingdom bringing
p r a c t i c a l l y the whole of the South and even the southern
part of Gujrath under their sway. F o r some t i m e t h e y h a d
their capital at Malkhed. By far the most important
achievement of theirs is g e t t i n g t h e famous K a i l a s cave
carved at V e r u l (Ellora).
716. After the l O t h c e n t u r y A . D . there were o n l y t w o
p r o m i n e n t k i n g d o m s i n the South ; those of the Cholas o f
T a n j a w a r (Tanjore) a n d t h e P a n d y a s o f M a d u r a . F o r t u n a t e l y
we h a v e t h e e y e - w i t n e s s account o f the political indepen
dence o f the S o u t h , their prosperous state, a n d t h e i r g a l l a n t r y ,
by a third party, namely Marco Polo, the celebrated,
discerning, learned E u r o p e a n (Italian) traveller a n d writer
who had spent many years of his life i n the court of
K u b l a i K h a n i n C h i n a a n d M'ho o n h i s w a y b a c k h a d a t this
very time stayed for some days at M a d u r a , the P a n d y a
c a p i t a l ^ . H i s t e s t i m o n y as t o t h e H i n d u m a s t e r y o f t h e t h r e e
seas a n d their oversea empires, which w e c a n find i n h i s
b o o k o f t r a v e l s , is t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t . F o r , w h e n he came
from China t o I n d i a he came v i a I n d o - C h i n a a n d v i s i t e d t h e
H i n d u states i n S u m a t r a a n d other islands. A t the time of
his sojourn i n Sumatra, the i s l a n d was r u l e d b y one H i n d u
k i n g , Shree V i j a y ' , w h o gave equal p r o t e c t i o n to the B u d d h i s t s
also. Marco P o l o thereafter went b a c k to V e n i c e , his place
•of b i r t h , a b o u t the year A . D . 1295. T w o or three other
foreign t r a v e l l e r s h a d come a n d s t a y e d i n I n d i a at t h a t t i m e ,
STH GLORIOUS EPOCH 285
and have left behind them some account o f their travels^

which, along with that of Marco Polo, bear i m p o r t a n t and
independent witness to the fact o f the complete political
freedom o f the Southern Hindu states, o f their political,
commercial a n d religious supremacy over m a n y other nations
a r o u n d them, o f t h e i r o v e r l o r d s h i p of the E a s t e r n , W e s t e r n a n d
S o u t h e r n Seas, o f t h e i r p o w e r f u l n a v i e s a n d m e r c h a n t - m a r i n e
w h i c h t r a v e r s e d t h e t i d e s o f t h e t h r e e seas u n o p p o s e d , and
of the unrivalled title of 'Trisamudreshwar' which these
.southern H i n d u k i n g s p r o u d l y t o o k for themselves.
717. 'Trisamudreshwar' emperor Rajendra Chowl died
in A . D . 1042 a n d a f t e r one o r t w o p o w e r f u l k i n g s a f t e r h i m
the C h o w l d y n a s t y a n d the C h o w l empire perished at the end
o f the 13th century.
RELIGIOUS PREACHERS LIKE SHANKARACHARYA

AND OTHERS
718. D u r i n g these years S o u t h I n d i a saw not o n l y the
r i s e o f r o y a l h e r o e s l i k e R a j e n d r a C h o w l , b u t a l s o the g l o r i o u s
h e i g h t s r e a c h e d b y r e l i g i o u s heroes, t h e f o r e m o s t a m o n g t h e m
being Shreemat Shankarcharya, defeating the various so
c a l l e d h e r e t i c a l v i e w s w h i c h were b e i n g a d v o c a t e d t h r o u g h o u t
I n d i a against the V e d i c religion. A t Kaladi in Karal was
born this great personality of Shankaracharya i n a N a m b u d r i
Brahmin family. B e i n g w e l l versed i n the V e d i c lore and
having taken the v o w of Sanyas (having renounced the
w o r l d l y life) e v e n b e f o r e t h e t e n d e r age o f s i x t e e n , he began
t o p r e a c h a n d c o n q u e r t h e h e r e t i c s i n a l l quarters^". K u m a r i l -
bhatta, the well-known exponent of the K a r m a theory, w h o
successfully refuted the B u d d h i s t religious o p i n i o n s was also
preaching throughout the four corners of I n d i a r o u n d about
this time. A n o t h e r p r e a c h e r D i g g a j a (f^nsi)—(the elephant
defending the d i r e c t i o n s ) — M a n d a n m i s h r a i i was a l s o the
contemporary of this young Shankaracharya. I n order to
establish his theory o f Sig;*s (the non-existence of duality
between—the unison (unity) of—Jeevatma and P a r a m a t m a )
a n d to hoist the v i c t o r i o u s banner of V e d i c r e l i g i o n t h r o u g h -
286 SIX G L O R I O U S EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTOfeV
out the whole of India Shankaracharya went o n searching

o u t and complietely defeating i n religious debates not only
the followers o f the absolute t h e o r y o f k a r m a b u t also t h e
o t h e r n o n - V e d i c beliefs a n d even the r e n o w n e d leaders of the
Buddhist religion. F i n a l l y he p a r a d e d t h e v i c t o r i o u s Vedifc
banner throughout India and established, authoritative
religious institutions of bis order at four places i n the four
directions o f I n d i a : at S h r i n g e r i i n the s o u t h , at D w a r k a to
the west, Jagannathpuri i n the eastern quarter and at
K a s h m i r t o the f a r t h e s t n o r t h . T h e s e r e l i g i o u s seats ( i n s t i t u
tions) received full Government support so long as Hindu
s t a t e s e x i s t e d i n t h o s e v a r i o u s places^^. H a v i n g a c c o m p l i s h e d
this wonderful work of religious propaganda and having
w r i t t e n the ( u n p a r a l l e l e d ) u n r i v a l l e d b o o k , 'Shankarbhashya',
he entered the cave—took a l i v i n g samadhi—(ended his life
b y restraining his breath).
THE POLITICAL ACTIVITIES O F T H E SHAIVITE

SECTS LIKE T H E PASHUPATAS'
719. E v e n before this period was resuscitated the

Shaivite Sect of the P a s h u p a t a s " , w h i c h being m i l i t a n t l i k e
the S h a k t a s , e x t r e m e l y h a t e d the m e e k 'sjff^—non-violence'
— a n d r e n u n c i a t i o n of the w o r l d l y l i f e o f the B u d d h i s t s a n d
Jains. It fomented and fanned to red heat, at least
indirectly, among the Hindus the tendency to oppose the
n o n - H i n d u religious aggressors a n d a l o v e for war. Shree
Lakulesh" was their apostle, who was b o r n i n G u j r a t h a n d
whose g r e a t w o r k a n d influence m a d e the H i n d u s t a k e h i m f o r
the very incarnation of L o r d Har (Shiv) a n d w h o m even
Shankaracharya mentions proudly.
BENGAL DURING THESE YEARS
720. Till 700 to 800 A.D. B e n g a l was ruled by the

Pal k i n g s , the first o f w h o m was k i n g G o p a l ^ ^ . He was a
Buddhist. He had from his queen, D e d d a d e v i " , a son,
n a m e d D h a r m a p a l w h o r u l e d f r o m 800 t o 825 A - D ^ ' . He too
was a B u d d h i s t and had been m a r r i e d to Ranadevi the
daughter, o f the Rashtrakut king Govind, w h o was most
-5TH G L O R I O U S EPOCH 281
famous i n the South. B y a b o u t A . D . 1095 t h e Sen dynasty

destroyed the P a l kings a n d founded their own kingdom^*.
T h e s e S e n k i n g s w e r e the K s h a t r i y a s f r o m K a r n a t a k in the
s o u t h , w h o h a d t h e i r s i l e n t access t o t h e r o y a l c i r c l e p e r h a p s
through the retinue of the above-mentioned Rashtrakut
princess, Ranadevi^*. Whatever t h a t i s , as t h e s e S e n K i n g s
-were the staunch followers of the Vedic religion, they
suppressed B u d d h i s m i n B e n g a l a n d vigorously revived the
caste-system, rendered chaotic b y i n t e r m i n g l i n g of different
wastes d u r i n g t h e B u d d h i s t p e r i o d , as also t h e V e d i c l o r e a n d
other V e d i c religious institutions'". The book on Sanskrit
gr;i m m a r , Mugdhaboth, w r i t t e n b y B o p d e v was v e r y p o p u l a r
in B e n g a l at this t i m e .
T H E CONTEJVIPORARY HISTORY O F GUJRATH
721. T h e famous k i n g K a r n a r a j who b u i l t the extensive

lake o f K r i s h n a s a g a r r u l e d G u j r a t h f r o m A . D . 1063 t o 1093.
T h e o r i g i n a l c a p i t a l of his royal f a m i l y was at P a t t a n , which
he shifted later o n to a new place and named i t K a r n a v a t i ,
a n d i t r e m a i n e d t h e c a p i t a l o f G u j r a t h ever afterwards'^.'
722. But later on when G u j r a t h was overcome b y the
-Muslims, S u l t a n A h m e d s h a h , who persecuted the H i n d u s most
cruelly, changed the historical H i n d u name of K a r n a v a t i
t o A h m e d a b a d i n A . D . 1412, b e f i t t i n g t h e t r a d i t i o n a l M u s l i m
m a l i g n i t y towards the H i n d u s " , and added to it a newly
built suburb. A n d the meek and submissive attitude of the
H i n d u s o f t h o s e t i m e s has been f o n d l i n g t h a t n a m e e v e r s i n c e
as t h e i r o w n .
T H E FIRST INVASION O F T H E S O U T H B Y T H E
FOREIGNERS A N D NON-HINDUS
723. S u l t a n J a l a l l u d d i n ' s nephew, Allauddin, crossed

the V i n d h y a s w i t h a huge a r m y w i t h o u t any p e r m i s s i o n from
his uncle and attacked the south of India, to loot the
fabulous wealth o f w h i c h he had so long been receiving
tempting reports. T h i s i n v a s i o n w a s so u n e x p e c t e d a n d t h e
negligence, conceit and narrow-mindedness o f the South
?88 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS O F INDIAN HISTORY
Indian Hindu Kings of that t i m e w e r e so p r o f o u n d and

c r i m i n a l t h a t perhaps i t is after his k i n g d o m was actually
attacked that the king of Devgiri, Maharaja Ramdevrao
Y a d a v , came t o k n o w o f i t , a n d b e i n g t h o r o u g h l y u n p r e p a r e d
t o face i t w a s u t t e r l y confused**.
723-A. Is i t not r e a l l y strange that even while the
M u s l i m states were being f o u n d e d everywhere i n the n o r t h o f
India, while they had been so v e r y c r u e l l y r a v a g i n g the
Hindu religion a n d H i n d u states for t w o or three centuries,
while thousands of H i n d u temples were being continuously
and i n s u l t i n g l y d e m o l i s h e d , w h i l e K a s h i was almost t u r n e d
into Mecca, while D n y a n d e v , N a m d e v a n d other saints and
their followers and millions of travelling H i n d u pilgrims
were g o i n g r i g h t u p to the P u n j a b to v i s i t the h o l y places a n d
were r e t u r n i n g aggrieved at the sad p l i g h t o f H i n d u religion
there, while the M u s l i m s were o p e n l y swearing a n d v o i c i n g
their a m b i t i o n to invade the S o u t h a n d convert i t to Islam,
t h e H i n d u k i n g s o f t h e S o u t h s h o u l d be so v e r y careless and
negligent that instead of collecting their armies and sending
t h e m to the n o r t h to help the Rajputs to face the Muslim
a g g r e s s i o n , R a m d e v r a o ' s forces u n d e r some o f h i s chieftains,
s h o u l d h a v e gone far t o t h e S o u t h , a n d Ramdevrao himself
should h a v e been w a n d e r i n g m o s t f r i v o l o u s l y w i t h his s m a l l
a r m y h u n t i n g w i l d animals away from his capital ? B u t —
724. L e t alone Ramdevrao's state of Devgiri 1 But
didn't even a single spy f r o m the secret intelligence service
o f t h e f o u r o r five p r o m i n e n t H i n d u s t a t e s i n t h e s o u t h go t o
the n o r t h and observe a n d i n f o r m his k i n g or kings a n y t h i n g
e v e n w h i l e t h e n o r t h - I n d i a n H i n d u s w e r e so p i t i f u l l y g r o a n
i n g a n d r e n d i n g t h e s k i e s w i t h t h e i r m i s e r a b l e cries ? But !
B u t !!
725. U n d e r these circumstances it is no wonder if
R a m d e v r a o was u t t e r l y v a n q u i s h e d . A l l a u d d i n extorted from
R a m d e v r a o a huge r a n s o m , m a d e him a mandatory prince
and went off h u r r i e d l y t o Delhi because o f some p o l i t i c a l
urgency. It was really fortunate that, according to the
M u s l i m custom, the whole state of Ramdevrao was not
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 2 ^
immediately turned Muslim.

726. E o r , A l l a u d d i n was busy w i t h his plans to dispatch
h i s u n c l e , J a l a l l u d d i n , as s o o n as he r e a c h e d D e l h i a n d to
usurp the throne. A c c o r d i n g l y he h a t c h e d u p a b i g c o n s p i
r a c y a n d h a d J a l a l l u d d i n k i l l e d a n d h i m s e l f became t h e S u l t a n
i n A . D . 129624.
727. I m m e d i a t e l y after he b e c a m e t h e S u l t a n he i n v a d e d
G u j r a t h i n A . D . 1298, a n d o v e r c o m i n g t h e H i n d u king there
conquered the capital of A n h i l w a d . I n the confusion of the
battle the beautiful H i n d u queen, K a m a l d e v i , was captured
w h i l e she w a s t r y i n g t o escape, b u t t h e d e f e a t e d Hindu king
could slip away with his daughter, Devaldevi. Allauddin
thence m a r c h e d straight into Sourashtra, again demolished the
newly b u i l t magnificent temple of Sorti Somnath and took
a w a y t h e i d o l t h e r e i n t o D e l h i a n d u s e d i t as a s t e p p i n g s t o n e
for his throne o n l y to a d d i n s u l t to the H i n d u s ' i n j u r y ' ^ ! .
728. O n r e a c h i n g D e l h i he m a r r i e d R a n i K a m a l d e v i p e r
haps w i t h her own consent. T h a t harlot of a woman was n o t
satisfied w i t h mere cohabitation w i t h A l l a u d d i n , but requested
the M u s l i m chieftains m a r c h i n g on the south to search out
a n d capture her y o u n g , p r e t t y daughter, Princess D e v a l d e v i ,
a n d b r i n g her to D e l h i i n t o M u s l i m c a p t i v i t y .
729. A t this time of Allauddin's invasion of Gujrath
there was a most handsome, smart, a n d y o u n g lad w o r k i n g
as a s l a v e w i t h a w e a l t h y b a n k e r . H i m Allauddin asked for
as l u s t f u l l y as i f h e w o u l d a g i r l i n marriage. But as the
banker refused to part with the young slave, the S u l t a n
a n g r i l y seized the l a d a n d carried him away forcibly'*. In
those days the M u s l i m s h a d i n h e r i t e d the vice o f s o d o m y —
an unnatural form of sexual intercourse with fair-looking
boys instead o f w i t h girls—from the A r a b s " , w h i c h became
a n accepted custom i n the Muslim c o m m u n i t y as a whole,
being never considered to be irreligious ! According to this
general practice Allauddin too had such unnatural sexual
relations with this young handsome slave". B u t that smart
slave t u r n e d out such a n expert swordsman and politician
t h a t he a c t u a l l y b e g a n t o l e a d t h e a r m i e s o n t h e battle-fields
h i m s e l f w i t h as m u c h a b i l i t y a n d s k i l l as Allauddin himself.
T h e aging A l l a u d d i n began to call the slave Maliq-Kafur.
• L a t e r s t i l l he b e g a n t o r u n t h e w h o l e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the
•empire w i t h t h e l a t t e r ' s advice**.
THE SECOND MUSLIM CAMPAIGN ON RATANBHOR
730. I t has a l r e a d y been t o l d t h a t J a l a l l u d i n was defeated

b y the H i n d u s of R a t a n b h o r . I n o r d e r t o a v e n g e t h a t defeat
A l l a u d d i n marched a g a i n for the second t i m e on the fort o f
R a t a n b h o r i n A . D . 1301'". E v e n then R a n a H a m e e r o f R a t a n
bhor fought to the last and l a i d d o w n h i s life a l o n g w i t h
thousands o f his soldiers i n t h a t furious battle; and on seeing
t h e fall of the R a j p u t warriors hundreds of Rajput ladies
including Hameer's q u e e n , s t a n d i n g o n t h e r a m p a r t s o f the
fort,'^ lept i n t o t h e b l a z i n g fire a c c o r d i n g t o a pre-settled
plan, a n d b u r n e d themselves to death. H o w often have the
H i n d u warriors a n d their brave wives done such magnificent
deeds o f v a l o u r a n d sacrificed their lives ! T h a t is the o n l y
reason w h y the H i n d u n a t i o n c o u l d s t i l l remain alive !
INVASIONS O F C H I T O D S U B S E Q U E N T
TO T H E FALL OF RATANBHOR
731. The most beautiful daughter of the R a j p u t k i n g

o f Ceylon**, n a m e d P a d m i n i , w a s m a r r i e d t o R a n a B h e e m s i n g
of Chitod. A c c o r d i n g to the shameless but proud vaunt of
the M u s l i m s i n general that to k i d n a p the non-Muslim
beautiful women openly was a Muslim's religious duty,
A l l a u d d i n openly demanded from R a n a Bheemsing his charm
i n g q u e e n , a n d as t h e R a j p u t s s p u r n e d i t , A l l a u d d i n m a r c h e d
on Chitod round about A . D . 1302. While describing the
battles at that time the Rajput history tells a story how i n
order to deceive Allauddin the Rajputs promised to send
P a d m i n i to h i m but actually sent armed gallant fighters
d i s g u i s e d as w o m e n i n s e v e r a l palanquins and successfully
executed a d a r i n g p l a n of rescuing the captured B h e e m s i n g h ,
b u t t h e p a u c i t y o f space p r e v e n t s us from narrating it in
a n y d e t a i l . F i n d i n g i t impossible to crush the R a j p u t mighty
Rights and usage


Identifier: m-s-001069-f4
valour even i n t h a t furious battle, A U a u d d i n h a d to return to

Delhi. T h i s incident clearly shows that R a j p u t s , too, could
resort to cunning.
732. I n order to avenge the defeat inflicted by the
H a j p u t s i n this battle a n d for the sake o f P a d m i n i A U a u d d i n
once a g a i n invaded C h i t o d i n A . D . 1303, w h e n once again
the brave R a j p u t s donned the ' K e s a r i a ' (saffron garments)
^ n d faught till the end, slaying hundreds of Muslims, and
•died t o a m a n . S e e i n g t h e v i c t o r y s m i l e u p o n t h e M u s l i m s a.nd
•fortune d a r k e n u p o n t h e R a j p u t s , a b o u t t e n t h o u s a n d R a j p u t
•women, i n c l u d i n g R a n i P a d m i n i , lept into t h e b l a z i n g fire
w i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n at their breasts'^. A U a u d d i n conquered
•Chitod, o n l y to collect the ashes o f P a d m i n i ! W h e n the
H i n d u warriors and H i n d u women fought they fought thus !
733. I t m u s t be t o l d h e r e t h a t b e f o r e t h e o l d A U a u d d i n
breathed his last, this defeat of the H i n d u s was a v e n g e d
u n d e r the v e r y nose of A U a u d d i n i n A . D . 1 3 1 3 b y the famous
Rajput, Hameer, who conquered Chitod, after inflicting a
c r u s h i n g defeat u p o n t h e M u s l i m s . H e e v e n c a p t u r e d a s o n o f
A U a u d d i n a l i v e ' * — b u t he w a s n o t c o n v e r t e d t o H i n d u i s m . H e
s h o u l d have been at least to p a y the enemy i n its o w n coin !
T h i s is the v e r y same s u i c i d a l generosity o f the H i n d u s .
734. I n A.D.1307 this Maliq Kafur, Allauddin's famed
general, was sent by the Sultan to invade the south.
R a m d e v r a o was once a g a i n defeated*^, but he m a d e peace
b y p a y i n g off t h e accumulated ransom. But during this
turmoil the runaway Princess Devaldevi of Gujrath who
was m a r r i e d to Ramdevrao's son Shankardev was captured
-and s e n t t o D e l h i b y M a l i q K a f u r ^ ^ . S o o n after i n A . D . 1308
be i n v a d e d the Deccan for the t h i r d time and defeated in a
bloody action R a j a P r a t a p d e v of V a r a n g a P ^ , the heroic k i n g
who had once vanquished t h e Muslims^8_ jj^ja Pratapdev
h a d to swear allegiance to the S u l t a n a t e at D e l h i .
735. Flushed at this success Maliq K a f u r marched on
t h e t h i r d H i n d u S t a t e i n the D e c c a n a n d defeated the H o y s a l
king** there likewise. K a f u r ' s victorious sword then subdued
the remaining H i n d u kingdom of M a d u r a .
736. Thus for the first, time d u r i n g the past two

tJ^pusand y e a r s p r a c t i c a l l y the whole o f the D e c c a n passed
i n t o f o r e i g n a n d n o n - H i n d u e n e m y hands*" ! T h e i n d e p e n d e n c e
and p r o s p e r i t y o f the D e c c a n came to a n e n d i n this year ! A t
t h e S o u t h e r n - m o s t e n d o f t h e D e c c a n M a l i q K a f u r b u i l t a fine
M a s j i d as i f t o c o m m e m o r a t e t h i s M u s l i m c o n q u e s t o f S o u t h
India. B u b the H i n d u reaction to i t was to p r e c i p i t a t e t h e
successful H i n d u conspiracies against M u s l i m bondage.
737. R a m d e v r a o ' s son, S h a n k a r d e v , succeeded h i m to
the throne of D e v g i r i , a n d soon repudiated the oath o f allegi
ance to S u l t a n A U a u d d i n , whereupon M a l i q K a f u r swooped
d o w n o n the D e c c a n once a g a i n . S h a n k a r d e v d i d n o t surren
d e r t i l l t h e l a s t a n d f o u g h t f u r i o u s l y t i l l he w a s k i l l e d * ^ .
738. A s AUauddin and Maliq Kafur stamped out the
H i n d u political power from the Deccan during their frequent
invasions, they likewise crumbled to dust the huge and
magnificent Hindu temples of the South*^, c u t up their
golden p i n n a c l e s a n d i n m a j o r i t y o f t h e cases b u i l t p a l a t i a l
M a s j i d s o n t h e i r sites*'; forced thousands o f H i n d u s to be
converted**. These innumerable converted Hindus made
big farming and feudal estates i n t h i s D e c c a n itself. But
H i n d u s , however, d i d not massacre these M u s l i m s nor d i d
they destroy them outright as a n d when they subdued the
Muslim power later on. T h i s is w h a t we c a l l the perversion
of the concept of v i r t u e s !
MOST OFTEN THE HINDUS USED THE SAME WAR-

STRATEGY OF THE MUSLIMS, ACCORDING TO
THE MILITARY SCIENCE OF THE TIME
739. O n the religious front the H i n d u s were thus
being vanquished mostly because of their own foolish
religious concepts a n d traditions, b u t o n the p o l i t i c a l front
they were fighting w i t h t h e M u s l i m s , as t h e y o u g h t t o h a v e
done ! Even after being completely overcome they rose
again and again a n d defeated the M u s l i m s ! Craftiness and
cunning were generally m a t c h e d with the sanie strategic
moves b y the H i n d u s !
740. AUauddin surpassed every other Sultan before

h i m i n c r u e l t y i n the persecution o f the Hindus*^, He would
have reached greater heights in cruelty i n respect o f his
treatment of the Hindus h a d he not been forced to fight
o n the other front w i t h the M o n g o l s w h o unceasingly h u r l e d
their armed m i g h t against the western borders of I n d i a a n d
caused a great turmoil throughout Mongolia and Central
A s i a . A few o f t h e m t o o k t o I s l a m a n d f o r m e d a new M u s l i m
c o l o n y i n D e l h i itself. A t l a s t t h e e n r a g e d A U a u d d i n c u t off
t h e w h o l e o f t h i s n e w M u s l i m c o l o n y t o a man** !
DEATH OF ALLAUDDIN
741. A U a u d d i n w a s t h e first a n d t h e l a s t M u s l i m S u l t a n
to rule over p r a c t i c a l l y the whole of I n d i a w i t h the exception
of some Hindu stabes like those of Chitod and others.
Neither Akbar nor even Aurangzeb can take t h a t p l a c e , as
their territories never equalled those of A U a u d d i n .
742. B u t i n his o l d age A U a u d d i n was sorely afllicted
b y his b o d i l y diseases w h i c h were the o u t c o m e of h i s p h y s i c a l
vices*'. N a t u r a l l y he became a t o o l i n the hands of Maliq
Kafur, and i n that miserable state this valorous but H i n d u -
hater Sultan died of dropsy in A.D.1316 o r as i t is s a i d ,
Maliq Kafur killed him or h a d him killed**. His 'Allah'
c o u l d n o t bless h i m w i t h a h a p p y d e a t h because o f his v i r t u e
of H i n d u - h a t r e d ! I n a few days Maliq Kafur, a one-time
slave o f A U a u d d i n , usurped the whole power o f A U a u d d i n ,
but in the p o l i t i c a l chaos t h a t ensued after AUauddin he
was soon killed**. I n the turbulent days that followed a
certain Khushrukhan of exceptional abilities, who had
been s h i n i n g i n the d i p l o m a t i c circles at D e l h i , rose t o t h e
highest seat of power. From the point of view of the
Hindu nation his s t o r y deserves a separate chapter i n the
history of India.
CHAPTER XVII
KHUSHRUKHAN AND DEVALDEVI

743. I f the millions of students who are learning
history i n a l l the states i n the Indian Uaion today are
asked what they k n o w of K h u s h r u k h a n a unique unforget
t a b l e c h a r a c t e r , w h o w a s a c c l a i m e d as t h e S u l t a n o f Sultans
i n the M u s l i m Sultanate at D e l h i and w h o was worthy o f
h i g h praise from the p o i n t o f view of the H i n d u s , i t is more
likely than not t h a t at least 93 p . e . o f t h e s e m i l l i o n s o f
students w i l l r e p l y w i t h evident surprise, "Khushrukhan ?
N o , we h e a v e n ' t come across any major reference to such
a m a n as y o u d e s c r i b e ! " L e t a l o n e t h e s t u d e n t s ! B u t e v e n
i f y o u were to ask the same question to the teachers i n
genera], t o t h e w h o l e e d i t o r i a l s t a f f o f t h e n e w s p a p e r s i n I n d i a
or e v e n t o a n y educated m a n or w o m a n , a t l e a s t 75 p . c , o f
them w i l l v e r y probably r e p l y i n the same manner ; " W h o i s
this K h u s h r u k h a n ? W e have never heard even of his name ! "
744. I t is for this v e r y reason that we are a t t e m p t i n g
to give a brief sketch o f his life a n d w o r k , as f a r as we c a n
d o so w i t h the available evidence. F o r although he i s a
u n i q u e character i n the m o d e r n I n d i a n h i s t o r y , his name h a s
b e e n o b l i t e r a t e d , as i t w e r e , by the Muslim historians a n d
their blind foreign and Indian, Hindu followers, from
the text-books of history used in schools, for his sole
offence o f p u t t i n g t h e M u s l i m S u l t a n a t e t o s h a m e i n o r d e r t o
avenge the wrongs a n d i n s u l t s h u r l e d b y t h e m at the H i n d u
nation. W h a t e v e r he has b e e n m e n t i o n e d , h e h a s b e e n g i v e n
the most i n s u l t i n g a n d abusive attributes like, 'low-bred',,
' d e p r a v e d ' , ' a k n a v e ' , ' a h e l l - h o u n d ' b y the M u s l i m writers^.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF KHUSHRUKHAN

745. W h e n i n the reign of A U a u d d i n , Gujrath had to
5 T H GtORIOUS EPOCH
face t h e first o n s l a u g h t o f the M u s l i m s i n A . D . 1298 a n d t h e

governing authority of the H i n d u s was much shaken d o w n ,
i n the chaotic conditions then jprevailing, a v e r y tender,:
a t t r a c t i v e b u t v e r y b r i l l i a n t H i n d u y o u t h h a d been c a p t u r e d
a n d made a slave b y the M u s l i m n o b l e m e n a n d w a s offered
i n t o the service o f AUauddin^, m u c h t h e same w a y a n d f o r
the same reason as M a l i q K a f u r was made a slave. Thia
y o u t h w a s o r i g i n a l l y a H i n d u , b e l o n g i n g t o thCiUntouchable
caste o f P a r i a o r P a r w a r (sweepers) i n G u j r a t h ' . O n e o r t w o
Muslim writers deny that h e w a s a P a r i a (sweeper), but
emphatically assert that he was a R a j p u t . After having
been c a p t u r e d a n d converted t o I s l a m , he was first called
'Hasan*, W h e n he w a s t a k e n i n t h e service o f A U a u d d i n
a t D e l h i , i n k e e p i n g w i t h t h e s o c i a l v i c e o f t h e M u s l i m s {viz.,
s o d o m y p a r a g r a p h 729) t h e g r e a t e s t noblemen a n d generals
of the court h a d unnatural sexual relations w i t h him, and
so t h e y w e r e e x t r e m e l y s o l i c i t o u s a b o u t s e r v i n g h i s w h i m s .'
When after Allauddin's death i n A . D . 1316 M a l i q Kafur
became the chief a d m i n i s t r a t o r , he a l s o came t o h a v e g r e a t
regard for his abilities. V e r y soon H a s a n was given the title
of Khushrukhan^. F o r e v e n i n t h e d a y s o f A U a u d d i n he w a s
being sent i n d e p e n d e n t l y o n some s m a l l m i l i t a r y e x p e d i t i o n s
in charge of small troops. That Hasan should become
Khushrukhan a n d then a general i n the army so r a p i d l y
bespeaks o f his e x c e p t i o n a l qualities. B u t more than these
qualities o f his limitless love t h a t Mubarik, the son o f
AUauddin, bore towards this charming y o u n g m a n was
r e s p o n s i b l e f o r s u c h a s p e c t a c u l a r r i s e . S o after b o t h A U a u d d i n
a n d M a l i q K a f u r d i e d o r were dispatched, as t h e case m a y
be, M u b a r i k got t h e S u l t a n a t e o f D e l h i m a i n l y w i t h K h u s h r u -
khan's assistance, a n d quite naturally a l l the reins o f the
government passed easily i n t o the hands o f K h u s h r u k h a n * ,
the dearest, ablest a n d the most t r u s t w o r t h y y o u n g n o b l e m a n
of M u b a r i k ' s court; a n d y o u n g K h u s h r u k h a n , too, proved
wholly efficient i n t h e d i s c h a r g e o f his responsible j o b .
M u b a r i k was vicious a n d pleasure-seeking b y nature'. There
fore h e c o n s i d e r e d i t a g o d - s e n t g i f t t o h a v e s u c h a n efficient
assistant i n the person o f K h u s h r u k h a n to r u n the whole

administration and especially a l o y a l executive to manage his
p r i v a t e affairs i n t h e h a r e m .
DEVALDEVI
746. W h e n i n the court of D e l h i the attractive Maliq
K a f u r , who was b o r n a H i n d u but converted by AUauddin
to I s l a m , became later o n the commander-in-chief and an
astute p o l i t i c i a n , p r a c t i c a l l y at the same t i m e rose i n s t a t u s
another young, handsome, Hindu convert, Khushrukhan,
w h o after the d e a t h o f M a l i q Kafur, wielded all authority
at the court o f D e l h i . In a similar way and simultaneously
e n o u g h rose a t h i r d figure i n the political circles at D e l h i ,
w h o was equally important, able, and who managed the
affairs o f the s t a t e only w i t h the t w i t c h o f her eye-brows,
a n d her sidelong glances—I mean the former H i n d u princess
of G u j r a t h a n d the some-time wife of Shankardev Y a d a v of
Devgiri, namely Devaldevi.
747. O f these t h r e e H i n d u c o n v e r t s Maliq K a f u r seems
later on to have w h o l l y turned a Muslim, even mentally,
completely forgetting his Hindu origin, the H i n d u blood
r u n n i n g t h r o u g h his veins, his H i n d u parentage, let alone his
l o v e f o r a l l these ! B u t K h u s h r u k h a n a n d t h i s r o y a l p r i n c e s s
o f G u j r a t h , D e v a l d e v i , seem to have borne i n their m i n d not
only the memory, but a love, a fascination for their H i n d u
origin, their H i n d u blood, a n d their essential H i n d u make-up;
t h e r e seems t o be r a n k l i n g i n t h e i r h e a r t s , intermittently or
c o n t i n u o u s l y the a t r o c i t i e s inflicted o n t h e m b y the M u s U m s .
I t seemed to b u r s t o u t through their actions. A t l a s t i t is
because o f their i r r e p r e s s i b l e y e a r n i n g to avenge the wrongs
done to their ' H i n d u t w a ' t h a t i n D e l h i itself broke out that
g r e a t c o n f l a g r a t i o n w h i c h l i k e t h e w i l d fire o f K h a n d a v f o r e s t
o f M a h a b h a r a t r e d u c e d t o ashes t h e Muslim Sultanate which
h a d under its sway p r a c t i c a l l y the whole of I n d i a , i f o n l y for
a short while !
748. I n the v e r y first expedition of A U a u d d i n against
G u j r a t h , after the G u j r a t h ruler's defeat his c r o w n e d queen
5TH OnORIOUS E P O C H ' 297
Kanaaldevi fell into the hands of Alla.uddin while she was

-fleeing f o r safety*. Btit the r u l e r , h o w e v e r , c o u l d effect h i s
escape a l o n g w i t h h i s p r i n c e l y daughter, D e v a l d e v i , a mere
•child then. U s e d to aU sorts of r o y a l comforts a n d pleasures
t i l l t h e v e r y p r e v i o u s d a y as she w a s h o w h a r d a n d u n b e a r
able m i g h t this tender a n d beautiful r o y a l princess have
found i t to undergo a l l the calamities and privations and
•exertions o f w a n d e r i n g for days together through forest
^ f t e r forest a n d t r y i n g to evade the ever present possibility
of capture by the pursuing Muslims might easily be
imagined. I n t h a t t e n d e r age h a t r e d for the Muslims must
have been engraved deeply on her bosom because of other
people's a n d her own a c t u a l experience. H e r very mother,
IRani Kamaldevi, had become the b e l o v e d queen of S u l t a n
-AUauddin at D e l h i , and that very mother o f hers was now
• o u t t o seize h e r a n d m a k e her a M u s l i m ! H o w painful must
t h i s news h a v e been t o h e r t e n d e r h e a r t ! I n order to evade
t h i s t e r r i b l e fate she was m a r r i e d , even a l i t t l e against her
father's wishes t o R a m d e v r a o ' s son, S h a n k a r d e v , the s t a u n c h
follower of H i n d u i s m . B u t her e v i l star d i d not leave her
•alone t h e r e . I n one of the invasions of M a l i q K a f u r against
t h e H i n d u s , she w a s c a u g h t a n d c a r r i e d a w a y t o D e l h i as a
captive. She m u s t have been smarting with pain and
humiliation a hundred thousand times i n that moment of
' d e s p a i r ! A t l a s t o n r e a c h i n g D e l h i she w a s f o r c e d t o m a r r y
Khijrakhan', the eldest son o f AUauddin. Some writers
vouch that Devaldevi and K h i j r a k h a n greatly loved each
•otheri". B u t t h i s seems t o be t h e flattering way of the courtly
w r i t e r s . H e r subsequent course o f a c t i o n makes i t a b u n d a n t l y
•clear ! B u t that shrewd Hindu p r i n c e s s seems to have
affected her l o v e for I s l a m a n d for h e r h u s b a n d t i l l she g o t
the desired o p p o r t u n i t y .
749. I t becomes c r y s t a l - c l e a r f r o m the latter part of
h e r life t h a t a f t e r a l l t h e a t r o c i t i e s a n d p e r s e c u t i o n s she w a s
constantly w o r s h i p p i n g the H i n d u god.
760. Even after being forced to marry Allauddin's
•eldest s o n , t h e m e n t a l a g o n i e s ot Devaldevi d i d n o t cease.
F o r , i m m e d i a t l y after A l l a u d d i n ' s d e a t h there w a s a r e v o l u - -

t i o n i n which A l l a u d d i n ' s second son, M u b a r i k , attacked and
blinded his brother along w i t h his followers a n d then put
them to death. Installing h i m s e l f as the S u l t a n , , he seized
h i s b r o t h e r ' s w i f e , D e v a l d e v i , a n d f o r c e d h e r to m a r r y h i m " '
751. T h i s alone seems t o be t h e civilized and polite'
tradition o f the Muslim Sultans and Emperors—to marry
a g a i n the fairest o f queens a n d wives of the late S u l t a n s or •
Emperors, dead or put to death !
752. T h i s w a y d i d the former H i n d u princess, D e v a l d e v i
rise to the highest status of a Sultana ! However, she
a b h o r r e d M u b a r i k m o s t b i t t e r l y ; y e t she h a d p e r f o r c e t o k e e p •
marital relations with him. A l t h o u g h her p r e c i o u s body-
was thus c o n t i n u a l l y d e f i l e d , she h a d the most favourite
o p p o r t u n i t y of her life o w i n g to this marriage of hers w i t h .
Mubarik.
753. In g a i n i n g the Sultanate of Delhi M u b a r i k had
m a i n l y to depend on the former H i n d u slave, who later on.
w a s f o r c e d t o become a M u s l i m , a n d w h o n o w h a d b e c o m e t h e -
commander-in-chief of the whole Sultanate o f D e l h i — n a m e l y
K h u s h r u k h a n ! Mubarik himself had willingly entrusted the
w h o l e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o K h u s h r u k h a n f o r he h a d n o t i m e to •
mind o t h e r t h i n g s e x c e p t e v e r y s o r t o f d e p r a v i t y a n d vice^*.
F o r i n s t a n c e he w a s e x t r e m e l y f o n d o f d r e s s i n g l i k e a w o m a n ,
going to the greatest noblemen o f the court w i t h the w h o l e -
band of dancing girls, and there dancing h i m s e l f or having
d a n c i n g a n d m u s i c a l c o n c e r t s there^'. So w h i l e t h i s l i c e n t i o u s -
Mubarik was fully engrossed with his various vices, his -
chief minister o f state, K h u s h r u k h a n , who h a d the b u r n i n g
memory of his former H i n d u life, a n d his present wife but
the former Hindu princess, Devaldevi, who had similar-
thoughts a n d tendencies a n d similar mishaps in life as the
former—both being Gujrathi Hindus o r i g i n a l l y — h a d the •
greatest o p p o r t u n i t y of coming i n t o closest contact, of deve
loping the strongest love-ties a n d the greatest confidence i n
each other. They could carry on the day-to-day political
intrigues and plans, a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y a n d w i t h i m p u n i t y even i
5 T H G L O R I O U S EPOCH 299*.
i n the solitude o f the innermost secret chambers o f the*

Sultan's private palace.
754. I t has to be taken for granted from the later
course o f e v e n t s t h a t i t is t h e r e t h a t t h e y m u s t h a v e h a t c h e d
s o m e i m p o r t a n t c o n s p i r a c y f o r t h e benefit o f H i n d u i s m .
755. The first proof th&t c o n t r i b u t e s t o t h i s a s s e r t i o n i&-
that Khushrukhan appointed his former Hindu Paria or
Parwar brother to the governorship of Gujrath, his native
province^*.
756. The second very important pointer : Khushrukhan
appointed openly in Delhi itself for his own protection
thousands o f his former H i n d u w a r r i o r compatriots—at least
t w e n t y t o t h i r t y t h o u s a n d s t r o n g — i n t h e M u s l i m army^^.
757. T A e 7%z>rf P o / n / e r : T h e s e m a n o e u v r e s o f h i s were-
h i g h l y r e s e n t e d t o b y m a n y o f t h e M u s l i m g r a n d e e s ^ ' . B u t the-
innermost i n t e n t i o n b e h i n d t h e m a l l was k e p t so v e r y secret
that it is d o u b t f u l whether ii; h a d b y t h a t t i m e become so
c r y s t a l clear to D e v a l d e v i or even to Khushrukhan himself,
let alone the others ! F a i n t l y and slowly yet surely enough
w a s t h a t i n t e n t i o n t a k i n g shape i n t h e i r m i n d s .
758 The Fourth Pointer : K h u s h r u k h a n i n c i t e d the most,
incapable Sultan like M u b a r i k to lead an e x p e d i t i o n to t h e
South to put down i n good time the rebellions of the
c o n q u e r e d H i n d u s i n t h e D e c c a n , a n d he h i m s e l f accompanied)
him as second-in-command. T h e H i n d u s were worsted a
lot^'- Their immeasurable wealth taken as s p o i l s o f war^
filled the S u l t a n ' s treasury. M o s t p r o b a b l y i t is d u r i n g this-
expedition that after the death of Shankardev of Devgiri,.
his relative. King Harpaldev, rebelled and founded the
kingdom of Devgiri once a g a i n , f o r w h i c h he w a s defeated'
a n d o r d e r e d b y t h e S u l t a n t o be s k i n n e d a l i v e a n d then put
to d e a t h ! * ! A n d f o r defence o f h i s r e l i g i o n the r o y a l H i n d u
w a r r i o r bore i t b r a v e l y .
759. Thereafter Mubarik returned with his a r m y to-
Delhi. B e c a u s e o f t h e s e deeds o f v a l o u r o f h i s f o r the sake
of a M u s l i m S u l t a n a n d t h e M u s l i m s t a t e a n d because o f h i »
d e v a s t a t i o n o f the H i n d u s , his r i v a l Muslim grandees, too,.
couJd not breathe a single w o r d against his unshakable f a i t h

i n the Islamic religion. T h e y c o u l d at the m o s t o n l y w h i s p e r
t h a t there was danger of his overthrowing S u l t a n M u b a r i k
a n d become t h e S u l t a n h i m s e l f i n his stead. B u t t h a t he w o u l d
be a Muslim Sultan a n d n o n e else, t h e r e w a s n o t t h e l e a s t
doubt.
760. B u t i f at this v e r y time t h a t future conspiracy o f
a H i n d u i s t i c r e v o l u t i o n , w h i c h was v e r y s t r a n g e a n d u n h e a r d
of before, h a d g e r m i n a t e d i n t h e m i n d s o f K h u s h r u k h a n a n d
D e v a l d e v i , i t m u s t have been k e p t h i g h l y secret w i t h u t m o s t
caution^*.
761. Very soon Mubarik sent K h u s h r u k h a n to the
D e c c a n for a n e x t e n s i v e c o n q u e s t , b u t h e h i m s e l f d i d n o t go
with him. So (thorough) complete was his f a i t h i n K h u s h r u
khan ! In this expedition K h u s h r u k h a n subdued the K i n g
o f M a l a b a r too, a n d exacted therefrom immeasurable plunder
i n the name of S u l t a n M u b a r i k ^ " !
BUT
762. But in this very campaign of South I n d i a various
o p e n or secret H i n d u conspiracies against the M u s l i m empire
began to brew up from various quarters o f the S o u t h I n d i a n
peninsula. The royal Hindu families of Varangal and
<3ujrath, the v a l i a n t E a n a H a m e e r , the redeemer of Chitod,
and other H i n d u Chiefs, the religious leaders and propagan
dists i n the various religious institutions and monasteries
like those o f the Shankaracharya and even the common
people were b e c o m i n g restless a n d a g i t a t e d w i t h a c o m m o n
a,ntagonism to the Muslim domination. And anonymous
complaints by K h u s h r u k h a n ' s enemies h a d reached the ears
of t h e S u l t a n o f D e l h i t o t h e effect t h a t Khushrukhan was
in some mysterious way and most secretly connected w i t h
this universal discontent^! !
763. So scanty and self-contradictory bits of informa
tion are available i n the writings of the contemporary
Muslim writers about this K h u s h r u k h a n , the conqueror of
M a l a b a r , and the whole o f the M u s l i m empire that we h a v e
t o c o r r e l a t e them i n t o s o m e s o r t o f a c o n s i s t e n t a c c o u n t , o n l y
as f a r as i t i s p o s s i b l e , f r o m t h e l a t e r h a p p e n i n g s .' Once i n
the open court o f the S u l t a n at D e l h i there was a r u m o u r
which apprehended that instead of coming back to Delhi
amongst the r i n g o f his adversaries K h u s h r u k h a n was about
to escape to some n e i g h b o u r i n g foreign i s l a n d b y sea with
the immense wealth he had amassed i n the S o u t h . One
Muslim writer^* has gone to the length of saying that
K h u s h r u k h a n was brought b a c k t o D e l h i i n fetters !
764. W i t h an exceptional daring and abillity to cut off
the strings o f the net of inimical conspiracies w i t h one
s t r o k e , K h u s h r u k h a n a t once declared his intention to go
back to Delhi i n the grand manner of the conqueror of the
South with a l l his army. For, his secret accomplice, the
former Hindu princess b u t n o w the M u s l i m empress, D e v a l
d e v i , m u s t h a v e been k e e p i n g h i m posted with every detail
o f the d a i l y happenings at D e l h i !
765. P r o m t h e few E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n s o f the Muslim
books of the time w h i c h are n o w a v a i l a b l e even those w h o
do n o t k n o w either P e r s i a n or A r a b i c can have some inform
ation. Most of the Muslim writers mention K h u s h r u k h a n
w i t h u t m o s t s c o r n a n d finish h i m w i t h i n four or five lines
only. The reason is p l a i n e n o u g h . The Muslim historians
can never bear w i t h e q u a n i m i t y K h u s h r u k h a n ' s taking the
conceit out of the M u s l i m rule at D e l h i . E v e n these M u s l i m
h i s t o r i a n s have f o u n d i t a t places improper to distort and
garble up the truth about K h u s h r u k h a n or to suppress i t
altogether. Their manuscripts, especially the recently
published ones, p r o v e v e r y useful i n t h i s respeet. E v e n the
account b y the recent Hindu historians, who based their
conclusions on the above mentioned o l d M u s l i m b o o k s , is to
t h a t e x t e n t useless. The H i n d u writers have done nothing
more t h a n m e r e l y repeating the obloquies l i k e ' m e a n - m i n d e d ' ,
'shameless', 'dastardly', h u r l e d at h i m b y the M u s l i m writers.
But there are two honourable exceptions to this general
t e n d e n c y : one i s t h a t o f the veteran historian Riasatkar
Sardesai and the other of Shree Munshi*». These two
;302 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
ihistorians, however, have given a comparative account of

Khushrukhan and Devaldevi, too, and have attempted to
«,ppraise, t h o u g h v e r y f a i n t l y a n d c u r s o r i l y , t h e g r e a t r e v o l u
tion they had finally effected t o e s t a b l i s h a H i n d u e m p i r e .
B u t theirs is a half-hearted attempt which fears its own
conclusions and which could never fully grasp nor could
•explain the real i m p l i c a t i o n s and nature of that unpreced
ented revolution. A contemporary H i n d u writer, who could
elucidate the H i n d u side of this great event is, obviously
•enough, not to be found ! F o r no H i n d u o f the t i m e c o u l d
h a v e even dared to express his o w n independent opinions or
judgment.
766. U n d e r these c i r c u m s t a n c e s , i t is o n l y p o s s i b l e to
give i n the f o r m of a connected n a r r a t i v e the obvious conclu-
'Sions t h a t c a n be d r a w n f r o m what little consistency c a n be
found i n the disconnected reports i n the above-mentioned
•original M u s l i m w r i t i n g s a n d the a c t u a l undisputed acts df
the leading personalities like Khushrukhan, Devaldevi and
•others.
767. A s already told above, Khushrukhan went to
D e l h i w i t h his victorious a r m y and the immense spoUs he
h a d gathered in the Deccan. B u t w h y d i d he go t h e r e ? N o t
•only i n D e l h i b u t e v e n i n t h e D e c c a n a p o l i t i c a l rumour was
secretly disseminated amongst the H i n d u political circles
t h a t the H i n d u leaders w h o were organizing H i n d u revolts
in the south against the Muslims were i n c o l l u s i o n with
K h u s h r u k h a n about some deep-laid conspiracy to disrupt
the Muslim empire**. In Gujrath Khushrukhan's brother
h i m s e l f w a s t h e de f a c t o r u l e r , while a l l the Rajputs were
inspired by R a n a Hameer to overthrow the India-wide
u n i t a r y M u s l i m e m p i r e , t h e first o f i t s k i n d , a t l e a s t t i l l that
•day. A n d most wonderful o f a l l was the fact t h a t S u l t a n
Mubarik's supreme commander and chief administrator,
-Khushrukhan himself, w o r k i n g as he was directly under
S u l t a n a D e v a l d e v i ' s c o n f i d e n t i a l o r d e r s , was taken in confi-
•dence b y t h e R a j p u t l e a d e r s i n r e s p e c t o f t h i s d a r i n g p l o t t o
•establish a Hindu empire ! Such a rare concurrence of
^ T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 303
- o p p o s i n g forces i s b o u n d t o a s t o u n d h i s t o r y i t s e l f ! S t a n d t o
reason it never can, till at least something miraculous
happens.
768. B u t something of the k i n d d i d begin to shape i t s e l f
a t the time. I n t h e fiery b r a i n s of Sultana Devaldevi and
-Khushrukhan there r e a l l y was seething some such e x t r a o r d i
narily magnificent and by its very nature almost an
i n c r e d i b l e i d e a or p l a n w h i c h seemed possible only to some
m y s t e r i o u s intrigue and d a r i n g o f a Nursinh*^ !
769 But neither their enemies n o r t h e i r friends c o u l d
breathe it openly ! For with what magic w a n d was this
-supreme c o m m a n d e r of M u b a r i k — t h e commander, who had
b r o u g h t a l l t h e H i n d u s t a t e s i n t h e D e c c a n to m e e k submis-
•sion before the Muslim Sultan^*—who h a d v e r y recently
-devastated the w e a l t h y H i n d u k i n g d o m o f M a l a b a r a n d hoisted
there the green M u s l i m flag of the Delhi Sultanate*'—and
who, a b o v e a l l , h a d come t o Delhi to lay down all that
success, all that g l o r y , as a n h u m b l e h o m a g e a t t h e feet o f
t h e M u s l i m e m p e r o r , — h o w w a s he, t h e sole s u p p o r t e r o f t h e
-India-wide foreign and n o n - H i n d u empire,— he, who, born
though he w a s as a Hindu, had become converted to
l l s l a m — h o w was a m a n of such a status l i k e l y to transform
so s u d d e n l y the w h o l e M u s l i m e m p i r e i n t o a H i n d u one ?
:No staunch M u s l i m c o u l d even dare express i t openly. K h u
s h r u k h a n a n d D e v a l d e v i h a d been k e e p i n g up till the last
rthe pretence of their being die-hard Muslims and of their
greatest l o y a l t y to the M u s l i m Sultan and his empire so
scrupulously a n d thoroughly that even their direst enemies
who h a d d a r k suspicions of their h a v i n g u n d e r g r o u n d connec
tions w i t h the H i n d u rulers feared t h a t were t h e y p e r s o n a l l y
t o c h a r g e K h u s h r u k h a n before t h e S u l t a n i n D e l h i o r i n the
•open c o u r t , t h e S u l t a n w o u l d p o i n t o u t proofs to the cont
rary and outwit them forthwith. E v e n the top-level M u s l i m
-officials f e a r e d t h i s e v e n t u a l i t y . Whatever complaints had
reached the general populace o f D e l h i or the ears o f the S u l t a n
b i m s e l f w e r e so baseless and completely anonymous that
aiobody c r e d i t t e d t h e m w i t h a n y m o r e v e r a c i t y or seriousness
304 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN H I S T O R T
t h a n they w o u l d do hearsay reports or false accusations by

some mischief-mongers !
770. A s s o o n as h e c a m e t o D e l h i Sultan Mubarik did.
not p u t h i m under h e a v y fetters a n d custody, as his Muslim-
enemies h a d e x p e c t e d , b u t being e x t r e m e l y pleased w i t h the
immense treasure K h u s h r u k h a n had laid a t h i s feet a n d the
unlimited power he had gained for the D e l h i S u l t a n a t e ,
M u b a r i k o n the contrary conferred upon Khushrukhan the
administrative, m i l i t a r y , civic and a l l other residual autho
rity. And if he had p u t a n y b o d y u n d e r a r r e s t i t w a s the-
great M u s l i m noblemen and K h a n k h a n a s of the court who
were dismissed for charging K h u s h r u k h a n unreservedly.
7 7 0 - A . O n the other h a n d , i n the regime o f K h u s h r u k h a n
as t h e c h i e f administrator the strictest bans against the
Hindus introduced by AUauddin i n former days were now
b e i n g g r a d u a l l y r e l a x e d ; the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the H i n d u - M u s l i m ,
farmers a n d the people in general also was stopped; the
H i n d u s , too, got m u c h relief i n m a t t e r s reUgious; the c o m m o n
discontent a m o n g s t t h e subjects against the tyrannical rule
of the emperors was o n t h e w a n e . A n d the whole credit o f
this c o m p a r a t i v e l y h a p p y state of things began to go very
n a t u r a l l y to K h u s h r u k h a n , w h o was the chief of the i m p e r i a l
administration at that time. Gradually by Sultan the-
common people came to understand, n o t the v i c i o u s and.
good-for-nothing M u b a r i k , but his all in all, valiant and.
popular administrator, Khushrukhan, and behind h i m loomed
the Sultana, D e v a l d e v i , w i t h whose i n t e r n a l a n d open support
he c o u l d w i e l d t h i s a u t h o r i t y .
771. The H i n d u s began to l o o k upon Khushrukhan as
t h e i r s a v i o u r , e v e n t h o u g h he w a s s t i l l a M u s l i m , because h e
h a d s e t t h e m free t o a g r e a t e x t e n t f r o m t h e v e x a t i o u s taxes-
a n d restrictions imposed on them b y A U a u d d i n a n d the un
t o l d h u m i l i a t i o n they h a d to undergo. Khushrukhan began
t o be p o p u l a r a m o n g s t t h e M u s l i m f a r m e r s a n d o t h e r c i t i z e n s
because o f the reUef they got f r o m h e a v y t a x e s . A n d above
e v e r y t h i n g else b e c a u s e o f h i s m i l i t a r y exploits which had
resounded throughout the whole of I n d i a and his.superb
adroitness i n state-craft many o f the h i g h - r a n k i n g Muslim

noblemen had enlisted themselves o n his side.
772. Seeing such a favourable o p p o r t u n i t y K h u s h r u k h a n
a n d D e v a l d e v i thought the right moment h a d come for t h e m
to p r o c l a i m b o l d l y t h e i r g r a n d scheme o f a political revolu
tion—for one who hesitates to undertake this hazard under
favourable circumstances must be a coward who would
a c c o m p l i s h n o d a r i n g feat ! I t was not merely a coup d'etat
i n a s m a l l s t a t e ; i t was a n i m p e r i a l r e v o l u t i o n , w h i c h s o u g h t
to subvert the I n d i a - w i d e , u n i t a r y a n d danger-free Muslim
empire o f the late A U a u d d i n and o f the present M u b a r i k a n d
to establish i n its place overnight, most unexpectedly, a
H i n d u empire a l l over I n d i a . I t was a religious revolution
in as m u c h as i t s o u g h t t o p u l l d o w n t h e e n t h r o n e d M u s l i m
r e l i g i o n a n d to s u p p l a n t i t b y the H i n d u V e d i c religion.
773. T h a t such a perfect r e v o l u t i o n was m o s t difficult—
a l m o s t impossible—to be accomplished, even i f H i n d u - M u s l i m
w a r s were t o be f o u g h t c o n t i n u o u s l y f o r five h u n d r e d years,
was quite p l a i n f r o m the A r a b invasions of Sindh in the
seventh century and the later h i s t o r y of M u s l i m invasions
t i l l the time of AUauddin. B u t such a complete revolution
was i n fact brought about b y the exceptional genius of K h u
shrukhan and D e v a l d e v i , even if it was o n l y for a short
while !
774. Had not the Muslim Sultanate conquered the
Hindus completely by hard fighting for centuries together
and turned their country wholly Muslim ? Then if Khushru
k h a n was able to wrench the imperial authority from the
s i n g l e S u l t a n a n d i f he w e r e t o a s c e n d t h e t h r o n e o f t h e D e l h i
Sultanate i n the name of H i n d u i s m , then the whole of the
e m p i r e w o u l d n e c e s s a r i l y be a ' H i n d u ' o n e , w i t h one s t r o k e !
T h e n the M u s l i m S u l t a n w o u l d necessarily become a Hindu
emperor. T h i s f e a t w a s as d a r i n g i n p l a n n i n g as i t w a s e a s y
i n execution under those circumstances ! I t was quite possi
ble too. I t is t h i s m a g i c w a n d t h a t D e v a l d e v i , originally a
H i n d u princess, a n d K h u s h r u k h a n , the original H i n d u Paria.
y o u t h , w i e l d e d w h i c h w o r k e d as a n u n p a r a l l e l l e d m i r a c l e n o t
•only i n I n d i a n b u t i n the whole h u m a n h i s t o r y !

776. H a v i n g arranged every m i n u t e d e t a i l of the future
revolution most secretly, Khushrukhan humbly requested
'Sultan Mubarik, who had w i l l i n g l y a l l o w e d h i m s e l f t o be
•governed c o m p l e t e l y b y the former: "The thousands of
Sindus o f m y caste w h o m I have stationed i n D e l h i w a n t to
b e c o n v e r t e d to I s l a m w i t h proper religious ceremony; but
they are fighting s h y o f d o i n g so o p e n l y i n t h e city. Some
•of t h e m are r e a l l y a f r a i d t o d o so. Hence 1 wish to bring
t h e choicest amongst t h e m into the palace t o d a y a n d convert
t h e m i n d u e course"**. Under this pretext Kiushrukhan
'brought the hundreds of his bravest H i n d u warriors in Delhi
i n t o t h e p a l a c e a n d h o u s e d t h e m i n t h e b a r r a c k s for t h e i m p e
r i a l guards**. One d a y i n A . D . 1319, at the dead of night
s u d d e n l y there was a great t u r m o i l i n the palace i n the m i d s t
o f w h i c h S u l t a n M u b a r i k w a s killed^**.
776. B u t many had been the tumults and turmoils
•causing c h a n g e o f r u l e r s b e f o r e t h i s . Sultan AUauddin him
self was s i m i l a r l y dispatched. Sultan Mubarik had dealt
w i t h Maliq K a f u r i n this very way. The city of Delhi which
was quite used to such turmoils began to whisper the next
morning : " W h a t terrible things happened i n the palace
last night ?"
777. W i t h i n a very short time only a single proclama
t i o n o f a p o l i t i c a l n a t u r e g a v e a v i o l e n t s h o c k , as t h a t o f an
earthquake, to the whole c a p i t a l and brought to i t the rude
realization that the previous night Khushrukhan's people
h a d effected a t one a n d t h e s a m e t i m e a n i m p e r i a l a n d r e l i g i
ous r e v o l u t i o n b y p u t t i n g S u l t a n M u b a r i k to death, and it
was i m m e d i a t e l y followed b y another t h a t K h u s h r u k h a n h a d
i n s t a l l e d h i m s e l f as a S u l t a n ' ^ !
778. H o w e v e r t h e r e w a s n o w h e r e t o be seen a n y i m m e
diate, open a n d organized opposition amongst the people to
this unprecedented revolution. The fact that the new S u l t a n
Khushrukhan married Sultana Devaldevi^*, the queen of
M u b a r i k , as s o o n as t h e l a t t e r w a s k i l l e d , stirred the revolu
t i o n a r y c u r i o s i t y o f the people b u t d i d not overawe them f
J'or that was the age-old t r a d i t i o n of the earlier S u l t a n s !

K u t u b u d d i n ' s w i d o w s were m a r r i e d to the later S u l t a n s w h o
succeeded h i m , w h i l e A l l a u d d i n ' s a n d his son's, Khijrakhan's
w i d o w , this v e r y D e v a l d e v i , was espoused b y Mubarik him
self. Quite consistent w i t h this time-honoured tradition
•was t h i s a c t o f K h u s h r u k h a n of marrying Devaldevi, the
widow of the late Sultan Mubarik, with whom he bad
•established very close contacts much earlier a n d who was
r e a l l y his p a r t n e r a n d p e r h a p s a source o f i n s p i r a t i o n ! Why
s h o u l d i t n o t t h e n seem q u i t e natural to everybody in the
•state ?
BUT—!
779. B u t more startling t h a n this was another procla
mation made authoritatively and with every political
formality by Khushrukhan and Devaldevi which suddenly
turned this political revolution in the r o y a l palace into a
r e l i g i o u s one o f a u n i q u e n a t u r e * ' . E v e r y b o d y in India right
f r o m the K i n g s and Nawabs to the Farias and Parwars,
M a h a r s and Mangs was thrilled w i t h a strange sensation at
this unique proclamation ! The H i n d u s were t h r i l l e d w i t h
u n l i m i t e d j o y w h i l e t h e M u s l i m s w e r e filled w i t h the darkest
apprehensions. The said pro.clamation made by Sultan
K h u s h r u k h a n h i m s e l f f r o m h i s t h r o n e o n t h e 1 5 t h A p r i l , 1320
m e a n t to s a y :
780. ' A l t h o u g h t i l l t o d a y I was forced to lead the most
•detestable l i f e o f a convert to I s l a m , I a m o r i g i n a l l y a son
of a H i n d u . The mainspring o f m y life is H i n d u i s m and
the blood that throbs into m y v e i n s a n d a r t e r i e s is t h a t o f a
Hindu. N o w that I have won independent and powerful
status of a S u l t a n for myself I am hereby breaking off t h e
shackles of conversion to a foreign r e l i g i o n , a n d I do hereby
declare that I am a Hindu ! I have now ascended p u b l i c l y
the throne of the v a s t a n d entire, u n d i v i d e d I n d i a ' a s a H i n d u
Emperor ! Similarly Sultana Devaldevi till very recently
was originally a H i n d u daughter. Her husband, the Raja
o f D e v g i r i , S h a n k a r d e v Y a d a v , was m o s t brutally murdered
a n d she w a s t r e a c h e r o u s l y c a p t u r e d f r o m h e r f a t h e r sneaking
m i s e r a b l y t h r o u g h dense f o r e s t s t o a v o i d s e i z u r e b y t h e e n e m y .
She was b r o u g h t to D e l h i and p u t to shame and ignominous
disgrace b y being forced to marry K h i j r a k h a n , i n the first
place, a n d secondly after his b r u t a l murder. Sultan M u b a r i k
who was k i l l e d i n the coup d'etat last n i g h t . That Devaldevi
is m y q u e e n , the empress o f H i n d u s t a n of today ! Being
originally Hindu in flesh and blood and a Hindu royal
princess, she also hereafter renounces disdainfully her
shameful conversion to I s l a m and henceforth w i l l lead her life
strictly according to H i n d u religion ! M a y this solemn vow
of ours absolve us both of our former sin of forceful
c o n v e r s i o n !'
781. T o refute or to challenge a proclamation of this
nature came forth no stronger H i n d u , nor even a single
M u s l i m !.
782. H e n c e , h e r e a f t e r , w e are going to address S u l t a n
K h u s h r u k h a n as a H i n d u E m p e r o r a n d D e v a l d e v i as a H i n d u
Empress !
783. T h i s H i n d u E m p e r o r d i d not however disclose his
o r i g i n a l H i n d u n a m e of his y o u n g years ! Most probably he
had no recollection of i t whatsoever; t o d a y i t is eternally
lost. The imperial title that he adopted for himself was
also a Muslim one, viz., N a s i r - u d - d i n ! The reason for this,
perhaps, was t h a t the whole o f the Muslim-world and even
the millions of Hindus w h o were u s e d t o M u s l i m t i t l e s f o r
g e n e r a t i o n s t o g e t h e r m i g h t n o t be s c a n d a l i z e d in respect of
these m i n o r details also. Nasir-ud-din, roughly speaking,
m e a n s a s o r t o f a d e f e n d e r o f f a i t h or religion ! Hence this
Hindu Emperor made it clear i n the said p r o c l a m a t i o n that
t h e ' D i n ' o r r e l i g i o n t h a t he was going to defend was not
Islam ! Naturally it must be the Hindu religion ! It is,
therefore, proper that his name Nasir-ud-din should be
translated as the Defender of Hindu Religion'—Hindu
dharmarakshak !
THE UNPRECEDENTED REVOLUTION !

784. A s s o o n as t h i s u n h e a r d o f r e v o l u t i o n , transform
ing the India-wide Muslim Empire into the Hindu one
suddenly within a day, was accomplished, this Hindu
Emperor disbursed amongst the thousands o f soldiers o f his
caste the immense wealth which he had pillaged in his
conquest o f M a l a b a r b y v a n q u i s h i n g the H i n d u states a n d
w h i c h h a d filled t h e coffers o f t h e l a t e S u l t a n M u b a r i k , a l o n g
with the u n l i m i t e d w e a l t h a c c u m u l a t e d d u r i n g the regimes
of the former Sultans. Similarly he increased the pay-
scales o f both the H i n d u a n d M u s l i m soldiers. H a v i n g won
over his soldiery i n this w a y , he introduced new reforms,
gave to the farmers and common Hindu-Muslim citizens
facilities and allowed them concessions w h i c h they were
never allowed to enjoy by any o f the former Sultans !
L i k e w i s e , he set free t h o u s a n d s o f H i n d u p r i s o n e r s w h o were
interned as a diversion i n religious persecution and the
hundreds of Muslims who were imprisoned simply because
they w e r e r e p u g n a n t t o t h e f o r m e r S u l t a n s f o r one r e a s o n o r
another. N o wonder i f this H i n d u Emperor, Dharmarakshak,
i m m e d i a t e l y b e c a m e p o p u l a r a m o n g s t t h e H i n d u s as well as
t h e M u s l i m s t h r o u g h o u t h i s empire^* '
785. It i s needless t o s a y t h a t he a l s o a b s o l v e d a l l t h e
H i n d u s of a l l the h u m i l i a t i n g bans on their pilgrimages and
holy baths. The J i z i a t a x was repealed a n d other d e g r a d i n g
c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h h a d been enforced upon them by Sultan
after S u l t a n were ameliorated forthwith. W h a t wonder then
i f the whole H i n d u w o r l d felt a t h r i l l o f j o y a n d freedom t h a t
at l o n g last t h e y h a d a s a v i o u r !
786. E v e n when this H i n d u S a m r a t was fighting in the
guise of a converted M u s l i m , v i c t o r i o u s l y i n the S o u t h a n d
r e d u c i n g M a l a b a r , he h a d b e e n f o r m u l a t i n g t h e s c h e m e o f t h e
future revolution. S o a l l t h e b i g H i n d u - M u s l i m officers and
generals i n the fighting forces w h o d e p e n d e d o n h i s p a t r o n a g e
a n d w h o h a d r i s e n m a i n l y because o f his s u p p o r t , of course,
remained loyal to h i m for safeguarding cheir o w n selfish
interests a n d also for p r o t e c t i n g themselves from the m a l i c e
and e n m i t y of the old Muslim Khans, Nizams, and other

co-religionists o f theirs*^. F o r as a n a t u r a l c o n s e q u e n c e o f
intermingling of the two religious communities Muslims
s e r v i n g i n t h e a r m i e s o f m a n y H i n d u S t a t e s h a d come t o f o r m
a habit of rendering l o y a l service to their H i n d u masters 1
The political service of a H i n d u K i n g was taboo f o r m e r l y
w h e n t h e M u s l i m s first c a m e t o I n d i a , b u t by this time the
taboo had lost its intensity and in its stead such a l o y a l
service rendered to a H i n d u master came to be considered
quite i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the M u s l i m r e l i g i o u s code ! M a n y
i n c i d e n t s i l l u s t r a t i n g t h i s p o i n t h a v e a l r e a d y o c c u r r e d so f a r ,
a n d w i l l o c c u r i n t h e f o l l o w i n g p a g e s too**. A l t h o u g h a c c e p t
a n c e o f a n y h i g h office under a Hindu ruler was no more
considered c o n t r a r y to the M u s l i m religious l a w , the s t a u n c h
Moulanas a n d Moulavis, however, looked upon such acts as
necessary e x c e p t i o n s a n d bore a secret grudge i n t h e i r h e a r t s
t h a t t h e y were t i m e bombs l a i d under the Muslim political
power ! Never from the very beginning d i d the Hindus
consider i t c o n t r a r y to t h e i r religious code t o fight in the
Muslim army on the side of the M u s l i m s ! I t was only the
exchange of food a n d women i n marriage with the Muslims
which endangered the sanctity of their religion ! How
f o o l i s h a n d s u i c i d a l t o t h i n k so !
786-A. This H i n d u E m p e r o r d i d not rest w i t h the mere
declaration of his adherence to H i n d u i s m , but he fearlessly
began to b r i n g i t i n t o a c t i o n i n the presence of the M u s l i m s .
I d o l s o f H i n d u g o d s a n d goddesses w e r e i m m e d i a t e l y i n s t a l l e d
in the holiest of places o f M u s l i m c i v i l i z a t i o n , the D i w a n - i -
a m a n d D i w a n - i - K h a s i n the r o y a l palaces of D e l h i . A l l the
worships and a l l the religious rites i n r o y a l palaces began to
be p e r f o r m e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e H i n d u r i t u a l . L o u d cho.nting
o f H i n d u m a n t r a s a n d s i n g i n g o f H i n d u d e v o t i o n a l songs t o o k
the place o f the ' A y a t s ' i n the K o r a n ! This H i n d u Emperor
himself and the hundreds amongst his o l d H i n d u battalions
who h a d remained H i n d u s from the beginning and who were
g u a r d i n g the r o y a l palace p a i d scrupluous attention to the
p r o t e c t i o n a n d proper w o r s h i p o f these new i d o l s o f H i n d u G o d s
and Goddesses". T h e enthusiasm a n d v i g o u r o f the Hindu

citizens and especially o f the H i n d u soldiers i n the c a p i t a l
knew no bounds ! Just as f o r m e r l y t h e a g g r e s s i v e M u s l i m s
c o m p l e t e l y d e m o l i s h e d the g o d l y idols i n the H i n d u temples-
a n d t u r n e d t h e m i n t o M u s l i m m a s j i d s i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e y
c o n q u e r e d a n y H i n d u c a p i t a l , so d i d these counter-revolu
tionary Hindus install new images of their Gods i n every
m a s j i d as a r e t a l i a t o r y measure, and most ceremoniously
converted the masjids into Hindu temples a n d filled them
w i t h l o u d chanting of mantras. I t is o n l y by this counter
attack o f the H i n d u P a r i a s t h a t the f a n a t i c M u s l i m s c o u l d
ever have h a d a n y idea of the pangs of humiliation and
grief that might have rankled i n the hearts o f the H i n d u
c o m m u n i t y w h i c h h a d g r o w n feeble b e c a u s e o f t h e i r malady
of religious tolerance, when the M u s l i m s p o l l u t e d the H i n d u
temples b y cow-slaughter and turned them into masjids.
7 8 7 . I t m i g h t be t r u e t h a t i n t h e h e a t a n d e x c i t e m e n t o f
this unheard o f a n d unprecedented religious revolution the
Muslim scriptures, as some M u s l i m w r i t e r s charge**, m i g h t
have been exposed to r i d i c u l e or shame. But at least the
Muslims who considered as G a z i s t h o s e s c o u n d r e l s w h o des
troyed the whole university of N a l a n d a i n flames a n d s a t
w a r m i n g themselves at t h a t bonfire and laughed scornfully
and shamelessly as the valuable religious books of the
H i n d u s were being r e d u c e d to ashes, had no moral right
whatsoever to blame this i n c e n d i a r i s m against the M u s l i m
religion !
787- A . This H i n d u Samrat converted with their willing
c o n s e n t t h e y o u n g w i v e s , d a u g h t e r s a n d nieces o f t h e earlier
S u l t a n s a n d other M u s l i m w o m e n to H i n d u i s m and married
t h e m t o h i s H i n d u P a r i a followers*^.
788- 789. B u t more than this, this H i n d u D h a r m a r a k s h a k
d i d not do ! E v e n the M u s l i m historians do not m e n t i o n a n y
atrocities or r e l i g i o u s p e r s e c u t i o n o r p l u n d e r as h a v i n g b e e n
c o m m i t t e d b y t h i s H i n d u E m p e r o r , as t h e Muslim aggressors
were w o n t t o do after o v e r p o w e r i n g a n y Hindu State. As
against the wholesale forcible conversion of H i n d u s , the
b r u t a l r a v a g i n g o f H i n d u w o m e n , the reckless destruction of

H i n d u p r o p e r t y a n d temples the M u s l i m historians have no
grievous crime to a t t r i b u t e (impute) to this H i n d u E m p e r o r !
E v e n i f he h a d c o m m i t t e d t h e v e r y same atrocities on the
M u s l i m c o m m u n i t y as a r e v e n g e a g a i n s t the M u s l i m d i a b o l i s m
towards the hapless H i n d u s , i t w o u l d h a v e been not a whit
derogatory, but a l l the more glorious for this r e v o l u t i o n a r y
Hindu Emperor ! The non-Hindu aggressors would have
t a k e n t h e f r i g h t o f t h e i r l i v e s as n e v e r before, and it would
have proved a deterrent to their perfidious activities ! We
have already m a d e i t a m p l y c l e a r t h a t i t i s o n l y fierce r e t a
liation that destroys atrocity, root and branch !
•/QO. B u t the m a i n reason w h y this Defender of Faith
(Dharmarakshak Nasir-ud-din) did not commit any such
revengeful atrocities on the M u s l i m s m u s t p r o b a b l y be h i s
k e e n sense o f t h e s t r e n g t h a n d w e a k n e s s of his side. Were
the whole o f the H i n d u c o m m u n i t y i n the Indian sub-conti
nent and the ruling H i n d u kings of the time to lend h i m
their immediate and active support—had his example in
D e l h i o f r e c o n v e r t i n g to H i n d u i s m the converted M u s l i m s at
t h e i r o w n free w i l l , o f t u r n i n g masjids into Hindu temples
and of other r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s o f his, been c o p i e d i n
various towns a n d cities of I n d i a from R a j p u t a n a to Southern
capitals—and had the Hindus risen openly against the
M u s l i m s a n d i f t h e p r o c l a m a t i o n o f t h e sxiccess of H i n d u i s m
were p u b l i s h e d openly, this H i n d u E m p e r o r w o u l d h a v e perse
c u t e d t h e M u s l i m s as were t h e H i n d u s actually before them
a n d w o u l d have also launched a special military offensive
against the M u s l i m s a n d w o u l d h a v e m a d e i t impossible for
t h e m t o l i v e as M u s l i m s !
791. B u t the H i n d u K i n g s a n d H i n d u people i n general
d i d not openly support this H i n d u p o l i t i c a l revolution. T h e y
were, however, i n w a r d l y proud o f i t and overjoyed at it.
They did appreciate this utter h u m i l i a t i o n and ruination of
the M u s l i m S u l t a n a t e at the hands of this H i n d u Dharmarak
shak 'Nasir-ud-din'. T h e H i n d u k i n g s a n d the H i n d u s o c i e t y
a t large nevertheless refrained from attempting any open
revolt. The one reason why the Hindu Society failed to

attempt the establishment of a H i n d u E m p i r e at this most
opportune moment, was t h a t the H i n d u s harboured serious
doubts whether this undreamt of revolution would succeed!
I f t h a t r e v o l u t i o n were to fail, they feared, the followers
would n e v e r escape c o m p l e t e annihilation. So the Hindu
community only waited. Secondly, the entire H i n d u society
never approved o f the mass-conversion of Muslims to H i n d u
ism that was effected in and around Delhi as a sound
religious practice ! The H i n d u Dharma of the d a y meant
ban on reconversion, not reconversion ! ' R e l i g i o u s tolerance
h a d been t h e i r r e l i g i o n because o f t h e i r perverted sense o f
values; their religion never b r o o k e d either the d e m o l i s h i n g
of M a s j i d s or c o n v e r t i n g the M u s l i m s to H i n d u i s m . This sort
of reactionary m e a s u r e w a s c o n s i d e r e d b y t h e H i n d u s as the
greatest sin ! S o , w h o c o u l d h a v e p r e d i c t e d t h a t jhe Hindu
society itself w o u l d not oppose t o o t h a n d n a i l this religious
revolution ? That possibility could not be r u l e d o u t a l t o
gether ! Muslim opposition to this revolutionary change,
h o w e v e r , i n the i m p e r i a l g o v e r n m e n t a n d r e l i g i o n w a s quite
natural.
792. U n d e r these c i r c u m s t a n c e s D h a r m a r a k s h a k ( N a s i r -
ud-din) refrained from any further atrocities or revenge
u p o n the M u s l i m s i n D e l h i or elsewhere i n the empire, consi
dering that his religious and political revolution in Delni
was i n itself so d a r i n g as t o p u t t h e M u s l i m p o w e r t o s h a m e
a n d so he was s a t i s f i e d that the Hindu society had now
become s t r o n g enough to r e l i s h a n d digest such a r e v o l u t i o n !
And t h i s was not a s m a l l achievement I T h e n e x t step c o u l d
be d e f e r r e d be a l a t e r d a t e ! T h e n e x t f a v o u r a b l e o p p o r t u n i t y
w o u l d m o s t c e r t a i n l y t o a v a i l e d of. He did not, therefore,
think it wise to stretch things too far so as to cause a
complete break.
793. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , as h a s already been told (in
P a r a g r a p h 784) he a l l o w e d t h e M u s l i m s o l d i e r s a n d p e a s a n t s
and c i v i l i a n s equal rights t o the new facilities a n d e x e m p t i o n
f r o m t a x e s w h i c h he d i d i n t h e case o f H i n d u s . M o r e o v e r , he
k e p t o n sending e x t r e m e l y v a l u a b l e presents to those Muslim

officers a n d M u l l a - M o u l a v i s w h o m he s u s p e c t e d t o be s e c r e t l y
despising this religious revolution of the H i n d u s and the
Hindu E m p i r e , as often as he sent t h e m to those M u s l i m
Officers w h o w e r e l o y a l t o h i m , a n d w i t h a extremely polite
treatment kept them under his obligation.
794. I t is because o f t h i s exceptional skill of his at
diplomacy that even after the successful r e a l i z a t i o n of this
religio-political revolution of H i n d u s , immediately or for
months together thereafter, there was not a single Muslim
revolt—no riots nor brawls—throughout the length and
breadth of his vast empire. H i s whole a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was.
w o r k i n g as s m o o t h l y as i t d i d i n t h e d a y s o f t h e o l d M u s l i m
Sultans. Revenues, taxes or ransoms were collected from a l l
provinces a n d r e m i t t e d to the imperial treasury at Delhi
w i t h o u t any default. I n D e l h i itself greatest of M u s l i m k n i g h t s
a n d feudatory P r i n c e s , Generals and Sardars and other court
i e r s a n d officers a t t e n d e d t h e i m p e r i a l c o u r t o n t h e o r d e r s o f
this H i n d u Dharmarakshak and took their appointed seats.
Of the great M u s l i m noblemen r e p o r t e d by the historians of
the time to be a t t e n d i n g the court o f this H i n d u emperor,.
N a s i r - u d - d i n , some m a y be m e n t i o n e d h e r e : t h e y were A i n -
u l - M u l k M u l t a n i , Y u s u f Safi, H a t i m K h a n , K a m a l u d d i n Sufi,
Earuk-didan-Tughlak, Mulgati, Mohammed Shah, Baharam
Anayya, Yuklakhi, Hoshang, Kaphur Saheb*". Because of
the presence o f these b i g shots i n the H i n d u c o u r t o f N a s i r -
u d - d i n a n d because of w r i t t e n letters p r o m i s i n g allegiance to
the emperor from governors, a n d a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and Muslim
officers i n t h e a r m y p e a c e t h r o u g h o u t t h e w h o l e o f I n d i a was
never b r o k e n for months together.
795. O n the other h a n d , the H i n d u kings from Rajput
ana to M a d u r a i d i d not protest, perhaps according to some
previous secret pact, a g a i n s t t h e r e v o l u t i o n effected b y t h i s -
Hindu emperor. W h y , availing themselves fully of this
military coup i n D e l h i they began to rule the H i n d u States
i n d e p e n d e n t l y as b e f o r e . T h e i r chief f a u l t was that at this
greatest and rarest of opportunities t h e y d i d n o t m a k e a.
w e l l - o r g a n i z e d effort t o proclaim the independence of the

Hindus and establish a u n i t e d strong central i m p e r i a l power
at D e l h i .
796. Under the circumstances the shrewd "Dharma
r a k s h a k " (Nasir-ud-din) well knew that although a t first h i s
Hindu administration was r u n n i n g s m o o t h l y , his r e v o l u t i o
n a r y H i n d u empire depended o n nO other thing than his
armed might. H e , therefore, kept the thousands o f his
choicest of H i n d u soldiers stationed in the capital in all
readiness! A t e v e r y v i t a l c e n t r e o f defence i n h i s e m p i r e he
drafted his most faithful H i n d u battalions and also the
M u s l i m t r o o p s w h i c h h a d s w o r n l o y a l t y t o w a r d s h i m . F o r he
k n e w perfectly w e l l t h a t a l t h o u g h the M u s l i m s everywhere i n
his empire obeyed h i m implicitly and swore allegiance to
him, sooner or l a t e r some r e b e l l i o u s f a c t i o n a m o n g s t them
was b o u n d to organize itself and stage a counter-revolution
against his p r o - H i n d u authority !
797. W a n t o f space o b l i g e s u s t o s k i p o v e r m a n y i n t e r
v e n i n g events. Suffice i t t o s a y t h a t the i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a
t i o n w h i c h nobody could have expected to work smoothly
even for a day, ran most efficiently, not for a d a y , nor a
month, but for nearly a year, o v e r t h r o w i n g the Muslim
domination and turning the very same M u s l i m 'Takhta'
(throne) i n t o a 'Sinhasan' o f a H i n d u emperor, and replacing
the green M u s l i m C h a n d w h i c h had been flaunting almost
over the whole of India by the victorious H i n d u flag.
M i l l i o n s of M u s l i m s , r i c h o r p o o r , l i e g e or serf, throughout
t h e w h o l e o f I n d i a , a c c e p t e d w i t h o u t a m u r m u r the o v e r l o r d -
ship (Sovereignty) o f the H i n d u empire. F o r at least a y e a r
the great M u s l i m governors and officers obeyed implicitly
the orders of this Hindu emperor and made the common
M u s l i m c o m m u n i t y do like-wise. This itself was a great
w o n d e r w h i c h glorifies the H i n d u h i s t o r y o f the times.
798. A n d another equally great wonder, w h i c h condemns
the Hindus o f the time, and those of later times also, is
t h a t i n the histories w r i t t e n o f the H i n d u p e o p l e a n d b y t h e
H i n d u p e o p l e n o m a j o r reference, let alone grateful reference
is made either to this H i n d u imperial and religious revolu

t i o n a n d to its architect a n d engineer D h a r m a r a k s h a k , (Nasir-
ud-din) ! Whatever few w o r d s are written about him are
f u l l o f censure a n d r i d i c u l e f o r h i m a n d for his acts i n strict
pursuance o f the M u s l i m h i s t o r i c a l writings !
GHYASUDDIN TUGHLAK
799. B u t before t h i s y e a r o f amazement e l a p s e d one o r
two top-ranking Muslims v e n t u r e d to h a t c h a conspiracy to
overthrow the y o k e of this H i n d u emperor. Secret p r o v o c a t i v e
pamphlets were b e i n g circulated a n d bigoted M o u l a v i s were
already instigating sedition secretly i n their Masjids, that
i t was a grave insult to the whole M u s l i m - w o r l d that the
M u s l i m imperial throne should be turned into a H i n d u one
and that t h e M u s l i m s s h o u l d be forced to bow d o w n m e e k l y
before a ' K a f i r ' , a n d finally that it was h i g h l y essential for
the Muslims to go o n a crusade against the H i n d u sovere
ignty i n order to e n d the u t t e r degradation of Islam. Bat
no Muslim ' A m i r ' , nor military c h i e f n o r a n y s u p e r i o r officer
offered t o l e a d t h e i n s u r r e c t i o n . U l t i m a t e l y t h e a d m i n i s t r a t o r
and governor o f the Punjab under the Sultan of Delhi, b y
name G h y a s u d d i n , aspired to shoulder that responsibility. H e
began s e n d i n g secret emissaries and epistles to that effect
to various higher Muslim authorities under Sultan Nasir-ud-
din. G h y a s u d d i n himself h a d sworn allegiance to the S u l t a n
and was appointed military G o v e r n o r o f the P u n j a b w h i l e
o n e o f h i s s o n s w a s a n officer a t D e l h i i t s e l f u n d e r t h e direct
control of this H i n d u i s e d Sultan. Ghyasuddin called this
son of his for a private visit under some pretext, and
gathered every sort of minute d e t a i l about the situation i n
D e l h i i n his private interview w i t h that son. Whereupon
he came to k n o w for certain that after the murder of
A U a u d d i n h i s sons a n d r e l a t i v e s w e r e e i t h e r k i l l e d o r d e p r i v e d
of their eye-sight a n d thus rendered useless. W h e n he w a s
thus satisfied t h a t there was no proper heir of Allauddin's
for the Sultanate at D e l h i , he was a l l the more elated to
d e c l a r e b o l d l y , t h a t as t h e r e w a s n o p r o p e r h e i r l e f t f r o m t h e
h o u s e o f A l l a u d d i n ' s , i t w a s o n l y some p o w e r f u l M u s l i m w h o
could lay c l a i m to the throne at D e l h i . That Kafir Hindu
P a r i a w a s n o t t o be sufiFered t o t o u c h i t e v e n . T h a t K a f i r h a d
m a r r i e d a l l the w i d o w s of a l l the earlier Sultans a n d the y o u n g
M u s l i m girls and maidens from the r o y a l palace to the P a r i a s
(Sweepers) whom he had f o r m e r l y raised to eminence a n d
converted a l l those ladies of the Muslim r o y a l families to
Hinduism. A s no M u s l i m dared to dethrone such a sinful
Hindu Kafir, he himself was going to shoulder the
responsibility*!.
800. F o r t h e first t i m e these secret letters o f his were
turned down with spite by the top M u s l i m oificers, w h i l e
some o t h e r s p l a c e d t h e m i n t o the hands of Dharmarakshak
N a s i r - u d - d i n himself, who h a v i n g already apprehended such
an eventuality and undaunted by it clamly prepared himself
to crush this rising of Ghyasuddin immediately. Good many
M u s l i m generals who had acnkowledged him as a Sultan,
e n l i s t e d t h e i r forces i n h i s service w h i l e the H i n d u section
o f t h a t i m p e r i a l a r m y was a l w a y s r e a d y t o fight a t t h e c o s t
o f their lives under his standard.
801. A t l a s t d e p e n d i n g chiefly o n t h e M u s l i m b a t t a l i o n s
w h i c h were e m p l o y e d u n d e r his c o m m a n d for the protection
of the Punjab and the frontiers, Ghyasuddin decided to
march upon Delhi. Some H i n d u soldiers, too, were, amongst
those a d v a n c i n g M u s l i m forces. N o sooner d i d he h e a r t h a t
Ghyasuddin was marching towards Delhi than the H i n d u
emperor—Dharmarakshak Nasir-ud-din himself—attacked
h i m w i t h h i s w h o l e i m p e r i a l army**. Along w i t h this H i n d u
E m p e r o r m a r c h e d the great M u s l i m Generals, too, w i t h their
b a t t a l i o n s t o fight u n d e r h i s c o m m a n d . W h e n t h e t w o a r m i e s
m e t , o n t h e first d a y t h e imperial army of Sultan Nasir-ud-
d i n w o n t h e field, a n d G h y a s u d d i n h a d to retreat. B u t the
l a t t e r d i d not lose heart. K n o w i n g t h a t depression of heart
at this time meant utter ruin, and that success depended
chiefly o n e n t e r p r i s e and i n t r e p i d i t y Ghyasuddin rearranged
his ranks and made ready for another battle. F o r t u n a t e l y for
Ghyasuddin, on that very d a y one o r two M u s l i m chieftains
i n the Sultan's armies conspired to betray the H i n d u E m p e r o r

N a s i r - u d - d i n a n d let the former know of their decision most
secretly. Encouraged by this, G h y a s u d d i n himself fell upon
the forces of Sultan Nasir-ud-din (Hindu Samrat, Shree
Dharmarakshak). I n the melee that ensued, the betrayal
b y the M u s l i m forces b r o u g h t a b o u t the u t t e r defeat o f S u l t a n
Nasir-ud-din**, So the Sultan—Shree Dharmarakshak—left
the field and started for Delhi. But mad with victory
Ghyasuddin marched straight towards Delhi, and in that
hot p u r s u i t Shree D h a r m a r a k s h a k — S u l t a n N a s i r - u d - d i n — f e l l
h e l p l e s s i n t h e h a n d s o f t h e enemy**.
802. W h e n the v i c t o r , G h y a s u d d i n , ordered the c a p t i v e
S u l t a n , N a s i r - u d - d i n , to be b r o u g h t before h i m , a n d charg
i n g h i m w i t h the m u r d e r o f M u b a r i k d e c i d e d to sentence h i m
t o d e a t h J he asked the captive the last question: "Setting
aside the question of p o l i t i c a l expediency or the b i d for the
throne o f the Sultan and considering o n l y the personal
aspect of this act of yours, w h a t personal w r o n g d i d M u b a r i k
do to y o u , t h a t y o u m i g h t seek to avenge it by his death?"
T o this the captive Nasir-ud-din (Khushrukhan) replied to
t h i s effect : " O f course ! H e was g u i l t y of a such personal
wrong to me ! F o r the most heinous crime of inflicting
homosexual and other unbearable atrocities that this mean
and vicious Mubarik had perpetrated on my body ever
since m y tender age and for the h u m i l i a t i o n t h a t he h a d
heaped upon my life. I had long rowed most solemnly
t h a t at the earliest opportunity I would avenge a l l those
p e r s o n a l w r o n g s u p o n t h a t v i l l a i n w i t h murder*^ !
803. Thereupon Ghyasuddin dispatched h i m instanta
neously.
804. T h a t was the t r a g i c e n d o f Shree D h a r m a r a k s h a k
(Nasir-ud-din). But the last o f the accredited Hindu
E m p e r o r o f D e l h i , the v a l i a n t P r i t h v i r a j C h o u h a n , was also
equally tragically murdered by the Muslims after his u t t e r
rout i n the last battle I
805. A n d the dauntless Shree Guru Banda of the
Panjab ! After inflicting s e v e r a l c r u s h i n g defeats u p o n t h e
Muslims, when at l a s t he f e l l i n t o the hands o f the M u s l i m

monarch,was he n o t l o c k e d u p i n a cage l i k e a w i l d b e a s t ?
D i d n ' t red-hot i r o n pikes a n d pincers pierce his b o d y a n d p u l l
out large pieces o f his flesh a n d was he n o t a f t e r so m u c h
t o r t u r e p u t to cruel death b y the M u s l i m s ?
806. B u t is a n y t h o r o u g h - b r e d Hindu l i k e l y to forget
the g r a t i t u d e t h a t we a l l owe to those v a r i o u s H i n d u g a l l a n t
warriors for their glorious m a r t y r d o m i n the cause of H i n d u
i s m , s i m p l y because they were defeated i n t h e end ? It is
this grateful memory of such martyrs that becomes the
p e r e n n i a l source o f i n s p i r a t i o n for the nation forages after
ages !
807. O Y o u ! Hindu Samrat 'Shree Dharmarakshak !
This martyrdom of yours, too, has become a fresh-water
s p r i n g o f i n s p i r a t i o n for the Hindu nation! I t i s to a t o n e
for the s i n of f a i l i n g to u t t e r a single grateful w o r d for y o u ,
to preserve some souvenir, some memento of yours, that
the H i n d u s o f y o u r o w n times or those o f the later generations
h a v e c o m m i t t e d , a n d i t is a g a i n i n e x p i a t i o n of the sin o f our
H i n d u i n g r a t i t u d e towards y o u t h a t we have most reverently
offered y o u t h i s s e p a r a t e c h a p t e r i n t h i s b o o k .
808. H a d y o u b u t c h o s e n to remain a Muslim Sultan,
y o u could easily have perpetuated the Sultanate of the whole
of India down to your descendants, generations after
generations, as it happened i n the case o f t h e K h i l j e e o r
Slave dynasties after A U a u d d i n or Ghyasuddin. B u t with
glowing respect and pride for the Hindu religion and the
H i n d u nation, y o u purified the very M u s l i m T i t l e of Sultan,
t u r n e d the Muslim 'Takhta' into a H i n d u 'Sinhasan', and
s l i g h t i n g the M u s l i m Sultanate proclaimed yourself a H i n d u
Samrat (Emperor) !
809. After Emperor Prithviraj Chauhan, it was y o u
alone who made a gallant bid to o c c u p y the i m p e r i a l throne
o f D e l h i as a H i n d u E m p e r o r ! I n s p i t e o f y o u r birth i n an
humble and miserable H i n d u family; i n spite of your being
defiled a n d converted to I s l a m a n d m a d e a n abject s l a v e b y
your Muslim enemies a t your tender age, y o u became the
S u l t a n of Sultans b y the d i n t o f y o u r valour, y o u r v e r s a t i l i t y ,

your military exploits, your arch-diplomacy and your
adroitness in engineering deep-laid plots, and made the
whole of India resound w i t h the glory of H i n d u i s m ! W e
have done our duty to relate with proofs y o u r (in a way)
peculiar life to the H i n d u N a t i o n a n d the w o r l d a t l a r g e so
far as i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r u s d o so.
THE PECULIAR CHARACTER OF THIS HINDU

REVOLUTION !
810. Although i n this millenial H i n d u - M u s l i m war the
H i n d u N a t i o n h a d been fighting on the political and m i l i t a r y
f r o n t s m o r e o r less o n e q u a l g r o u n d s , u s i n g effective counter-
ofiensives and tactics and ultimately over-powering the
Muslim sovereigny, i t was incessantly overwhelmed on the
religious front, because o f their own hateful bans on re
conversion a n d the like—fetters, w h i c h prevented the H i n d u s
from opening a n y counter-offensive o n the Muslim religion
as s u c h ! B u t , t h i s H i n d u Emperor, Shree Dharmarakshak
(Nasir-ud-din) successfully launched a counter-attack upon
t h e M u s l i m s , b o t h o n p o l i t i c a l a n d m i l i t a r y as w e l l as o n t h e
religious front, u s i n g the same means and weapons. To
counter-balance the forceful c o n v e r s i o n of the H i n d u s b y the
Muslims, Shree Dharmarakshak (Nasir-ud-din) brought
about hundreds of M u s l i m reconversions to H i n d u i s m and
their repurification ceremonies under the protection of his
armed might. J u s t as the Muslims used to rush headlong
to ravage and convert the Hindu women to I s l a m , i n the
same w a y the H i n d u s broke into the harems of the M u s l i m
Sultan and converted the willing Mohamedan women to
H i n d u i s m and married them to t h e i r Hindu followers. If
the Muslims demolished the H i n d u temples, Shree D h a r m a
r a k s h a k , i n the excitement of this victory, turned the very
M u s l i m M a s j i d s i n t o H i n d u temples. I t was this Dharmara
k s h a k ( N a s i r - u d - d i n ) who for the first time i n H i n d u history
s h o w e d so v e r y successfully and on such a large scale how
the Muslim armed aggression upon Hinduism and the
religious persecution that t h e y p e r p e t r a t e d before a n d after

c o u l d be r e t a l i a t e d and how the Muslims could be r o u t e d ;
completely on the religious front too. I f from the beginning;
the Muslims had to face such bold opposition and been
f o r c e d t o suffer s u c h p o w e r f u l c o u n t e r - s t r o k e s o n t h e r e l i g i o u s
front, they would never have dared to strike, i n spite o f
a l l their m i l i t a r y m i g h t , at H i n d u i s m . T h i s first b l o w w h i c h
the H i n d u s delivered to Islam i n Delhi shook the Muslims
so very severely ! A n d this is t h e peculiar character of
this H i n d u i s t i c revolution brought about b y Shree D h a r m a
rakshak ( K h u s h r u k h a n Nasir-ud-din)**.
811. We have intentionally called this account of
K h u s h r u k h a n ' s life and achievements as b a s e d o n p r o o f s !
A l t h o u g h , as we h a v e p o i n t e d o u t i n P a r a g r a p h 7 4 4 , n o b o d y
b a r r i n g some h o n o u r a b l e exceptions, has w r i t t e n a n y good
w o r d about y o u , 0 K h u s h r u k h a n , the v e r y inconsistent a n d
c o n f u s e d a n d o b l i q u e references t o y o u , tell a story which is
a l l the more glorious for y o u ! A s such a l t h o u g h y o u r life
a n d c a r e e r as p a i n t e d b y us h a s so f a r n o t a n y ' w r i t t e n ' or:
' o r a l ' 'basis' or any strong proofs, even t h e n there is another
equally strong and unimpeachable legal evidence which, at
t i m e s , sets a s i d e e v e n w r i t t e n o r o r a l ones, i n s u c h h i s t o r i c a l
and judicial matters of daily occurrence. T h a t evidence is.
called circumstantial evidence !
THE AUTHORITY OF CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE

812. I n the science o f L o g i c the a u t h o r i t y o f c i r c u m s t a n
tial evidence is considered, at l e a s t i n c e r t a i n cases, t o be
the better mode o f reasoning t h a n inference, the w o r d of t h e
elders, or i l l u s t r a t i o n . E s p e c i a l l y when the intentions a n d
feelings or emotions o f the engineers of deep-laid political
conspiracies and plots a r e t o be a s c e r t a i n e d c i r c u m s t a n t i a l
e v i d e n c e i s c o n s i d e r e d to be t h e o n l y , s t r o n g b a s i s f o r i t a n d
it should be thought so, and r i g h t l y too ! The written
confessions o f the accused under their o w n signatures can be
refuted b y the c i r c u m s t a n t i a l evidence of b o d i l y p e r s e c u t i o n
a n d t o r t u r e ; so does w r i t t e n e v i d e n c e !
S22 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
813. Your life, 0 Dharmarakshak, therefore, has been

based more on the strictly logical circumstantial evidence
t h a n on your o w n words or the writings of y o u r contemporary
a n d l a t e r d a y h i s t o r i a n s ; hence i t is based on solid proof.
Even if your words are not available, y o u r v e r y acts, a n d
d e e d s are i n t h e m s e l v e s f a r m o r e t e l l i n g .
814. The brother of this Shree Dharmarakshak,
N a s i r - u d - d i n , was h i m s e l f a v e r y great warrior and an able
administrator. The original H i n d u name of this brother of
S h r e e D h a r m a r a k s h a k is a l s o n o t k n o w n as yet, for in his
v e r y e a r l y c h i l d h o o d he t o o w a s c o n v e r t e d a n d m a d e a s l a v e .
W h e n t h i s H i n d u E m p e r o r a p p o i n t e d h i m as t h e G o v e r n o r o f
Gujrath, he o p e n l y a c c e p t e d H i n d u i s m a n d c a n v a s s e d f o r i t .
I n order to o v e r t h r o w the M u s l i m government i n G u j r a t h he
r a i s e d a H i n d u r e v o l t a n d sent t w e n t y to twentyfive t h o u s a n d
brave warriors o f his p a r w a r (community) to help his brother
at Delhi. W h a t u l t i m a t e l y became o f t h e m a l l is n o t k n o w n
to history. H e too deserves a place of honour i n H i n d u
history.
815. A n d on the same basis of this circumstantial
evidence does that former Hindu royal princess and the
Y a d a v Queen, D e v a l d e v i , who was e q u a l l y responsible for
bringing a b o u t the unprecedented H i n d u r e v o l u t i o n o f Shree
Dharmarakshak Nasir-ud-din, and who was his important
accomplice in the secret plot, and w h o became, after the
successful a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f the s a i d r e v o l u t i o n , the Hindu
Empress o f Shree D h a r m a r a k s h a k , deserves even a greater
place o f honour, like that of D e v i P a d m i n i of Chitod for
the unimaginable wrongs and persecution, h u m i l i a t i o n a n d
t h e c o n s e q u e n t m e n t a l a g o n i e s t h a t she h a d t o suffer in the
most a d v e r s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s .' She deserves the h o n o u r o f a
brave warrior R a j p u t Princess burning herself on the pyre or
in Johar !
816. H e r end, too, is clouded i n m y s t e r y ! One of the
writers of the t i m e has s a i d t h a t she was p r o v i d e d * ' f o r b y
G h y a s u d d i n a f t e r he b e c a m e t h e S u l t a n o f D e l h i .
NOT A FRUITLESS MARTYRDOM !

817. T h u s were the t w o v a l i a n t associates of the Hindu
JEmperor, D h a r m a r a k s h a k (Nasir-ud-din) forced to court
m a r t y r d o m ! B u t their m a r t y r d o m lent a wonderful strength
to the morale o f the Hindu Nation. F o r , the fact t h a t i n
D e l h i itself was established a Hindu Empire which could
powerfully and effectively govern the Muslim States,
N a w a b s , a n d M u s l i m populace t h r o u g h o u t I n d i a for n e a r l y a
year, helped the H i n d u k i n g s a n d the H i n d u people to shake
off t h e d o m i n a n t i n f l u e n c e o f t h e M u s l i m p o l i t i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y ,
which had for centuries overawed the H i n d u m i n d . The
m y t h o f t h i s M u s l i m p o l i t i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y w a s a t once e x p l o d e d
and a rare confidence was i n s p i i e d amongst the H i n d u s t h a t ,
w e r e t h e y b u t t o r u n a l i t t l e r i s k , t h e y w o u l d also be a b l e to
crush the M u s l i m p o l i t i c a l h o l d on them. Shree D h a r m a r a k s h a k
c o u r t e d m a r t y r d o m i n 1321; i t was soon followed by the
risings i n H i n d u States i n the n o r t h a n d south o f I n d i a . The
Muslim provinces round about D e l h i , too, began fighting
w i t h the M u s l i m i m p e r i a l power at D e l h i i n order to establish
their own dynasties i n their own provinces. In the end
hardly within fifteen to s i x t e e n y e a r s o f the m a r t y r d o m o f
Shree Dharmarakshak, the Muslim imperial authority at
Delhi became extremely weak, and a powerful H i n d u revolt
culminated i n the establishment of a completely independent
Hindu Kingdom of Vijaynagar, the detailed account of
w h i c h m u s t n e c e s s a r i l y be d e f e r r e d t o n e x t c h a p t e r .
•
CHAPTER XVin
THE BEGINNmG OF T H E FINAL OVERTHROW O F

THE MUSLIM EMPIRE
818. S o o n after s l a y i n g Shree D h a r m a r a k s h a k ( N a s i r -
ud-din) G h y a s u d d i n T u g h l a k ascended the throne of the
Delhi Sultanate i n A . D . 1321 a n d i s s u e d a p r o c l a m a t i o n t o
t h a t effect^. T h i s was the end o f the K h i l j i d y n a s t y a n d t h e
beginning of the T u g h l a k rule.
819. G h y a s u d d i n too was o l d . N a t u r a l l y he treated
the Muslims leniently. B u t although born of a H i n d u jat
m o t h e r , he, s t r a n g e l y e n o u g h d i d n o t f a l l s h o r t of any type
of r e l i g i o u s p e r s e c u t i o n o f the H i n d u s p e r p e t r a t e d b y a n y o r
a l l o f the former M u s l i m Sultans* !
820. G h y a s u d d i n d i e d i n A . D . 1326 a n d w a s s u c c e e d e d
by his son M o h a m m a d T u g h l a k w h o has gone down in
history as 'crazy'. H e once h a d a strange w h i m o f s h i f t i n g
his c a p i t a l from D e l h i to D e v g i r i i n the s o u t h . Immediately
he c h a n g e d t h e n a m e o f D e v g i r i , according to the Muslim
t r a d i t i o n , i n t o D o u l a t a b a d , j u s t as W a r a n g a l h a d b e e n c h a n g
ed earlier by the M u s l i m s i n t o Sultanpur*. B u t this change
of c a p i t a l from D e l h i to D e v g i r i caused h i m a n d his subjects
so m u c h trouble*, d i s r u p t e d his already confusion-fraught
r e v e n u e s y s t e m so c o m p l e t e l y a n d so m a n y i n s u r r e c t i o n s a n d
political r i s i n g s ^ were b r e w i n g i n t h e r o y a l f a m i l i e s a n d t h e
p e o p l e a t l a r g e i n t h e D e c c a n (as a l r e a d y p o i n t e d o u t i n the
p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r ) t h a t t h i s ' c r a z y ' M o h a m m a d was u l t i m a t e l y
forced to have another whim o f s h i f t i n g the capital once
again back to Delhi. B u t t h i s s h o r t i n t e r l u d e cost m i l l i o n s
(crores) o f r u p e e s a n d t h o u s a n d s o f l i v e s .
820-A. With a v i e w t o get o u t o f t h i s financial trouble
he i n t r o d u c e d t h e c o p p e r c o i n s , w h i c h drained his treasury
completely; b u t he b l a m e d the f a r m e r s a n d t h e o t h e r g e n t r y
for i t s a y i n g t h a t t h e y d i d not p a y the taxes. H e therefore,

issued orders to his fighting forces to collect the revenue
under compulsion, but while the Muslims were shown a l l
leniency i n the collection of taxes the H i n d u s were most
c r u e l l y f o r c e d t o p a y t h e m . J u s t as t h e b e a s t s a r e s u r r o u n d e d
•on a l l sides i n a h u n t i n g e x p e d i t i o n a n d are h e l d a t b a y a n d
then massacred, similarly a number of H i n d u towns and
villages were besieged a n d the H i n d u p o p u l a t i o n t h e r e i n was
mercilessly put to the s w o r d . (This sort of persecution
devastated numerous H i n d u towns and villages while whole
p r o v i n c e s l i k e K a n o u j were r e n d e r e d d e s o l a t e ' !)
821. Nevertheless there darted from the bow of the
Hindu nation a Ram-ban [an a r r o w o f R a m — a n ( u n e r r i n g )
u n m i s t a k a b l e s h o t !] w h i c h p u t a s t o p , even i f temporarily,
to the Ravan-like atrocities by the M u s l i m s perpetrated
u n d e r e v e r y S u l t a n o v e r t h e H i n d u s for c e n t u r i e s t o g e t h e r i
822. The diabolic Muslim ambition to spread the
u n i t a r y M u s l i m empire to the ends o f H i n d u s t a n (Paragraphs
636-737) r e c e i v e d a d e a t h - b l o w i n t h e v e r y h o u r o f i t s f r u i t i o n .
F o r (as i t i s s h o w n i n t h e previous chapter) with the first
vigorous b l o w s t r u c k b y the H i n d u E m p e r o r , Shree D h a r m a
rakshak, the extensive M u s l i m E m p i r e h a d already begun t o
•dwiadle, w h i l e the H i n d u discontent, especially i n the D e c c a n
culminated i n t o a powerful insurrection which shattered the
a l r e a d y d w i n d l i n g M u s l i m empire i n t o s m a l l fragments.
NEW HINDU STATE

823. F o r i n A . D . 1336 w a s e s t a b l i s h e d the new, inde
pendent, and powerful H i n d u State of Vijaynagar, defying
the M u s l i m might in the very life-time in this 'crazy'
Mohammad Tughlak, a detailed account of which will be
given i n the next chapter.
824. Immediately after this momentous event the
D e c c a n e s e M u s l i m s u n d e r H a s a n B a h a m a n i rose i n rebellion
against the D e l h i Sultanate following the age-old separatist
t e n d e n c y o f t h e M u s l i m s w h i c h h a d been exhibited i n their
fratricidal wars ever since the times of M o h a m m a d P a i g a m -
bar. H a s a n B a h a m a n i was c r o w n e d with success in this

attempt and so he f o u n d e d t h e B a h a m a n i k i n g d o m i n A . D .
1347 a n d p r o c l a i m e d h i m s e l f t o b e a n i n d e p e n d e n t S u l t a n .
825. T h i s act of Hasan Bahamani will explode the
popular misconception o f the millions of credulous gulls
amongst the Hindus that the Muslims always showed a
united front i n their p o l i t i c a l as w e l l as r e l i g i o u s w a r s , t h a t
t h e y never fought amongst themselves and that they had
no s e p a r a t i s t t e n d e n c i e s — a baseless m i s c o n c e p t i o n w h i c h is
not only foolish i n the extreme b u t w h i c h f a l s e l y e x t o l s t h e
foreigners a n d undeservedly, runs down our own Hindu
community. A number of such instances have a l r e a d y been
cited i n this volume and many more w i l l occur i n the pages
that follow. The h i s t o r y of the Muslim community a l l the
w o r l d over is replete w i t h such instances.
A GRIEVOUS FALL AND BREAKING OF

THE DREAM OF A N UNBROKEN
MUSLIM EMPIRE
826. J u s t as perhaps some adventurous mountaineer
should, i n the excitement of his almost impracticable
a m b i t i o n to s c a l e t h e h i g h e s t peak of the H i m a l a y a s a n d t o
hoist his national flag t h e r e before a n y b o d y else d o e s it^
c l i m b on a n d on, a n d after reaching some altogether different
peak should victoriously cry out, " T h i s is t h e v e r y same
highest p e a k " ! W h e n a l l at once the s e e m i n g l y highest p e a k
should give w a y under the heavy l o a d o f his a m b i t i o n , being
m a d e as i t r e a l l y i s , n o t of any solid rock, but of a frozen
heap o f snowflakes, a n d the a m b i t i o u s climber should topple
d o w n a n d f a l l h e a d l o n g f r o m crag to c r a g i n t o the deep r a v i n e
of destruction along with the bits and fragments o f his
signal v i c t o r y — i n the v e r y same w a y the M u s l i m a m b i t i o n
t o establish the centralized paramount M u s l i m power o v e r
• the whole of India was beguiled for a while and ultimately
came to naught. A l l the Asian Muslim States right from
the A r a b s to the M o n g o l s i n v a d e d I n d i a one a f t e r another
a n d carried o n for seven or eight centuries continuously
the bitterest, bloodiest a n d cruellest wars a n d at last w h e n

i n the regime of AUauddin p r a c t i c a l l y the whole o f I n d i a
passed under the Muslim sway r o u n d about the year A . D .
1310, the M u s l i m a m b i t i o n seemed t o be almost fulfilled 1
But as it is already told, with a hard knock from the
resurgent H i n d u v a l o u r the M u s l i m rule collapsed from the
highest peak o f success a t t a i n e d by Sultan AUauddin and
was shattered to pieces within o n l y seven or eight years,
never to rise to that g i d d y heights again ! The Hindu
m i g h t went on i n c r e a s i n g l i k e the crescent m o o n !
DEATH OF CRAZY' MOHAMMAD AND AFTER

827. T h i s ' c r a z y ' S u l t a n Mohammad died i n A . D . 1351
and his tottering crown with the disintegrating ,Sultanate
of Delhi passed on to his cousin 'Pherozshah Tughlak'.
This Pherozshah's mother was the daughter of the R a j p u t
King Malbhatti of Deepalpur'. W h e n Pherozshah's father
demanded her (that Rajput Princess) i n marriage. King
Malbhatti flatly refused so to give her up*, whereupon
Pherozshah's father marched on M a l b h a t t i and began to
persecute the H i n d u s most cruelly. The princess could not
bear the inhuman sufferings of her father a n d her H i n d u
brethren i n the kingdom. So she volunteered to marry
P h e r o z s h a h ' s father^. H o w e v e r p r a i s e w o r t h y the tenderness
o f h e r h e a r t m i g h t be i t has p e r m a n e n t l y s t a i n e d h e r f a t h e r ' s
family. Had she swallowed fire like some Padmini of
C h i t o d a n d followed the p a t h o f m a r t y r d o m for the sake o f
religion, her life a n d her f a m i l y tradition would both have
been for ever glorified !
T H E SUPERSTITIOUS MUSLIMS !
828. A n anecdote of this time of the T u g h l a k s , which
is recorded in history, may be related here so t h a t t h e
reader might have some idea o f the extent to w h i c h the
superstitious nature o f the Muslims could go a n d o f the
influence w h i c h the r e l i g i o u s c r e d u l i t y a n d f a n a t i c i s m o f the
Arabs invariably had over the Muslims of later days ever
since the i n c e p t i o n of M u s l i m r e l i g i o n .
828-A. I n order to atone for the crazy religious acts
a n d the harassment o f the subjects b y the ' m a d ' M o h a m m a d
(setting aside the religious persecution o f H i n d u s which was
deemed harmonious w i t h the tenets o f the M u s l i m religion)
S u l t a n P h e r o z s h a h i n t e r n e d " w i t h the bones o f the late ' m a d '
M o h a m m a d the o r i g i n a l papers r e g a r d i n g the reimbursement
o f the unjust l a n d revenue c o l l e c t e d b y h i m , r e f u n d o f fines
and compensation for the other unjust acts of his, or their
governmental acknowledgements along w i t h other o r i g i n a l
papers signed by Mohammad himself. This action of
P h e r o z s h a h was perhaps prompted by his credulous belief,
t h a t on the strength of this written record of the compen
sation for a l l his crimes the great Allah would forgive
Mohammad on the last day o f t h e j u d g m e n t I A n d , be it
remembered that Pherozshah was well-educated according
to the standards of the time ! W h a t to say, then, o f the
c o m m o n people !
829. A l t h o u g h i n the beginning Pherozshah proclaimed
h i m s e l f as the Sultan of H i n d u s t a n , everywhere in India,
w i t h the o n l y exception of D e l h i and a small region around
i t , the H i n d u s a n d the Muslims began one after another
to repudiate his imperial authority. In the South the
celebrated k i n g d o m o f V i j a y n a g a r had openly asserted its
freedom. Under these c i r c u m s t a n c e s Pherozshah Tughlak
decided finally to acknowledge the independence of the
recalcitrant peoples under h i m i n order t o assuage t h e i r
political bitterness and to consolidate whatever little he
could retain rather than lose a l l . He, therefore, gave a n
ofiBcial recognition to the independence of the Bahamani
kingdom i n the south and to that of the v a l i a n t H i n d u
k i n g d o m o f V i j a y n a g a r " w h i c h was founded by the great
H i n d u leaders w h o w e r e fired w i t h the bitterest hatred for
the Muslim d o m i n a t i o n a n d were bent on driving it away
right out of I n d i a .
830. T h u s was the Muslim imperial power, which had
reached its zenith round about t h e y e a r s A . D . 1310-12 i n
Allauddin's times as a r e s u l t o f t h e i n c e s s a n t Hindu-Muslim

wars for a b o u t s i x or seven centuries, a n d which had spread
over almost the whole of I n d i a , dissolved by the very
descendant o f the same i l l u s t r i o u s S u l t a n , f o r he c o u l d n o t
h e l p y i e l d i n g to the powerful H i n d u resistance. The M u s l i m
empire over the whole o f I n d i a was c o m p l e t e l y shattered i n
the h o u r of its fruition, never t o be rebuilt on such a vast
scale. N o w the Hindu resurgent independent power had
begun its inroads on the M u s l i m m i g h t w h i c h were never to
cease a g a i n 1
831. I n fact, the moment Pherozshah T u g h l a k recog
nized the political independence o f the S o u t h the Muslim
imperial power came to an end ! H e , as i t were, r a n g t h e
death-knell o f the M u s l i m a m b i t i o n o f an i m p e r i a l power !
THE DIRECT EVIDENCE

832. T h i s e x p l i c i t recognition of the political indepen
dence of the D e c c a n , i n c l u d i n g t h a t of the n e w l y established
H i n d u state of V i j a y n a g a r b y the S u l t a n of D e l h i , Pherozshah
Tughlak himself, conclusively proves the statement which
we h a v e m a d e i n p a r a g r a p h s 807 t o 817 a n d w h i c h h a s so far
escaped the notice o f the writers o f H i n d u h i s t o r y . I t is t h e
two-fold p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s aggression of the H i n d u E m p e r o r ,
•Shree D h a r m a r a k s h a k , (Nasir-ud-din) i n D e l h i itself on the
Muslim power and especially his frightful revenge of the
religious persecution o f the H i n d u s over the M u s l i m s i n m u c h
the same horrid way, and the terror i t s t r u c k i n the m i n d s
of the Muslims, which inspired this political rising of
Vijaynagar which i n its turn dashed to pieces t h e M u s l i m
ambition of an all-India empire !
833. A l t h o u g h S u l t a n Pherozshah helplessly surrendered
h i s o v e r l o r d s h i p o v e r t h e D e c c a n , he s t i l l m e r c i l e s s l y c o n t i n
ued to persecute the H i n d u s i n the b i g cities l i k e D e l h i under
his direct control^*. The H i n d u s , too, persisted i n their
s t a u n c h r e s i s t a n c e i n t h e defence o f t h e i r r e l i g i o n e v e n a t the
risk of m a r t y r d o m . N u m e r o u s instances of the v a r i e d k i n d s
•of t h i s H i n d u r e a c t i o n t o t h e M u s l i m a t r o c i t i e s a r e r e c o r d e d .
one o f which m i g h t be given here o n the authority of the

M u s l i m writers themselves.
833-A. S u l t a n Pherozshah hated the B r a h m i n s far m o r e
b i t t e r l y t h a n the other H i n d u s . H e s a i d , " B r a h m i n s are the
v e r i t a b l e k e y s to the s t r o n g fortress o f the H i n d u r e l i g i o n ^ * . "
I t is t h e B r a h m i n s who organised a resistance movement
against the J i z i a tax, freshly imposed on the H i n d u s b y S u l t a n
Pherozshah. T h e y organized collective hunger-strike before
the royal palace and announced their determination to
s w a l l o w fire a n d c o u r t martyrdom. B u t the S u l t a n heeded
it not. So, m a n y B r a h m i n s , no longer able to bear the h u m i
liation, died i n that horrible manner. I n the end the H i n d u s
o f o t h e r castes p a i d up the t a x for such staunch defenders
of their religion that still survived and saved their l i v e s " ! .
834. But the account o f one o f t h o s e B r a h m i n s is t h e
most remarkable for its m a r t y r d o m . I n the city of Delhi
itself this o l d B r a h m i n openly^worshipped an idol^^. Now
diabolic religion of S u l t a n Pherozshah Tughlak had abso
lutely banned any such idol-worship throughout his k i n g d o m .
But i n order to protest against this ban that Brahmin
collected a l l the H i n d u s i n the c o u r t y a r d of his house and
worshipped the idol with such great pomp, that many
M u s l i m men, women and children, too, became the devotees
of that idol. The rumour q u i c k l y spread far a n d wide t h a t
t h i s B r a h m i n ' s G o d a l w a y s c a m e t o t h e rescue o f h i s d e v o t e e . .
T h e news t h a t this B r a h m i n openly w o r s h i p p e d idols p a i n t e d
on a wooden p l a n k reached the ears of the Sultan w h a
immediately had him brought as a c a p t i v e , a l o n g w i t h his.
i d o l , before h i m . T h e r e u p o n he called a l l the U l e m a s (the
M u s l i m religious priests) and asked them " W h a t punishment
should be inflicted on this B r a h m i n ?" They replied " T h i s
Brahmin s h o u l d e i t h e r be a M u s l i m or be burnt alive to
death." The B r a h m i n thereupon chose t o d i e t h a t h o r r i b l e
death by burning. I n D e l h i j u s t before t h e k i n g ' s c o u r t a
b i g p i l e o f w o o d was made a n d the B r a h m i n was p l a c e d o n
it, b o u n d h a n d a n d foot, w i t h the i d o l p a i n t e d on the w o o d e n
plank. The M u s l i m demons set fire to t h a t p i l e of wood'
from a l l sides. Still the B r a h m i n w o u l d not consent to be

converted to I s l a m . I n a few c r u e l m o m e n t s t h e fire b l a z e d
v e r y h o t o n a l l sides. B u t without even a faint sigh of p a i n
or grief the B r a h m i n remained b o w i n g d o w n to the i d o l .
W i t h i n a m o m e n t t h e h u n g r y flames s w a l l o w e d u p t h e d e v o t e d
Brahmin" !
835. T h i s arch-enemy of the H i n d u s , S u l t a n P h e r o z s h a h
Tughlak, d i e d i n A . D . 1388, f o l l o w e d b y a n u t t e r chaos i n
the meagre remains o f his k i n g d o m , whereas on one occasion
two of his grandsons fell out a n d at the two ends of the c i t y
of D e l h i there r u l e d two Sultans a t one a n d the same time,
M o h a m m a d s h a h and N a s r a t s h a h , the two grandsons of P h e r o z .
H a l f the city o f D e l h i became t h e c a p i t a l o f t h e one, w h i l e
t h e o t h e r h a l f t h a t o f t h e o t h e r " !!
INVASION BY TAIMURLANG
836. Under these chaotic conditions D e l h i fell a prey
to the i n h u m a n ravages of the notorious T a i m u r l a n g , the
S u l t a n o f t h e f a r off S a m a r k a n d .
837. T a i m u r was a T u r k " , a n d not o r i g i n a l l y a M u s l i m .
A f t e r c o n q u e r i n g t h e c i t y o f B a g h d a d he b u r n e d t o ashes t h e
whole library of Muslim literature a n d a t m a n y p l a c e s he
even burned Masjids" ! I n A . D . 1369 he b e c a m e t h e K i n g
of Samarkand. F o l l o w i n g the lead o f Chengeezkhan before
him he had conquered not less t h e n t w e n t y - s e v e n c r o w n s
f r o m R u s s i a i n the W e s t to A f g h a n i s t a n i n the South-East*" I
B e c a u s e he h a d l o s t a l e g i n one o f t h e b a t t l e s he r e c e i v e d t h e
n i c k n a m e ' l a n g ' (lame). Thereafter he h a p p e n e d t o cast h i s
eyes on India, not simply because of any allurement of
p o l i t i c a l power or the lust f o r v i c t o r y b u t because he h a d
formed a bitter hatred towards India. F o r , he h a d i n t h e
meantime become a Muslim*^. H i s original destructive
tendencies now r e c e i v e d t h i s n e w g h a s t l y i m p e t u s ! S a y s he
in his autobiography. " M y intention in marching upon
I n d i a is to massacre the K a f i r H i n d u s there, destroy the i d o l s
of their G o d s , convert them a l l to Islam a n d thus w i n the t i t l e
of a ' G a z i ' i n the court o f the A l l a h * * " .
838. So immediately i n A . D . 1397 he invaded India.

H e h a d u n d e r h i m a g i g a n t i c force o f n i n e t y t h o u s a n d s t r o n g .
He marched straight upto Punjab. Still nobody came
f o r w a r d to oppose h i m . H e therefore swooped d o w n s t r a i g h t
on Delhi, where a small force came to oppose him. i n the
name of the S u l t a n of D e l h i b u t i t was soon p u t to r o u t . An
i n t e r e s t i n g p o i n t t o n o t e is t h a t t h i s v e t e r a n a r m y o f T a i m u r
lang which had trampled over half the w o r l d was scared to
death for a time by the mere sight o f elephants i n this
ludicrous army of the S u l t a n of Delhi**, for t h e y h a d seen
such huge beasts for the first time i n their lives. Y e t it got
over the fear v e r y s o o n a n d as s o o n as t h e Sultan's forces
were completely routed it dashed violently i n t o the c i t y
of D e l h i , l e t t i n g loose the orgy o f wholesale massacre, p l u n d e r
a n d arson**. Millions of lives were lost this day. After
having thus quenched his thirst f o r H i n d u b l o o d t o some
extent, Taimur turned further to Meerut and Haridwar,
s m a s h i n g t o pieces H i n d u i d o l s a t m a n y p l a c e s o n h i s way*^.
At H a r i d w a r he reached the pinnacle of his c r u e l t y i n the
H i n d u blood-bath. H o w many instances i s one t o q u o t e o f
the h a r r o w i n g atrocities w h i c h the H i n d u community had to
suffer ' s i m p l y because o f t h e i r dire determination and holy
resolve not to forsake their religion ! P r o m H a r i d w a r this
fiendlike T a i m u r w e n t o n f u r t h e r to the n o r t h , r a i n i n g H i n d u
blood o n the S h i v a l i k hills, Nagarcote, J a m m u and demoli
s h i n g H i n d u t e m p l e s o n t h e w a y . O n h i s w a y he g o t t h e news
of his native c a p i t a l of S a m a r k a n d being threatened by the
rebels. So, mad with fury and mental anguish, he h u r r i e d
straight off t o Samarkand with the w h o l e o f h i s army**.
839. I n this T a i m u r l a n g i a n deluge w a s w a s h e d off t h e
l i t t l e t h a t was left o f the T u g h l a k S u l t a n a t e . I n the chaotic
conditions that then prevailed in north I n d i a the Sayyads
usurped the n o m i n a l S u l t a n a t e o f the T u g h l a k s * ' .
840. A v a i l i n g themselves o f this miserable c o n d i t i o n o f
the M u s l i m power at Delhi, the veteran defenders of the
Hindu religion, the independent Rajput kings, went o n
s e t t i n g free t h e t e r r i t o r i e s f o r m e r l y c o n q u e r e d b y t h e M u s l i m s .
OTH GLORIOUS EPOCH 333:
E o r t h a t matter, the h o l y places o f the Hindus like Kashi,

Prayag and others h a d , e v e n before t h i s t i m e , been recon
quered from the Muslims**. But !—Although the Muslim
p o l i t i c a l power there was defeated a n d uprooted their colonies
a n d there religious centres l i k e their Masjids and mosques
were not destroyed—as d i d the Muslims, whenever they
conquered the Hindu territories, slaughtering the Hindus
irrespective of t h e i r age o r sex a n d p u l l i n g d o w n t h e H i n d u
h o l y p l a c e s o f w o r s h i p , so as t o m a k e m e r e e x i s t e n c e i m p o s
sible for t h e m . B u t because t h e H i n d u s d i d n o t e m u l a t e t h e
M u s l i m s i n this respect, these l o c a l Muslims who were left,
alive and unmolested t u r n e d traitors, l i k e serpents fed a n d
f o s t e r e d as p e t s , a n d i n v i t e d a g a i n and again the Muslim
aggressors for help and made life miserable for the H i n d u s
i n those h o l y places a n d cities. B u t the Rajput malady of
the suicidal generosity even now persisted without any
m o d e r a t i o n . (The r e a d e r i s r e f e r r e d t o t h e d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n
i n t h i s r e g a r d i n p a r a g r a p h s 421 t o 4 2 6 )
RANA KUMBHA
841. M o s t notable a m o n g the R a j p u t heroes o f the t i m e
was R a n a K u m b h a , w h o excelled not only the great leaders
of C h i t o d b u t even those o f H i n d u s t a n i n respect of valour
a n d success. H e went to war w i t h a powerful neighbouring
Muslim Sultan, Mohammad Khilji o f M a l w a who had become
independent by renouncing the overlordship (paramountcy)
of the S u l t a n of D e l h i , a n d i n a battle near Sultanpur van
quished the l a t t e r c o m p l e t e l y . Sultan Mohammad Khilji of
Malwa was at last caught alive by R a n a Kumbha*^. But
g r o s s l y affected as he was b y t h e a g e - o l d m a l a d y o f t h e per
v e r t e d sense o f v i r t u e s , as t h e o t h e r H i n d u h e r o e s before h i m
were, he allowed the S u l t a n t o go free,*" c o n s i d e r i n g i t a
noble act on his own part. Had but Rana Kumbha been
t a k e n c a p t i v e b y the M u s l i m S u l t a n , M o h a m m a d K h i l j i ?
H e w o u l d v e r y l i k e l y have been d e p r i v e d o f his eye s i g h t , as
P r i t h v i r a j was, and brutally murdered according to the
d i a b o l i c war-ethics of the Muslims. In fact, this diabolic
war-ethics is t h e o n l y one w h i c h is b e n e f i c i a l t o a n a t i o n i n -
s u c h fiendish wars*! a n d h e n c e i s h i g h l y p i o u s a n d t h o r o u g h l y ,
sound !
842. T h i s b a t t l e was considered so u n i q u e a n d u n p a r a l -
a l l e d i n the H i n d u history o f those d a y s t h a t i n order to
celebrate it Rana K u m b h a erected a colossal a n d artistic
p i l l a r o f v i c t o r y at Chitod,** w h i c h s t i l l stands to the a d m i r a
t i o n of a l l visitors ! In a like manner did Rana Kumbha
beat down Sultan Kutbuddin o f Gujrath** w h e n the l a t t e r
attacked K u m b h a l g a d , and K u t b u d d i n had u l t i m a t e l y t o sue
f o r peace a n d s a v e h i s life**.
843. Even after R a n a K u m b h a , Rajputana c l a i m s so
m a n y brave and capable leaders o f men t h a t whole v o l u m e s
o u g h t r e a l l y t o be d e v o t e d t o t h e g e n e r a t i o n s that produced
each of them. B u t o u r r e c e n t h i s t o r i e s are so m u c h h a u n t e d
b y those of the M u s l i m a n d E u r o p e a n nations t h a t t h e y fight
s h y o f r e c o r d i n g t h e g l o r i o u s a c t s o f t h e H i n d u s — i t is i n f a c t
a clear p r o o f of the absence o f any independent research
made by them and of their glaring ignorance ! Fortunately
the contemporary Rasos, w r i t t e n honestly a n d w i t h a rare
literary flavour, and inspired b y the exceptional v a l o u r of
the H i n d u s o f the times are available here and there.
Prithviraj Raso, Hameer Raso, Chhatrasal Raso and many
others—beautiful heroic ballads and narrative poems of
v a r i e d l e n g t h s — a r e t o be h a d e v e n t o d a y . B u t G o d k n o w s i f
these h i s t o r i a n s k n o w t h e m e v e n b y name ! Again modern
historical research has discovered many rock inscriptions
not o n l y i n Rajputana, but i n the caves at various other
places. They also are l i k e l y to help a lot i n re-writing the
h i s t o r y o f these H i n d u h e r o e s . B u t t h e p r e s e n t d o e s n ' t seem
t o be t h e p r o p e r t i m e t o u n d e r t a k e t h a t work on a major
i n s t i t u t i o n a l basis ! T i l l s u c h a p r o p i t i o u s t i m e comes, s m a l
ler institutions or individual scholars can start, i f not the
a c t u a l research w o r k , at least the w o r k of collection of this
vast deal o f source m a t e r i a l . Such a fond hope can safely
be e n t e r t a i n e d i f we r e m e m b e r t h e c e l e b r a t e d name of R a j -
wade alone!
LODI DYANSTY
844. A f t e r t h e e n d o f t h e S a y y a d D y n a s t y i n A . D . 1450
some L o d i s o f A f g h a n e x t r a c t i o n r u l e d as Sultans at Delhi
for some time. O f t h e m a l l S h i k a n d a r L o d i t r i e d to consoli
d a t e h i s p o w e r d u r i n g A . D . 1488 to 1517. This Shikandar
L o d i again was b o r n of a H i n d u mother,'^ but like every
other Muslim ruler he always had a stern eye u p o n t h e
Hindus**. H e again enforced the ban on the Hindu pilgri
mages, w h i c h the Hindus had begun to make in the
meanwhile. H e even forbade c o l l e c t i v e baths i n h o l y rivers
on Parvani days. Nevertheless as elsewhere the Hindus
resisted stubbornly even at the cost of their lives. The
following account of a great m a r t y r should suffice to illust
rate the foregoing remarks.
845. A t a certain t o w n near L a k h n a u (Lucknow) lived
a B r a h m i n named B u d d h a , who preached t h a t whatever the
just a n d v i r t u o u s religious code one f o l l o w e d , so l o n g as one
f o l l o w e d i t sincerely, i t was equally acceptable to God. In
spite of a l l the harassment caused to h i m b y the Muslims on
t h i s a c c o u n t , he p r o p a g a t e d h i s v i e w s so v e r y v i g o r o u s l y t h a t
even the K a z i of L a k h n a u had to give way. I n the end the
authorities c o m m i t t e d this complaint to the S u l t a n . Shikan-
darkhan, thereupon, had a full-dress debate between this
B r a h m i n a n d nine other learned M o u l a v i s . B u t the B r a h m i n ,
l o y a l as he w a s t o h i s o w n r e l i g i o n a n d t o t r u t h , would not
give i n . So the S u l t a n h i m s e l f threatened h i m : " B e a M u s l i m
or y o u w i l l be put to instant death". A n d as the said
B r a h m i n s p u r n e d h i s t h r e a t he w a s k i l l e d f o r t h w i t h * ' .
RANA-SANG
846. A f t e r the death o f S h i k a n d a r Lodi i n A . D . 1517
his son Ibrahim Lodi ascended the tottering throne o f the
Sultan of Delhi. Por the disintegrating Muslim power at
Delhi experienced e x c r u c i a t i n g d e a t h pangs at the hands o f
the R a j p u t s o f the t i m e , who h a d i n E a n a Sang a very great
valiant leader. E v e n the smaller M u s l i m rulers took great
offence a t t h e b r a v e d e e d s o f R a n a S a n g . The ruler of Idar
expressed his malice against R a n a Sang b y n a m i n g a dog at

his d o o r Sangrana**. I n order to chastise this m o n k e y i n g o f
the Muslims R a n a Sang marched with a large army against
Idar and vanquishing them completely at e v e r y p l a c e he
avenged i n full the wrongs done to the H i n d u s ' * . T h i s b a t t l e
caused no h a r m t o the H i n d u s r o u n d a b o u t . O n the c o n t r a r y
they looked upon h i m with evident pride and pleasure as
their God-sent saviour and protector. Registering his con
quests over the Muslim foes a t e v e r y p l a c e w i t h t r i u m p h a l
marches a m i d s t p o p u l a r applause, the l o u d beats of his war-
drums a n d the gay fluttering o f h i s v i c t o r i o u s flag he r e t u r n e d
to Chitod i n A . D . 1519*". He had by this time liberated
Ratanbhor, Gagrone, W a l p i ( K a l p i ?), B h i l s a a n d C h a n d e r i
from the M u s l i m d o m i n a t i o n and annexed them to his own
kingdom.
DEFEAT OF SULTAN IBRAHIM LODI BY RANA SANG

IN T H E BATTLE OF KRANOLI
846-A. I n order to i m p r o v e the d e c a y i n g condition of
the M u s l i m power, c o n s t a n t l y h a r m e d b y the R a j p u t s , S u l t a n
I b r a h i m L o d i gathered a l l his strength and invaded Rana
Sang. The two parties j o i n e d b a t t l e at K h a n o l i where i n a
b l o o d y a c t i o n R a n a S a n g p u t to rout the Sultan's army and
sent h i m b a c k to D e l h i downcast a n d crestfallen".
BABAR'S INVASION
847. Beset with such calamities Subedar Daulatkhan
Lodi o f L a h o r e became, a l o n g w i t h other M u s l i m chieftains,
q u i t e p e s s i m i s t i c a b o u t h i s o w n safe e x i s t e n c e . As the last
resort, t h e y i n v i t e d Babar,** the t h e n p o w e r f u l r u l e r o f A f g h a
n i s t a n , to help them put down R a n a Sang. Babar, too, h a d
b e e n w a i t i n g f o r s u c h a n o p p o r t u n i t y , f o r as a descendant of
T a i m u r l a n g he c l a i m e d a d i r e c t r i g h t to the sovereignty of
India**. So B a b a r hastened to help Daulatkhan Lodi in
A . D . 1526.
848. Seeing this allied M u s l i m a r m y come menacingly
the scared S u l t a n I b r a h i m L o d i sought the help of the valiant
H i n d u K i n g o f C h i t o d , R a n a S a n g , i n spite o f the fact that

the latter had very recently inflicted a crushing defeat o n
him. B u t the M u s l i m s were never ashamed of eating an
h u m b l e p i e before t h e H i n d u s o n such occasions. Again it
has been already shown and will hereafter be shown h o w
f o o l i s h a n d b a s e l e s s are o u r p o p u l a r n o t i o n s t h a t t h e M u s l i m s
never fought amongst themselves, or that they never sought
help from the H i n d u s to fight with their fellow M u s l i m s ,
should such an eventuality arise ! Sultan Ibrahim's is a
glaring instance i n point. With the help of R a n a Sang
Sultan Ibrahim fought w i t h the i n v a d i n g B a b a r at P a n i p a t
i n A . D . 1626. B u t as Ibrahim himself was killed on the
battle-field and his a r m y t o o k t o flight R a n a S a n g t o o h a d
to retreat. While wandering through forest after forest
organising a strong a r m y to meet B a b a r again on the battle
field this high-minded Maharana Sang succumbed to incur
able diseases i n A . D , 1530,** a n d t h e H i n d u s l o s t a p r e c i o u s
diadem.
MOGHUL DYNASTY FOUNDED AT DELHI

849, A f t e r t h i s s i g n a l v i c t o r y B a b a r grasped the S u l t a n
ate of Delhi for himself i n A , D , 1526, s e t t i n g a s i d e the
original aspirant to t h a t place, Subedar D a u l a t k h a n L o d i of
Punjab. T h i s was the beginning of the Moghul Empire of
Delhi.
NOTABLE EVENTS IN THE REMAINING

PROVINCES OF NORTH INDIA
AT THE TIME
850. S I N D H : — T h e reconquest o f S i n d h from the Arab
h a n d s b y t h e H i n d u s h a s a l r e a d y been n o t e d (cf. P a r a g r a p h s
6 5 5 t o 656). Those Sumer Rajputs retained S i n d h in their
hands t i l l A . D . 1336. I n A . D . 1336 a R a j p u t K i n g n a m e d .
J a m A f r a , w a s r u l i n g t h e r e as an independent potentate**.
T h e r e were constant wars between this H i n d u m o n a r c h y and-
t h e S u l t a n s o f D e l h i . F r o m A . D . 1367 t o 1380 a H i n d u m o n a r c h -
named. J a m Timaji, ruled this province of Sindh. H e was
succeeded to the throne by another Eajput prince, who,

however, because o f m a n y m a l a d i e s , lost his balance of m i n d
a n d v o l u n t a r i l y became a Muslim*'.
851. B E N G A L — W h e n u l t i m a t e l y i n A . D . 1192 M o h a m
m a d G h o r i s u b j u g a t d t h e S u l t a n a t e o f D e l h i f o r e v e r , he s e n t
many valorous chieftains under h i m to subdue the Hindu
states r o u n d about. One o f them, B a k h t y a r K h i l j i , overcame
t h e H i n d u r u l e i n B i h a r a n d B e n g a l i n A . D . 1195 a n d f o u n d e d
t h e M u s l i m r u l e t h e r e f o r t h e first t i m e * ' . O f his persecution
•of t h e Hindus and especially of the Buddhists and their
wholesale c o n v e r s i o n to I s l a m we h a v e a l r e a d y s a i d enough
in P a r a g r a p h s N o . 342 to 356. O n this very occasion this
wild fiendish commander o f the Muslim forces rased to
t h e ground the w o r l d famous U n i v e r s i t y of Nalanda** w h i c h
h a d a glorious t r a d i t i o n o f over five centuries to its credit.
T h e M u s l i m s set fire t o t h e v a s t a n d i n v a l u a b l e c o l l e c t i o n o f
innumerable books, which kept burning, i t is s a i d , for six
months**. But the M u s l i m s never allowed a n y b o d y , to p u t
t h e fire d o w n before i t quenched o f itself and every w r i t t e n
r e c o r d w a s r e d u c e d t o ashes !
WANT OP ARMED MIGHT RENDERS THE POWER
SCINCE AS ALSO T H E POWER OF RELIGION MISER
ABLY HELPLESS—ONE MORE ILLUSTRATION !
852. I n t h a t v a s t b u r n i n g l i b r a r y there were i n n u m e r
able valuable books o f the Vedic, Buddha, Jain other
religions. B u t to protect them from fire came neither the
V e d i c Gods, nor L o r d B u d d h a , no, not even L o r d J i n ! The
a c t u a l a r m e d m i g h t o f the devotees is the o n l y armed stren
g t h t h e G o d s seem t o h a v e !
853. I n t h e end B a k h t y a r K h i l j i conquered the last of
the Sen Kings and after annexing Bengal started his
campaign of the wholesale conversion of the Hindus to
Islam^".
854. The Muslim Subedars themselves rebelled from
time to time against the paramount power of D e l h i and call
ing themselves the S u l t a n s of Bengal, ruled the province
independently. F a k r u d d i n w a s t h e first o f t h e m t o f o u n d h i s
5 T H GLORIOUS E P C O H 339
independent sway over B e n g a l i n A . D . 1347*^. Since then

t h e s e A f g h a n S u l t a n s r u l e d t h e p r o v i n c e t i l l A . D . 1576. O n c e
i n the meantime in A.D. 1386 a Hindu Jamindar named
K a n s overthrew this Afghan rule and established Hindu
power in BengaP*. W h e n this K i n g K a n s died inA . D .
1392 h i s s o n J i t m a l l a came t o t h e t h r o n e o f B e n g a l . B u t to
the greater d i s c r e d i t of the H i n d u s there this H i n d u King
J i t m a l l a once h a d the w a n t o n caprice to court I s l a m a n d he
changed his n a m e to J a l a l u d d i n ^ ' ! A n d to the greater shame
o f the H i n d u s be i t s a i d t h a t n o t a single H i n d u throughout
t h e whole of B e n g a l came f o r w a r d to chastise J a l a l u d d i n for
this national crime. T h e y acquiesced i n the Muslim domi
nation without a murmur !
855. One more capable Hindu Jamindar who was a
p r o u d adherent of H i n d u i s m had nearly managed to d o as
much. But his efforts too ended i n disaster. O f t h e few
brave Hindu warriors who rose i n rebellion against the
Muslims a n d f o u g h t t o o t h a n d n a i l , t h e o n l y one w h o c a n be
ranked along with Rana Pratap and Baba Banda was
Maharaja Pratapaditya of Jashodhar. A l t h o u g h his sphere
of a c t i v i t y was not very large and although for want of
a c t i v e a n d p o t e n t s u p p o r t f r o m t h e H i n d u c o m m u n i t y he w a s
i n the end defeated, his name w i l l ever be remembered in
the h i s t o r y of H I N D U independence movement !
856. K A S H M I R : — P o r w a n t o f space i t is e n o u g h t o s a y
here that while the Muslims were wantonly subjugating
•Gujrath, M a l w a a n d other provinces o f n o r t h I n d i a , K a s h m i r
was completely immune from the M u s l i m influence t i l l t h e
fourteenth century o f the C h r i s t i a n era, being governed by
the Hindu Kings, sometimes potent enough, at others
m i l d y , but always independently ! The last of its H i n d u K i n g s
was Sendev. The h i s t o r y o f K a s h m i r is w r i t t e n by Pandit
K a l h a n under the name "Rajtarangini". This Sendev had
a p p o i n t e d one M u s l i m , n a m e d S h a h m i r o r M i r z a * * , t o be s o m e
official o f t h e s t a t e a n d later on raised h i m from post to
post, until he was made the Chief M i n i s t e r of the State.
W h a t h a p p e n e d elsewhere i n the h i s t o r y o f m a n y H i n d u States
also happened here a n d after the d e a t h of S e n d e v this very

Muslim Minister treacherously destroyed this Hindu State
on the strength of a very cleverly preconceived plan, a n d
u s u r p e d t h e t h r o n e o f K a s h m i r u n d e r t h e t i t l e 'Shamsuddin'^*»
857. O f course, just as the H i n d u s u l t i m a t e l y l i b e r a t e d
the whole o f I n d i a from the Muslim hands similarly our
Hindu Sikhs and Dogras n o t o n l y freed K a s h m i r from the
Muslim bondage but they also marched victoriously to-
Laddakh on one side a n d to G i l g i t o n the other a n d p r o u d l y
p l a n t e d the H i n d u s t a n d a r d there—but after fighting many
grim battles and in course of time—some centuries
afterwards !
CHAPTER X I X
T H E ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GLORIOUS NEW

HINDU EMPIRE OF VIJAYNAGAR
858. Por the better convenience o f the reader i t is
-advisable to r e c a l l at the very outset the chronology of
•certain events. The first foreign—especially non-Hindu—
large scale aggression o n the D e c c a n was t h e one by AUa
uddin on Devgiri in A . D . 1294. It was foUowed w i t h
precipitate haste b y three or four such tremendous m i l i t a r y
oxpeditions up t o A . D . 1318 under the intrepid yet cruel
Muslim commanders like Maliq Kafur and Khushrukhan,
who ruthlessly forced conversion u p o n thousands of H i n d u s .
D u r i n g t h e s e t w e n t y - f i v e y e a r s o r so the Muslims over-ran
practically the whole of the Deccan and wiped out of
e x i s t e n c e five o r s i x a n c i e n t , f a m o u s a n d s t r o n g H i n d u King
doms from D e v g i r i to M a l a b a r .
858-A. Howsoever shameful and stigmatic this historical
fact might be t o t h e p r e s t i g e a n d self-respect o f the H i n d u
N a t i o n , t h e D e c c a n e s e H i n d u heroes, t o o , swallowed up, as
i t w e r e , i n o n e d r a u g h t , as t h e i r a n c i e n t a n c e s t o r , A g a s t i R i s h i ,
•did o f y o r e , t h e d o o m s d a y flood o f t h e M u s l i m warriors and
h a r d l y w i t h i n a d e c a d e o r so s h a t t e r e d t h e S u l t a n a t e o f D e l h i
t o pieces ! T h e y raised i n its place, at least i n the Deccan,
a grand victorious H i n d u E m p i r e of Vijaynagar. The lightn
i n g - l i k e speed w i t h w h i c h t h e y achieved a l l this i s also so
c r e d i t a b l e to the H i n d u N a t i o n , t h a t we s h o u l d , f o r e v e r , be
proud of them a n d grateful to them.
859. F o r even before the whole of the D e c c a n was
s u b j u g a t e d i n A . D . 1318, some of the indefatigable Hindu
leaders, h i g h l y ambitious o f re-establishing H i n d u sway over
the D e c c a n w i t h o u t delay had already begun establishing
secret contacts with Khushrukhan himself. The Khan
cherished i n his m i n d daring plans of dispatching Sultan

M u b a r i k a f t e r r e a c h i n g D e l h i a n d c r o w n i n g h i m s e l f as S u l t a n
i n his stead. B u t he k n e w f u l l w e l l t h a t i n t h i s courageous
b i d for p o w e r e v e n t h e b i t t e r e s t o f t h e M u s l i m e n e m i e s o f t h e
r u l i n g S u l t a n w o u l d n o t have helped h i m i n the least. But
he c o u l d e x p e c t p a s s i v e , e v e n a c t i v e , s u p p o r t f r o m t h e H i n d u
Chiefs or Sirdars. For Khushrukhan himself had become
most impatient to tear off h i s t a w d r y g u i s e o f M o h a m m a -
d a n i s m , w h i c h was forced u p o n h i m , v e r y m u c h against bis
will, and to appear i n his original H i n d u form. Naturally
secret reports a n d slanderous c o m p l a i n t s c o n s t a n t l y reached
the court of Sultan Mubarik at D e l h i that Khushrukhan
was i n collusion w i t h the recently overpowered H i n d u chiefs
and leaders of H i n d u Society, and that some deep-laid
m y s t e r i o u s p l a n was afoot. The reader should refer to a
connected and p l a u s i b l e a c c o u n t o f t h i s w h o l e a f f a i r , so f a r
as i t c a n be d e d u c e d from these v a r i o u s scattered bits of
i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t a r e so f a r a v a i l a b l e t o u s . (Paragraphs 754
to 782).
860. The founders of the E m p i r e of Vijaynagar, H a r i -
h a r a n d B u k k a , w e r e t h e t w o sons o f S a n g a m of the ancient
Yadav family^. They were employed at the court of
Anagondi*. D u r i n g the turbulent times following the M u s l i m
conquests o f D e v g i r i a n d W a r a n g a l i n the reign of AUauddin
the K i n g d o m of A n a g o n d i , too, was overpowered by the
Muslims. A n a g o n d i itself or some place nearby was the
former city of K i s h k i n d h a of Wall, as the folklore goes*.
After the downfall o f A n a g o n d i H a r i h a r a n d B u k k a were
t a k e n as c a p t i v e s t o D e l h i i n A . D . 1327 a n d w e r e c o n v e r t e d
there to Islam*. L a t e r on being pleased w i t h their behaviour
and e x c e p t i o n a l a b i l i t y , the S u l t a n sent them both with a
new e x p e d i t i o n to fight w i t h the H i n d u s i n A . D . 1331, w i t h
h i g h e r a u t h o r i t y a n d r e s p o n s i b l e posts*. B u t as s o o n as t h e y
came to the D e c c a n , —
5 T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 343?
MOST PROBABLY AS PER A PRECONCEIVED

PLAN
861. T h e y p a i d a visit to the then chief preceptor of
Sankeshwar M a t h , Shree Shankaracharya Vidyaranyaswami
w h o was a s k i l l e d p o l i t i c i a n t o o . I m m e d i a t e l y the Shanka
racharya himself re-converted these t w o c o n v e r t e d H i n d u s *
w h o p r o m p t l y raised a H i n d u a r m y a n d defeated the Muslim
host which they themselves h a d led a short time ago. Soon
in consultation with Shankaracharya Vidyaranyaswami and
m a n y other brave H i n d u leaders, i t was decided to f o u n d an
independent sovereign state on the banks of the river
Tungbhadra'. The c a p i t a l was established at the newly
founded c i t y o f V i j a y n a g a r Av^hich b e s p o k e o f H i n d u v i c t o r y .
T h e r e i n s o f t h i s k i n g d o m were p l a c e d i n t h e h a n d s o f Shree
Harihar i n A . D . 1336 w h i l e S h r i V i d y a r a n y a h i m s e l f b e c a m e
his chief minister*.
862. A t this very stage i t is advisable to explain one
e n i g m a t i c e p i s o d e w h i c h is n o t y e t so e x p l a i n e d b y h i s t o r i a n s .
T h e e v e n t i n q u e s t i o n is t h e transfer o f the capital from
Delhi to Devgiri b y M o h a m m a d T u g h l a k , w h o is c o n s i d e r e d
'crazy' but who was, i n fact, a 'learned fool*, without any
practical sense. H i s decision to shift the Capital of his
E m p i r e f r o m D e l h i t o D e v g i r i i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be h i s w a y w a r d
caprice. But i t was not a pure whim of his. I t was t o
consolidate his v i c t o r i e s i n the D e c c a n t h a t were gained by
his generals and to rule that region effectively t h a t he
thought of h a v i n g his capital i n its very midst*. Again his
precipitate d e c i s i o n to shift his c a p i t a l b a c k to D e l h i w h i c h
r e s u l t e d i n u n t o l d sufferings f o r t h e p e o p l e w a s also n o t his
pure caprice. In f a c t , i t was f o r t h e l a s t t e n y e a r s o r so
t h a t t h e M u s l i m r u l e seemed t o h a v e s t a b i l i z e d i t s e l f in the
D e c c a n , b u t i t w a s m o s t h u m i l i a t i n g a n d so m o s t h a t e f u l a n d
unbearable to the H i n d u s . So a l l the H i n d u kings, a l l the
Hindu religious preachers and law-givers and H i n d u people
at large were preparing feverishly though secretly to
overthrow that alien r u l e " , a n d the M u s l i m a r m y h a d also,
grown p a n i c k y about such an armed rising. The Sultan
344 SrX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
realized the grave danger of his being i n v o l v e d i n the meshes

o f this H i n d u r e v o l t a n d the p o s s i b i l i t y of his being destroy
ed completely. That i s w h y he h u r r i e d l y s h i f t e d h i s c a p i t a l
b a c k t o D e l h i , f a r t o t h e n o r t h — n o t s i m p l y because h i s c a p r i c e
dictated it ! A s a m a t t e r of fact i t was the p a n i c about this
g r o w i n g a r m e d s t r e n g t h o f t h e H i n d u s t h a t c a u s e d a l l these
crazy and contradictory moves o f his !
863. O n e m o r e i m p o r t a n t e v e n t o f t h i s t i m e has e q u a l l y
bafSed the historians, but i t is f a r too s t r a n g e t o be set
aside. I t is this Sangam w h o s e y o u n g sons, H a r i h a r and
Bukka, were taken captives by the M u s l i m s , was i n fact,
closely related to the Kings of Anagondi and Warangal.
N a t u r a l l y these t w o sons w e r e a l s o f a i r l y w e l l c o n n e c t e d w i t h
these royal families. I t was f o r t h i s p a r t i c u l a r r e a s o n that
Mohammad Tughlak took them to Delhi and converted
them to Islam. On many Hindu kings and princes had
fallen this calamity o f being forcibly converted to Islam, but
even i f t h e y escaped afterwards from such a calamity, they
had, unfortunately, no hope of being absorbed i n the H i n d u
society. The stumbling block was that o f the ban on
reconversion to Hinduism. (Paras 379 t o 403). H o w then
and from what source, d i d this i n s p i r a t i o n arise, which
a c t u a t e d t h e t w o y o u n g w a r r i o r s , H a r i h a r a n d B u k k a , t o seek
reconversion to H i n d u i s m , which again emboldened Shankara
charya V i d y a r a n y a s w a m i to preside over and effect this
re-coversion, t o t a l l y disregarding the staunch p u b l i c o p p o s i
tion and a l l the rules a n d regulations laid d o w n i n the
interpolated chapter on Kalivarjya Prakarna, and which
finally made m a n y other H i n d u men of a c t i o n to follow u p
this new movement ?
864. The answer to this riddling question is t o be
found i n the unprecedented politico-religious revolution
brought about some ten o r t w e l v e y e a r s ago b y t h e H i n d u
S a m r a t D h a r m a r a k s h a k ( N a s i r - u d - d i n ) ac D e l h i . Por Sultan
N a s i r - u d - d i n h i m s e l f was o r i g i n a l l y a H i n d u , w h o was f o r c i b y
c o n v e r t e d t o I s l a m . B u t b e c a u s e o f t h e fondness a n d i n f a t u a
tion of A U a u d d i n and h i s s o n he was given the title of
K h u s h r u k h a n a n d w a s g r a d u a l l y r a i s e d t o be t h e commander
of a huge Muslim army to invade the South. Till the
moment he became suflSciently powerful, Khushrukhan
outwardly maintained his Muslim garb; b u t as s o o n as he
r e t u r n e d f r o m h i s s o u t h e r n c a m p a i g n he c u t off t h e Muslim
Sultan, Mubarik, and crowned himself as H i n d u E m p e r o r
p r o u d l y p r o c l a i m i n g t h a t he w a s o r i g i n a l l y a H i n d u a n d t h a t
he was r e - e m b r a c i n g t h a t r e l i g i o n once a g a i n . N o t content
w i t h t h i s , he r e c o n v e r t e d h u n d r e d s o f s u c h u n h a p p y c o n v e r t s
to H i n d u i s m , a n d changed the Muslim Masjids into Hindu
Temples ! T h e e x c i t i n g news o f t h i s u n h e a r d o f b u t success
ful, attack o f H i n d u t w a (fffc^) u p o n t h e M u s l i m e m p i r e a n d
M u s l i m religion, h a d already reached the farthest corners of
India. N a t u r a l l y w h e n H a r i h a r a n d B u k k a were s t a t i o n e d
a t D e l h i as c a p t i v e M u s l i m converts at the orders of the
M u s l i m S u l t a n , they must have heard the e x c i t e d discussions
about this very recent happening, which must have egged
them o n t o a t t e m p t some such seemingly i m p o s s i b l e feat o f
escaping to the D e c c a n w i t h a large army. So t h e y must
have simulated to Mohammed Tughlak that they were
s t a u n c h M u s l i m s a n d as s u c h d e s e r v e d h i s f u l l e s t confidence,
a n d t h a t is w h y M o h a m m e d T u g h l a k appoined H a r i h a r and
B u k k a at the h e a d o f the M u s l i m a r m y i n t h a t region. W h e n
Miohammed T u g h l a k shifted his capital from Devgiri to
D e l h i he c o u l d not keep sufficient army i n the South to
protect the i m p e r i a l territory i n the D e c c a n . So when the
news o f the probable r i s i n g o f the H i n d u s came to his ears,
he decided to send these t w o warriors to strengthen the
i m p e r i a l p o s i t i o n i n t h e s o u t h b e c a u s e i n t h e first p l a c e they
were closely connected w i t h the royal H i n d u families of the
Deccan and s e c o n d l y because they were now trustworthy
Muslims. H a r i h a r a n d B u k k a , t o o , g o t t h e w i s h e d for o p p o r
t u n i t y a n d s h o w e d a l l t h e eagerness t o e x e c u t e t h e t a s k s set
to them. It was an established practice o f the Sultans o f
D e l h i to send the converted H i n d u s to extend the imperial
l)oundaries a n d s u c h a t t e m p t s b o r e r i c h f r u i t , as c a n be seen
i n t h e case o f M a l i q K a f u r a n d o t h e r s . With the apparent
determination to destroy the H i n d u revolts i n the D e c c a n ,

H a r i h a r a n d B u k k a t o o k leave o f the Sultan and with the
Muslim army went straight to their own States of A n a g o n d i
and Warangal.
865. In a l l probability they must have passed on t o
Shree S w a m i V i d y a r a n y a a n d the rest o f the H i n d u k i n g s i n
u n m i s t a k a b l e t e r m s t h e i n f o r m a t i o n as t o t h e i r secret p l a n s
and their real i n t e n t i o n , l o n g before they reached the
Deccan. They had given Sultan Mohammed Tughlak the
s l i p and were n o w to embrace Hinduism openly. Hindu
Samrat N a s i r - u d - d i n ' s successful m i l t a r y coup i n D e l h i h a d
a l r e a d y g i v e n the i m p e t u s to the Deccanese P r i n c e s a n d the
priests like Shankaracharya. N a t u r a l l y w i t h the approval
of H a r i h a r and B u k k a , Vidyaranyaswami and other Hindu
leaders decided to recovert them to Hinduism with the
ceremonial rites.
866. Our observation at the end o f the Seventeeth
C h a p t e r that the p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n which Shree D h a r m a
rakshak ( N a s i r - u d - d i n ) effected at Delhi had far-reaching
consequences c a n a l s o be p r o v e d b y t h e i n f l u e n c e t h a t great
event exerted on the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the E m p i r e o f V i j a y
nagar. E v e n t h e n t h a t g r e a t e v e n t h a s b e e n so f a r referred
to with contempt and i n i n s u l t i n g terms ! I t o n l y shows
that modern historical text-books lack the Hindu point of
v i e w , a n d hence t h e y are m e r e l y b l i n d t o some s u c h e v e n t s !
867. The p r o u d achievement o f the Hindu generation
which established the new H i n d u E m p i r e of V a i j a y n a g a r has
not been sufiiciently glorified i n H i n d u histories. T h e case o f
M a d h a v a c h a r y a , the S h a n k a r a c h a r y a o f S a n k e s h w a r , Vidya
r a n y a s w a m i i s t h e one i n p o i n t . I t has a l r e a d y b e e n pointed
out how great a political revolutionary this exceptional
p e r s o n a l i t y was ! B u t t h e f a c t t h a t he w a s a n e q u a l l y g r e a t
revolutionary i n matters o f r e l i g i o n , c a n be p r o v e d b y hi&
r e p u d i a t i o n o f the o l d t r a d i t i o n s by re-converting the two
princes, H a r i h a r and Bukka. In a s i m i l a r w a y he w a s t h e
synacure of the then learned-world. He wrote several
t r e a t i s e s o n s e v e r a l subjects, o f w h i c h ' S a r w a d a r s h a n S a n g r a h '
a n d ' P a n c h a d a s h i ' are the m o s t r e n o w n e d . No other abler

Shankaracharya seems t o h a v e a s c e n d e d t h e s e a t o f S h r i n g e r i
or any other monastery after the First Shankaracharya f
Especially his arch d i p l o m a c y a n d p o l i t i c a l w i s d o m seen i n
the r a p i d g r o w t h o f the H i n d u E m p i r e of V i j a y n a g a r in the
t e e t h o f M u s l i m o p p o s i t i o n bears no comparison !
867-A. Indeed the names of V i d y a r a n y a s w a m i , of the
warrior kings, H a r i h a r a n d B u k k a , H a r i h a r the second, who
t o o k the p r o u d title of Maharajarihiraj, a n d his Chief M i n i s t e r
Sayanaoharya—the brother of Vidayaranyaswami, whose
critique o f the Vedas is still accepted as an authority,
M a h a r a j a d h i r a j a K r i s h n a d e v r a y a n d t h e l a s t b u t n o t the l e a s t ,
Maharajadhiraja Ramrai also, who had inflicted crushing
defeats in r a p i d s u c c e s s i o n o n a l l t h e five M u s l i m States i n
Maharashtra viz., Adilshahi, Nizamshahi and others, but
who was in the end killed i n the f o r e f r o n t o f t h e b l o o d y
b a t t l e a g a i n s t the c o m b i n e d M u s l i m forces, s h o u l d really be
honoured in every home a n d be r e m e m b e r e d b y e v e r y b o d y
as a r e t h o s e o f R a n a P r a t a p , R a j a Chhatrasal, Govind Sinh^
Chaitanya, Banda Bairagi and other great men of those
times.
But today North-Indian Hindus seem to have never
heard of them while i n the South hardly one i n a t h o u s a n d
seems t o know them but faintly, T h i s is m o s t shameful
for the H i n d u s a n d t h i s s t a t e of things m u s t be changed
forthwith.
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF T H E BAHAMANI

KINGDOM
868. Seeing the disintegration o f the sovereign power
of the Sultan of Delhi, set afoot b y the H i n d u State o f
V i j a y n a g a r i n the south, H a s s a n G a n g u , the M u s l i m G o v e r n o r
o f the Southern Muslim possessions, r e v o l t e d against the
Delhi Sultanate and proclaimed himself Sultan of the so-
called B a h a m a n i K i n g d o m i n A . D . 1346. H i s d o m a i n s p r e a d
from the N a r m a d a i n the n o r t h to the K r i s h n a i n the s o u t y i .
The rulers of D e l h i completely l o s t t h e i r h o l d o n t h e south,.
w h i c h was now to be ruled b y two prominent powers : T h e

Bahamani K i n g s and the H i n d u P r i n c e s of V i j a y n a g a r . The
name B a h a m a n i , which H a s s a n G a n g u adopted for his k i n g d o m
is e x p l a i n e d a w a y b y the historians i n two different w a y s .
It seems t h a t this Hassan G a n g u was a domestic servant
with a H i n d u Brahmin, named Gangu, when the former was
but a slave. Pleased w i t h his l o y a l service, the B r a h m i n
looked into his horoscope and prophesied that the slave
H a s s a n w o u l d , sometime i n the future, become a k i n g . Mad
w i t h j o y to hear t h i s prophesy H a s s a n began to style h i m s e l f
as H a s s a n G a n g u , a n d w h e n he a c t u a l l y got the sovereign
p o w e r o v e r the D e c c a n e s e s e c t o r o f t h e M u s l i m e m p i r e , he
d e s i g n a t e d i t as t h e B a h a m a n i k i n g d o m t h i n k i n g i t t o be t h e
f r u i t o f blessings o f h i s f o r m e r B r a h m i n m a s t e r " . Some other
h i s t o r i a n s suggest a n o t h e r d e r i v a t i o n f o r t h e n a m e B a h a m a n i
Kingdom. T h e y say t h a t perhaps H a s s a n G a n g u m i g h t have
f e l t t h a t he b e l o n g e d t o t h e B a h a m a n i s t o c k , a p r i n c e l y l i n e
age f r o m P e r s i a . I f i t be s o , w h y d i d H a s s a n c o n t i n u e t i l l t h e
end to call himself Hassan G a n g u w h i c h clearly referred to
h i s B r a h m i n m a s t e r ? M o r e o v e r , w h a t p r o o f s are t h e r e t o s h o w
his descent f r o m the P e r s i a n B a h a m a n i r o y a l f a m i l y ? There
i s none f o r t h c o m i n g so f a r !
869. This Bahamani Kingdom and the Vijaynagar
empire had a common boundary, the T u n g b h a d r a river.
N a t u r a l l y i n t e r m i t t e n t w a r f a r e b e t w e e n these t w o r i v a l s t a t e s
was the result. Those who want to read a more detailed
account of the Vijaynagar empire and its wars with the
Bahamani Kingdom s h o u l d r e a d w i t h p r o f i t t w o b o o k s viz :
(i) ' T h e F o r g o t t e n E m p i r e ' b y E o b e r t S w e l l and (ii) 'The
Never To Be Forgotten E m p i r e ' b y D r . S. K r i s h n a s w a m i
Aijânagar. The second book so to say is a n a n s w e r , a t
least to a certain extent, to the first one by an English
scholar".
870. A s t h i s one, f a r f r o m b e i n g a b o o k o f h i s t o r y , is
i n f a c t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f h i s t o r y (as w e h a v e b e e n saying
from the beginning,) we s h a l l restrict ourselves to those
events only which are r e l e v a n t to our purpose. F o r there
is n o r o o m h e r e f o r a n y d e t a i l e d h i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t .
FOUNDATION
THE BUILDING OF THE CITY OF VIJAYNAGAR

871. The site selected o n the b a n k s of,the T u n g a b h a d r a
for the capital city of Vijaynagar b y the great Hindu
leaders o f the day such as Vidyaranyaswami and others,
was from the architectural and m i l i t a r y p o i n t s o f v i e w s , so
beautiful and well fortified, surrounded as i t was b y h i l l s
on the three sides a n d a deep r i v e r on the f o u r t h , t h a t t h e
architectural and militray acumen i n the selection of this
site has been highly praised b y the several foreign travel
lers well-versed i n these t w o sciences^*. There w a s as i t
were a n a t u r a l fortification for this vast city. There were
seven strong enclosures, one w i t h i n t h e o t h e r , round this
city of Vijaynagar^^. I n e v e r y o n e o f these e n c l o s u r e s t h e r e
were majestic buildings, beautifully carved temples, and
rich p a l a c e s a n d p l e a s a n t lakes^*. O n a l l these b u i l d i n g s ,
t e m p l e s a n d r o y a l p a l a c e s flew t h e saffron c o l o u r e d (vjq^J flag
masked with a golden cup. F o r , the a u t h o r i z e d standard
of Vijaynagar was the same t r a d i t i o n a l flag o f t h e Hindu
N a t i o n , the saffron-coloured banner !
872. O f a l l these temples the grandest, most magnifi
cent and spacious was that o f Shree N u r s i n h , f o r he was
the presiding d e i t y o f the royal family of Vijaynagar^'. In
as m u c h as v e r y f e w t e m p l e s are f o u n d t o be d e d i c a t e d t o
this God, Nursinh, throughout the length and breadth of
India, the genius a n d p r a c t i c a l sense those kings of Vijay
n a g a r who chose for their daily worship this incarnation of
Nursinh from amongst m a n y others of the H i n d u p a n t h e o n ,
are u n d o u b t e d l y p r a i s e w o r t h y .
873. F o r i n those days of bitter warfare between the
most cruel and diabolic Muslim invaders o n the one h a n d
and on the other the tolerant H i n d u Society emasculated
t o suffer persecution and i n d i g n i t i e s to the last limits of
endurance b y the thoughtless preaching of the B u d d h i s t cult
from the days o f G a u t a m B u d d h a himSelf, i t was t h i s incar

n a t i o n of N u r s i n h w h i c h c o u l d i n s p i r e i n spineless H i n d u s
of the day instinctive and effective reaction to retaliate
every w r o n g done them, a n d also v i o l e n t v a l o u r w h i c h c o u l d
s t r i k e terror i n the hearts o f the enemy.
874. ^srftr ^ ^sfsnr: TTTÎT I ^m\fk% ^ ^ Trfe: ii
(Those d u l l - w i t t e d w h o d o n o t behave k n a v i s h l y w i t h base

a n d c r a f t y rogues i n v a r i a b l y c o u r t f a i l u r e ! A p o l i t e p e r s o n
s h o u l d be t r e a t e d politely while a crafty scoundrel should
be d e s t r o y e d b y super-craft.)
THE S E L F - S A M E S T O R Y O F NURSIJSIH
ITSELF TELLS
t h a t not w i t h the p e r v e r t e d virtues o f P r a l h a d b u t Avith the
cruel, crafty measures alone could that demon, Hiranya-
k a s h i p u , be k i l l e d .
875. Shree S h a n k a r h a d blessed H i r a n y a k a s h i p u with
a boon that he w o u l d n o t be k i l l e d b y a n y m a n o r b e a s t ,
w i t h a n y weapon or missile, o r d i n a r y or charmed w i t h magic
power, on the earth or i n the skies, neither by day nor b y
night, neither i n nor out ! But mysteriously enough an
effective e x p e d i e n t w a s f o u n d f o r e v e r y one o f t h e s e t h o u g h t
less terms o f the e q u a l l y t h o u g h t l e s s b o o n a n d t h e e n e m y
of the Gods, the i n v i n c i b l e demon, Hiranyakashipu, was
k i l l e d by an incarnation w h i c h was neither purely human
nor purely beasty, but a mixture of both, at twilight, on
the t h r e s h o l d , t a k i n g h i m o n the l a p a n d b y c u t t i n g open his
stomach w i t h his sharp talons !
875-A. I t is this firightfnl incarnation o f G o d , whose
whole body has b e e n besmeared w i t h the spouts of blood
e m a n a t i n g f r o m the d y i n g b o d y of the wicked demon, r e n d i n g
t h e w h o l e u n i v e r s e v.'ith h i s h o r r i b l e w a r - c r i e s , a n d a t whose
furious visage, made ten-times more terrible b y his beard
s t a n d i n g erect, even the Gods themselves were alarmed and
began to request h i m to c a l m down, that a Nation wishing
to keep itself alive i n this diabolic warring world should
w o r s h i p as t h e e m b l e m o f t h e h i g h p e a k o f n a t i o n a l v a l o u r !
876. This story also implies another noble principle,

that although the outward appearance of his violent incar
nation of N u r s i n h was fierce and repellant, its heart was
that of a human being, made o f the 'milk of human
kindness'. Its merciless v a l o u r also is most essential, even
unavoidable, to the development o f 'human kindness' ! F o r
this v i o l e n t act of tearing open the entrails of H i r a n y a -
k a s h i p u , a reckless t y r a n t , a terror to Gods and demons alike,
was performed solely to protect a devotee of the Gods,
P r a l h a d , a n d t h a t t o o as t h e l a s t r e m e d y ! I t is f o r t h e s a k e
o f free d e v e l o p m e n t of human v i r t u e s t h a t t h e p r i n c i p l e of,
^ff9T (non-violence), w h i c h emasculates h u m a n beings w i t h
the curse of weakness, s h o u l d at times be killed b y cruel
violence ! I t i t s e l f becomes a t r u l y righteous, a t r u l y religious,
a c t leading to the development of human culture ! At a
particular stage of development o f the human society
t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d , and at the tumultuous times when it
was s u r r o u n d e d b y d i f f e r e n t w a r r i n g n a t i o n s , fired w i t h t h e
i n o r d i n a t e selfish a m b i t i o n a n d d i a b o l i c violence, the H i n d u
nation, too ought to have chosen Nursinh as its G o d o f
w o r s h i p , i f i t w a n t e d t o p r e s e r v e i t s free e x i s t e n c e o r e v e n i t s
invincibility !
877. The magnificent t e m p l e o f this N u r s i n h w h o m the
k i n g s o f V i j a y n a g a r h a d offered t h e i r d e v o u t h e a r t s d o e s n o t
stand there today i n its original form. W h e n the M u s l i m
invaders attacked and devastated Vijaynagar i n A . D . 1565,
they also demolished a n d rased to rubble this royal temple
o f Nursinh^^. However whatever ruins are left over that
o l d i d o l o f N u r s i n h i n that temple are even n o w sufficiently
clear to signify the o r i g i n a l l y huge, magnificent, furious figure
of that God-head, and we can easily imagine how very
majestic and a w e - i n s p i r i n g the temple i n its o r i g i n a l f o r m
and glory might have been, d i s t i n g u i s h i n g itself from the
other huge, magnificent temples all over I n d i a by its
inimitableness*".
BAHAMANI SULTAN DEFEATED BY T H E

KING OF VIJAYNAGAR
878. After the death o f the valiant H a r i h a r , the brave
B u k k a r a i ascended the throne o f V i j a y n a g a r . This Bukkarai
too was o f a d a r i n g a n d aggressive nature. H en o t only
s a v e d his o w n k i n g d o m b u t also waged counter-offensives
o n t h e M u s l i m s r o u n d a b o u t t h e y e a r A . D . 1374 a n d d e f e a t e d
M a j a h i d Shah, the great S u l t a n o f the B a h a m a n i kingdom^!.
T h e r e is p r o o f t o s h o w t h a t this King Bukka h a d sent a
f r i e n d l y m i s s i o n to t h e K i n g o f China^^.
879. In A.D. 1379 t h i s b r a v e monarch of Vijaynagar,
Bukkarai, d i e d and was succeeded to this ancestral throne
by his son H a r i h a r I I , born posthumously t o his queen
Gowri^*. D u r i n g his r e i g n t h e H i n d u s inflicted frequent a n d
c r u s h i n g defeats o n t h e M u s l i m s a n d e x t e n d e d t h e b o u n d a r i e s
of V i j a y n a g a r empire, whereupon H a r i h a r took for himself
the t i t l e o f M a h a r a j a d h i r a j w i t h a g r a n d ceremony t o grace
the occasion w i t h the brother o f M a d h a v a c h a r y a ( V i d y a r a n y a
s w a m i ) S h r e e S a y a n a c h a r y a h i m s e l f as t h e C h i e f M i n i s t e r o f
his and Sudha, Isag and G u n d , the w e l l - k n o w n commanders
i n his army. Maharajadhiraj H a r i h a r ruled prosperously a n d
extended the boundaries o f his E m p i r e t o i n c l u d e G o a , as is
borne o u t b y a copper p l a t e i n s c r i p t i o n d a t e d A . D . 1391^*.
880-881. I t is impossible a n d unnecessary to give t h e

lineages o f the V i j a y n a g a r or a n y other r o y a l families i n
this volume. I t is enough to say that the kings who
succeeded H a r i h a r I I also a d d e d t o t h e g l o r y o f V i j a y n a g a r .
T h e r e was o n l y one u n h a p p y e x c e p t i o n o f a w e a k a n d i m b e c i l e
king named Devrai w h o came t o t h e t h r o n e i n A . D . 1406.
H e d i d hate the Muslims, b u t he found a strange expedient
for d e s t r o y i n g t h e M u s l i m powers, t h a t o f e m p l o y i n g M u s l i m
w a r r i o r s i n h i s a r m y , as t h e M u s l i m r u l e r s e m p l o y e d t h e
H i n d u s ! B u t seeing his weak a n d v a c i l l a t i n g nature those
Muslim w a r r i o i s i n h i s e m p l o y became so v e r y conceited
that they refused t o b o w d o w n t o h i m i n h i s v e r y courtly
assembly ( ^ R ) s a y i n g r u d e l y t h a t b a r r i n g one A l l a h they
never bowed their h e a d s before any m o r t a l ! So for t h e i r
satisfaction D e v r a i had the B o o k of the K o r a n placed on a
high pedestal beside h i m , so that when they bowed, the
M u s l i m s w e r e s a t i s f i e d t h a t t h e y d i d so t o t h e K o r a n a n d n o t
to the K i n g , whereas the K i n g was satisfied t h a t the d e c o r u m
of the assembly was not violated** ! H e even went to the
length o f b u i l d i n g a M a s j i d i n V i j a y n a g a r i n order to please
those Muslims*'. I t is needless t o say t h a t these pampered
Muslim soldiers d i d not fail to betray D e v r a i i n the v e r y
t h i c k of the battle, and Devrai was defeated at l a s t b y t h e
Bahamani Sultan, Phiroz K h a n , who faithful to the demonic
Muslim t r a d i t i o n , asked for the daughter of D e v r a i at the
signing of the treaty and the latter had to concede the
demand most shamefully and helplessly*' ! F o r t u n a t e l y
d u r i n g those t w o or three h u n d r e d years o f M u s l i m a s c e n d a n c y
hardly five or six kings followed this tradition o f abject
surrender of the R a j p u t s . O f course i t m u s t be r e m e m b e r e d
t h a t no H i n d u conqueror ever l a i d d o w n this condition for
the vanquished M u s l i m s i n the great v i c t o r i e s t h a t the H i n d u s
g a i n e d i n those d a y s over the M u s l i m s ! T h e reason is p l a i n
enough ! F o r , whoever thought of marrying Muslim girl
would himself have been converted to Islam ! The evil
effects o f t h i s p e r v e r t e d v i r t u e o f t h e H i n d u s h a v e b e e n d e a l t
with in the chapters on the ban on reconversion
( P a r a g r a p h s : 413 t o 4 7 3 ) .
RETALIATION BY THE HINDUS

882. H o w e v e r , after the death of D e v r a i , the kings o f
Vijaynagar began to avenge this ignoble defeat on v a r i o u s
battlefields a n d once a g a i n the M u s l i m powers were o v e r a w e d .
E s p e c i a l l y i n A . D . 1417 w h e n P h i r o z K h a n i n v a d e d T e l e n g a n ,
the Hindus routed the Muslim forces killing their very
Vazir*8.
882-A. Round about A . D . 1460 there was a bitter
struggle for power i n the r o y a l family of Vijaynagar i n the
reign of V i r u p a k s h a . Availing himself of this opportunity
a mighty Vijaynagar Chieftain, S h a l v a N a r s i n h b y name.
dethroned Virupaksha and thus ended the o r i g i n a l Sangam

dynasty, by assuming sovereignty and establishing order
t h r o u g h o u t the kingdom^^.
T H E ADVENT OF T H E WESTERN
NATIONS IN INDIA
883. D u r i n g this very period the E u r o p e a n , Portuguese
discovered a sea route to India and entered the I n d i a n
political arena*". Their first entry was not effected in
Vijaynagar; it was the coastal P r i n c e S a m u d r i n (Zamorin) to
the southern corner o f I n d i a w h o w a s t h e i r first h o s t . This
seemingly insignificant event is recorded here m e r e l y for
keeping u p the time-sequence. T h e new l o c u s t - l i k e aggression
of the western powers which followed it will h a v e t o be
reviewed i n a separate chapter.
MAHARAJA NARESH
884. Eollowing the t h r e a d o f the h i s t o r y o f V i j a y n a g a r
it must be said that d u r i n g one or t w o generations t h i s
second r o y a l dynasty o f S h a l v a N a r s i n h was i n its turn
overthrown when another military commander, Naresh by
n a m e , a s s a s s i n a t e d the t h e n r u l i n g m o n a r c h , a n d established
the t h i r d r u l i n g d y n a s t y of V i j a y n a g a r i n A . D . 1507. In all
these three p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n s one remarkable thing is
noticeable that even w h e n the M u s l i m States were w a i t i n g
m o s t a n x i o u s l y to destroy this H i n d u E m p i r e , a n d even w h e n
these H i n d u - M u s l i m states were constantly at w a r , these
p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n s t o o k place amongst the Hindus them
selves. T h e surrounding M u s l i m states got no o p p o r t u n i t y to
l e n d a h e l p i n g h a n d t o one contending H i n d u side against
the other a n d thus force their g r i p on i t , nor h a d t h e y the
courage to do i l * ^ .
T H E BREAK-UP OF T H E BAHAMANI KINGDOM

886. Before the t h i r d p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n i n V i j a y n a g a r
w a s effected t h e Bahamani Kingdom of the Muslims was
broken up into five. The Bahatnani Sultans first of a l l
• 5 t H GLORIOUS E P O c i i ' 355
E x t e n d e d t h e i r boundaries from the N a r m a d a to the Tunga-

fchadra, but as its boundaries reached those o f V i j a y n a g a r ,
there was constant warfare between the Hindu-Muslim
States. T h e m a n y v i c t o r i e s t h a t the V i j a y n a g a r kings w o n
o v e r t h e M u s l i m s effected t h e a n n e x a t i o n o f G o m a n t a k t o t h e
Hindu Kingdom and the extension of its boundaries right
upto Orissa. As a natural consequence of these Hindu
victories the B a h a m a n i power weakened considerably. More
o v e r the last o f its monarchs were absolutely worthless.
M o h a m m e d G a w a n , the last B a h a m a n i V a z i r , however, was
able and w a r l i k e i n spirit. Because of his honest and diligent
service, his v a l o u r a n d prudence t h a t M u s l i m state managed
to e x i s t somehow between A . D , 1484 a n d 1 5 2 6 . B u t some
M u s l i m n o b l e m e n , w h o were M o h a m m e d G a w a n ' s enemies at
the c o u r t , c o n t r i v e d t o h a v e h i m k i l l e d b y r o y a l order'*. It
m u s t be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t h o w e v e r g r e a t Mohammed Gawan
m i g h t be, l i k e p r a c t i c a l l y e v e r y o t h e r M u s l i m r u l e r he n e v e r
left a n y t h i n g u n d o n e t o p e r s e c u t e t h e H i n d u s i n t h e B a h a m a n i
Kingdom, Y e t he met h i s d o o m , n o t a t the h a n d s o f t h e
H i n d u s , b u t at those of his o w n M u s l i m colleagues,
886, Even before the death of M o h a m m e d Gawan the
S u l t a n ' s c a p i t a l h a d been shifted to B i d a r , and after his death
that feeble Muslim power was broken up into the following
£ve parts.
1. Adilshani of Vijapur,
2. I m a d s h a h i o f B e r a r ( V a r h a d o r V i d a r b h a (1484-
1503).
3. Kut-b-Shahi of Gowalkonda.
4. N i z a m s h a h i o f A h m e d n a g a r (1489 t o 1637).
5. Baridshahi of Bidar.
887. T w o remarkable things about this break up of the
B a h a m a n i K i n g d o m s h o u l d w e l l be r e m e m b e r e d e s p e c i a l l y b y
the Hindus. The first is t h a t the founder of I m a d s h a h i o f
B e r a r (second i n the above list) was origina,lly a' Telangi
Brahmin". H i s father lived in Vijaynagar, I n one o f t h e
battles w i t h V i j a y n a g a r this son of a T e l a n g i B r a h m i n was
captured by the Bahamani Muslims, who, true to their
wicked custom, converted h i m to Islam'*. H e was thereafter

raised to a higher status b y the kindness o f G a w a n . A t last
in A . D . 1484 he divorced himself from the Bahamani
Kingdom a n d as a M u s l i m t o o k f o r h i m s e i f t h e p r o u d t i t l e o f
Imadshah and proclaimed himself a n independent ruler of the
P r o v i n c e o f B e r a r , r e l e g a t e d t o h i s charge'^.
888. T h e second r e m a r k a b l e fact is t h a t o f the founda
tion o f the N i z a m s h a h i o f A h m e d n a g a r , the f o u r t h fragment
of the Bahamani Kingdom. At Vijaynagar there was a
B r a h m i n n a m e d T i m m a p p a B a h i r u ( B h a i r a o ?) w h o s e s o n w a s
taken captive and converted to Islam, when Ahmedshah was
at war with Vijaynagar'^. H e was renamed A h m e d . When
this convert A h m e d was p o s t e d at the command of a big
Muslim army he utilized his a u t h o r i t y to break loose from
the B a h a m a n i d o m i n a t i o n a n d established his o w n S u l t a n a t e
i n A . D 1489". Because of his t i t l e o f the N i z a m his sultanate
c a m e t o be k n o w n as N i z a m s h a n i . I n h i s d o m a i n w a s s i t u a t
ed the famous fort of Shivneri. Somewhere between
Daulatabad and Junner there was a small village called
•Binkar'. Finding i t s u i t a b l e f o r h i s c a p i t a l he n a m e d i t as
A h m e d n a g a r after his o w n n a m e A h m e d i n A . D . 1494''.
889. This break up of the Bahamani Kingdom was
m a i n l y due to the i n t e r n a l dissensions o f the Muslims. The
original Bahamani K i n g d o m had vowed to destroy V i j a y
nagar. B u t t h e l a t t e r s u r v i v e d t o see t h e break up of the
Bahamani Kingdom into five fragments and continued t o
fight a d a m a n t l y w i t h a l l t h o s e five M u s l i m S t a t e s , a n d p r o v e d
t o be m o r e t h a n a m a t c h t o a l l o f t h e m f o r a t l e a s t seventy-
five y e a r s t o c o m e !
890. T h e c l a i m t h a t the M u s l i m s never fought a m o n g s t
themselves is once a g a i n b e l i e d by t h i s five-fold fragmenta
tion o f the B a h a m a n i k i n g d o m w h i c h was caused b y t h e i r
internal rivalries. T h a t the M u s l i m Sultans l o o k e d for help
at the mighty Hindu empire of Vijaynagar i n order to put
d o w n their M u s l i m r i v a l s gives the lie to their second boast
t h a t t h e y never sought help from the H i n d u s !
-5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 357
MAHARAJADHIRAJ KRISHNADEVRAI
891. To the above-mentioned T u i u v dynasty of Naresh
•of V i j a y n a g a r b e l o n g e d the mighty emperor Krishnadevrai
-who r u l e d f r o m A . D . 1509 t o 1 5 3 C . H e was well-educated
a n d his address was clever and pleasing. H e impressed even
the greatest o f scholars o f the t i m e . T h e learned scholars of
•of S a n s k r i t , Telegu, Tamil and K a n n a d literatures were
.generously patronized by his court*". In his court were
e i g h t g r e a t p o e t s w h o m he called '5râf^«t' ("Elephants of
the E i g h t D i r e c t i o n s " . ) H e h i m s e l f was a great w r i t e r . His
Telegu book named 'sng^T ^ c * ) ^ ' is very well-kno-wn".
M a h a r a j a K r i s h n a d e v r a i was equally fond of architecture
and sculpture. He i t was who got the famous R a m M a n d i r
o f V i j a y n a g a r b u i l t , b e s i d e s the m a n y f o r t s , r a m p a r t s , t e m p l e s
•courtyards, monasteries a n d caravan sarais throughout his
empire**. He made munificent grants to the B r a h m i n s a n d
temples**. H i s career s h i n e s w i t h his various virtues such
as courteous behaviour, d e x t e r i t y i n discourse, prudence i n
politics, his long-range view i n chalking out plans and
formulating p o l i c i e s a n d last b u t not the least, his sternness
a n d v a l o u r i n respect o f the enemies. Western and other
foreign historians have unanimously praised him as an
u n r i v a l l e d g r e a t ruler** !
892. If Maharajadhiraj was most c i v i l w i t h the gentle
folks, he was unrelenting and merciless when he fought
bravely with the enemies of his religion or those of his
n a t i o n ! V i c t o r y graced h i m i n his bitter war w i t h Adilshah**,
w h e r e u p o n t h e t r e a t y he effected w i t h t h e Adilshahi Sultan,
laid down s u c h a c r i d t e r m s as c o m p l e t e l y c r u s h e d d o w n t h e
Muslim swaggering c l a i m s of invincibility**, established the
s u p e r i o r i t y o f the H i n d u s , a n d were accepted by the abject
M u s l i m rulers with great reluctance.
893. H i s a r m y was v a s t a n d p o w e r f u l . It comprised of
seven hundred t h o u s a n d foot, t w e n t y - t w o t h o u s a n d c a v a l r y
a n d five h u n d r e d a n d fifty-one elephants ever prepared for
"war*'.
894. T h e g l o r y o f V i j a y n a g a r reached its z e n i t h in the
times of Maharaja K r i s h n a d e v r a i , which can be proved

b e y o n d a doubt by the various d e t a i l e d accounts written by
fliany foreign travellers who v i s i t e d his court*'. Many of
them have even described his appearance. He was very
h a n d s o m e to l o o k at, a m a n of action and a very powerful
p e r s o n a l i t y t o i m p r e s s a t first s i g h t a n y v i s i t o r * * .
895. He w a s a V a i s h n a v h i m s e l f , y e t he g a v e t h e s a m e
sympathetic and tolerant t r e a t m e n t to the Vedic Hindus,
who were in a m a j o r i t y , a n d to the other m i n o r i t i e s l i k e t h e
Jains, Lingayats, Mahanubhavas and other H i n d u sects,,
avoiding every sort of clash of dissentient opinions a n d t h u s
t r i e d to c u l t i v a t e amongst the H i n d u s the feeling of oneness-
by means of his c o m p r o m i s i n g attitude^". F r o m the incep
t i o n o f the E m p i r e o f V i j a y n a g a r the great Hindu leaders
like the S h a n k a r a c h a r y a, Vidyaranyaswami and Sayana
c h a r y a and others had adopted a wise p o l i c y of assimilation,,
equality and tolerance which precluded every sort of clash
between any two religious sects, while their religious-
p r e a c h i n g f o s t e r e d h i g h r e s p e c t for t h e i r H i n d u religion and
their Hindu national sentiment^^. Foreign travellers refer
most a d m i r i n g l y to this religious tolerance and the sense of
e q u a l i t y t h a t the V i j a y n a g a r k i n g s always showed.
THE PROSPERITY AND THE GLORY OF T H E

HINDU EMPIRE OF VIJAYNAGAR.
896. Foreign travellers have very highly praised not
o n l y the civic and religious liberties that the people of
V i j a y n a g a r e n j o y e d , b u t a l s o i t s o v e r a l l p r o s p e r i t y a n d glory,
and the powerful influence that it wielded far and wide*
For instance when the Portuguese traveller, D u a r t e B a r b o s e ,
v i s i t e d V i j a y n a g a r a n d s t a y e d t h e r e f o r a w h i l e he was very
m u c h a s t o n i s h e d t o see i t s e x c e p t i o n a l w e a l t h a n d g l o r y ^ ^ .
897. The ambassador from the Shah of Persia has
clearly said, " T h e l i k e o f t h i s c i t y is n o w h e r e t o be f o u n d o n
the face of this earth''. Adjoining the r o y a l p a l a c e t h e r e
were four-fold extensive market places for jewellery and
pearls. Foreign travellers have written that thousands o f
5 T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 359-
c i t i z e n s weie t o be seen adorned with ornaments of gold,

jewels and pearls. Portuguese t r a v e l l e r Paes asserts t h a t t h e
a r e a o f V i j a y n a g a r w a s as e x t e n s i v e as t h a t o f R o m e .
898. E v e n before t h e r e i g n o f M a h a r a j a d h i r a j Krishna
devrai the H i n d u E m p i r e of V i j a y n a g a r h a d been renowned
as the most powerful i n the whole of Deccan. The five'
fragments o f the former B a h a m a n i K i n g d o m were beset with
internal dissensions and fratricidal wars, to the immense-
advantage of Vijaynagar Empire, and the then Hindu
p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s d i d h a v e t h e sense t o u t i l i z e t h i s o p p o r t u n i t y
for the extension of its boundariea a n d for t e a c h i n g a lesson
to the Muslims. The Muslim Sultans could do nothing
i n d e p e n d e n t l y w i t h o u t the help or consent o f the 'Rais' of
Vijaynagar ! E v e r y one o f t h e M u s l i m c l i q u e s l a b o u r e d h a r d
t o secure t h e s u p p o r t o f t h e Hindu rulers of Vijaynagar™.
As has a l r e a d y been s a i d above the absurd p a t r o n i z a t i o n b y
the H i n d u s a n d t h e i r indulgence o f the M u s l i m soldiers, as
i n the times o f the weak a n d imbecile K i n g D e v r a i , h a d been
abandoned. Those o f the H i n d u Kings, who built Masjids
for the M u s l i m s i n t h e i r o w n c a p i t a l , d i d so i n o r d e r t o w i n
them over and to parade their religious tolerance. But now
t h a t ' c o w a r d l y ' religious tolerance h a d given place to v a l i a n t
aggression on the M u s l i m States and the retaliatory demoli
t i o n o f t h e M u s l i m m o s q u e s a n d Masjids**. P o r b e a r a n duece
t o t h e p e r v e r t e d sense o f v i r t u e s b e g a n t o g i v e t h e palm of
honour to the real v i r t u e of retaliation !
899. Maharaja K r i s h n a d e v r a i d i e d i n A . D . 1530. Just
four years before i t B a b a r h a d c a p t u r e d D e l h i . R a n a Sang
was his contemporary. H e was succeeded b y his brother,
A c h y u t d e v , w i t h S a l u r T i m m a for his Chief Minister, who for
a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes ran the administration.. Achyutdev
died i n A . D . 1542 and then after an insignificant king
S a d a s h i v r a i , the nephew of A c h y u t d e v , ascended the throne.
B u t R a m r a i , the son of the C h i e f M i n i s t e r , T i m m a , h a d done
so m u c h i n h e l p i n g S a d a s h i v r a i b e c o m e t h e k i n g , t h a t w i t h i n -
a v e r y s h o r t t i m e a l l t h e r e a l p o w e r p a s s e d i n t o h i s hands**.
T h i s R a m r a i h i m s e l f is c a l l e d R a m r a j a h .
fiAMRAI, T H E VALIANT DEFENDER OF RELIGION !

900. A l l t h e five M u s l i m States i n M a h a r a s h t r a tried
to obtain help from the powerful a r m y of E a m r a i to fight
their fratricidal wars. Although these five Muslim rulers
k n e w w e l l enough t h a t Shree R a m r a i was a s t r i c t a d h e r e n t
of Hinduism and hated all Muslims alike as equally
treacherous enemies o f the Hindus and looked down upon
t h e m w i t h scorn, still they h a d fully realized that without
the powerful support o f this v a l i a n t H i n d u hero they c o u l d
h o l d n o g r o u n d before t h e i r a d v e r s a r i e s .
901. I n A . D . 1543, t h e N i z a m s h a h o f A h m e d n a g a r a n d
Kut-b-Shah of Gowalkonda jointly thought of teaching a
lesson to A d i l s h a h , the Sultan ofVijapur. They implored
R a m r a j a h i m s e l f t o t a k e t h e lead^*. Accordingly the three
together marched on V i j a p u r a n d went on slaughtering the
V i j a p u r forces. T h e most noteworthy was the fact t h a t even
the M u s l i m s came to k n o w t h a t the H i n d u s h a d been cured
o f t h e one h a t e f u l v i c e o f t h e 'perverted virtues' which we
h a v e , so f a r c o n d e m n e d i n t h i s volume. (Paragraphs 401 to
473). F o r , on the religious front, too, the H i n d u s overcame
the Muslims and i n order to avenge the demolition and
molestation of the Hindu temples they rased numerous
masjids at various places to the ground^'. T h e houses o f
M u s l i m s , the localities and townships where the H i n d u s were
persecuted and H i n d u w o m e n were treated m o s t i n s u l t i n g l y
as s l a v e s , w e r e b u r n t a n d d e s t r o y e d c o m p l e t e l y . T h i s r e l i g i o u s
retaliation by the H i n d u s s t r u c k new terror i n the hearts o f
the Muslims, and quite contrary to their age-old practice the
Muslim c o m m u n i t y no more dared to tread u p o n the H i n d u
p o p u l a t i o n s , as t h e y w o u l d h a v e u p o n t h e a n t s . It dreaded
the resurgent Hindu s o c i e t y as it would have dreaded a
poisonous snake. N a t u r a l l y the A d i l s h a h of V i j a p u r h a d to
sue f o r peace a n d t o p l e a s e e v e r y one o f t h e t h r e e ^ ' .
902. T h i s temporary compromise d i d not end the M u s l i m
feuds for ever. The Adilshah of Vijapur felt sore about
the two forts of K a l y a n i and Solapur appropriated by the
N i z a m s h a h o f A h m a d n a g a r . A s s u c h he d e c i d e d t o i n v a d e t h e
I N i z a m s h a h i n 1557 a n d e n t r e a t e d R a m r a i t o help him. So

now a l o n g w i t h the V i j a p u r a r m y , the H i n d u forces o f V i j a y
n a g a r , w h i c h h a d gone o u t t o h e l p t h e Nizamshah, marched
•on the N i z a m s h a h i lands**. Needless to say that the v e r y
i d e a t h a t a l l t h e five M u s l i m s t a t e s s h o u l d seek h e l p f r o m t h e
Hindu State o f V i j a y n a g a r t h r i l l e d the hearts o f the b r a v e ,
w h i l e the common people came to lose t h e i r former fear-
complex about the Muslim might. In this war with the
N i z a m s h a h , t o o , t h e H i n d u forces p u n i s h e d the Muslims in
the Nizamshahi lands and avenged the atrocities on the
H i n d u s i n earlier times on a larger scale and even more
sternly and mercilessly than before**. Not only on the
battlefield but even d u r i n g their marches the heretofore
arrogant attitude of the Muslims to the H i n d u s was also
punished b y way o f reprisals i n the form of p l u n d e r i n g o f t h e i r
h o u s e s a n d p r o p e r t y . T h e M u s l i m m a s j i d s h a d been d e s t r o y e d
i n t h e v e r y s a m e w a y as t h e H i n d u t e m p l e s were d e m o l i s h e d .
'On the battlefields the Hindus simply r o u t e d the Muslim
forces*^.
903. T h i s fierce r e t a l i a t i o n b y t h e H i n d u s t o t h e M u s l i m
fanaticism a n d devilish treatment of the n o n - M u s l i m s t h a t h a d
gathered m o m e n t u m d u r i n g t h e l a s t f o r t y y e a r s o r so, s t r u c k
terror i n the hearts o f the M u s l i m s , a n d they in their turn
formed a new fear-complex about the H i n d u s . T h e y began to
complain most piteously that the H i n d u s perpetrated insults
-and atrocities on them and even exposed their religion t o
r i d i c u l e a n d shame.
T H E DESTRUCTION OF VIJAYNAGAR
904. A l l t h e five M u s l i m S t a t e s i n t h e D e c c a n a n d the
M u s l i m society i n general t o o k a great fright at the defeat o f
N i z a m s h a h i at the hands o f R a m r a i a n d especially the fierce
reprisals t h a t the H i n d u s h a d n e w l y begun a n d were e x c i t e d
w i t h extreme fear a n d a n g e r . T h e y came to realize that i f
they w a n t e d their k i n g d o m s to last and i f at a l l they w i s h e d
t o l i v e as M u s l i m s i t was a b s o l u t e l y necessary for them to
forget their mutual grievances and launch a united and
determined attack against the p r o u d kings of Vijaynagar'^.

For, they knew t h a t none o f t h e m b y i t s e l f was a m a t c h f o r
the V i j a y n a g a r E m p i r e . So A d i l s h a h of V i j a p u r and his V a z i r
Kishwarkhan decided to t a k e . the lead in this daring
project^'. Kishwarkhan personally went and interviewed
the Nizamshah and K u t - b - S h a h at their respective capitals,
while all prominent Muslim Sardars and Mansabdars, and
army chiefs a n d MuUa-moulavis preached jihad (crusade)
everywhere**. In order to cement their mutual trust and
newly formed f r i e n d s h i p these M u s l i m S u l t a n s i n t e r m a r r i e d
their daughters a n d formed family-ties^^; a n d thus after a.
thorough preparation the j o i n t forces of a l l M u s l i m States-
marched on Vijaynagar.
905. Ramraja himself was not quite idle. E v e r y now
a n d t h e n he g o t d e t a i l s a b o u t t h i s secret p l o t of the Muslim.
States. H e was, i n fact, a n o l d m a n of seventy at t h a t time,
but his passion t o fight w i t h the M u s l i m s h a d not grown a
w h i t less i n i n t e n s i t y t h a n w h a t i t w a s i n h i s y o u t h . U n d a u n
ted, he, too, equipped his a r m y i n e v e r y respect and made
ready to meet the Muslim attack. H e posted two big:
d i v i s i o n s o f h i s forces u n d e r t h e c o m m a n d o f h i s t w o b r o t h e r s
T i r u m a l r a i a n d V y a n k a t a d r i o n t w o s i d e s o f t h e c i t y , a n d he
h i m s e l f t o o k t h e centre*'.
906. T h e H i n d u - M u s l i m armies met for a savage struggle-
at Rakshasbhuvan ( R a k k a s g i - T a n g a d g i ) near Talikot on
F r i d a y , the 2 n d of J a n u a r y , 1 5 6 5 " . B o t h the sides h a d g o o d
m a n y c a n n o n s a n d t h e y w e r e a r r a n g e d before t h e a r m i e s , t i e d
fast w i t h strong chains. T h e fact t h a t for some time after
the first shots w e r e fired, t h e r e w a s fierce fighting and that
the M u s l i m s h a d a v e r y h a r d k n o c k which caused confusion
a m o n g s t t h e i r r a n k s is a d m i t t e d e v e n b y t h e M u s l i m h i s t o r i
ans*'. E n r a g e d at this unpleasant t u r n of events a n d t h i n k
i n g t h a t the slightest slackness m i g h t b r i n g u p o n them all
total ruin S u l t a n H u s e n N i z a m s h a h dashed right on the
centre a n d f o r c i n g a breach amongst the Hindu ranks, he-
made straight for R a j a Ramrai'*. The historians have no
consensus o f o p i n i o n a b o u t w h a t exactly happened at the^
6.TH GLORIOUS E P O C H 363
moment. Some say that a Muslim soldier i n the pay o f

R a m r a i himself treacherously killed him™. Others declare
that Raja R a m r a i got down from his p a l a n q u i n , sat o n a
jewelled t h r o n e i n the centre o f his a r m y r e w a r d i n g the feats
of v a l o u r o f his soldiers w i t h gold and jewels, and encouraged
them incessantly". Some others avow t h a t when the battle
r e a c h e d i t s h i g h p i t c h o f f e r o c i t y the M u s l i m s d r o v e an into
x i c a t e d elephant against the r o y a l p a l a n q u i n a n d slew him'*.
W h a t e v e r t h a t i s , one t h i n g is a c c e p t e d o n a l l h a n d s t h a t as
s o o n as R a j a R a m r a i w a s e n c i r c l e d b y t h e M u s l i m s , t h e y s l e w
h i m and on the orders of Nizamshah his b l o o d y head was
e x h i b i t e d on the sharp end o f a long spear through the entire
army. T h e sight o f t h a t g o r y head u n n e r v e d the H i n d u s a n d
the M u s l i m s closed i n u p o n them w i t h t r i u m p h a n t w a r - c r i e s " .
907. I n spite, o f a l l t h i s c o n f u s i o n w r o u g h t a m o n g s t t h e
H i n d u r a n k s T i r u m a l r a i , the brother a n d C o m m a n d e r of R a j a
R a m r a i , m a d e haste to reach the c a p i t a l city of Vijaynagar
with many o f t h e r o y a l f a m i l y , a n d before t h e M u s l i m f o r c e s
a r r i v e d t h e r e he left f o r t h e s o u t h w i t h w h a t e v e r royal trea
sure he c o u l d l o a d u p o n five h u n d r e d a n d fifty e l e p h a n t s , a n d
the remnant of his army, foot and horse. M a d with triumph,
the M u s l i m armies soon came in hot p u r s u i t o f the defeated
H i n d u ones a n d not only d i d they capture the city but
destroyed it completely with their traditional cruelty a n d
a n i m o s i t y . T h e y rased to the g r o u n d g r a n d palaces, temples^
town-halls, beautifully laid out gardens, market places and
colossal statues. Libraries o f b o o k s were b u r n t t o ashes;:
crores of rupees w o r t h of treasure was p i l l a g e d . The Muslim
w r i t e r s themselves state w i t h evident p r i d e that the infernal
fires s t a r t e d i n V i j a y n a g a r b y t h e M u s l i m s k e p t burning for
five o r s i x m o n t h s t o g e t h e r ' * . T h u s p e r i s h e d the g r a n d c i t y
of V i j a y n a g a r at the hands of the M u s l i m demons i n human
form.
908-909. I t is f r i v o l o u s t o say t h a t t h e M u s l i m s r a v a g e d
V i j a y n a g a r o n l y t o a v e n g e — o n l y as a r e a c t i o n t o — t h e r e l i g i
ous a t r o c i t i e s c o m m i t t e d b y the Hindus i n return for the
similar atrocities o f the M u s l i m s . I t is n o t t e n a b l e a g a i n s t
•the m a s s o f e v i d e n c e n o w a v a i l a b l e .
910. B u t these w r i t e r s , b o t h the foreign and Muslim
'ones a n d also t h e H i n d u s w i t h a p e r v e r t e d sense o f v i r t u e s , d o
n o t s e e — d o n o t r e m e m b e r — w h e n t h e y s a y so, w h a t cause h a d
the H i n d u s given to M a h m u d of Ghazni, Mohammed Ghori,
T a i m u r l a n g , B a b a r and others to invade them. They had
never harmed any of them i n any way. H o w m a n y masjids
i n Ghazni h a d the H i n d u s burnt ? H o w many of the<Muslim
subjects i n the lands of Ghor or G h a z n i h a d been oppressed
and how m a n y o f their womenfolk h a d been raped b y the
Hindus ? H o w m a n y millions of the M u s l i m women h a d been
k e p t b y t h e H i n d u s as c o n c u b i n e s o r m a i d s ? W h a t a t r o c i t i e s
d i d the H i n d u s c o m m i t first o n the M u s l i m s for avenging
w h i c h the above mentioned M u s l i m leaders marched towards
India ? D i d they not, each one o f t h e m , d e c l a r e o p e n l y i n
t h e i r c o u r t s t h a t i t was s o l e l y f o r t h e s a k e o f c o m p l e t e l y des
t r o y i n g the H i n d u s , for w i p i n g out their race from the face
of the earth a n d for converting them forcibly to Islam t h a t
they attacked the I n d i a n continent ?
911. While reviewing this destruction of Vijaynagar,
it is e n o u g h t o see i f e v e n t h e M u s l i m w r i t e r s h a v e t h e face
to say that before the m i g h t y armies of A l l a u d d i n and
Maliq Kafur marched against the D e c c a n the South Indian
H i n d u s h a d perpetrated any atrocities on n o n - H i n d u s i n the
north. I f t h e y c a n n o t d o so t h e y should explain why the
M u s l i m armies a t t a c k e d the H i n d u s i n the S o u t h and brought
wholesale destruction o n state after state from Devgiri,
W a r a n g a l t o M a d u r a i , m u c h i n t h e s a m e h o r r i b l e f o r m as w a s
meted out to V i j a y n a g a r . W h y did they hurl insults and
i n d i g n i t i e s at the H i n d u religion a n d w h y d i d those • M u s l i m
demons persecute the innumerable H i n d u men and women ?
N o b o d y c a n s a y b y a n y s t r e t c h o f i m a g i n a t i o n t h a t is w a s t o
avenge the religious atrocities of the H i n d u s over the M u s l i m s
of the N o r t h . I t was due to the fact that extirpating the
Hindus was itself c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h e i r r e l i g i o u s d u t y — a
h o l y f a i t h as i t w e r e !
912. T h e u n h e s i t a t i n g , shameless a n d open s t a n d of the
L
5 T H GLORIOUS E P O C H 365.
M u s l i m w r i t e r s o f t h e t i m e s a n d o f t h o s e before a n d a f t e r i s ,
" W e believe t h a t i t is our chief religious d u t y to annihilate
the n o n - M u s l i m s . T o conquer the kafir H i n d u states, to rape
the royal H i n d u ladies, to enslave millions of other kafir-
women and men, a n d to massacre others, to burn, devas
tate a n d demolish the H i n d u capital cities, their temples,
t h e i d o l s o f t h e i r G o d s , t o r e d u c e t o ashes t h e i r l i b r a r i e s of
religious books and d o a l l s o r t s o f w r o n g s t o t h e m were a l l
the 'holy acts' o f the Muslim G a z i s — t h e defenders o f the
Muslim faith ! A l l these ' h o l y ' acts were done to chastise
the kafirs s t r i c t l y a c c o r d i n g to the M u s l i m religious a n d e t h i
cal code, for t h e i r inexcusable (unpardonable) sin of being;
kafirs ! W h e n the kafirs c a l l these h o l y acts atrocities, they
m u s t be p l a i n l y t o l d t h a t t h e y were not atrocities at a l l !'
T h e y w e r e a l l r i g h t e o u s a n d v i r t u o u s a c t s ! I t is t h e bounden
duty of every faithful f o l l o w e r o f I s l a m t h a t he m u s t t h u s ,
chastise the kafirs whenever, and to whatever extent, he-
m i g h t be a b l e t o d o s o .
913. "But for the H i n d u s to c a l l our religious chastise
ment atrocities and to retaliate against our holy religion as
a reaction against our so-called cruelties, to b u r n our pure
m a s j i d s b e c a u s e we h a v e b u r n e d t h e i r t e m p l e s — i t is s i m p l y
d i a b o l i c !—atrocious i n the extreme ! "
914. I t is b e c a u s e t h e M u s l i m s h a d t h i s p e r v e r t e d con--
ception of their religious d u t y that they marched upoa
V i j a y n a g a r p r i m a r i l y as i t w a s a Hindu State, and as the
Hindus stubbornly refused to become M u s l i m s . E v e n i f the
V i j a y n a g a r armies had not invaded the Bahamani Muslim
S t a t e s , as t h e y o f t e n d i d , a n d e v e n i f t h e y h a d n o t r e t a l i a t e d
w i t h equal vehemence against the usual M u s l i m atrocities by
burning their masjids and houses and plundering their
p r o p e r t y , a l l the M u s l i m Sultans w o u l d have a t t a c k e d V i j a y
nagar H i n d u s s i m p l y for their fault of being H i n d u s . They
would have c o m m i t t e d the same i n h u m a n atrocities, even i f '
the H i n d u s o f V i j a y n a g a r h a d not done them any h a r m , had,
t h e y b u t g o t a n o p p o r t u n i t y t o d o so !
.366 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INE>IAN HISTORV
WHY DID T H E MUSLIM ARMIES GO BACK AFTER

THE PILLAGE OF VIJAYlNfAGAR ?
915. The u n d e r l y i n g reason w h y the Muslim armies
•drew b a c k a f t e r p i l l a g i n g V i j a y n a g a r a n d d i d n o t pursue the
fleeing Hindus is t h a t t h e y d a r e d n o t d o so; f o r t h e s t a t e o f
V i j a y n a g a r h a d b r o k e n away from the o l d H i n d u t r a d i t i o n of
meek submission and t i g h t - l i p p e d endurance and had begun
to reciprocate atrocities w i t h counter-atrocities, a n d reprisals
-with s u p e r - r e p r i s a l s !
916. A s has a l r e a d y b e e n t o l d a b o v e , R a m r a i ' s b r o t h e r ,
•Commander Tirumalrai, had already left Vijaynagar with
his a r m y into the S o u t h a n d was r e - f o r m i n g h i s forces for
a n o t h e r k n o c k . H a d t h e M u s l i m s a d v a n c e d f u r t h e r t h e y were
•bound t o m e e t w i t h s t r o n g o p p o s i t i o n f r o m T i r u m a l ' s army.
-Partly o w i n g to t h i s fear the M u s l i m s retreated from Vijay
nagar, content w i t h whatever they c o u l d sack there.
917. A n o t h e r reason which was responsible for this
speedy retreat was t h e o p e n i n g o f t h e ' o l d sores' among the
Muslim Sultans ! T h e i r b e l o n g i n g t o d i f f e r e n t sects, l i k e t h e
Shias a n d Sunnis, h a d always created bickerings amongst
them. N a t u r a l l y , as s o o n as t h e h o s t i l i t i e s w i t h t h e Hindu
state of V i j a y n a g a r ended, their t e m p o r a r y alliance went to
pieces a n d f r e s h w a r f a r e e n s u e d ' * . A little later when their
arch-enemies, the M u s l i m s i n the N o r t h , the M o g h a l E m p e r
ors, Shahjahan and Aurangzeb, invaded them with their
invincible armies, they could not h e l p l o o k i n g for support
from the then growing M a r a t h a chieftains a n d their s t u r d y
followers i n Maharashtra. Being most mercilessly hammered
from the N o r t h b y the powerful Moghal armies and being
internally eaten away by the very M a r a t h a Sirdars who
were c a l l e d for h e l p , t h e s e M u s l i m p o w e r s i n t h e South peri
s h e d one a f t e r a n o t h e r !
SHAHAJI, T H E VALIANT!
918» T h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t o f a l l these M a r a t h a S i r d a r s ,
and the one i n w h o m a l w a y s b l a z e d t h e secret a m b i t i o n t o
•establish a H i n d u p o w e r was Shahaji, the valiant, of the
•6TH GLORIOUS E P O C H 367
Bhosale family.
919. It has been a l r e a d y s t a t e d t h a t after the collapse
o f V i j a y n a g a r T i r u m a l r a i a n d o t h e r H i n d u p r i n c e s fled t o t h e
S o u t h a n d established another independent Hindu principal
i t y a t P e n u k o n d a i n i n A . D , 1567'*. Shreerang, Tirumalrai's
son, r e m o v e d his capital to C h a n d r a g i r i after his father's
death". Other princes, too, founded their s m a l l States, but
they were, i n fact, the fragments o f the old Vijaynagar
empire n o w set adrift after the deluge. O f the different
'Nayaks' (Subhedars) of the V i j a y n a g a r e m p i r e a few now
consolidated their power and ruled independently. Some
called themselves 'Palegars' and founded the states of J i n g i ,
Tanjawar a n d other small H i n d u states''. S o e v e n after the
collapse o f V i j a y n a g a r the whole region south o f the capital
right up t o R a m e s h w a r a m was under the H i n d u sway'*. L a t e r
•still with the nominal suzereinty o f the S u l t a n o f V i j a p u r ,
S h a h a j i , as a V i j a p u r i S i r d a r , e s t a b l i s h e d h i s ' d e f a c t o ' o v e r -
l o r d s h i p i n the south a n d brought t h e m a l l under his unifying
c o n t r o l . S h a h a j i e x e r t e d a g r e a t influence as a n a b l e p o l i t i c a l
•and m i l i t a r y leader, because o f his victories, right from
Ahmednagar to Rameshwaram under every M u s l i m power,
f r o m the M o g h a l s o f D e l h i to the moribund Sultanate of
Vijapur. H e w a s e q u a l l y k n o w n e v e r y w h e r e as t h e staunch
s u p p o r t e r o f t h e H i n d u s ! H i s was t h e d e c i d i n g v o t e i n r e s p e c t
o f the p o l i t i c a l manoeuvres i n the south. A line from a con
temporary poet, which became a common s a y i n g i n those
days, stated that t h e earth was r u l e d b y the two guardians
o f d i r e c t i o n s ' . 3tt W ^ f f f ftlrl Wf^lt t I
('Shahajahan i n the n o r t h a n d Shahaji i n the South.')
920' For Shahaji thus to conquer the r e m n a n t s o f the
V i j a y n a g a r E m p i r e i n the name of a Muslim would at the
first s i g h t seem h i g h l y p r e p o s t e r o u s and would even smell of
h i g h treason against the H i n d u nation. But it should, at
the same t i m e , be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t i t i s b e c a u s e he b r o u g h t
a h these scattered a n d v a n q u i s h e d H i n d u states under his
unified control that he c o u l d overawe his very S u l t a n a n d
r u l e the S o u t h l i k e an independent Hindu King at Mysore.
368 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN H I S T O R V
That he d i d this i n order t o r o o t out a l l the M u s l i m Sultans-

from the D e c c a n a n d to found an all-embracing powerful
Hindu Kingdom c a n a m p l y be p r o v e d b y t h e f a c t t h a t v e r y
s o o n o n e o f h i s s o n s c o u l d set up a n independent powerful
and conquering H i n d u Empire and t h a t he c o u l d h e l p h i m
secretly i n t h a t great cause. That this 'insignificant' 'rebel
lious' son of his could not have grown into a successful
empire-builder without, not o n l y the benevolent connivance
of Shahaji, but also h i s active but secret a s s i s t a n c e a n d
g u i d a n c e , requires no further elucidation*". Although for
reasons o f c h r o n o l o g i c a l sequence we m a y not name this
illustrious son of Shahaji just yet, it must already have
flashed like a l i g h t n i n g i n the hearts of the readers ! There
c a n be n o d o u b t a b o u t i t !
921. In similar circumstances, d u r i n g the years A . D .
1316-1322, Khushrukhan commanded the Sultan's whole
a r m y a t D e l h i as a M u s l i m , b e c a u s e t h e H i n d u m i l i t a r y h e l p
was readily available, and conquered and consolidated
forcibly the Southern H i n d u States, which never u n i t e d o f
t h e i r o w n a c c o r d , as p a r t s o f t h e vast empire of a Muslim
Sultan; (Oh. X V I I ) . A n d o n l y a f t e r he s u c c e e d e d i n p e r f e c
t i n g t h e p l a n s f o r h i s c o u p d ' e t a t , d i d he k i l l the S u l t a n o f
Delhi overnight, ascending the throne himself as a H i n d u
monarch. H e merely brushed aside, as i t were, the lable
' M u s l i m ' from the i m p e r i a l throne and wrote i n bold letters
' H i n d u ' over i t . Within a day the all-India Khilji empire
became a H i n d u empire ! A g a i n a little later when H a r i h a r
and Bukka were captured and made Muslims and were
rotting i n c a p t i v i t y at D e l h i , t h e y first e m p l o y e d t h e s a m e
K o u t i l e e y a code o f e t h i c s t o w i n t h e confidence o f t h e S u l t a n
of D e l h i under their M u s l i m garb. T h e y i n v a d e d the rebellious
H i n d u s o f t h e S o u t h as M u s l i m c o m m a n d e r s a t t h e head of
a Muslim army and aided by Muslim wealth; but at the
earliest opportunity they joined the rebellious Hindus
themselves and being reconverted to H i n d u i s m founded a
strong independent H i n d u empire at Vijaynagar. The same
Kontileeya strategy was used b y Shahaji i n conquering the
H i n d u States right upto J i n g i a n d Tanjawar w i t h the V i j a p u r

army and at the Vijapuri expenditure and bringing them
under the nominal sovereignty of the Sultan of Vijapur.
Immediately after the f a l l of the V i j a y n a g a r empire, S h a h a j i
was c o n s o l i d a t i n g t h e H i n d u m i g h t t o o v e r t h r o w t h e Muslim
domination a n d to establish a sovereign H i n d u government,
w h i c h w a s g o i n g t o be f a r m i g h t i e r t h a n a n y gone before it,
and w h i c h was destined to b r i n g the final v i c t o r y for the
Hindus. T h i s was the momentous job o f l a y i n g the founda
tion o f the future H i n d u v i c t o r y t h a t Shahaji was engaged
i n those perilous times !
922. Because o f these h e a r t e n i n g events the i n d o m i t a b l e
H i n d u n a t i o n a l aspiration could easily survive the grievous
fall o f V i j a y n a g a r , whereas the M u s l i m s (could n o t a v a i l o f
i t i n t h e least, so as t o s h a p e t h e f u t u r e i n t h e i r f a v o u r !
•
CHAPTEIi X X
T H E END OF T H E SIXTEENTH CENTURY

AND AFTER
923. A f t e r h a v i n g so f a r r e v i e w e d I n d i a n H i s t o r y f r o m
the standpoint o f the H i n d u n a t i o n , we s h a l l n o w t a k e u p
some connected events o f the sixteenth century and
thereafter.
SWARM OF EUROPEAN PIRATES

INVADE INDIA
924. T h e first o f t h e E u r o p e a n nations to i n v a d e I n d i a
was Portugal. It was Vasco De Gama, the Portuguese
navigator, w h o first r o u n d e d t h e C a p e of Good Hope and
discovered a straight sea-route to I n d i a . H e was, however,
guided by one of the captains o f the Indian mercantile
marine^, w h o p l i e d to a n d fro between the I n d i a n and the
A f r i c a n coasts. I n A . D . 1498 he first l a n d e d i n t h e p o r t o f
C a l i k a t on the Western coast of India^, professing p u r e l y
c o m m e r c i a l i n t e r e s t s w h i c h s u b s e q u e n t l y s e r v e d t o be a v e r y
fine p r e t e x t f o r t h e o t h e r P o r t u g u e s e a n d E u r o p e a n n a t i o n a l s
who followed suit, to camouflage t h e i r secret territorial
ambitions in India. A c c o r d i n g l y , i m m e d i a t e l y after two
years i n A . D . 1500 c a m e P a d r o Alvaira's Cabral, another
Portuguese admiral with thirteen warships fitted w i t h guns
and weapons under his command'. Seeing t h a t the M u s l i m
traders had already established themselves well i n C o c h i n ,
he went there first to undermine their preponderance in
inter-continental trade. F r o m the beginning the Portuguese
had cherished inveterate e n m i t y t o w a r d s t h e M u s l i m s as a
result o f the h o r r i b l e r e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l aggression o f the latter
on Spain and P o r t u g a l as has already been referred to
in Paras 539 to 546. L a t e r i n A . D . 1509 Albouquerque
wais m a d e t h e G o v e r n o r o f the Portuguese possessions in
India. H e i t was who conquered G o a and the surrounding
territory from the M u s l i m S u l t a n s o f V i j a p u r i n A . D . 1510*.
I t w a s he again who encouraged his Portuguese compatriots
to m a r r y , even w i t h force a n d d e c e i t , i f n e c e s s a r y , Hindu
.girls i n o r d e r t o e n s u r e t h e p e r m a n e n t P o r t u g u e s e s e t t l e m e n t s
in India*. About this time the Portuguese priesthood
•claimed that it was their supreme religious duty to
proselytize the H i n d u s even w i t h force, a n d m a d e their k i n g
issue a royal order to that effect*. I t is under this royal
sanction that the Portuguese in Goa perpetrated the
indescribable atrocities, rapes a n d various other outrages on
t h e H i n d u s , m e n a n d w o m e n , t h e r e as a r e m e n t i o n e d i n P a r a s
539 t o 5 4 6 o f t h i s b o o k .
925. The patron-saint d i r e c t i n g these b l o o d - c u r d l i n g
Portuguese religious formalities was the Jesuit missionary.
Saint F r a n c i s X a v i e r , w h o m the persecuted H i n d u s called
•Satan i n c a r n a t e ! H e c a m e t o I n d i a i n 1 5 4 0 .
925-A. This so-called 'Saint' Xavier himself proudly
states in one of his letters his triumphant success in
t h e d e v i l i s h p e r s e c u t i o n o f t h e H i n d u s (see P a r a g r a p h s 539
to 546). H e himself and hundreds of other missionaries who
came after h i m , c o n v e r t e d innumerable H i n d u s to Christia
n i t y w i t h a l l sorts o f brutalities and vandalism'. Countless
Hindu men and women committed suicide to escape t h i s
violent persecution*. The Portuguese gradually conquered
Div, Daman, Sashti, Vasia (Bassein), Choul, Mumbai
(Bombay) o n the Western coast o f I n d i a a n d Saint Home
near Madras, and Hugli i n Bengal, of which Mumbai
( B o m b a y was presented to the English K i n g as a d o w r y i n
1668 (1661-2 ?) b y t h e P o r t u g u e s e K i n g Charles I P . I t was
subsequently made over by K i n g Charles I I of England
to E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y f o r a n o m i n a l r e n t o f £ 10 a year*".
T h e rest of the region r o u n d about B o m b a y i n the Portuguese
possession was released b y the M a r a t h a s . G o a was the o n l y
major possession left i n the Portuguese hands. •
926. T h e Dutch : — Q u i c k on the heels o f the P o r t u e u e s e
the Dutch of H o l l a n d entered India. The Dutch East

India C o m p a n y was formed i n A . D . 1602 f o r t h e purpose^",,
b u t t h e y c o u l d n o t find a firm footing i n India. Jawa and
Sumatra, however, proved congenial to thetn. Hence they
directed a l l their attention to that region a n d made i t t h e i r
stronghold. W h e n the English b e g a n t o d a b b l e t h e r e , the-
D u t c h c u t t h e m a l l b u t one a t A m b o i n a , a n d r u l e d p r a c t i c a l l y
the whole of the Indonesian archipelago unhamperedî.
927. The English : — A l t h o u g h the E n g l i s h E a s t I n d i a
Company was formed i n A . D . 1600, i t c o u l d n o t o p e n its-
first f a c t o r y i n I n d i a t i l l A . D . 1608. Jahangir gave them,
p e r m i s s i o n t o o p e n one a t S u r a t i n A . D . 1613^2. A f t e r a w h i l e
i n 1689 t h e m o n o p o l y of the British East India Company-
was c a n c e l l e d b e c a u s e o f m a n y m a l p r a c t i c e s a n d r i v a l r i e s i r t
the C o m p a n y ' s servants and another c o m p a n y was f o r m u l a
t e d to c a r r y on I n d i a n Trade^'. B u t w h e n i t w a s seen t h a t
such c o m p e t i t i o n was detrimental to the i n t e r e s t s o f the-
British Nation as a whole the two companies were-
amalgamated^*.
928. A s t h i s B r i t i s h E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y w a s l a t e r on.
to enlarge the scope o f h e r a c t i v i t i e s t o s u c h a n enormous-
e x t e n t as t o e n c o m p a s s a f o r e i g n s t u p e n d o u s I n d i a n e m p i r e ,
i t is out o f place a n d even impossible to discuss its extensive-
history i n these i n t r o d u c t o r y remarks. M o r e o v e r , as the
E n g l i s h w e r e t o m e e t t h e M a r a t h a s o n the b a t t l e f i e l d s a m i d s t ,
the clash of arms, the boom of cannons and the swaggering,
wagers with empires as the tempting stakes, we w o u l d
r a t h e r d i s c u s s i t a l i t t l e l a t e r so f a r as i t w i l l be p o s s i b l e t o
do so.
929. The F r e n c h : — O f the European nations who
followed s u i t after the Portuguese a n d t r i e d their hand at
the eastern trade a n d t h e overseas e m p i r e s t h e F r e n c h were
the last t o a p p e a r o n t h e scene. F o r the F r e n c h E a s t I n d i a .
Company was floated as late as A . D . 1664^'. But they
prospered quickly i n their commercial activities. Why, if
c r e d i t is t o b e g i v e n t o a n y European w h o t h o u g h t f o r the-
first t i m e o f a c q u i r i n g n o t only small scattered footholds.
but large empires in India and who t r i e d to realize these
a m b i t i o u s schemes o f h i s b y large-scale m i l i t a r y i n t e r v e n t i o n
in Indian politics, i t was French Governor D u p l e i x " . The
n e x t c l a i m a n t to t h a t honour is t h a t v a g a b o n d a n d tempes
tuous English youth, Robert C l i v e , w h o e n t e r e d I n d i a as a
•common soldier", but who soon came to command large
a.rmies a n d t o l a y t h e f o u n d a t i o n s o f t h e v a s t B r i t i s h E m p i r e
in India. The basic i d e a u n d e r l y i n g the schemes o f these
two far-sighted young men was that with proper train
ing great drilled and well-disciplined armies could be
f o r m e d here i n I n d i a out o f the v e r y I n d i a n soldiers w i t h i n
•a v e r y short time, and that, with competent, efficient a n d
uncorruptible European military officers a n d commanders
a t the head o f this v e r y I n d i a n a r m y they could easily b u i l d
up their strong Empires i n I n d i a . I t w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n i t s
proper place how great was the h a r v e s t t h a t these d a r i n g
schemes reaped i n the years to come.
930. It is, however, proper to discuss the French
affairs i n I n d i a to a c e r t a i n e x t e n t . F o r although for a t i m e
the French a n d the E n g l i s h fought amongst themselves o n
the Indian soil a n d although they t o o k opposite sides i n the
internecine civil wars o f the Indian K i n g s and Princes, i n
the end the F r e n c h were on l o s i n g g r o u n d s . Again their
defeat at the hands o f the E n g l i s h i n the E u r o p e a n theatres
•of w a r r e n d e r e d t h e F r e n c h a u t h o r i t i e s i n India thoroughly
incapable of defending their positions against the ever
increasing severity of the E n g l i s h attacks^*. T h e leaders
like Dupleix, Busie, Suffren and others, who worked hard
a n d spent the best of their energies f o r t h e e x p a n s i o n o f t h e
F r e n c h empire i n I n d i a , were v e r y shabbily treated at home
b y the F r e n c h people a n d the F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t " . N o b o d y
a,ppreciated their best efforts a t the proper times nor gave
them any support. Again this Indian a r m y of the F r e n c h
fought against the Marathas on a few occasions, only to
receive stunning blows a n d as s u c h w h e n i t was clear t h a t
the chances o f the F r e n c h empire i n I n d i a were a l m o s t n i l l ,
they began to help the Indian princes and especially the
M a r a t h a s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n respect of the t r a i n i n g of the a r m y

a n d t h e use o f t h e n e w g u n s . T h e E n g l i s h w e r e v e r y r e l u c t a n t
to help any native ruler create a disciplined a r m y or to
sell them newer weapons like the guns a n d cannons. But
t h e P r e n c h were o n l y too willing to do t h a t i n exchange
for large sums o f money or substantial grants of l a n d , and
e s p e c i a l l y so, i f t h a t purchasing authority was engaged ini
a struggle with the E n g l i s h . The Marathas, i n particular,
realized the inevitable greatness o f the European type o f
training of troops and the production o f t h e efficient n e w
weapons of war like the various types of small and big
fire-arms. Hence they employed French veteran military
officers a n d their satellites i n their armies. Ibrahim K h a n
Gardi, the famous artillery commander i n the Maratha
a r m y a t t h e b a t t l e s o f U d g e e r a n d P a n i p a t , h a d r e c e i v e d his-
training in that field i n the F r e n c h artillery divisions^".
L a t e r o n M a h a d a j i S h i u d e ( S c i n d i a ) e m p l o y e d F r e n c h officers
like De B o y n e and M . .Perron as t h e chief commanders o f
their a r t i l l e r y a n d other divisions^^ a n d formed a well-equip
ped, well-trained, mechanized a r m y of his o w n . W i t h this-
well-trained strong a r m y M a h a d a j i c o u l d over-awe the whole
of the antagonistic north and vanquish the enemies ini
various military engagements. But after a while the
E u r o p e a n N a t i o n s w o r k i n g i n I n d i a h a d come to a certaia
unwritten understanding, at l e a s t as regards I n d i a , that i n
the event of any I n d i a n ruler fighting against any of the
European nationals, no E u r o p e a n a r m y leader should take
sides w i t h t h e I n d i a n and help h i m w i t h his army. A s such
later on when Shinde (Scindia) was engaged i n a deadly
struggle w i t h the E n g l i s h , D e B o y n e , who h a d been r e c e i v i n g
t h o u s a n d s of rupees b y w a y o f s a l a r y , a n d the a r m y t r a i n e d
by him flatly refused to fight^^. The Marathas, t o o , were
conscious of such a treacherous behaviour on the part of
these s a l a r i e d f o r e i g n e r s some t i m e o r t h e o t h e r . Hence, the
Marathas, on their part, had begun to open factories to
manufacture s i m i l a r guns a n d to p r e p a r e I n d i a n officers to-
train and drill the a r m y on E u r o p e a n lines. B u t i n those
5 T H PLORIQUS E P O C H 375
s t o r m y days o f incessant warfare i t w o u l d have been unwise
to depend solely on nothing but such trained army divisions.
E v e n second rate states, l i k e the J a t s a n d the S i k h s , m a i n t a i n
ed such battalions. O n the whole the existence o f the E r e n c h
military might i n India helped here a n d there to check t h e
onward march o f the British imperialistic power, a n d the
Marathas, Tipu, the Sikhs a n d other I n d i a n rulers d i d not
f a i l to u t i l i z e i t to t h a t extent*'.
T H E SIMULTANEOUS ATTACK OF ALL

T H E NON-HINDU NATIONS OF T H E
WORLD ON THE DECCAN
(SOUTH INDIA)
931. W h e n the European powers, mentioned above,
i n v a d e d I n d i a t h e y a l l d i d so b y t h e s e a . N a t u r a l l y , t h e i r first
tremendous o n s l a u g h t s h a d t o be b o r n e a n d r e s i s t e d b y t h e
Deccan a n d especially b y the Marathas. Earlier, N o r t h India
h a d to bear for s i x or seven centuries the whole b r u n t of the
fierce a n d m a r a u d i n g attacks of the fanatical Muslims like
the M o g h a l s , the T u r k s , the A f g h a n s , the A r a b s a n d others,
and had to offer them the sternest possible resistance.
E v e n t u a l l y a l l these A s i a t i c M u s l i m n a t i o n a l s a n d the B a r b a r
tribes fell v i o l e n t l y u p o n the South with a view to conquer
i t for ever. E v e n w h i l e a l l these enemies were repeatedly
i n v a d i n g from the N o r t h a n d the Deccan was engaged with
them i n bloody and deadly wars, in which thousands of
Hindus were offering their precious lives for the sake of
defending their religion, as they d i d i n the North, the
S o u t h e r n I n d i a n p e o p l e were i n v a d e d , b y t h e sea, b y t h e n e w
European Christian nationals, as n u m e r o u s as the locusts
themselves. T h e enemies c r o w d e d i n u p o n the D e c c a n n o t
o n l y f r o m the n o r t h - w e s t or the n o r t h - e a s t b u t also f r o m the
w e s t . N o t o n l y b y l a n d b u t b y sea a l s o d i d a l l t h e c o m b a t i v e
marauding, aggressive a n d fanatic Muslim and Christian
n a t i o n s h a d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y a t t a c k e d the D e c c a n at the t i m e
to o v e r r u n the Hindu states there a n d to eradicate Hindu
r e l i g i o n f r o m the l a n d .
932. N o r t h I n d i a h a d t o face only the M u s l i m nations,

w h i c h itself was not a n easy j o b . The d e a d l y w a r t h a t the
H i n d u s h a d been fighting w i t h the M u s l i m s over centuries o f
y e a r s w a s as fierce a n d b e s e t w i t h a l l s o r t s o f d a n g e r s as t o
exhaust even the G o d s w h o h a d fought against the demons !
B u t the D e c c a n h a d the misfortune of facing not only a l l
those M u s l i m s but also the European Christian nations like
the Portuguese a n d others who were even greater enemies o f
Hinduism t h a n the Muslims and who t r i e d every f o r m of
cruelty to proselytize the Hindus. A n d the S o u t h I n d i a n
Hindus—and especially the Marathas who had assumed
their leadership i n this war—showed the rarest tenacity
a n d irresistible d a r i n g to repel single-handed these waves
o f aggression rising all round them. While thousands of
H i n d u s h a d been fsacrificing their lives a l o n g w i t h those o f
t h e i r wives a n d c h i l d r e n o n the religious front against the
M u s l i m s a n d t h e P o r t u g u e s e C h r i s t i a n s , as m a n y o t h e r s w e r e
fighting battles after battles and wars after wars on the
political and m i l i t a r y fronts. This exceptional struggle of
the H i n d u s against f o r e i g n aggressors is w o r t h a g l o r i o u s
m e n t i o n i n the h i s t o r y o f the w o r l d .
HINDU VIKRAMADITYA, HEMOO

933. The many Rajput and Muslim states, who h a d
collected together under the leadership o f R a n a Sang, and
who had aspired to re-establish the H i n d u empire h a d joined
battle with B a b a r at Kanvah. B u t after fierce fighting
R a n a S a n g was finally defeated a n d B a b a r l a i d the founda
t i o n of the M o g h a l empire at Delhi. S o o n i n 1530 B a b a r
d i e d and was succeeded b y his son, H u m a y u n , who i n his
turn was overcome by Sher Shah, the founder of the S u r
dynasty. A s Sher Shah Sur captured Delhi, H u m a y u n had
t o wander i n exile through various countries like Kabul,
Kandahar, P e r s i a a n d o t h e r s , o f w h i c h we n e e d n o t g i v e a n y
detailed account. I t is e n o u g h t o s a y t h a t e v e n i n t h e r o y a l
dynasty of Sultan Sher Shah, the upheavals, usual and
inevitable i n every Muslim regime, took place and after
violent rebellions and bloodshed M o h a m m e d A d i l s h a h was

•at l a s t i n s t a l l e d as t h e E m p e r o r * * .
934. This Mohammed Adilshah had entrusted his
administration to an able Hindu Vazir named Hemoo.
H!emoo, t o o , w i t h o u t ever endangering his H i n d u religion i n
the least a p p r o p r i a t e d the de facto power o f the S u l t a n to
h i m s e l f a n d r u l e d h i s d o m i n i o n s efficiently**.
935. B u t this roused the jealousy and anger of other
JMuslim sirdars. In t h e m e a n w h i l e i n 1542 w h i l e he w a s y e t
i n exile H u m a y u n h a d a son, n a m e d A k b a r , who was later o n
•destined to be a great emperor. W i t h the help o f the S h a h
•of I r a n ( P e r s i a ) H u m a y u n i n v a d e d I n d i a , a n d burning the
eyes of his faithless brother and inflicting exemplary punish
ments on other enemies he reconquered Delhi. But soon
after his regaining the t h r o n e o f D e l h i he s l i p p e d o v e r t h e
•marble s t a i r c a s e o f h i s p a l a c e a n d d i e d i n 1 5 5 6 , g i v i n g r i s e t o
anarchy everywhere. T h e last emperor o f the S u r d y n a s t y ,
Emperor Mohammed Shah Adil, who was defeated by
Bumayun had fled to the north-west frontier. B u t his able
minister, Hemoo, however, lingered on i n D e l h i itself trying
to a v a i l himself of that opportunity.
936. A very scanty reference has been made in the
lyiuslim historical writings about the past or future life o f
H e m o o , the v a l i a n t H i n d u leader. A H i n d u historian was a n
i m p o s s i b i l i t y at t h a t time a n d whoever tried his h a n d later
•on a t w r i t i n g h i s t o r y has not said a n y t h i n g independently
about Hemoo. But we have already shown i n Chapter
"Seventeen a b o u t H i n d u E m p e r o r D h a r m a r a k s h a k ( N a s i r - u d -
din) that his actual heroic deed is far more i m p o r t a n t a n d
reliable a proof t h a n any written record. S i m i l a r l y , we s h a l l
try to g i v e h e r e t h e a c c o u n t o f t h e H i n d u H e r o , H e m o o , as
f a r as w e c a n d o so w i t h t h e s a m e u n a s s a i l a b l e l o g i c .
937. It is t o be noted t h a t e v e n w h i l e he a s p i r e d t o
f o r m a H i n d u E m p i r e , he r e c e i v e d h e l p f r o m many Afghan
sirdars who had fallen foul o f the M o g h a l M u s l i m s * ' a n d
•especially of the B a b a r f a c t i o n .
938. It is obvious that the life and career of the
378 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN fflSTORy
earlier H i n d u E m p e r o r , Shree Dharmarakshak (Nasir-ud-

din), must have s e r v e d as a n ideal to be f o l l o w e d before
Hemoo as regards the original i n s p i r a t i o n to f o u n d a H i n d u
e m p i r e a n d t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a d e t a i l e d scheme o f h i s w a r of
independence was concerned. A n u n d y i n g fire o f f r e e d o m
w h i c h sought to overthrow the Muslim rule and found a
Hindu E m p i r e i n its stead h a d once i n s p i r e d Shree D h a r m a
rakshak (Nasir-ud-din) to bring about a glorious yet
unsuccessful military coup, spurred Rana Sang and other
R a j p u t warriors to cross s w o r d s , a l t h o u g h not successfully,
w i t h B a b a r at K a n v a h a n d at hundreds of places earlier a n d
later, had stimulated millions of H i n d u men and women to
undergo a l l e x t r e m e t i e s o f f o r t u n e s , t o fight h o r r i b l e b a t t l e s
o r t o i m m o l a t e t h e i r l i v e s t o save t h e i r religion. The same
b l a z i n g fire o f f r e e d o m g l o w e d c l e a r a n d b r i g h t i n t h e H i n d u
heart of H e m o o , the ambitious H i n d u leader.
938-A. A s h a s b e e n s a i d a b o v e he s e c r e t l y p r e p a r e d for-
a decisive battle, organized the M u s l i m dissentients against
the Moghals and the Hindu army and marched against
Delhi^'. A l l t h e H i n d u - M u s l i m officers a t D e l h i h a d served
under h i m w h e n he w a s t h e C h i e f M i n i s t e r (Vazir). There,,
other politicians and the Hindus i n general offered h i m
no opposition worth the name, surrendering to his once
d r e a d e d i n f l u e n c e as a Vazir. H i s conquest of D e l h i , the
chief capital of Moghal empire, caused a great c o m m o t i o n
everywhere.
939. H e m o o was born a staunch H i n d u . D u r i n g the
S u l t a n ' s r e g i m e he rose t o p o l i t i c a l e m i n e n c e b y sheer d i n t o f
his m e r i t w i t h o u t the slightest slur on his H i n d u individua
l i t y . I n t h e e n d , a s s u m i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as t h e w e a k S u l t a n ' s
V a z i r , he b e g a n t o c o n t r o l t h e w h o l e i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , ,
and consolidate power into his own hands. A n d n o w he h a d
openly hoisted the standard of H i n d u i s m ! boosted up a.
Hindu imperial power t r a m p l i n g d o w n the whole of the
M u s l i m S u l t a n a t e I Q u i t e n a t u r a l l y the whole of the M u s l i m
w o r l d was r o c k e d to the b o t t o m w i t h the cry t h a t I s l a m was.
doomed and t h a t kafiirs flourished !
940. I m m e d i a t e l y after capturing Delhi he publicly
ascended the imperial throne as a H i n d u e m p e r o r w i t h a l l
the adequate pomp and glory and assumed the title of
Vikramaditya for himself**. Then after stabilizing and
i n t r o d u c i n g efiicient management o f the affairs of his state
he started new conquests. F o r m e r l y as t h e S u l t a n ' s V a z i r
he h a d w o n fifteen to sixteen battles crushing down the
r e v o l t s o f t h e M u s l i m a n d o t h e r chieftains**. A s s u c h he h a d
a g r e a t s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e i n h i s a b i l i t i e s as r e g a r d s t h e efficient
c o n d u c t o f w a r w a s c o n c e r n e d . A t t h e first s t r o k e he s t o r m e d
a n d seized the second great M o g h a l fort o f Agra**, w h i c h was
c o n s i d e r e d t o be i m p r e g n a b l e , a n d t h e c i t y a r o u n d i t .
941. A t this time the future emperor, A k b a r , was a
mere l a d of t h i r t e e n or fourteen years. H i s Vazir, Bahiram-
khan, was his guardian and the de facto head of his
administration. O n h e a r i n g t h e n e w s o f H e m o o , he a t once
resolved to crush d o w n this b o l d r i s i n g o f the H i n d u s . But
right from Rajputana to the Deccan numerous Hindu-
M u s l i m states, b o t h b i g a n d small, h a d risen i n r e v o l t against
this newly formed M o g h a l empire. Hence the other Muslim
sirdars a d v i s e d B a h i r a m k h a n t o p u t these d o w n first a n d t o
keep young A k b a r at Kabul i n safety. But the discreet
Bahiramkhan firmly asserted t h a t H e m o o ' s r i s i n g i n the name
o f a H i n d u e m p i r e h a d t o be p u t down firmly. Accordingly
Bahiramkhan marched on H e m o o at the head of a power
ful army, and instead of sending y o u n g A k b a r to K a b u l he
t o o k h i m along to the battle-field. T h e armies of B a h i r a m k h a n
a n d H e m o o met near P a n i p a t . V i k r a m a d i t y a H e m o o ' s w a r r i o r s
f o u g h t w i t h e x c e p t i o n a l b r a v e r y a n d s k i l l . I t seemed f o r a t i m e
t h a t H e m o o h a d w o n t h e b a t t l e , b u t as i l l - l u c k w o u l d h a v e i t ,
i n t h e v e r y h o u r o f g l o r y V i k r a m a d i t y a H e m o o was s t r u c k i n
t h e eye b y a s t r a y arrow*^, f r o m t h e army of Bahiramkhan
and he fell from his elephant unconscious ! T h i s created a
havoc in the Hindu ranks o f H e m o o , while the Muslim
s o l d i e r s i n B a h i r a m k h a n ' s a r m y b e i n g q u i t e m e r c e n a r y were i n
a w a y let loose. With a determined attack Bahiramkhan
made this confusion worse confounded a n d vanquishing the
leaderless H i n d n army, captured H e m o o alive'^. Taking him

to y o u n g emperor A k b a r B a h i r a m k h a n requested the latter to
•behead H e m o o w i t h h i s o w n r o y a l h a n d s . B u t young Akbar
•could n o t b r i n g himself up to do such a cruel deed. So the
enraged B a h i r a m k h a n himself _ unsheathed his sword a n d cut
off H e m o o ' s h e a d ' * .
942. This martyrdom that V i k r a m a d i t y a H e m o o cour
t e d w a s as o b v i o u s l y ( m a n i f e s t l y ) d o n e i n t h e cause o f H i n d u
l e l i g i o n , and the greater g l o r y o f the Hindu nation and
H i n d u w e l f a r e as a n y o t h e r . The H i n d u nation must always
b o w d o w n its head i n a l l reverence to this hero, who un
fortunately is n o t so r e m e m b e r e d a m o n g s t t h e v e r y f e w s o -
called m a r t y r s and warriors i n the Hindu world. Well, be
it so ! B u t e v e n i f t h e m i l l i o n s o f these s e l f - d e c e i v e d a n d
ungrateful H i n d u s have forgotten h i m , the Hindu n a t i o n as
a whole must always remember t h a t the u n d y i n g H i n d u a s p i
ration t o free itself which was kept continually ablaze
through a succession o f generations and over centuries to
gether and which ultimately rent to pieces the Muslim
imperial power, planting on its dead remains the glorious
banner of a n I n d i ^ - w i d e H i n d u empire, was fed on the now
forgotten martyrdom, and t h e s a c r i f i c i a l offerings of their
lives o n the altar o f war, of the numerous b r a v e heroes like
H e m o o , w h o were fatwff^ "l^fate^: ( a m b i t i o u s o f b e i n g t h e l o r d s
of Delhi).
943. H e r e i t s e l f m a y we offer our reverential tributes
to the glorious m e m o r y of V i k r a m a d i t y a H e m o o , the great J
a n d proceed further !
THE VALIANT QUEEN DURGAWATI

944. B a h i r a m k h a n , thereafter, took A k b a r straight to
Delhi; later they two together reduced a l l the rebels upto
•Gwalior ( G w a l h e r ) . B u t t h e y s o o n f e l l o u t a n d A k b a r a s s u m e d
•supreme authority, whereupon B a h i r a m k h a n rebelled, but
was defeated'*. Even then Akbar did not k i l l h i m out
r i g h t , but sent h i m a w a y to M a k k a . B a h i r a m k h a n , however,
f e l l a p r e y to a revengeful enemy of his of the earlier days'^.
945. In A . D . 1564 t h e independent Rajput King in

Gondwana, named Veer N a r a y a n , was attacked by Akbar'*.
K i n g Veer N a r a y a n was a minor. Y e t his mother, the d o w a
ger Queen D u r g a w a t i , d e c i d e d not to surrender but to fight
the well-equipped imperial army of Akbar, and offered
such a tough resistance that for a while the invaders were
astounded. She b r a v e l y defended the cause o f H i n d u i s m t i l l
she w a s o v e r w h e l m e d b y t h e v a s t l y s u p e r i o r n u m b e r s of the
M u s l i m emperor. B u t d i d she sue f o r p e a c e and lay down
a r m s ? D i d she a s k f o r t h e i m p e r i a l c l e m e n c y as f o r a p o w e r
less woman ? O r , d i d she send a 'Rakhi' to Akbar and
a b j e c t l y r e q u e s t h i m t o t r e a t h e r as a s i s t e r a n d show mercy
t o h e r as d i d some o t h e r R a j p u t l a d i e s off a n d o n ? N o , not
at a l l ! K n o w i n g f u l l w e l l f r o m h u n d r e d s o f s u c h cases h o w
these M u s l i m w o l v e s i l l - t r e a t e d a n d molested the r o y a l H i n d u
ladies who fell captives i n their hands. Rani Durgawati
s t a u n c h l y refused to do a n y t h i n g o f the kind. She, on the
contrary, offered her body, along w i t h m a n y o t h e r ladies o f
t h e c o u r t , t o t h e ' s a c r e d ' fire o f t h e battle. She left strict
orders to her a t t e n d a n t to b u r n her dead b o d y a n d n o t to l e t
the M u s l i m infidels t o u c h i t " . E v e n after her death R a j a
V e e r N a r a y a n c o n t i n u e d t o fight w i t h t h e Muslims, but his
resistance was put down by the vastly superior Muslim,
forces and in A . D . 1562 h i s s m a l l s t a t e of Gondwana was
annexed to the M o g h a l e m p i r e " .
946. A k b a r t h e n began to entice the softer ones o f the
R a j p u t rulers, who had been disgusted w i t h incessant warfare
w i t h the M u s l i m s over generations together, w i t h v e r y a l l u r
ing promises of honourable and friendly treatment to the
Hindus. B u t o n seeing t h a t , even w h e n these docile R a j p u t
rulers were prone to accept Akbar's terms, they often
h e s i t a t e d a n d f o u g h t s h y o f d o i n g so i n t h e face o f t h e high
sense o f h o n o u r a n d p r i d e i n t h e i r r e l i g i o u s a n d r a c i a l p u r i t y
w h i c h made the belligerent R a n a of Chitod staunchly turn
d o w n a l l overtures of peace from the M o g h a l E m p e r o r , A k b a r
decided to subdue the f o r t of Chitod first and accordingly
l a i d siege to i t i n A . D . 1 5 6 7 " . The R a n a of Chitod at that
time was U d a y Singh, who h a d not even a s m a l l percentage

of the dauntless v a l o u r o f his celebrated father, Rana Sang,
who had earlier fought w i t h B a b a r . B u t t h e one courtesan
who was at that time wielding real power i n Chitod inspired
the R a j p u t s to e x t r a o r d i n a r y valour*". Even when Uday
Singh fled a w a y t o t h e forest, t h e g r e a t feudatory lords of
•Chitod l i k e J a y m a l l a , P a t t a and others continued to flight
with the Moghals". L a t e r when J a y m a l l a and P a t t a were
k i l l e d on the battle-field a n d defeat was absolutely certain,
the Rajput H i n d u s of C h i t o d instead of becoming dispirited
a n d d i s - h e a r t e n e d were t o u c h e d t o t h e q u i c k a n d infuriated
to the extreme. A l l the soldiers desperately entered the
battle-field a n d w i t h the w a r - c r y ' H a r , H a r M a h a d e v ' h e a p e d
u p m o u n d s o f the m a s s a c r e d M u s l i m w a r r i o r s . B u t ultimate
ly when the R a j p u t s themselves were almost killed in the
b a t t l e , a l l t h e R a j p u t l a d i e s o f C h i t o d set a b l a z e t h e b i g fire
which was kept ready for the purpose and leapt therein
from the ramparts of the fort according to their age-long
glorious tradition, with small c h i l d r e n at t h e i r breasts a n d
the acclamations i n praise of their religion on their lips.
These brave l a d i e s r e d u c e d t h e m s e l v e s to ashes b u t d i d n o t
a l l o w t h e h a t e f u l M u s l i m - t o u c h t o defile t h e i r pure bodies !
This was the third great self-immolation b y the ladies o f
Chitod**.
947. I t w a s t h e same h e a r t l e s s A k b a r who caused s u c h
a great havoc amongst the H i n d u s , but w h o m the spineless
H i n d u historians of today call the most l i b e r a l of monarchs;
t h e one, t h e y s a y , w h o y e a r n e d t o b r i n g a b o u t a m i t y b e t w e e n ,
a n d u n i t y of, t h e H i n d u s a n d t h e M u s l i m s ; t h e one, i n t h e i r
o p i n i o n , w h o t r e a t e d t h e H i n d u s far more honourably than
any Muslim r u l e r before or after h i m ; w h o was, a c c o r d i n g
to t h e m , a v e r i t a b l e R a j a R a m c h a n d r a a m o n g s t t h e M u s l i m s !
948. B u t l e t i t a l s o be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t , as i f n o t con
t e n t t h i s b l o o d - c u r d l i n g sacrifice o f m e n , w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n
of C h i t o d , A k b a r entered the blood-stained city of Chitod,
put to s w o r d e v e r y one o f the b e w a i l i n g H i n d u c i t i z e n s t h a t
r e m a i n e d there**—and m a r k w e l l I he m a d e n o e x c e p t i o n for
Sxia d L O R i d u s EPOCH 383
the H i n d u women. Thirty thousand H i n d u s lost their lives
i n t h i s one b a t t l e o f C h i t o d . E v e n t u a l l y i t seems t h e s t o r e s
a n d o t h e r i n a n i m a t e objects, o f C h i t o d appeared to him as
deadly enemies o f the Muslims as the H i n d u s there, and
hence t h i s d e v i l i s h d e s t r o y e r A k b a r went on pulling down
t h e H i n d u temples, p r a y e r halls, palaces, houses—everything
t h a t came his w a y a n d reduced t h e m a l l to heaps of rubble
a n d ashes**. T h e temple of the p r e s i d i n g Goddess o f C h i t o d
likewise was rased to the ground, the idol o f the Goddess
and a l l the courtyard being completely destroyed. The
b e a t i n g d r u m s , t h e fifes, t h e l a m p s , j e w e l l e r y a n d o r n a m e n t s ,
d o o r frames a n d every sort o f v a l u a b l e or grand articles of
H i n d u interest were sent a w a y to A g r a . O n l y after q u e n c h
ing his fiendish fanaticism a little with such an inhuman
•destruction o f the H i n d u capital o f Chitod d i d this Muslim
E m p e r o r A k b a r r e t u r n to D e l h i c a l l i n g h i m s e l f ' G a z i ' for this
virtuous and pious act of his.
949. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , U d a y S i n g h , w h o was wander
ing i n the forest for four years unable to avenge the b r u t a l
•destruction of his k i n g d o m a n d the c a p i t a l city of Chitod,
d i e d o f g r i e f i n A . D . 1572*'.
RANA PRATAP SINGH, T H E JEWEL AMONG

T H E HINDUS
950. U d a y S i n g h ' s son, R a n a P r a t a p S i n g h , i m m e d i a t e l y
ascended the non-existent, imaginary throne o f C h i t o d ! B u t ,
•as he w a s offered t h e t r u l y g r e a t t h r o n e i n t h e hearts of a l l
the staunch Rajputs and as he was considered the very
emblem of their invincible courage a n d valour, this Rana
Pratap Singh shone w i t h more dazzling glory than many
enthroned kings. H e t u r n e d o u t t o be t h e one s u c h Rajput
•Rana, who would never, under a n y odds—even at the p e r i l
o f h i s l i f e — l e a v e t h e t r a d i t i o n a l h i g h sense o f h o n o u r o f t h e
Rajputs. Instead o f seeking the h u m i l i a t i n g friendship w i t h
A k b a r a n d t h e m o m e n t s o f peace a n d ease t h a t i t w o u l d h a v e
•offered he p r e f e r r e d t o be t h e d i r e s t e n e m y o f t h e m o s t p o w e r
ful of M u s l i m E m p e r o r s , regardless of u n t o l d miseries and
384 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY:,
calamities that such an enmity devolved on him. ,He^

c o n s i d e r e d i t t o be the h a l l - m a r k o f true H i n d u i s m a n d true-
H i n d u k i n g s h i p t o d o so ?
951. A s C h i t o d w a s i n t h e h a n d s o f t h e M u s l i m s he k e p t ,
his capital moving with him through villages and towns,,
i n those perilous times, a n d g r a d u a l l y rescued a large p o r t i o n
of his lost kingdom*'. H e also formed a staunch army of
desperate but devoted followers who held their lives at
naught. I t is a p i t y t h a t we c a n n o t d e s c r i b e h i s t h r i l l i n g ,
e x p l o i t s a n d p i t c h e d b a t t l e s h e r e f o r w a n t o f space.
952. I n t h e e n d h i s i n f l u e n c e g r e w so p o w e r f u l a n d sO'
widespread t h a t A k b a r h i m s e l f h a d to send his i m p e r i a l a r m y
to subdue h i m . S h a m e f u l as i t i s . R a j a M a n s i n g h o f J a y p u r
who h a d surrendered h i m s e l f to A k b a r a n d the R a j p u t con
vert Mahabatkhan committed an unpatriotic act of joining
Prince Salim's army marching against R a n a P r a t a p at the
E m p e r o r ' s orders*'. A n d a t t h i s t i m e i t w a s t h a t t h e c e l e b r a
t e d battle o f H a l d i g h a t was fought. I n the heat of fighting
R a n a P r a t a p rode his horse s t r a i g h t at the elephant o f P r i n c e
S a l i m a n d t h a t u n r i v a l l e d horse, C h e t a k , w i t h o u t the slightest
hesitation, made straight at the trunk o f the Prince's,
elephant and planted his front feet o n it. With lightning
speed R a n a P r a t a p ' s spear w h i z z e d past P r i n c e S a l i m ' s t h r o a t
so d r e a d f u l l y as t o s t u n t h e l a t t e r f o r a m o m e n t . B u t seeing
that his dart missed the m a r k Rana Pratap retreated with
equal speed and g o t m i x e d u p w i t h the a r m y t h e v e r y n e x t ,
m o m e n t , a n d w a s n o t t o be s i n g l e d out**.
953. S o o n he r e t r e a t e d f r o m t h i s u n d e c i d e d b a t t l e w i t h
thousands o f dare-devils for his f a i t h f u l followers, who were
s w o r n t o h i s cause a n d c a p t i v a t e d b y h i s v a l o u r and carried
the swift guerrilla warfare throughout M e w a d d e s t r o y i n g the
Muslims and freeing the whole of Mewad except for the-
capital city of Chitod. I n the e n d R a n a P r a t a p stabilized,
his m o v i n g c a p i t a l at U d e p u r , w h i c h never t i l l the end fell
to Akbar. T h e l a t t e r d r o p p e d peace-feelers, b u t R a n a P r a t a p .
n e v e r p a i d a n y h e e d to t h e m . H i s r e g i m e i s so replete w i t h
chivalrous and romantic adventures, deeds of exceptional
v a l o u r d o n e b y c o m m o n f o l k s , as t h o s e b y t h e g r e a t w a r r i o r s
and the Rana himself, that our young generation should
d e l v e d e e p i n t o t h e m a n d l e a r n t h e m b y r o t e as r e v e r e n t i a l l y
as t h e y w o u l d t h e s t o r i e s f r o m Ramayan and Mahabharat.
F o r t u n a t e l y the r o m a n t i c Rassos o f R a j p u t Bhats upto the
date o f the great poet B h o o s h a n are s t i l l a v a i l a b l e , w h i c h
s h o u l d r e a l l y be a p p o i n t e d i n the s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l s as com
pulsory text-books. But alas ! i n this critical historical
s u r v e y o f o u r s t h e r e is n o p l a c e f o r c i t i n g a n y passages f r o m
them.
954-955. NOT n o w i n t h e f a d i n g l i g h t o f m y l a s t days
is a n y t i m e
left f o r t h e m !
T h i s R a n a P r a t a p S i n g h , a g r e a t o r n a m e n t t o the H i n d u
society, died in A . D . 1581".
THE RISE OF T H E SIKHS IN THE PUNJAB

A NEW AWAKENING OF T H E
HINDU MIGHT
956. A s a i n t l y person, b y name G u r u N a n a k , started a
n e w r e l i g i o u s sect i n t h e P u n j a b b y t h e end o f the fifteenth
century, the followers o f w h i c h soon organized themselves
into a homogeneous group calling themselves Shikh [Sikh—
îzjBO—ffjie disciples of G u r u Nanak.] Shree Guru Nanak
was not a sanyasi—a recluse—but a man with a family to
bring up. H e preached t h a t the worship o f God and the
service of h u m a n i t y was possible through devotion. 'Every
m a n c a n f o l l o w t h i s p a t h o f d e v o t i o n !' he asserted*^.
956-A. At that time not only i n the Punjab but
throughout the whole o f I n d i a the Muslims had waged a
t o t a l w a r against H i n d u i s m a n d resounded the whole c o u n t r y
w i t h t h e c l a s h o f s w o r d s , t w a n g o f the a r r o w s a n d the beat
of drums. But throughout the whole o f I n d i a H i n d u rulers
and the H i n d u populace had been bravely resisting the
M u s l i m aggression on every battlefield. A l l a u d d i n ' s almost
completed India-wide conquest a n d the consequent Muslim
empire was p r e c i p i t a t e l y b r o k e n i n t o numerous fragments a n d
386 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS O F INDIAN H I S T O R Y
free a n d s t r o n g H i n d u S t a t e s l i k e t h e V i j a y n a g a r e m p i r e had
a l r e a d y been e s t a b l i s h e d . In Eajputana and Gondwana, too,
the H i n d u kings w i t h their d a r i n g armies had frequently
w o r s t e d t h e M u s l i m forces !
957. B u t i n the P u n j a b alone there was left no Hindu
s t r o n g enough to challenge the M u s l i m government. A t such
a dark hour
SHREE GURU NANAK
began to preach i n the P u n j a b t h a t from the p o i n t of v i e w of
Ood b o t h t h e H i n d u s a n d t h e M u s l i m s w e r e t h e same. Both
the communities could attain bliss through his p a t h of
d e v o t i o n . B o t h t h e c o m m u n i t i e s were o n e c o m m o n f r a t e r n i t y .
I n h i s sect, he s a i d , he d i d not recognize a n y distinction
between the t w o . Y e t w i t h a l l his p r e a c h i n g o f this c o m m o n
accord, very few Muslims could be f o u n d amongst his
disciples. A l l the others were H i n d u s . Shree G u r u N a n a k
h i m s e l f was a K h a t r i * * . H e d i e d i n 1538. A l t h o u g h he had
sons of his own they did not follow his tenets. So he
i n s t a l l e d h i s d i s c i p l e A n g a d as t h e c h i e f p r i e s t after himself.
This sect o f Shree G u r u N a n a k , however, was at least u p t o
his d e a t h n o t h i n g more t h a n a mere d e v o t i o n a l g r o u p , a s i n g
ing choir of devotional songs and mattered very little
politically. Still his grief at the miserable plight of the
H i n d u s f o u n d echoes i n s o m e o f h i s w r i t i n g s . P o r e x a m p l e :
958. ^rf^r^rf ft srîr ^ i
rft^r % <T|^, "TSTffy ^sfm ii*'
T h e K s h a t r i y a s h a v e l e f t t h e i r r e l i g i o u s d u t i e s (of p r o t e c t i n g
the land), as the Muslims have flourished. The whole
u n i v e r s e has taken on itself one c o l o u r , a n d r e l i g i o n is i n
danger; p e o p l e h a v e b e g u n t o w e a r b l u e g a r m e n t s a n d so t h e
T u r k s a n d P a t h a n s h a v e become r u l e r s .
959. Many other similar lines ascribed to h i m have
been very popular. L i k e a l l o t h e r H i n d u s a i n t s he a l s o h a s
condemned many b l i n d superstitions and foolish customs.
: 960. A f t e r G u r u A n g a d the t h i r d was Guru Amardas
(A.D. 1574) a n d t h e f o u r t h G u r u w a s R a m d a s . I t is s a i d he
had an interview with Akbar, and the emperor is s a i d to
have bequeathed a large tract o f l a n d t o him^*. O n the
same land G u r u Ramdas dug out a beautiful lake and built
a temple on its bank, w h i c h is n o w k n o w n as 'Amritsar'.
<5uru Ramdas died in A . D . 1681. The fifth Guru was
A r j u n m a l i n whose t i m e s S i k h i s m grew r a p i d l y , for t h e y now
had a central rendezvous at A m r i t s a r . Moreover, the grow
i n g n e e d o f a r e l i g i o u s t e x t f o r t h i s g r o w i n g sect w a s s a t i s f i e d
by h i m b y collecting whatever sayings of Guru Nanak he
•could get hold of a l o n g w i t h those o f other contemporary
saints a n d thereby creating an authorized religious b o o k for
t h e S i k h s ! T h i s v e r y a u t h o r i z e d r e l i g i o u s t e x t - b o o k was c a l l e d
by h i m ' G u r u g r a n t h ' or 'Adigranth'^^. I n i t are t o be found
the sayings of Kabir as also those of the M a h a r a s h t r i a n
saint, N a m d e v . W h i l e the M a h a r a s h t r i a n saint, N a m d e v , was
on a p i l g r i m a g e o f the Punjab his teaching o f the path of
• d e v o t i o n (»if^ and his ' A b h a n g s ' (hymns) had a wide
spread influence there. T h e s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y between his
teachings a n d those of G u r u N a n a k p r o m p t e d the i n c l u s i o n of
some o f S a n t N a m d e v ' s M a r a t h i p o e m s i n t h i s ' G u r u g r a n t h ' ^ * .
T h i s G u r u g r a n t h is i n P r a k r u t w h i c h is n o w called in the
Punjab as Punjabi. It was not written i n the Devnagri
s c r i p t w h i c h was t h e n c a l l e d ' S h a s t r i L i p i ' as it was mostly
employed b y the learned ' P a n d i t s for w r i t i n g about scientific
topics. J u s t as f o r o r d i n a r y d a y - t o - d a y affairs ' M o d i ' script
was employed i n Maharashtra till very recently, similarly
i n the Punjab at t h a t t i m e i n general correspondence of the
c o m m o n people a P r a k r u t script, was employed a n d i t served
for t h i s ' A d i g r a n t h ' . T h e s c r i p t was c o m m o n l y c a l l e d ' L u n d i -
m u n d i ' . B u t a f t e r t h e G u r u g r a n t h b a d been w r i t t e n i n i t the
S i k h s b e g a n t o c a l l i t G u r u m u k h i ' ' as i t w a s a d o p t e d b y t h e i r
Gurus !
961. W h e n J a h a n g i r became the emperor his eldest son,
K h u s h r u , rebelled a g a i n s t h i m , a n d fled t o t h e P u n j a b . As
the Sikh Guru A r j u n d e v gave h i m shelter, the enraged
Jahangir captured the S i k h G u r u and s l e w him^^, i n the
Sikh history Guru Arjun was. t h e first heroic m a r t y r who
laid d o w n his l i f e while fighting w i t h the Muslims i n the:

cause o f h i s r e l i g i o n . I n t h e d a y s o f t h i s v e r y A r j u n d e v a:
s e p a r a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n w a s set a f o o t a n d a t r a d i t i o n o f c o m
p u l s o r y r e l i g i o u s t a x t o be p a i d t o t h e G u r u by every S i k h
w a s established**, and i n order that Sikh sect m i g h t grow*
powerful a m i l i t a r y front was also initiated*".
962. The violent death of Guru Arjun secretly
r a n k l e d i n the hearts o f the S i k h s g i v i n g rise to inveterate
hatred for the Muslims. Most of the S i k h i a n followers in.
t h o s e t i m e s , as a l s o l a t e r o n , w e r e H i n d u J a t s b y caste. A»
these H i n d u J a t s were the m a i n support o f the Sikh sect-
and that too, quite strong, the Punjabi H i n d u s i n general
had affection for, a n d a feeling o f oneness w i t h , t h e m . The
militant tendencies a n d the m i l i t a r y organizations began t o
grow amongst the S i k h s a n d as a sect o f t h e Hindus, they
h a p p e n e d t o be s t a u n c h defenders o f H i n d u i s m against the
i n c r e a s i n g ferocity o f the Muslim religious persecution. So.
the Moghal government began to look upon t h a t sect as a,
t r o u b l e s o m e c e n t r e o f H i n d u resistance**.
963. Soon the son o f G u r u Arjun, Guru Hargovind!
refused t o pay taxes to t h e emperor*^. H e w a s , therefore^
captured and i n t e r n e d i n p r i s o n for t w e l v e years**. Later
o n w h e n he w a s r e l e a s e d f r o m c a p t i v i t y h e rebelled against,
the then M o g h a l emperor, Shahjahan, who dispatched a s m a l l
detachment to crush this apparently meagre opposition.
B u t at S a n g r a m the Sikhs fought w i t h such fierceness that-
the Muslim detachment was completely vanquished**..
Although this astounded a n d |ple.ased the Hindus in the
Punjab the Emperor did not mind it. Guru Hargovindi
died i n A . D . 1645** a n d was succeeded by Harrai, Har-
k i s h a n a n d Tej Bahadur as t h e high priests o f the Sikhs.
But it is t h e exceptional and glorious sacrifice o f T e J
B a h a d u r i n t h e cause o f r e l i g i o n t h a t h a s g i v e n d i g n i t y a n d ,
s p l e n d o u r t o the seat o f the h i g h priest o f the S i k h s .
963-A. G u r u Tej B a h a d u r lived at A n a n d p u r . When
ever the atrocious conversions of the H i n d u s to I s l a m t o o k
place i n the Punjab, Guru Tej B a h a d u r , with his Sikh,
•warriors, h a d often fought a n d opposed t h e m fiercely**. And
t h e n A u r a n g z e b , the veritable demon i n human form, vowed
t o root out the whole H i n d u world. Naturally, throughout
t h e whole of I n d i a the H i n d u s , too, opposed h i m violently.
Aurangzeb p a r t i c u l a r l y a i m e d at the t o p - r a n k i n g B r a h m i n s
•of K a s h m i r * ' , a n d enforced o n t h e m the J i z i a t a x i f they d i d
not opt for conversion. T h i s caused a great commotion
everywhere. A t this time G u r u Tej B a h a d u r t o l d the H i n d u s
^boldly n o t t o p a y a n y s u c h taxes** and preached that they
s h o u l d sacrifice t h e i r lives r a t h e r t h a n forsake t h e i r r e l i g i o n .
W h e n the H i n d u s began to give such b o l d replies Aurangzeb
w a s aflame w i t h rage. H e captured G u r u Tej B a h a d u r and
commanded h i m to court I s l a m o n p a i n of d e a t h . G u r u Tej
Bahadur thereupon staunchly refused t o be a M u s l i m and
•defied Aurangzeb, who immediately had him beheaded**.
T h i s horrible tragedy t o o k place i n A . D . 1675. Along with
•Guru T e j B a h a d u r s e v e r a l o f his H i n d u d i s c i p l e s a l s o were
c a u g h t a n d t h e y a l l suffered horrible deaths after a l l sorts
•of a t r o c i t i e s a n d t o r m e n t s , b u t defied the t y r a n n i c a l M u s l i m
•emperor b y boldly refusing t o be Muslims. The heads o f
s o m e o f the prominent H i n d u s were actually cut asunder
w i t h a b i g saw. A m o n g these m a r t y r s w a s B h a i Matidas™,
whose f a m i l y was l o v i n g l y g i v e n the t i t l e ' B h a i ' b y the Sikh
<3rurus a n d i n t h i s v e r y f a m i l y was b o r n t h e l a t t e r d a y Hindu
patriot, B h a i Parmanand. T h e son of this v e r y brave Guru
was the holiest of the holies, the H i n d u n a t i o n a l hero, Shree
<3uru G o v i n d s i n g ' i !
THE HINDU NATIONAL HERO—SHREE

GURU GOVINDSING
964. T o Shree Guru Govindsing goes a l l t h e credit of
m i l i t a r i z i n g S i k h i s m a n d t o c r e a t e o u t o f t h a t sect a m i l i t a n t
a n d invincible organization w h i c h gave a strong impetus to
the establishment of a strong and independent Hindu
government i n the P u n j a b at the time o f M a h a r a j a E a n j i t s i n g .
H e was called T e n t h E m p e r o r — ^ W f ' ^ — b e c a u s e he was
t h e tenth guru f r o m Shree G u r u N a n a k , not o n l y b y the S i k h s
but even by a l l the Punjabi Hindus. From innumerable

daring and thrilling events i n his life, w h i c h w e l l i l l u s t r a t e
the above remark, o n l y one might suflSce here][for w a n t o f
space f o r o t h e r s !
965. A s i n e v i t a b l y happens i n the case o f e v e r y b i g
religious organization Guru N a n a k ' s disciples also came t o
be d i v i d e d into many sections and sub-sections, but they
were a l l l i v i n g a H i n d u w a y of life. I n respect o f marriages-
a n d other religious rites and social customs they were n o t
in any way separated from the Hindu society. In the
'Gurugranth' itself the sayings of H i n d u saints like Sant
N a m d e v a n d K a b i r were incorporated along with those o f
G u r u N a n a k himself. A n d from the beginning t i l l this day
t h a t ' A d i g r a n t h ' has a l w a y s b e e n r e a d with equal reverence
f o r a l l these s a y i n g s . But a son o f G u r u Nanak himself
h a d started a separate branch o f S i k h i s m .
965-A. I n course o f time w h e n the H i n d u s a n d S i k h s
began to be atrociously persecuted b y the Muslims, it was
felt that an a r m e d force o f t h e S i k h s f o r s e l f - p r o t e c t i o n w a s
absolutely necessary, and G u r u G o v i n d s i n g began to d r e a m
of establishing an independent k i n g d o m of the S i k h s ' * . To
that end he wanted a band of dare-devils of inviolable
l o y a l t y to their G u r u .
966. G u r u G o v i n d s i n g , therefore, called a b i g assembly
of a l l the Sikhs, Such incidents i n his life have been
described a little later i n poetical compositions m u c h on the
same l i n e s as the colourful descriptions o f the Hindu
Puranas'*. But we s h a l l g i v e here o n l y t h e historically
relevant part of it.
967. In that b i g assembly Guru Govindsing invited
volunteers who were prepared to even lay down their lives
i n the defence of their religion and w i l l i n g to spend their
whole lives i n the a r m y , t a k e i t u p as t h e i r profession, for,
he s a i d , he h a d t o b u i l d a s t a n d i n g a r m y o f the S i k h s ' ^ . It
was a v e r y austere v o w . O f the m a n y , who thus volunteered;
t h e G u r u h i m s e l f chose f o r t h e first t i m e o n l y the best five
w h o w e r e e x p e c t e d t o be as s h a r p a n d as u n b e n d i n g as s t e e h
Rights and usage


Identifier: m-s-001069-f5
T o i m b i b e t h i s p r i n c i p l e o n t h e i r m i n d s t h e first r e l i g i o u s r i t e
t h a t was performed was the s p r i n k l i n g on their heads of the
h o l y w a t e r w h i c h w a s c h u r n e d b y a s h a r p s t e e l s w o r d as t h e
mantras were chanted. T h e n i t was enjoined upon them
that they were always to have a sword fastened to their
waist; they were never to cut the h a i r on a n y part o f t h e i r
body. T h e y were a s k e d ever to g i r d u p their loins, to w e a r
kaccha or langot—a loin-cloth, and to wear steel rings r o u n d
t h e i r w r i s t s as a m a r k o f t h e i r stern m i l i t a r y vow. A comb
w a s a l s o c o n s i d e r e d t o be a m u s t for e v e y S i k h . T h u s h a i r
Kesh) a comb ( ^n-^T^T K a n g h a ), a loin-cloth (^=5gf-5fjTte
Kaocha), a steel ring (^î K a r a ) and a s w o r d ( gqpir K r i p a n )
b e c a m e t h e five i n s e p a r a b l e marks of every true Sikh, and
w e r e c a l l e d 'five k a k k a s ' * . The military w i n g of the S i k h s ,
specially chosen b y the G u r u has since then been c a l l e d t h e
'Khalsa', which has become an honourable appellation
throughout the whole of India. Khalsa is o r i g i n a l l y a n
U r d u word meaning 'chosen'" !
968. A s s o o n as t h i s 'Khalsa' army reached a desired
magnitude G u r u G o v i n d s i n g began to conquer smaller H i n d u -
M u s l i m States or to sack them. Quite n a t u r a l l y the M o g h a l
Emperor, Aurangzeb, who h a d most brutally murdered his
father, Tej B a h a d u r , for not renouncing his religion, sent
a detachment of his a r m y ' s capture Guru Govindsing.
Because o f the actions that were fought w i t h the Moghal
a r m y t h e G u r u e n c l o s e d h i m s e l f i n the f o r t o f A n a n d p u r , w h i c h
was i m m e d i a t e l y invested by the Moghals'®. A m o n g s t the
s o l d i e r s fighting w i t h G u r u G o v i n d s i n g f r o m t h e f o r t were t w o
o f h i s sons below the age o f e i g h t e e n . I n o r d e r t o b o o s t u p
the courage of the army the Guru sent his two sons with
other soldiers out of the fort to fight w i t h the M o g h a l s .
While these two sons were being done to death i n this
unequal battle this strange father was crying words of
approbation 'Wah-wa ! Wah-wa iô. At night-fall the
fighting s t o p p e d as a m a t t e r o f c o u r s e a n d t h e r e m n a n t o f t h e
K h a l s a b a t t a l i o n entered the fort very stealthily. B u t of t h a t
K h a l s a (chosen) s o l d i e r s m a n y h a d lost hope. So t h e Guru
=392 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
plainly told tliem a l l t h a t those who wanted to save their

lives should leave the K h a l s a a r m y and forsake h i m i m m e d i
ately. H e , h o w e v e r , w a s d e t e r m i n e d t o fight o n f r o m i n s i d e
o r , i f necessary, out of the fort. Thereupon from the best
chosen (the Khalsa) many Sikh warriors resigned their
membership and deserted.Guru Govindsing^^. Soon on that
dark and dismal night Guru G o v i n d s i n g bade a d i e u to those
who remained of his K h a l s a army and escaped through the
M o g h a l siege, a l o n g with his wife a n d two sons, who were
u n d e r twelve*''.
969. W h i l e after l e a v i n g t h e f o r t G u r u G o v i n d s i n g w a s
thus wandering t h r o u g h t h e forest on that fateful night, he
lost t r a c k of his two tender children^*, w h o unfortunately
fell i n the enemy h a n d s . Those wicked monsters gave the
y o u n g k i d d i e s a n u l t i m a t u m " F o r s a k e H i n d u i s m a n d become
M u s l i m s , o r else w e w i l l k i l l y o u w i t h a l l s o r t s o f tortures** ! "
P r o m p t came the r e p l y from the y o u n g mouths, thunderring
dauntlessly—lion's cubs as t h e y were—"We are prepared
t o die for our religion*^ ! " They had refused to forsake
their H i n d u religion. Highly enraged at this defiant r e p l y
the Muslim authorities pronouned their direst sentence.
B u i l d i n g a w a l l r o u n d t h e m t o suffocate t h e t w o c h i l d r e n t o
d e a t h w a s t h e h o r r i b l e p u n i s h m e n t given**. Straight stood
the two tender c h i l d r e n a n d b r i c k u p o n b r i c k rose to their
v e r y neck, w h e n they were a g a i n a s k e d , " Y o u kafirs, don't
y o u f o r s a k e y o u r H i n d u r e l i g i o n even n o w ? " " N o , n o n e v e r ! "
came the smothered voice ! A n d even as t h e two kids
were shouting slogans i n praise o f H i n d u i s m as l o u d l y as
they [could i n that horrible position, the last bricks were
l a i d t o b u r y t h e m f o r ever*'.
970. T h i s is t r u l y a glorious incident of martyrdom
for the sake of H i n d u i s m t h a t has t o be honourably listed
amongst others i n the annals of H i n d u nation. It is a
true h i s t o r i c a l fact but is t o be f o u n d o n l y d e s c r i b e d i n t h e
poetical form.
971. K u m a r Haqiqatrai—At this very time a Hindu
lad, by name Kumar H a q i q a t r a i , happened to draw a
picture o f the H i n d u Goddess of L e a r n i n g , Saraswati, on his

slate for w o r s h i p p i n g i t . B u t f o r t h i s v e r y a t r o c i o u s d e e d (!)
the M u s l i m officers there sentenced h i m to be converted
t o Islam**. O n h i s r e f u s a l t o d o so he w a s t h r e a t e n e d w i t h a
h o r r i b l e d e a t h . W h e n he d e f i e d t h a t t h r e a t t o o , he w a s k i l l e d
forthwith**. T h e H i n d u s of the Punjab even t o d a y celebrate
his memory every year as a religious and auspicious
occasion*".
972. The E n d of G u r u Govindsing—After the horri
ble death o f his two sons Guru G o v i n d s i n g sent from his
« x i l e a c o n c i l i a t o r y l e t t e r t o A u r a n g z e b as a s t r a t e g i c move
i n politics*^. The Emperor, too, sent a reply, and after a
certain m u t u a l agreement Guru G o v i n d s i n g was a l l o w e d to
leave the P u n j a b . G u r u G o v i n d s i n g thereafter came wander
i n g to Maharashtra and settled at Nanded*^. Here i t was
that two Pathan disciples of his conspired and attacked
b i m w h i l e he was soundly sleeping*'. The wounds t h a t he
r e c e i v e d i n t h a t s t r u g g l e p r o v e d f a t a l a n d s o o n he d i e d .
973. G u r u G o v i n d s i n g had passed his boyhood days, not
in the P u n j a b but i n P a t n a i n Bihar**, for reasons of safety.
A s s u c h he g r e w f o n d o f t h e B i h a r H i n d i l a n g u a g e , i n w h i c h ,
l a t e r o n , he b e c a m e w e l l - v e r s e d . H i s a u t o b i o g r a p h y 'Vichitra
Natak' is written i n the Bihari Hindi, not i n the 'Guru-
mukhi' Punjabi. He also composed a heroic poem on
the Goddess, 'Chandika'. He symbolised the sword as
•Goddess ' C h a n d i k a ' h e r s e l f a n d h a s written a hymnal song
on it. W e have a l r e a d y c i t e d some o f its w a r l i k e passages
in our other books under the caption 'Jay Tegam' (Jay
Khadgam). A s the writings of this tenth S i k h G u r u , G u r u
G o v i n d s i n g , are i n H i n d i , a n d the duties he had enjoined o n
t h e K h a l s a s e c t w e r e n o t so v e r y p a l a t a b l e t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l
devotees o f G u r u Nanak, they d i d not find a place i n the
^ A d i g r a n t h ' , w h e r e a s t h e s a y i n g s o f a l l the f o r m e r n i n e G u r u s
were i n c l u d e d i n i t . S o t h e w r i t i n g s o f G u r u G o v i n d s i n g were
c o l l e c t e d | i n the s o - c a l l e d ' D a s h a m G r a n t h ' {^^^ jjsr) the t e n t h
1)ook.
974. A n o t h e r f a c t w h i c h is i m p o r t a n t f r o m t h e p o i n t o f
v i e w o f t h e H i n d u s m u s t be m e n t i o n e d h e r e . Because o f the
creation o f the Khalsa sect there have been t w o d i v i s i o n s
amongst the Sikhs : Sahajdhari and Keshdhari. The Sahaj-
dharis follow the path of G u r u N a n a k . T h e y don't allow the
h a i r t o g r o w u n c u t , n o r are t h e y p a r t i c u l a r a b o u t f o l l o w i n g t h e
other 'kakkas'. Thousands of such H i n d u S i k h s fall under
t h i s S a h a j d h a r i sect. B u t i t m u s t be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t i t w a s
Shree Govindsing who, b y giving them a m a r t i a l garb, built
the Sikhs into a virile sub-Hindu nation, which could
u l t i m a t e l y oust the M u s l i m r u l e from the P u n j a b at the p o i n t
of the sword.
975. Shree Veer B a n d a B a i r a g i — T h e name which can
n e v e r be o m i t t e d f r o m t h e l i s t o f t h e b r a v e m a r t y r s o f H i n d u
history is t h a t o f V e e r B a n d a B a i r a g i w h o f o r t h e first t i m e
avenged the wrongs done b y the M u s l i m s o n the H i n d u s and
even boldly attacked them. H e was o r i g i n a l l y a V a i s h n a v
saint*^ k n o w n r o u n d a b o u t N a n d e d , where he happened to
m e e t G u r u G o v i n d s i n g * ^ f r o m w h o m he g r a d u a l l y l e a r n t o f t h e
m i s e r a b l e p l i g h t o f the H i n d u s i n the P u n j a b , o f the harrow
ing calamities t h a t befell G u r u Govindsing's own f a m i l y and
o f t h e r e l e n t l e s s w a r he h i m s e l f h a d c a r r i e d o u t i n s p i t e o f a l l
odds. He was p a r t i c u l a r l y m u c h m o v e d t o h e a r t h e d e s p a i r
i n g c o m p l a i n t o f the G u r u t h a t there was n o b o d y left in the
Punjab to avenge the tragic deaths o f h i s f o u r sons. His.
b l o o d began to b o i l a n d he once again took the bow and
arrows o f his former v o c a t i o n i n life. G u r u Govindsing wrote
a note to a l l his former disciples to render Veer B a n d a every
possible help. T a k i n g that note a n d vowing terrible revenge
upon the M u s l i m s for t h e i n h u m a n atrocities committed by
t h e m o n t h e H i n d u s , t h i s b r a v e H i n d u s o u l m a d e h i s w a y to-
the Punjab*'.
976. But alas ! want o f space and m y o w n o l d age
m a k e s i t i m p e r a t i v e t h a t w h a t e v e r i s w r i t t e n so f a r s h o u l d be
somehow rounded up. E l s e I w o u l d certainly have described,
i f not i n full, at least briefly the havoc Veer Baba Banda
wrought amongst the Muslims o f the Punjab, their grand
slaughter**, t h e m o s t a p p r o p r i a t e r e t a l i a t i o n o f t h e molesta-
tion o f the H i n d u w o m e n , the c a p t u r e o f t h e s a m e S i r h i n d ,
where G u r u G o v i n d s i n g ' s two sons were b u r i e d alive behind
the brick-walls, and the eventual burning of the Muslim
l o c a l i t y there'*, n o t t o s p e a k o f t h e a b j e c t p a r a d e o f Muslim
men, women a n d children, barefooted, i n the hot sun"", the
s a m e a t r o c i o u s t o r t u r e s o f t h e M u s l i m s as were v i s i t e d upon
the H i n d u s for not renouncing H i n d u i s m and finally the
p r o c l a m a t i o n o f a H i n d u State i n the whole o f the Punjab^"!.
We have already shown i n the s i x t h chapter o f this book
h o w the M u s l i m c o m m u n i t y w a s p a n i c - s t r i c k e n whenever the
H i n d u s opened u p religious aggression o n the M u s l i m s . Baba
Banda also struck terror i n the hearts of the Punjabi
Muslims by his retaliatory aggression. A t last the E m p e r o r
of D e l h i sent a b i g a r m y to the Punjab"^. R e s o r t i n g to the
guerrilla warfare B a b a B a n d a defeated i t at v a r i o u s p l a c e s .
B u t as i l l - l u c k w o u l d h a v e i t , t h e K h a l s a S i k h s b e g a n to be
jealous of the epithet "Hindu commander" which Baba
Banda Bairagi had c h o s e n f o r himself^'*. Ultimately that
jealousy grew to such a n extent t h a t the u n i t e d H i n d u a r m y
o f V e e r B a n d a b r o k e i n t o t w o f a c t i o n s , a n d t h e one c o n s i s t i n g
of the K h a l s a S i k h s deserted h i m . The K h a l s a Sikh faction
w a s b y i t s e l f n o t a b l e t o c o n q u e r the M u s l i m s . N a t u r a l l y the
M o g h a l a r m y grew stronger and i n a desperate action v a l i a n t
B a n d a B a i r a g i fell i n t o the M u s l i m hands w i t h his only son
and close f o l l o w e r s " * . The M u s l i m s were haunted b y a false
f e a r t h a t V e e r B a n d a possessed some m a g i c p o w e r , and the
higher Muslim of&cials, too, feared t h a t e v e n w h e n he w a s
b o u n d h a n d a n d foot w i t h strong iron fetters, Veer B a n d a
Baba would transform h i m s e l f i n t o a cat a n d w o u l d escape
through the ranks o f a powerful army. S o he w a s sent to
Delhi locked in a strong cage, like a w i l d beast, along
w i t h m a n y other captive H i n d u warriors"". W h a t a horrible
scene it was when he was brought i n the presence o f the
Emperor ! ! How hellishly inhuman the torture of Veer
Banda, his o n l y son and his hundred o r so H i n d u f o l l o w e r s ,
a n d the streams of blood that flowed ! !. Veer B a n d a was
not beheaded or k i l l e d straightaway. H e was p i e r c e d scores
o f times w i t h red-hot i r o n bars and lumps of his flesh were

cut out every t i m e w i t h a v i e w t o m a k e h i m suffer extreme
t o r t u r e b e f o r e he d i e d " * — ^ B u t t h e r e i s n o scope to describe
this h a r r o w i n g scene h e r e . But every true and grateful
H i n d u should rather read i t from the books written by the
S i k h s and M u s l i m writers themselves.
977. T h e H i s t o r y o f the Sikhs W r i t t e n by m e — I am
very s a d t h a t I c a n n o t refer t h e r e a d e r t o t h e H i s t o r y o f t h e
Sikhs, I h a d w r i t t e n years ago. It is n e c e s s a r y that the
reason be e x p l a i n e d h e r e . R o u n d a b o u t t h e y e a r 1909 i n t h e
t h i c k o f the r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s , w h e n I h a p p e n e d to go
from England to France, I s t a y e d f o r a m o n t h o r so w i t h
Madam Kama. During that short period I wrote out in
M a r a t h i the t h r i l l i n g h i s t o r y of the S i k h s " ' , r u n n i n g to a b o u t
t w o h u n d r e d p a g e s o r so, b a s e d o n t h e p r o v e n m a t e r i a l I had
a t m y disposal at the t i m e . I h a d s t u d i e d almost a l l the Sikh
literature r i g h t f r o m the first book i n S i k h literature, named
^Bhai B a l a k i Janamsakhi'—the lifestory of G u r u N a n a k writ
ten b y his disciple ' B h a i B a l a ' — t o the t e n t h b o o k — D a s h a m -
g r a n t h — o f the t e n t h G u r u G o v i n d s i n g i n t h e o r i g i n a l , n o t t o
s p e a k o f t h e H i s t o r i e s o f t h e S i k h s sby C u n n i n g h a m a n d o t h e r
E n g l i s h writers. I had brought the account o f the S i k h s
upto the establishment of a new H i n d u k i n g d o m b y M a h a r a j a
Ranjitsing right from the river S h a t a d r u (Sutlej) to the
Sindhu (Indus) and much above towards Jammu and
K a s h m i r b y u p r o o t i n g the M u s l i m power from the P u n j a b a n d
avenging the defeats of Jaypal and Anangpal. But even
t o d a y i t pains me to say t h a t the m a n u s c r i p t of that book
must have v e r y l i k e l y fallen into the E n g l i s h hands and
destroyed. E l s e the person w i t h w h o m I h a d entrusted i t to
be t a k e n t o I n d i a for b e i n g p r i n t e d a n d p u b l i s h e d m u s t have
d r o w n e d i t i n t o t h e sea f o r fear o f t h e s e a r c h b y t h e E n g l i s h
police somewhere on his w a y to I n d i a . Doubtless i t is that
that M a r a t h i b o o k o f m i n e has b e e n l o s t before i t c o u l d be
published—has been detsroyed !
978. E v e n t h e n w h o e v e r has a m i n d should read my

poem"* composed i n the A n d a m a n s o n t h i s tragic, y e t i m p e -
6 T H GLORIOUS E P O C H 397.
rishable and resplendent m a r t y r d o m of Shree Veer Banda,
w h i c h is a v a i l a b l e e v e n n o w .
979. A c c o r d i n g to the belief prevalent among his d i s c i
ples, V e e r B a n d a ' s b o d y was t h r o w n away i n t o the debris o n
the outskirts o f the c i t y under the impression that he was
dead. B u t w i t h h i s m a g i c poM-er a n d some m i r a c u l o u s h e r b
t h a t h i s d i s c i p l e s m a d e h i m eat, V e e r Banda B a b a came to
h i s senses a n d he w a s s e c r e t l y a n d i m m e d i a t e l y t a k e n t o t h e
Punjab"*. F u r t h e r on an i n s t i t u t i o n grew up i n his name
and hundreds of his S i k h followers have kept i t r u n n i n g to
this day under the name, ' B a n d a i ' . L i k e the k u k a followers
of Guru Ramsingh of a later date these 'Bandais' call
themselves H i n d u s .
980. After the tragic death of Veer Banda there was
no armed force left either o f the K h a l s a s , B a n d a i s , S a h a j -
d h a r i s or a n y other S i k h or H i n d u sect. E v e r y one o f them
was disorganized and disgruntled. B u t o n the c o n t r a r y t h e
M u s l i m p o l i t i c a l power had begun to crumble down by the
t i m e i t was fighting with Veer Banda. Throughout the whole
of I n d i a , a new resurgent H i n d u power—the M a r a t h a m i l i t a r y
and political aspiration—was dealing k n o c k - d o w n blows to.
the M o g h a l i m p e r i a l power and the latter existed only nomi
nally from Delhi to the Punjab, Multan, Kashmir and
Kandahar. Only the local ruffians terrorized the general
populace w i t h their bands of scoundrels !
981. H o w the S i k h power grew thereafter and how at
last i n the times o f M a h a r a j a R a n j i t s i n g i t spread t h r o u g h
out the whole o f the P u n j a b a n d K a s h m i r o b l i t e r a t i n g every
vestige o f the M u s l i m rule a n d how the Hindu independent
empire came i n t o existence—we can o n l y just hint at here !
For a l l these e v e n t s f a l l o u t o f t h e p e r i o d u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n
here.
982. H o w e v e r two or three statements about this p e r i o d
o f t h e P u n j a b i H i s t o r y c a n be m a d e here b r i e f l y , and it is
n e c e s . i a r y t o d o so.
983. The first successful a t t e m p t to overthrow the
M u s l i m r u l e i n the P u n j a b was made b y the Marathas. The
belief p r e v a l e n t i n the histories o f the S i k h s a n d i n the other

loosely w r i t t e n history books of I n d i a that the Sikhs ousted
the M u s l i m r u l e f r o m t h e P u n j a b f o r t h e first t i m e is e r r o n e
ous. E v e n when the S i k h s were at the height of their glory
they could not conquer the neighbouring Muslim capital,
Delhi. I n b r i n g i n g t h i s t o l i g h t we d o n o t i n the least m e a n
t o disparage the Sikhs, b u t we d o certainly want to stop
e v e r y a t t e m p t at b e l i t t l i n g the national g l o r y o f the M a r a t h a s ,
b y p o i n t i n g o u t false t h i n g s . N o doubt, the credit of over
throwing the Muslim rule, at least, i n t h e p r e c i n c t s o f t h e
P u n j a b a n d establishing there an independent Hindu State,
like that of Maharaja R a n j i t s i n g goes p r i m a r i l y to our Sikh
organisation. B u t i t is e q u a l l y t r u e , b e y o n d a n y vestige of
doubt, t h a t the M a r a t h a v a l o u r which, l u n g i n g , as it did,
from Poona, fluttered the v i c t o r i o u s a n d resplendent flag of
the H i n d u n a t i o n , to the S o u t h r i g h t up to T a n j a w a r (Tanjore)
and to the north to the very banks of the S i n d h u (Indus)
a n d b e y o n d , fighting b a t t l e s after b a t t l e s and reducing the
M u s l i m E m p e r o r of D e l h i to a n o m i n a l existence—a thing of
shreds and patches—can have no p a r a l l e l at least in the
H i n d u h i s t o r y of that long p e r i o d o f seven centuries.
984. T h e Independent H i n d u State o f N e p a l : In our
history books a n d the school text-books of I n d i a n h i s t o r y
almost every Indian r e g i o n is m e n t i o n e d . But strangely
enough the state of N e p a l a n d the valiant H i n d u Kingd om
t h e r e is n e v e r m e n t i o n e d — o r i f a t a l l o n l y i n p a s s i n g o v e r t h e
c a m p a i g n s o f O c h t e r l o n e y — a s i f N e p a l is i n n o w a y c o n n e c t e d
w i t h H i n d u I n d i a . B u t i n f a c t N e p a l is as m u c h a n i n d i v i s i b l e
part of India as are M a h a r a s h t r a , the Punjab or M a d r a s .
T h e s e r e g i o n s m i g h t h a v e been g o v e r n e d b y different r u l e r s a t
difi'erent t i m e s b u t t h e t e r m H i n d u N a t i o n is e q u a l l y a p p l i c a b l e
to a l l o f t h e m . T h e rest o f the I n d i a n continent was subject
ed to aggressions b y A s i a n M u s l i m s a n d E u r o p e a n C h r i s t i a n s
d u r i n g the last nine or ten centuries a n d there were constant
wars. B u t fortunately N e p a l was s i n g u l a r l y immune to all
the p o l i t i c a l a n d religious aggressions. O n the whole, i n N e p a l
alone c o u l d H i n d u religion a n d H i n d u culture maintain its
independence unimpaired against the incursions of the
foreigners. A s such Nepal m u s t r e a l l y be c o n s i d e r e d t o be
t h e b e s t p a r t o f H i n d u I n d i a , a n d s h o u l d be g i v e n the palm
of honour i n the h i s t o r y of our H i n d u N a t i o n ! But because
of our thoughtlessness the result is just the reverse. Only
because N e p a l d i d n o t get l o s t i n the mire o f foreign domi
nation and s l a v e r y a n d because i t k e p t i t s e l f a l o o f from the
political upheavals i n India, our frivolous history books
m e n t i o n t h a t n a t i o n o n l y i n passing or never at a l l !
985. I n order to rectify this spineless (dishonourable)
perversion we started a movement i n I n d i a as soon as we
w e r e r e l e a s e d f r o m t h e A n d a m a n s i n 1924 i n r e s p e c t o f N e p a l ,
as p e o p l e w e l l k n o w . A t t h a t v e r y t i m e we wrote a book on
t h e H i s t o r y o f N e p a l ese M o v e m e n t ! (^qicfV s t f ^ t s R l ^ fel^fl?f)
and in it we gave an account o f the brave history of
N e p a l a n d its role i n the p r o t e c t i o n and maintenance of the
independence o f H i n d u religion and culture. B u t now i n this
discourse on H i n d u h i s t o r y p a u c i t y o f space prevents any
s u c h d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t — a n d t h e r e is n o n e e d f o r i t . I n t h e e a r l y
part o f the tenth c e n t u r y a n d onwards N e p a l was governed
by Newari Hindus^". T h e r e a f t e r i t was captured by some
of the R a j p u t s who left Rajputana because of the Muslim
a g g r e s s i o n t o s e e k f o r t u n e e l s e w h e r e . G r a d u a l l y these R a j p u t s
spread upto K a t h m a n d u w h i c h they made their capital. The
strong Hindu government w h i c h these R a j p u t s established
there is the m o d e r n N e p a l " ^ . T h i s m u c h reference is enough
here to a t t r a c t the a t t e n t i o n of the Indian Hindus to its
importance and to the homogeneity o f race o f N e p a l w i t h
ours.
986. These Rajputs being strong worshippers and pro
t e c t o r s o f t h e C o w ( j i l < ^ ) e v e n t u a l l y c a m e t o be c a l l e d G o r k h a
b y caste"*.
986-A. Although it refers t o t h e m o r e r e c e n t t i m e s w e
should l i k e to m a k e a special m e n t i o n o f the fact that while
the whole o f I n d i a was b e i n g governed b y the E n g l i s h t h o u
sands of G o r k h a s (Gurkhas) h a d joined the E n g l i s h a r m y and,
i n b o t h the great W o r l d W a r s , s h o w e d so m u c h p r o w e s s a n d
bravery and exceptional skill i n fighting that even the best

s o l d i e r s i n E n g l a n d , A m e r i c a a n d G e r m a n y , t o o , were a s t o u n
ded. H e n c e t o d a y a G u r k h a s o l d i e r has p r o v e r b i a l l y come t o
mean an excellent warrior !
T H E LATTER HALF OF AKBAR'S LIFE
987. It has a l r e a d y been shown, i n P a r a g r a p h s 946 t o

954 o f t h i s book, w h a t c r u e l t y a n d a t r o c i t y A k b a r resortedjto
in order to crush H i n d u i s m a n d the H i n d u rulers. Even
t h o s e p a s s i n g references alone are quite sufBcient to prove
t h a t he was as f a n a t i c a l a n d as fiercely inimical to Hinduism
a n d t h e H i n d u n a t i o n as w a s e i t h e r A U a u d d i n o r A u r a n g z e b .
988. European writers on Indian history slyly hint and
our H i n d u writers slavishly and thoughtlessly imitate them,
when they say that Akbar was not like other Moghal or
Muslim fellows meaning thereby that he did not hate
H i n d u i s m a n d t h e H i n d u n a t i o n , t h a t he w a s j u s t and never
differentiated b e t w e e n t h e H i n d u s a n d t h e M u s l i m s , t h a t he
ruled equitably and as such the H i n d u s must be highly
grateful to h i m . T h i s eulogy o f A k b a r is u t t e r l y false. We,
H i n d u s , c a n either show respect, g r a t i t u d e a n d affection for
R a n a P r a t a p or for his dire enemy, A k b a r . H o w c a n we show
e q u a l affection a n d respect for b o t h o f t h e m ? H o w can we
worship G o d a n d the d e v i l at the same t i m e ? H o w even can
we compare the f a n a t i c a l A k b a r who deprived the indepen-
ence o f the Hindu kings like R a n a Pratap and thurst the
yoke of slavery on their necks, who demanded the Hindu
royal princesses as queens a n d concubines i n order to a d d
insult to their injury and attacked with his vast armies
those, who d e c l i n e d t o d o so, a n d c r u s h e d t h e m c o m p l e t e l y .
H o w can we compare h i m w i t h those thousands of martyrs
and valiant Hindu leaders like Rana Pratap and Rani
D u r g a w a t i who l a i d d o w n their lives on the battlefields in
t h e defence of H i n d u Nation, Hindu States and Hindu
religion ?
989. A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t p o i n t w h i c h h a s so f a r escaped
the notice of many of our gullible and slavish H i n d n writers
is t h a t t o s a y t h a t A k b a r treated a l l h i s subjects e q u a l l y a n d '

sponsored e q u a l i t y of status for the whole humanity—as is
being taught i n schools—is absolutely erroneous, a n d is the
result of the bad habit of extolling the Muslims unpro-
portionately. F o r , being a Moghal Emperor, he never'
hesitated to crush down ruthlessly anyone w h o refused t o
b e a r t h e y o k e o f h i s s o v e r e i g n t y — m i g h t he t h e n b e a Muslim
or a Hindu ! N o w a l l the M u s l i m s were not M o g h a l s . As a
m a t t e r o f fact many of them hated the Moghals bitterly
because he had extended his empire by d e s t r o y i n g the o l d
Afghan and Turkish Sultanates. It means that like any
other ambitious adventurer A k b a r fought for the sake of h i s
own Moghal glory not o n l y against the Hindus alone but
against others also. O b v i o u s l y enough he d i d not treat even
the Muslims equally. H e l i q u i d a t e d a n d annexed m a n y M u s
l i m k i n g d o m s . O n l y w i t h a v i e w to safeguarding the interests
of his empire d i d A k b a r i n his later life repeal the revolting
religious taxes like the Jizia and refrained from opening
campaigns of mass conversion of H i n d u s . There was no
such intention of behaving equitably with H i n d u s and the
M u s l i m s b e h i n d t h i s p o l i c y , as is g e n e r a l l y supposed"'. On
t h e c o n t r a r y he k n e w q u i t e w e l l t h a t w h e n e v e r s u c h a t r o c i t i e s
were c o m m i t t e d o n t h e H i n d u s , i n t h e n a m e o f r e l i g i o n , b y t h e
former Sultans, t h e y were followed w i t h disastrous revolts.
Sometimes even the whole Sultanates were consumed i n the
conflagration o f the Hindu wrath. In order to avoid this
disastrous end for his empire and to establish a tranquil
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f h i s o w n d i d he t r e a t a l l h i s subjects whether
t h e y w e r e H i n d u s o r M u s l i m s , j u s t l y so f a r as t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l
life was concerned a n d much more leniently and harmlessly
than other emperors, like AUauddin or Aurangzeb. But
once again l e t i t be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t i t w a s n o t because h e
believed i n the e q u a l i t y o f m a n or the e q u a l i t y of the H i n d u s
and the Muslims irrespective of their religion, certainly not
b e c a u s e he d i d n o t c o n s i d e r t h e H i n d u s as k a f i r s !
990. O n c e he b e c a m e t h e a l l - p o w e r f u l a n d a b s o l u t e mo
n a r c h i n t e m p o r a l affairs o f h i s e m p i r e , h i s a m b i t i o n g o a d e d h i m
402 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN'HISTORY
on to found a new religion, t o be a n o t h e r Paigambar and

Jord o f the s p i r i t u a l life o f the people ! T o t h a t e n d he
thought o f s t a r t i n g a n a b s o l u t e l y new r e l i g i o n q u i t e different
f r o m e i t h e r H i n d u i s m or I s l a m " * . B u t here also i t m u s t be
remembered that as h e k n e w i t w o u l d be d i s a s t r o u s t o force
i t cruelly on the people, as h a d o t h e r Muslim Sultans done
e a r l i e r o r as A u r a n g z e b d i d i t l a t e r " ^ , A k b a r v e r y s l y l y t r i e d
to u n d e r m i n e H i n d u i s m t h r o u g h his D i n - e - l a h i ; for the C h i e f
Paigambarship o f t h i s r e l i g i o n w a s t o be c e d e d i n e v i t a b l y t o
Akbar himself. No Hindu could greet others with a
* N a m a s k a r " , he h a d perforce to say "Allah-o-Akbar ! The
accredited language, too, of this new religion 'Din-e-lahi
wâs A r a b i c ! I t m a y , h o w e v e r , be n o t e d i n p a s s i n g t h a t t h i s
• q u i x o t i c a m b i t i o n (idea) o f A k b a r o f b e c o m i n g the spiritual
lord o f the human race came to nought"*. F o r beside the
flattering sycophants i n his court, none o f the H i n d u s o r the
M u s l i m s a c c e p t e d i t as t h e i r c r e e d ; t h e s y c o p h a n t s themselves
had n o t h i n g to do w i t h i t the moment A k b a r d i e d .
990-A. H o w e v e r , of the m a n y great emperors t h a t l i v e d
a t the t i m e i n E u r o p e or A f r i c a or A s i a , A k b a r was the g r e a t e s t
in respect of his strategy, his w i e l d i n g o f the widest power,
bravery, founding of a vast empire, his patronage of learning
and a r t s a n d crafts. A l t h o u g h a c c o r d i n g t o some w r i t e r s he
was illiterate he patronized great authors a n d encouraged the
writing of famous books ! This comparative greatness
h i s t o r y c a n c o n c e d e t o h i m , a n d we d o not hesitate to call
him as great as he r e a l l y w a s . B u t w i t h a l l t h a t greatness
he was, f r o m our H i n d u p o i n t o f view, foreign, b e l o n g i n g to
another r e l i g i o n a n d m e a n - m i n d e d a n d a s s u c h he s h o u l d be
decried b y us, H i n d u s !
•
CHAPTER X X I
COME T H E AVENGERS O F T H E ATROCIOUS

MUSLIMS' R U L E : T H E MARATHAS !
991. I t is a c o m m o n belief that the w r i t i n g o f h i s t o r y

smust be a p r o s a i c a c c o u n t o f b a r e f a c t s d e s c r i b i n g t h e m as
they have a c t u a l l y happened, a n d i t is m o s t l y right. There
o u g h t t o be a m a r k e d difference between the descriptions of
s o m e t h i n g t h a t is p u r e l y i m a g i n a r y a n d p o e t i c a n d of some
t h i n g t h a t has a c t u a l l y happened. T h e one can b e s t be w e l l
expressed i n a faithful a n d matter-of-fact w a y .
991-A. Y e t merely to list out the correct dates and years
of h i s t o r i c a l events, to note the deaths a n d b i r t h s of certain
individuals, a n d to keep a record o f battles fought or the
•occurrence of famines and floods c a n n o t be called history,
a l t h o u g h s u c h a b a r e r e c o r d o f these v a r i o u s e v e n t s is the
basis of h i s t o r y . It may a t b e s t be called a chronological
account. B u t there is a b o r d e r - l a n d between pure history
and pure unalloyed poetry which can adequately and effec
t i v e l y be e x p r e s s e d b y a fine b l e n d i n g o f h i s t o r y a n d p o e t r y .
W i t h o u t such a blending o f history a n d poetry descriptions
o f such events can never be l i v i n g . While describing such
events h i s t o r y itself becomes p o e t r y . Such occasions and
events can never be e f f e c t i v e l y d e s c r i b e d w i t h o u t resorting
to mythological a n d romantic metaphors and grand poetic
style. S i m p l e events can be d e s c r i b e d as t r u t h f u l l y as t h e y
happen i n prose. B u t human nature demands that every
thing that is unique, everything that is stupendous and
splendid and exciting, must be expressed in a highly
e m o t i o n a l a n d o r n a t e s t y l e , be i t an event of a v e r y recent
occurrence. S i m p l e d r y p r o s e w i l l n e v e r be a b l e t o s u s t a i n i t .
I t is these e x c i t i n g e v e n t s t h a t m a k e a man roar with laugh-
:ter, g r o a n w i t h s o r r o w , d a n c e w i t y joy or get w i l d w i t h rage
— i n short exciting events make h i m speak the language of

poetry ! I t m a y be p r o s e , b u t p o e t i c p r o s e , often bedecked
with dazzling ornaments of simile, metaphor and other
figures of s p e e c h , as i s t h e p r i n c e o f p r i n c e s a d o r n e d w i t h t h e
r e a l ones !
992. ffi'?T?f^sn^5W :
" H i s g r i e f at the destruction o f the b i r d b y the h u n t e r

took the form of a four-lined verse—a
993. It is not testimony enough that the very first,
quatrain by the very first p o e t s h o u l d be born of a highly
exciting sentiment which could never be c o n v e y e d i n simple-
words.
994. Precuation, however, must be taken that the-
poetic description of such exceptional yet exciting events
should not pervert the o r i g i n a l facts. A well-authenticated
history should express itself through a l l this emotional
display.
99d. The period of Indian history, which w e are n o w
g o i n g t o d i s c u s s i n t h i s b o o k is f r o m t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f t h e
H i n d u N a t i o n so g l o r i o u s , so t h r i l l i n g , a n d so f u l l o f d a r i n g ,
events that the poetic style of w r i t i n g alone c a n describe it.
adequately and i n a tuning manner.
996. In the eighth Chapter o f this book the Hindu-
Muslim war which had been going on for s i x centuries h a d
entered i n the seventh. B u t even when such a long time of
b i t t e r warfare h a d elapsed a n d even w h e n the H i n d u N a t i o n
h a d been s o r e l y p l a g u e d a n d p r o f u s e l y b l e d b y t h e ferocious,
religio-political aggressions of a l l the Asian Muslims—th&
A r a b s t h e A f g h a n s , t h e P a t h a n s , the T u r k s , t h e M o g h a l s — y e t
even b y the b e g i n n i n g o f the seventeenth c e n t u r y the H i n d u
nation had, neither i n the north nor i n the s o u t h , been,
completely vanquished ! N a y , i t was still fighting on bravely
on the battlefield itself, a l t h o u g h sorely smarting under the
countless wounds i t h a d so far received. O n the contrary
the aggressive might of a l l the Asian Muslims had been
steadily but surely getting weaker and weaker after their
'5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 405
incessant warfare w i t h the Hindus r i g h t from the beginning

•of t h e e i g h t h c e n t u r y t o t h e d e a t h o f A k b a r . W e h a v e a l r e a d y
s h o w n , i n P a r a g r a p h s 8 1 8 t o 857 o f t h i s b o o k i n t h e c h a p t e r
named " T h e B e g i n n i n g of the Fall o f the Muslim Power",
h o w t h a t " b e g i n n i n g " -was m a d e from the 14th century and
how the g r o u n d was being prepared for the establishment
•of t h e v i c t o r i o u s H i n d u K i n g d o m s , l i k e t h a t o f V i j a y n a g a r .
997. The same resurgent s p i r i t of the Hindus grew
steadily every day and ultimately b y the time which the
•course o f o u r s t o r y h a s n o w reached, the presiding deity of
the H i n d u nation seems to have felt the dire necessity, to
use t h e h i s t r o - m y t h o l o g i c a l p h r a s e o l o g y , of bringing forth
an extraordinarily illustrious H i n d u family which could
' u l t i m a t e l y lead the ever-growing Hindu might throughout
the whole o f I n d i a . I n the o l d times when that deity felt
a s i m i l a r need of extirpating the Saka-Hun and other
M l e n c h h a s , she p e r f o r m e d , according to C h a n d B h a t i n his
epic ' T h e S t o r y o f A g n i k u l a ' , a great sacrifice on M o u n t A b u
and brought forth four Indian Hindu heroes. B u t unfor
tunately it was not sufficient to bring forth four such
v a l i a n t heroes to meet the exigency of the t i m e s , o f w h i c h
we a r e t e l l i n g h e r e , t o e x t i r p a t e t h e Muslim political power
throughout India. A whole generation of such divinely
blessed heroes was needed for such a stupendous task ! A s
s u c h t o use a g a i n t h e metaphorical style of Chand B h a t , the
president deity of the H i n d u nation glanced a l l over I n d i a .
T h a t enraged d e i t y s p r i n k l e d her h o l y water on the heights
of S a h y a d r i , t h i n k i n g , perhaps, that t h a t region alone was the
fittest o n e f o r t h e final o v e r t h r o w o f t h e M u s l i m power after
a millennial war w i t h i t . H o w could a small sacrificial pit at
Abu be equal to that stupendous task ! A n d all of a
sudden t h e whole of the S a h y a d r i m o u n t a i n was aglow w i t h
the fire of war and resonant w i t h the beat o f the drum.
A n d there arose a whole class, a whole generation of brave
warriors. Each one lighted his i n d i v i d u a l torch on the
general conflagration and traversed the M'hole o f I n d i a w i t h
the war cry, ' H a r , H a r Mahadev* o n his lips to wipe out the
M u s l i m p o l i t i c a l menace. The n^me o f t h i s n a t i o n a l r a c e ?•

It is—
' M A H A R A S H T R A BORN OF T H E TIMES OF SHIVAJI'
HINDU MAHARASHTRA ALONE FOUGHT

WITH T H E W H O L E MUSLIM WORLD
998. A t t h i s t i m e i n t h e m i l l e n n i a l H i n d u - M u s l i m epic-
w a r such a great catastrophe befell the whole of I n d i a — a n d
especially Maharashtra—as h a d menaced perhaps, a v e r y few
nations of the w o r l d . T o a d d to the M u s l i m m a e l s t r o m f r o m
, the n o r t h E u r o p e a n n a t i o n s l i k e the Portuguese, the D u t c h ,
the F r e n c h a n d the E n g l i s h dashed o n I n d i a — a n d especially
the D e c c a n , w i t h an a v a l a n c h i n e force, a n d i t was p r a c t i c a l l y
the lot of the M a h a r a s h t r a , born out of the times o f S h i v a j i ,
t o face a l l alone a l l these terrific aggressions. Stranger
t h a n t h i s is the fact t h a t this Maharashtra, b o r n as i t w a s
from the sacrificial fire of dire calamities, faced them a l l
successfully, and was a match for a l l the enemies ! The
Muslim imperial throne of D e l h i was h a c k e d to pieces by
the M a r a t h a s and the Muslim p o w e r was finally rooted out
. throughout the whole o f I n d i a .
999. The legend of this exceptional glory and v a l o u r
of Maharashtra has now been g e n e r a l l y k n o w n in its true
perspective and form to the common people i n M a h a r a s h t r a
at least. The credit of m a k i n g it widely k n o w n i n its grand
a n d s p e c t a c u l a r aspect, i n i t s a l l - I n d i a context, m u s t neces
sarily go to the great research-scholars and writers of
history like Rajwade, Ranade, Khare, Itihasacharya
Sardesai a n d others. But with the exception of Ranade,
others have written their books i n Marathi. Histories of
the M a r a t h a s w r i t t e n i n languages other t h a n M a r a t h i have
been m o s t l y w r i t t e n b y o u r age-old enemies l i k e the M u s l i m s , ,
the Portuguese, the E n g l i s h a n d others with horrid perver
s i o n o f facts, a n d u n f o r t u n a t e l y our H i n d u writers from the
other Indian States have echoed them mostly through
ignorance.
1000. H e n c e I , at least, felt, right from my student-
.6TH GLORIOUS EPOCH 40T
days, that this post-Shivaji history of Maharashtra should

be w r i t t e n i n E n g l i s h , based on the research-work done i n
this field till t o d a y ; so that non-Maharashtra and other
f o r e i g n e r s m i g h t k n o w ! B u t , as I h a d s e l e c t e d warfarei w i t h
the then enemy o f our n a t i o n rather t h a n t h a t o f the past, as
t h e field o f m y a c t i o n , I w a s more and more i n v o l v e d i n the
revolutionary activities against the B r i t i s h . Hence t i l l the
t i m e I was released from the A n d a m a n s I h a d no t i m e t o
write about the past history of Maharashtra. Again I
thought people l i k e Sardesai who h a d devoted themselves
to the w r i t i n g o f h i s t o r y s h o u l d b e t t e r undertake that job
and it was, I thought, proper from the point of view of
division of labour. S o off a n d o n I t r i e d i n t h a t d i r e c t i o n .
SARDESAI HIMSELF SEES M E
1001. B y . t h e w a y , i t w o u l d , I t h i n k , be p r o p e r to relate
j u s t here a s m a l l i n c i d e n t w h i c h bears o n this t o p i c . I had
an earnest desire t o see the late Shree Sardesai from my
very young days. F o r , his books on I n d i a n h i s t o r y we h a d
been r e a d i n g c o n s t a n t l y . B u t we were a l l r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ,
w h i l e he w a s a h i g h p l a c e d s e r v a n t o f a k i n g — a l t h o u g h t h a t
king happened to be the ruler of a feudatory state like
B a r o d a — s u b o r d i n a t e to the B r i t i s h government ! A g a i n he
was older; I was younger I L a t e r o n I was t r a n s p o r t e d to the
A n d a m a n s and was e v e n t u a l l y released from there i n 1924.
I learn from other people that Sardesai praised my revolu
t i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s as brave deeds. S o u p to t h e t i m e I w a s
at R a t n a g i r i I sincerely felt that Sardesai should write a
H i s t o r y of the Marathas in English. A s such I sent oral
messages to h i m t o t h a t effect, because every letter of mine
w a s a b u r n i n g s p a r k o f fire, w h i c h w a s most likely to reduce
t o ashes t h e whole house of a government officer l i k e h i m .
Such things often h a p p e n e d i n our r e v o l u t i o n a r y life. So I
k e p t q u i e t . A n d one fine m o r n i n g a n o l d g e n t e l m a n appeared
at m y door-step, m y rented tenement i n the house of Shree
Nana Patwardhan at Ratnagiri. I g o t u p i n deference to
his grey hair and asked, "Whom have I the pleasure to
•408 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTORY
receive ?" "I ain Sardesai from Baroda," came the

answer, " w h o m y o u k n o w as t h e w r i t e r of Indian history."
I was surprised. " W h a t ? R i y a s a t - K a r S a r d e s a i ? " W h e n he
n o d d e d his head i n assent I told him how I had cherished
h i g h respect for h i m ever since I h a d read his big volumes
on Muslim Riyasat. I told him that I had read a l l o f his
books. B u t h a v i n g h a d a chance o f m i x i n g w i t h n o n - M a r a t h i
scholars I could authoritatively say that they had no
k n o w l e d g e o f t h e g r e a t n e s s of, n o r e v e n a n o d d i n g acquaint
ance w i t h , the essence o f M a r a t h a history; many of them
bear a sort of grudge towards the Marathas. So I requested
h i m to u n d e r t a k e the w r i t i n g o f a n a u t h e n t i c , h a n d y h i s t o r y
b a s e d o n s o l i d f a c t s so t h a t non-Marathi world might know
it i n its true form and perspective; u p o n w h i c h he s a i d t h a t
some one else should do it now. So I s a i d , " N o , at least
today you are the only authoritative writer who can
p o s s i b l y d o i t . A l t h o u g h y o u r o l d age m a y p r e s e n t d i f f i c u l t i e s ,
y o u should undertake i t as t h e c r o w n i n g g l o r y o f y o u r life
work. Possibly it w i l l be c o m p l e t e d ! Y o u seem to have
been blessed w i t h a l o n g life. A t least y o u s h o u l d begin a t
once to w r i t e such a h i s t o r y in English." T h e n after sonie
c a s u a l t a l k w h i l e s e e i n g h i m off I e x p r e s s e d m y g r a t i t u d e at
the v i s i t o f s u c h a great h i s t o r i a n at m y residence. Before
o v e n m y sentence was c o m p l e t e d , he s a i d " N o , N o , t h e r e a l
pleasure is m i n e ! W e are a l l the w r i t e r s o f h i s t o r y ; b u t y o u
are the makers o f h i s t o r y ! W h e n y o u m a k e h i s t o r y we n o t e
it down and I came here w i t h a sincere desire to see y o u
as the maker of history. A n d then we t o o k l e a v e o f e a c h
other w i t h t h a n k f u l hearts.
1002. A n d I t h i n k i t w o u l d be p r o p e r t o set d o w n j u s t
h e r e t h a t some fifteen years o r so a f t e r this v i s i t o f ours
h e w r o t e as t h e r i p e f r u i t of his life a d e t a i l e d h i s t o r y of the
M a r a t h a s i n E n g l i s h i n three volumes.
1003. A s soon as I came to R a t n a g i r i , after being
released from the Andamans, I was f o r b i d d e n to t a k e any
active part i n p o l i t i c s a n d because o f the b a n o n the change
o f town I was forced to set l i m i t s t o m y m o v e m e n t s . So i n
this restricted life of mine a t Ratnagiri, I decided that!

myself should write a discursive book although without any
h e l p from reference b o o k s w h i c h w o u l d i n t e r p r e t a n d e x p l a i n
the u n r i v a l l e d v a l o u r of the p o s t - S h i v a j i M a h a r a s h t r a and
the freedom of the H i n d u n a t i o n t h a t i t effected b y d e s t r o y
i n g the M u s l i m d o m i n a t i o n . W h y , before the end of F e b r u a r y
1926 I completed the w r i t i n g o f t h a t book.
HINDU PATPADSHAHI
1004. The very name of that book I chose as ' H i n d u

P a t p a d s h a h i ' rather t h a n merely the h i s t o r y o f the M a r a t h a s .
For, in my o p i n i o n , the Marathas i n general d i d not fight
•only f o r M a h a r a s h t r a , n o r for t h e i r h o u s e h o l d , land or their
fields. Their sole o b j e c t i v e w a s t o l i b e r a t e H i n d u religion
and H i n d u n a t i o n — o f w h i c h M a h a r a s h t r a was k n o w n to them
t o be o n l y a p a r t — f r o m the y o k e o f M u s l i m d o m i n a t i o n a n d
to establish a l l over I n d i a a s o v e r e i g n H i n d u power*. The
inner urge o f the new resurgent M a h a r a s h t r a was to dethrone
the M u s l i m i m p e r i a l power at D e l h i ' , a n d to h o i s t i n its place
the H i n d u imperial standard. The anguish that rankled in
the hearts o f the H i n d u s a n d t h a t f o u n d expression i n Shree
R a m d a s ' s famous couplet—
1005-6. m Hsp^r ^ ^ ^ r srifV i
( ' N o w h e r e o n t h e face o f t h i s w h o l e e a r t h is t h e r e left a n y

Hindu')
was m a i n l y responsible for a l l the future glory of the
Marathas ! The heartache of the H i n d u s as expressed by
Shree R a m d a s
1007-8 sr^^cT ^^^T % € ^ 1 ^x^\ ^r^f i
fkm % T'5 I m^m ^ cfirrftr ii
to o
( A t present the revolt o f the M u s l i m s h a s come t o s t a y , and
n o d a r i n g H i n d u has b e e n left; n o one is a b l e to curb and
subdue this long standing evil)
set a g l o w t h e w h o l e o f M a h a r a s h t r a . T h e M a h a r a s h t r i a n m o v e
ments i n t h a t century spread far a n d wide throughout I n d i a ,
t h e invasions and campaigns, the battles a n d pursuits and
retreats, consistent or inconsistent h i s t o r i c a l events, w h i c h so

f a r baffled the g r e a t e s t o f h i s t o r i a n s c a n w e l l be e x p l a i n e d b y
the magic words ' H i n d u N a t i o n ' a n d ' H i n d u I m p e r i a l P o w e r ' .
H e n c e i t i s t h a t I n a m e d t h a t b o o k as, ' H i n d u P a t p a d s h a h i ' , t h e
name w h i c h stamped its o w n seal on the h i s t o r y of the m i l l e n
n i a l H i n d u - M u s l i m war, by g a i n i n g u l t i m a t e v i c t o r y over i t .
1009. E v e n i n this book of mine the history of the
M a r a t h a s has not been g i v e n i n a l l its d e t a i l s , because h i s t o
rians h a v e a l r e a d y done t h a t w o r k most painstakingly and
on a larger scale. J a d u n a t h Sarkar who wrote i n E n g l i s h
and R i y a s a t k a r Sardesai who wrote i n M a r a t h i had already
written books c o l l o c a t i n g a l l the a v a i l a b l e research-work,,
most laboriously done b y several research scholars and
a s s i m i l a t i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t i n g i t i n the best w a y they could.
It is therefore to a v o i d needless repetition that I d i d not
a t t e m p t to w r i t e a detailed h i s t o r y o f the Marathas. More
over, sitting as I w a s i n t h e s m a l l r o o m , m a d e a v a i l a b l e to
me for m y residence in a small village of Shirgaon near
R a t n a g i r i , b y m y friend Shree V i s h n u p a n t D a m a l e , even in.
those days o f local detention imposed on me b y the B r i t i s h
Government, I c o u l d n o t t h i n k o f w r i t i n g such a b i g volume-
w i t h o u t t h e a i d o f reference b o o k s !
THE HINDU NATION
1010. J u s t as a m a n l o s t i n a dense forest on a dark;

night can see everything i n its true perspective, i n its form
a n d c o l o u r , as s o o n as he throws around him a flash-light
from the e l e c t r i c torch i n his t r a v e l l i n g kjt, and in that
enlightened state of his m i n d can very easily find his way
out, similarly very early i n m y college days, w h e n I t h r e w
the electric search-light of the H i n d u n a t i o n a l p o i n t of view
on the then extensive but chaotic mass of details about the
h i s t o r y of the Marathas, my mind too, became suddenly
enlightened. Viewed in that b r i l l i a n t l i g h t of the n a t i o n a l
Hindu outlook, that whole incoherent, loose and chaotic
mass of historical details regarding the Maratha enterprise-
a p p e a r e d t o me a b s o l u t e l y c o n s i s t e n t a n d w e l l - d e f i n e d . Then.
•
,6T;H G L O R I O U S E?OOH 4 U
alone was i t t h a t i t s essential greatness a n d unique character

became apparent to me. T h e i m p o r t a n d essence o f M a r a t h a
h i s t o r y i s m o s t c e r t a i n l y n o t as i t a p p e a r e d to most of the
h i s t o r i a n s , i n c l u d i n g J a d u n a t h S a r k a r , w h o r e a d i t s i m p l y as
the h i s t o r y o f the M a r a t h a s a n d f o u n d it self-centred, self-
seeking, marauding, bellicose and mediocre. O n the contrary,
J c o u l d w e l l see i n i t t h e grand manifestations of a Maha
rashtra (a great nation) which had singly accepted with a
grave determination the onerous responsibility of meeting
a n d beating down the challenge for the supremacy over our
country, thrown b y a l l the f o r e i g n p o w e r s i n t h e t h r e e c o n t i
nents of A s i a , E u r o p e a n d A f r i c a — i . e . the w h o l e o f t h e t h e n
k n o w n w o r l d — b y t h e n o n ^ H i n d u aggressors w h o h a d a t t a c k e d
our great H i n d u N a t i o n . E s p e c i a l l y when even after c o n t i -
.nuously fighting, although not unitedly, severally, yet g r i m l y
enough, with these aggressors for over ten centuries, no
other H i n d u state nor a n y other Hindu community seemed
to w i n t h a t epic war, a n n i h i l a t i n g the enemy completely, it i s
significant t h a t M a h a r a s h t r a should do i t .
T H E HINDU WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
1011. I t i s , therefore, as a s a c r e d n a t i o n a l d u t y , that I

earnestly request every l o y a l H i n d u , settng aside a l l false
humility to read the above mentioned book of mine, viz.
'Hindu Patpadshahi' which surveys the Hindu War of
Independence, carried on by the M a r a t h a s f r o m t h e s e v e n
teenth century, from the H i n d u national standpoint. For,
looking at i t , as i m p e r s o n a l l y as i t i s p o s s i b l e t o d o so, t h i s
one o f a l l t h e e x t a n t books on the history o f this period
appears even t o me as t h e m o s t s t i m u l a t i n g , m o s t s e a r c h i n g
and teeming w i t h the n a t i o n a l s p i r i t i m b u e d with Hindutwa.
Ranade f o r e v e r c l o s e d the mouths of the foreign as well as
our own historians, which derided the M a r a t h a h i s t o r y o f
the times of Chhatrapati Rajaram as the anarchy of the
r a b b l e , a n d c a l l e d i t t h e M a r a t h a W a r o f Independence*.
1012. B u t the a l l - I n d i a w a r which the Marathas fought
ifor.nearly a c e n t u r y subsequent to the times o f R a j a r a m was
412 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS O F INE>IAN HISTORY
not merely a M a r a t h a W a r of Independence, it was a n a l l -

India war of H i n d u Independence. M y book, ' H i n d u Pat
p a d s h a h i ' , is r e a l l y the golden temple o f the survey and
a p p r a i s a l o f t h a t great w a r — a n enthralling piece o f sculpture
i n colour and s o l i d i t y , of the Goddess o f t h a t great war, like
a n y i n the caves o f A j a n t h a .
1013. A n d still every paragraph i n that book is based
o n s o l i d evidence, not because extracts f r o m the writings of
other renowned historians of acknowledged authority have
been freely used therein, but because the very sentences
u t t e r e d b y the heroes who actually fought on the various
battlefields and by those who a c t u a l l y p l a y e d the political
a n d d i p l o m a t i c game are c i t e d . Extracts from the letters
fresh f r o m their hands, w r i t t e n just after the events have been
profusely used. A s such the b o o k i s as a u t h o r i t a t i v e as i t i s
i n t e r e s t i n g to r e a d . T h e genius o f the h i s t o r i a n , R a j w a d e , does
n o t seem to h a v e altogether m i s s e d t h i s all-India character
of this Maratha history. But i n his writings it did not
receive the all-round treatment it deserved. Perhaps his
w r i t i n g i t s e l f w a s so e x t e n s i v e a n d v a r i e d as t o p r e c l u d e e v e n
the vast i n t e l l e c t u a l capacities of the m a n f r o m grasping its
full significance a n d import. H i s incidental and desultory
discourses on the subject appear, b y the v e r y n a t u r e o f t h e i r
topics, incomplete and inconsistent. About the English,
M u s l i m a n d o t h e r h i s t o r i a n s we h a d b e t t e r n o t s a y a n y t h i n g .
U n d er s u c h c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t h e r e f o r e , my book H i n d u Pat
padshahi estimating this great H i n d u - M u s l i m W a r through
the H i n d u n a t i o n a l angle o f v i s i o n is the o n l y one o f i t s k i n d .
That is w h y I recommend it whole-heartedly to every
H i n d u nationalist.
1014. T h a t is w h y , again, and because of m y failing
health I do n o t p r o p o s e t o go i n f o r t h a t r e v i e w o f the w a r
i n these p a g e s . The curious readers m i g h t a d v i s e d l y read i t
f r o m those pages. I t is o n l y necessary here i n these pages
o f the S i x Glorious Epochs of H i n d u Victories over the Ag
gressors to d i s p l a y the golden chain of events which led
u l t i m a t e l y to the pinnacle of g l o r y t h a t the H i n d u s obtained
by finally subduing the Muslim power a t t h e close o f t h i s

millennial H i n d u - M u s l i m war of epic dimensions.
A CHAIN O F RARE AND REMARKABLE EVENTS
1015. The first of such rare and remarkable events,

w h i c h at the outset appears t r i v i a l but, viewed now from the
telescope of historical studies, assumes e x c e p t i o n a l i m p o r
tance and which follows i m m e d i a t e l y after the account of
this H i n d u - M u s l i m war given i n this book u p to C h . 20 i s
T h e B i r t h o f S h i v a j i e i t h e r i n 1627 o r 1630 A . D .
1016. S h i v a j i ' s father, Shahaji, was reckoned among
t h e p e t t y M a r a t h a c h i e f t a i n s a n d noblemen®, w h o t o o k a c t i v e
p a r t i n the p o l i t i c a l m o v e m e n t s o f the t i m e . B u t a l l of t h e m
h a d t o owe a l l e g i a n c e t o s o m e one o f t h e five M u s l i m S u l t a n s
that they m i g h t enjoy t h e i r own k n i g h t h o o d or ' J a g i r d a r i ' .
N o t a single H i n d u independent State—not even the smallest
t h a t c a n be t h o u g h t o f — h a d r e m a i n e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e whole
of Maharashtra. B u t the son, b o r n to the above m e n t i o n e d
Shahaji R a j e , was, however, destined b y P r o v i d e n c e to l e a d
the H i n d u W a r o f L i b e r a t i o n a n d t o be honoured with the
auspicious red mark, applied to his head, o f the gushing
b l o o d of the m o r t a l l y wounded M u s l i m power, heralding the
event of H i n d u independence !
A WONDERFUL COINCIDENCE
1017. W h e t h e r because o f good fortune or because it

was the w i l l o f G o d , whether again o w i n g to mere accidental
c o i n c i d e n c e o r as t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y h a r v e s t r e a p e d from the
w e l l - c o o r d i n a t e d s o w i n g o f t h e seeds o f g i g a n t i c e f f o r t s — c a l l
i t w h a t y o u w i l l — b u t ever since the b i r t h o f S h i v a j i from t h e
womb o f his mother J i j a b a i , there was a strange t u r n g i v e n
to the technique of the n a t i o n a l front i n this H i n d u - M u s l i m
War.
1018. Generally speaking, r i g h t f r o m the beginning o f
the eighth century to that of the seventeenth, wherever the
m i g h t y armies o f the M u s l i m s and the H i n d u s fought, where-
ever the Hindus and the M u s l i m s were engaged i n decisive
414 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS-OF INDIAN HISTORY
b a t t l e s affecting the d e s t i n i e s ' o f the states and the Hindu

nation as a whole i t was the H i n d u who usually, barring
i o n o u r a b l e e x c e p t i o n s , suffered c r u s h i n g d e f e a t s with heavy
losses i n m e n a n d m a t e r i a l , s o m e t i m e s b e c a u s e some l e a d e r s a t
i n ' H o w d a ' o n t h e elephant*, w h i l e a t o t h e r s o n e s a t i n p a l a n
quin'—sometimes because there was t r e a c h e r y i n the H i n d u '
ra'nks,* a t o t h e r s a g a i n w h e n v i c t o r y w a s almost in Hindu
hands—mere chance coincidence deflected it towards the
Muslims. T h i s c r u e l v e r d i c t o f t h e G o d d e s s o f W a r w a s as i t
were, predetermined. The r e s i s t a n c e offered by the brave
Daheer, the one offered by the v a l i a n t J a y a p a l or his son
A n a n g p a l or the last battle g i v e n b y V e e r P r i t h v i r a j or a g a i n
t h e one f o u g h t b y M a h a r a n a S a n g , i n e v e r y decisive action
fought throughout, through a l l these centuries upto that
fought i n 1665 A . D . a t T a l i k o t by the dauntless Ramraja
of V i j a y n a g a r the scales o f war turned always against the
H i n d u s — t h e H i n d u s alone were u n m i s t a k a b l y defeated ! !
B U T S I N C E T H E B E G I N N I N G O F T H E 17TH
CENTURY
1019. That m e a n s f r o m t h e b i r t h o f S h i v a j i , so t o s a y ,
the same cruel Goddess of W a r began to show a highly
astonishing difference i n her verdict regarding the same
H i n d u - M u s l i m struggle. A n d i t was this I J u s t as formerly
i t seemed a l m o s t p r e d e t e r m i n e d t h a t the H i n d u s were b o u n d
t o be d e f e a t e d i n every Hindu-Muslim struggle, similarly
now onwards, wherever the H i n d u - M u s l i m armies met, the
H i n d u s ' v i c t o r y was a l m o s t assured a n d the M u s l i m defeat a
foregone c o n c l u s i o n I P r o m t h i s s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y o n w a r d s
w h e r e v e r t h e y m e t the M u s l i m s i n a state o f w a r , the H i n d u s
i n v a r i a b l y v a n q u i s h e d t h e m ! W h e t h e r t h e y were the decisive
Tjattles s h a k i n g t h e v e r y f o u n d a t i o n s o f s t a t e s o r nations or
whether they were o n l y fleeting skirmishes, the v i c t o r y for
the H i n d u s and the rout of the Muslims was the result !
Every Hindu young man should necessarily read the l o n g
list of H i n d u victories from the same b o o k of mine viz :
H i n d u Patpadshahi, the victories which swell our hearts
w i t h p r i d e , t h e v i c t o r i e s a g a i n t h a t Were w o n n o t o n l y o n
land from the Punjab to K a n y a K u m a r i i n t h e s o u t h seas
b u t i n hundreds o f n a v a l engagements f r o m the W e s t e r n (the
so-called Arabian sea !) t o t h e E a s t e r n (the B a y o f B e n g a l )
seas!
T H E GUIDING PRINCIPLE O F T H E NEW M A R A T H A

STRATEGY
AGGRESSION—NOT MERELY DEFENCE
1020. The most important reason w h y since the t i m e

the M a r a t h a s assumed the m i l i t a r y leadership of the Hindu
nation, the H i n d u s a l o n e w e n t o n w i n n i n g v i c t o r i e s , as h a s
been a l r e a d y s h o w n a b o v e , a l l o v e r the vast sub-continent
of India whenever t h e y j o i n e d battle w i t h the M u s l i m s , was
t h a t these M a r a t h a s w i t h their d a r i n g valour, had at once
purged the Hindu mind o f t h a t p e r n i c i o u s epidemic of the
p e r v e r t e d sense o f v i r t u e s , w h i c h h a d afflicted a n d paralysed
most of the Hindu society a l l over India and which had
g i v e n b i r t h to the false n o t i o n of c h i v a l r y , deeming i t highly
despicable f r o m t h e e t h i c a l p o i n t o f v i e w , a v e r i t a b l e s i n , as
i t were, to l e a d a military attack—even against the direst
enemy.
1021. I n fact the creed of every national army is to
march upon the enemy even before t h e l a t t e r attacks—to
lead a blatant aggression, not merely to stage defensive
formations ! The first successful attempt to inspire this
aggressive m e n t a l i t y amongst the H i n d u s was made at the
time o f the establishment o f the Vijaynagar empire against
the M u s l i m s , even before the M a r a t h a s t o o k the lead. But
it was restricted to the south alone a n d the t e r r i b l e defeat
at T a l i k o t a deterred the Hindu mind from i n v a d i n g the
Muslims. I t was t h e n t h a t the M a r a t h a s i n s p i r e d the H i n d u s
w i t h a new w a r - l i k e spirit by successful inroads upon the
Muslims.
1022. T o i n v a d e the enemy t e r r i t o r y is the chief a i m or
the chief duty of a national m i l i t a r y strength. The nation
w h i c h m a i n t a i n s a r m e d forces just strong enough for the
purposes o f defence—and does not b u i l d i t u p so as t o b e

capable to undertake an invasion a n d considers it improper
to do so—is eitber b a s i c a l l y coward at beart or is l a b o u r i n g
under a delusion. P e r h a p s i t is to camouflage that inward
c o w a r d i c e t h a t such h i g h s o u n d i n g d e c l a r a t i o n s a r e m a d e . . A
n a t i o n w h o s e a r m e d m i g h t is e v i d e n t l y b u i l t u p o n t h e basis
o f its aggressive c a p a c i t y is c e r t a i n l y capable of self-defence.
1023. A g a i n , the H i n d u aggression against the violent
and unjust political d o m i n a t i o n of the M u s l i m rulers was
basically not a n aggression at a l l . T h e r e a l l y unjust aggres
s i o n was t h a t o f the M u s l i m s who h a d i n v a d e d the t e r r i t o r i e s
of the H i n d u s . T h e aggressive risings of the H i n d u s against
the outrageous Muslim rule can never be called revolts o r
rebellions. P o r , the aggression o f the M u s l i m rulers against
the independent and rightfully established H i n d u states was
itself mutinous and revolting. The rising of a robber against
the rightful owner can be c a l l e d m u t i n o u s , n o t t h e t a k i n g
u p of arms b y the rightful owner to chastise the rebellious
freebooters ! It is, therefore, to inspire with indomitable
courage the majority of the Hindu society a l l over India,
which had taken fright o f these M u s l i m f r e e b o o t e r s , that
Shree R a m d a s raised his war-cry from every peak of the
Sahyadri
" I c is the M u s l i m - i n s u r r e c t i o n !
'The insurgents are the Muslims and not the Hindus ! In
order to punish them severely invade them from a l l sides
a l l at once !
1024. "^^'imit ^ T T ? I ît^^ ^r^sTfftr ^XKl^ i
(One s h o u l d c o u r t death for the sake of religion (But) w h i l e

d y i n g o n e s h o u l d k i l l (the enemies) a n d b y t h u s k i l l i n g them
one s h o u l d w i n b a c k o n e ' s k i n g d o m . )
1025. T h e most i m p o r t a n t weapon of this aggressive
war p o l i c y o f the M a r a t h a s was at least t i l l t h a t t i m e a new
one t o t h e H i n d u s . I t was not used so far by any before
them. T h a t weapon is
GUERRILLA WARFARE
1026. T h i s t y p e of w a r is called i n S a n s k r i t ' V r a k y -

uddha'
This V r a k y u d d h a (f^^s) of the M a r a t h a s h u m b l e d the
v a s t armies o f the M u s l i m s . A c c o r d i n g to the peculiar mode
o f t h i s g u e r r i l l a warfare the M a r a t h a s never faced the h i g h l y
well-equipped fourfold armies o f the enemy. Whenever the
Maratha forces were small i n number, they attacked the
e n e m y f r o m t h e r i g h t o r t h e l e f t flanks o r f r o m b e h i n d ,
1027. Y e t it should be borne i n m i n d t h a t while thus
h a r a s s i n g a n d c u t t i n g off t h e h u g e a r m i e s o f t h e M o g h a l s w i t h ,
their meagre numbers and inadequate arms, they never
h e s i t a t e d t o offer p i t c h e d b a t t l e s s t a n d i n g face to face a t t h e
most unexpected moments, i f they found that their own
m i l i t a r y strength had grown sufficiently strong to do this.
A s |even when the M a r a t h a forces went on increasing i n
number and quality, and their responsibility about the
v a r i o u s states, s m a l l e r o r greater i n s i z e , a b o u t the forts a n d
territories t h a t fell i n their hands, began t o assume e n o r m o u s
dimensions, they d i d not lie i d l y i n their different capitals,
guarding their own positions. Every-one of them had
always a keen eye on the neighbouring or the distant M o g h a l
t e r r i t o r i e s a n d p u s h e d o n i n t o t h o s e t e r r i t o r i e s as s o o n a s t h e
m o n s o o n s w e r e o v e r , e v e n before t h e e n e m y h a d t i m e t o c o m e
aggressively against the smaller Maratha feudal lords a n d
Jagirdars or their forts. The Maratha forces attacked
even the M u s l i m N a w a b s a n d N i z a m s , who never gave them
offence u n d e r some p r e t e x t or a n o t h e r . M o r e o v e r t h e y were
h a r d l y to be found i n their u s u a l l y k n o w n capitals, great or
small, or i n t h e i r forts o r caves k n o w n t o be t h e i r u s u a l
resorts. O n the the c o n t r a r y t h e y seemed to c a r r y t h e i r so,
called capitals on horse-back while they started on their
campaigns against the Muslims. T h e de facto address o f the
various M a r a t h a war-lords a n d their brave followers was n o t
t h e i r homes o r fortresses; i t was i n v a r i a b l y t h e i r ever s h i f t i n g
camps or bivouacs i n the M o g h a l territories. .

1028. E v e n a s o l i t a r y instance i n the times o f R a j a r a m ,
regarding A u r a n g z e b m a y be s u f B c i e n t t o s h o w c l e a r l y w h a t
great havoc was caused amongst the vast and unwieldy
M u s l i m armies, harassed, hacked a n d hewed by.these M a r a t h a
guerrillas ! The huge armies of Aurangzeb pursued the
M a r a t h a forces r i g h t up to J i n j i (or Zinji) i n the South,
r e d u c i n g t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s as t h e y w e n t . B u t ?—The moment
t h e y t u r n e d t h e i r b a c k s , t h e y saw t h a t s m a l l e r b a n d s of the
Maratha irregulars had already crossed the N a r m a d a a n d
after having entered Gujarath they had frightened the
•Subhedar o f t h a t p r o v i n c e o u t o f h i s w i t s ' . Farther off, the
Jtfarathas were often reported to have a t t a c k e d the central
provinces t o the u t t e r d i s m a y of the a l r e a d y confused M o g h a l
Emperor. I n t h e e n d g i v i n g u p M a h a r a s h t r a as p r e c i p i t a t e l y
as t h e y w o u l d h a v e dropped a glowing cinder from their
hands, those huge M o g h a l hosts h a c k e d , harassed a n d h a r r i e d
b y the i n d o m i t a b l e M a r a t h a warriors, retreated, crestfallen,
back to D e l h i " .
1029. It is not correct to assume that the Marathas
had resorted to this aggressive war policy o n l y so f a r a s
their m a r t i a l power was concerned but that their administra
tive machinery had not had a sound footing or h a d not
g r o w n sufficiently strong. O n the other h a n d they renewed
their aggressive incursions into the remaining Muslim
territories under the c o m m a n d o f the i n v i n c i b l e veteran war
leaders, like Bajirao I, with greater r i g o u r a n d zest, w h e n
•every o n e o f t h e i r s e v e r a l Sardars and Chieftains h a d tens
and scores of thousands of soldiers under them, fighting,
conquering and establishing M a r a t h a rule right from Jinji to
•Gujarath and even M a l w a a n d C e n t r a l I n d i a ! I f at a l l they
were to establish H i n d u - P a t p a d a s h a h i throughout the whole
of India, the defensive war policy of 'preserving whatever
t h e y h a d ' w o u l d h a v e been o f l i t t l e use. T h e y h a d n e c e s s a r i l y
t o adopt the bolder policy m a k i n g new acquisitions. That
w a y those brave a n d indefatigable M a r a t h a warriors h a d an
insatiable desire to a s s a i l t h e i r r e l i g i o u s enemies w h e n e v e r
a n d wherever they could !
T H E AGGRESSIVE WAR POLICY OF T H E

MARATHAS
STOPPED T H E INROADS OF T H E FOREIGN

ENEMIES BEYOND THE HIMALAYAS
1030. The reports that the bold thursts of Bajirao I

r i g h t u p to the gates o f D e l h i h a d c o n v u l s e d the Moghal
imperial power to its very foundations and rendered it
•disjointed, a n d t h a t the m i g h t y M a r a t h a armies were a b o u t
t o i n v a d e the t e r r i t o r i e s even b e y o n d D e l h i u p t o the P u n j a b ,
•did n o t f a i l t o g i v e a r u d e s h o c k to the Muslim powers of
Kabul, Ghazni, Iran, Turan, Balkh, Bokhara, Arabia and
•other c o u n t r i e s b e y o n d t h e H i m a l a y a s !
1031. I t has a l r e a d y been shown in this book how,
before the rise of the M a r a t h a s , these v e r y A r a b , I r a n i a n ,
Durani, Tiirk, Moghal and other Muslim tribes had often
swooped d o w n the H i m a l a y a s i n t o the I n d i a n p l a i n s w i t h all
the ferocity and barbarity a t t h e i r c o m m a n d ; h o w some o f
these M u s l i m aggressors overran the Hindu states, dashed
towards the south, worsting the H i n d u religion, heaping up
inhuman religious persecution a n d untold devilish atrocities
•on i t s a d h e r e n t s ; a n d a g a i n h o w some o t h e r s o f t h e m e s t a b l i
shed their o w n independent stable Sultanates at Delhi and
like Alauddin made straight for the southernmost end of
India.
EVEN THEN
1032. The then Hindu Kings themselves could not

invade Iran, T u r a n or A r a b i a b e y o n d the H i m a l a y a s e v e n
before those d i a b o l i c M u s l i m aggressors could trespass the
Indian territory. They could annihilate those Muslim
i n v a d e r s i n t h e i r v e r y homes !
NADIRSHAH AND ABDALI
1033. B u t so s o o n as t h e M a r a t h a s a s s u m e d the Hindu

leadership a l l over India i n this m i l l e n n i a l Hindu-Muslim

e p i c w a r a n d so s o o n a g a i n as t h e r a m p a r t s o f D e l h i b e g a n t o
crumble w i t h the f o r c i b l e t h r u s t s o f t h e M a r a t h a a r m s this-
age-old notorious h a b i t of the M u s l i m aggressive tribes and
states i n A s i a o f a t t a c k i n g every n o w a n d t h e n l i k e M a h m u d
of Ghazni, with vociferous vows of complete destruction of
the Hindus and their religion, was for ever b r o k e n ! S i n c e
the time the M a r a t h a arms brought D e l h i under t h e i r c o n t r o l
and the i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a t D e l h i b e g a n t o o b e y the-
dictates of the valiant Peshwa, like Bajirao I, only two,
Nadirshah o f I r a n a n d A h m e d s h a h A b d a l i o f G h a z n i , dared!
cross t h e I n d i a n b o r d e r s f r o m b e y o n d t h e H i m a l a y a s , p u t t i n g :
on the pompous airs o f the former M u s l i m invaders s w e a r i n g
t e r r i b l e wrongs u n t o the people herein and longing in vain
t o become the Emperors of India. B u t really speaking none
o f t h e m h a d come u p o n I n d i a , l i k e the former invaders, on
their own initiative and with an irresistible itch. The full
knowledge that the Marathas h a d succeeded in establishing
the Hindu rule a l l over I n d i a upto D e l h i or that they could
d o so, h a d o v e r a w e d b o t h N a d i r s h a h a n d A b d a l i , t o o ! I t w a s
only at the s u p p l i c a t i o n s of the M u s l i m Sardars o f D e l h i a n d
Punjab a n d at times the secret f i n v i t a t i o n o f the Emperor
himself that Nadirshah a n d A h m e d s h a h m a d e b o l d t o cross,
the H i n d u k u s h a n d march upon India. The Rohillas, the
P a t h a n s a n d the M o g h a l s secretly pleaded t h a t the Marathas-
h a d p r a c t i c a l l y usurped the w h o l e power, t h a t the K a f i r s w e r e
gradually becoming dominant throughout the whole of India,
and that they were approaching those foreigners as the
defenders o f the M u s l i m f a i t h i n order t h a t t h e y m i g h t i n v a d e
I n d i a to save the M u s l i m i m p e r i a l p o w e r at Delhi". They
even offered to make those f o r e i g n M u s l i m leaders the
E m p e r o r s o f D e l h i . I t w a s o n t h e i n v i t a t i o n s o f these I n d i a n
M u s l i m s a n d d e p e n d i n g on t h e i r strength a n d assistance t h a t
the above-mentioned violent aggressors could think of
attacking India.
T H E INVASION O F NADIRSHAH
1034. O f the Muslim Sardars, Emirs and K h a n s who
secretly i n v i t e d N a d i r s h a h to invade I n d i a i n order to crush
the M a r a t h a s , N i z a m - u l - M u l k was the most prominent^*. As
Bajirao I had v a n q u i s h e d h i m c o m p l e t e l y , he f o n d l y hoped
t h a t t h e M a r a t h a s w o u l d be s q u a r e l y p u n i s h e d a n d d e s t r o y e d
b y N a d i r s h a h . H e d i d n o t care w h a t w o u l d h a p p e n subsequ
ently. Nadirshah crossed Attock and reached Lahore in
1732". The E m p e r o r o f D e l h i made a grand show of opposing
h i m w i t h h i s a r m y . B u t i n t h e v e r y first b a t t l e he w a s r o u t e d
entirely". N a d i r s h a h called h i m and p u t h i m i n his prison.
Nizam too was similarly reprimanded for suffering the
M a r a t h a s to be so v e r y p o w e r f u l aa t o engulf the imperial
p o w e r o f D e l h i , a n d b e c a u s e he d i d n o t p a y t h e s e v e r a l crores
•of r u p e e s t h a t he h a d p r o m i s e d , N i a z m , t o o , w a s p u t behind
the b a r s " . T h e n N a d i r s h a h marched straight to D e l h i . O n the
1 0 t h o f M a r c h . 1739 N a d i r s h a h l i q u i d a t e d t h e M o g h a l i m p e r i a l
•power a n d p r o c l a i m e d h i m s e l f t h e E m p e r o r o f I n d i a " . With
p r e c i p i t a t e h a s t e he n o t o n l y followed the age-old Muslim
imperial tradition but far outdistanced i t w i t h a l l sorts o f
monstrocities a n d orgies o f b l o o d and fire. P l u n d e r , arson
and man-slaughter ran riot i n the streets of D e l h i " . The
Muslims, however, hoped that Nadirshah would at least
annihilate the Marathas. But deliberately or knavishly
N ^ a d i r s h a h d i d n o t offend t h e M a r a t h a s . W h y , i n his rage o f
Delhi he never spared the Muslims^*. Nadirshah himself
seated the N i z a m on the back o f a donkey and forced h i m to
undergo the h u m i l i a t i o n o f a parade throughout this c i t y " .
1035. S o o n the news came h e a d l o n g t h a t the Marathas
h a d inflicted a great defeat u p o n the Portuguese a n d t h e w e l l -
Iknown sea-port o f B a s s e i n (Vasai) h a d been conquered from
t h e latter^", a n d t h a t the P o r t u g u e s e Governor of the place
and his a r m y h a d l a i d down their arms and sued for peace
w i t h t h e M a r a t h a s * ^ , a n d t h a t f e e l i n g h i m s e l f free, therefore,
to do as he liked, Bajirao I had started with huge
ipreparations a n d was h e a d i n g t o w a r d s Delhi**.
1036-37. ^^^T : =^^1 ^TJ^ =?I5r !
"Why do y o u l o o k so a m z e d ? M a r c h o n to D e l h i ( M y
B o y s !) W h a t c a n n o w d e l a y t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f H i n d u - P a t -
padshahi" ?
—Bajirao Peshava. I.
The Maratha Sardars i n the North and the various
diplomats and political workers that Bajirao I had stationed
everywhere also felt k e e n l y t h a t N a d i r s h a h h a d to be t a u g h t
a lesson. F r o m various different places they informed
Bajirao about the movements of Nadirshah a n d the state-
o f affairs i n t h e n o r t h . O f t h o s e r e p o r t e r s one w r i t e r s : —
^ s t ? r I 5r?T??cfT5flf 5 ^ 1 - ^ f t ^ I T | ^ ? r HTCT^T: q^t^ f?RfV T i t \>
mf?im f ^ ^ i ^ r q t ^ i HT^^crm f ? ^ ^ rrm STTTT '^W^ ^flsr
fTcfT^ 3fTs ^ T T ^ qjlsr f^^wt qisffr ^r^rfsft ?rTT^ T^^^^
(Tahmaspa K u l i k h a n (Nadirshah) is n o t a f t e r a l l a G o d who-

w i l l d e v a s t a t e the w h o l e w o r l d I H e w i l l s u r e l y come to terms,
w i t h a m i g h t i e r a d v e r s a r y , hence come w i t h a m i g h t y force.
Pressure ( s h o u l d be applied) first and peace treaty after
wards I N o w it is o n l y the combined might of all the
Eajput kings and princes and your E x c e l l e n c y (Bajirao I )
that will s e t t l e the matter for ever. Bundella Princes and
all others should be brought together a n d the invincible
p o w e r ( o f t h e H i n d u s ) s h o u l d be m a n i f e s t e d o n a g r a n d - s c a l e .
N a d i r s h a h is n o t l i k e l y t o go b a c k u n l e s s he i s f o r c e d t o d o
so. H e w i l l (most surely) assail the Hindu States. Rai
( S a w a i J a y s i n g h ) is o f t h e opinion that Ranaji (Maharaja o f
Udaipur) should be installed upon the imperial throne o f
5 T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 42»
Delhi. Sawai (Jaysingh) and other H i n d u k i n g s are e a g e r l y

waiting for a mighty campaign under your Excellency'*
leadership. W i t h the strong backing of your Excellency's
forces S a w a i ( J a y s i n g h j i ) d e c i d e s to send the J a t battalions
t o D e l h i first a n d t h e n t o f o l l o w t h e m h i m s e l f t h i t h e r !'
1038. Other Maratha leaders from N o r t h I n d i a also-
s e n t s i m i l a r s p i r i t e d l e t t e r s f u l l o f confidence a n d u r g i n g b o l d
a c t i o n ! O n the basis of those letters Bajirao addressed in
these s t i r r i n g w o r d s those d i g n i t a r i e s at C h h a t r a p a t i Shahu's
court who had always tried to disparage every one o f h i s
heroic a n d aggressive moves a n d b r i n g a l l sorts of i m p e d i
ments i n his progressive measures, " 0 ! you brave warriors,
w h y a l l these doubts a n d apprehensions ? March on united
and the glorious d a w n o f the f o u n d i n g of H i n d u - P a t p a d a s h a h i
is a c e r t a i n t y b e y o n d a l l measure. I , for m y part, a m deter
mined t o cross the N a r m a d a (river) and deploy my troops
everywhere right upto the C h a m b a l ( r i v e r ) I s h a l l see t h a n
h o w N a d i r s h a h d a r e s d e s c e n d southwards** !
1039. As soon as he received the news that the
M a r a t h a s were a l r e a d y o n a n aggressive march to the n o r t h
against him Nadirshah lost a l l his enthusiasm to push
f o r w a r d w i t h his conquests to s o u t h I n d i a as d i d t h e f o r m e r
Irani, Turani, Turkish and other M u s l i m aggressors before
him; and with a view to p a c k off before the Marathas
reached D e l h i , he voluntarily relinquished the imperial
authority, reinstalled the former Emperor of Delhi on his
throne** and admonished a l l the courtier and feudatory
princes and vassals to obey the M o g h a l emperor. There
after Nadirshah hurriedly went back to Persia with the
e n o r m o u s p l u n d e r o f a b o u t five t o s i x h u n d r e d m i l l i o n r u p e e s
w o r t h o f treasure a n d the peacock-throne a n d other pieces
of art*'. A n d that, too, he did because o f the fearful
apprehension o f a counter-attack b y the Marathas**!
1040. Along with the letters t h a t he sent to other
princes and K i n g s a n d vassals of India, N a d i r s h a h sent one
to Bajirao Peshwa, commanding h i m peremptorily to be
always faithful to the Moghal Emperor and with a stern
w a r n i n g o f t h e c o n s e q u e n t p u n i s h m e n t i n case he f a i l e d t o d o
so**. F o o l i s h l y enough d i d Nadirshah w r i t e this letter, but
w i s e l y he r e t r e a t e d I I t goes without saying that this pre
posterous letter of Nadirshah's was s h o w n its w a y to the
waste-paper basket, and in A . D . 1739, C h h a t r a p a t i Shahu
unequivocally declared i n his court that N a d i r s h a h took a
fright of the Maratha retaliation and fled away out of
Indias*.
AHMADSHAH ABDALI BECOMES T H E

EMPEROR OF KABUL
1041. I n Nadirshah's army and under his command had

been r i s i n g on the strength o f his o w n merit, a c e r t a i n A f g h a n
Sardar (Emir) called A b d a l i , who ultimately became the
former's right hand man*^. Abdali had accompanied
Nadirshah i n his above mentioned raid against India'*.
A f t e r his return to Persia, N a d i r s h a h was soon killed in
1747*'. In the confusion that was caused subsequent to
Nadirshah's death, Ahmadshah Abdali usurped a l l power
a n d s i n c e he w a s a n A f g h a n , Ahmadshah proclained himself
a n A f g h a n E m p e r o r m a k i n g K a b u l h i s c a p i t a l (1747 A . D . ) ' * .
THE ROHILLAS AND T H E PATHANS
1042. N o w there h a d been an incessant i n t e r n a l r i v a l r y

about the acquisition o f the i m p e r i a l throne of D e l h i and
consequent mutual hatred between the Moghals and the
A f g h a n s (Pathans)'*, w h o chiefly l e d the M u s l i m a d m i n i s t r a
tion throughout the large tract of India from the Punjab
D e l h i , F a r u k h a b a d to Rohilkhand'*—sometimes quite openly,
a t other times c o v e r t l y I T h e former Sultanates of D e l h i were
Afghans. I t was after e x t i r p a t i n g the last of the Afghan
dynasties that the v i c t o r i o u s M o g h a l conqueror, B a b a r , h a d
attained the imperial power over Delhi (as has already
been shown i n this book earlier). Nevertheless, several
A f g h a n Sardars dominated even this M o g h a l administration.
A m o n g s t these Afghans the Rohillas a n d the Pathans had
their o w n states of v a r y i n g sizes''. Later on when the
c o n q u e r i n g M a r a t h a a r m i e s s o o n b e g a n t o e s t a b l i s h , one a f t e r
another, Hindu states a l l over the N o r t h e r n half of India
a n d reached D e l h i a n d w h e n i n t h e p o l i t i c a l affairs o f D e l h i
practically not a blade of grass could move w i t h o u t the
M a r a t h a s u p p o r t , a l l those M u s l i m f a c t i o n s became absolute
l y one at least i n the e a r l y years o f the M a r a t h a p r e p o n d e r -
•ence i n o r d e r t o s u b v e r t i t ' * . Y e t later s t i l l the dissentient
a n d scheming amongst these M u s l i m leaders secretly sought
for the M a r a t h a help for the d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e i r c o - r e l i g i o n i s t
opponents'*.
T H E FIRST INVASION O F INDIA B Y A B D A L I
1043. A b d a l i was closely w a t c h i n g these developments

in Delhi. H e knew full well that the Pathans over there
Tvere highly perturbed lest the hated Marathas might
leave a vestige of their own existence, unless i n the m e a n
while, the Pathans overthrew the M o g h a l i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y
over D e l h i , a n d , o n i t s ashes, r a i s e d t h e i r o w n . They could
find only one way out of this predicament : to invite the
new A f g h a n emperor, Ahmadshah Abdali, who had all
along supported their p o l i t i c a l moves. So the P a t h a n - R o h i l l a
leaders sent letters to A b d a l i i m p o r t u n i n g his a r m e d help
if at all Islam in India was to be s a v e d * " . A b d a l i , too,
h a d cherished the a m b i t i o n to strangle the m o r i b u n d M o g h a l
imperial authority in Delhi and to revive i n its place the
P a t h a n i r u l e as o f yore*^. But e a r l i e r he h a d visited India
along w i t h the warriors of Nadirshah's invasion and was
fully conscious o f the growing Maratha influence in the
i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a t D e l h i . S o he w a s f a r t o o c a u t i o u s
in m a k i n g his moves. After having secretly supplied all
sorts of a r m e d help to the P a t h a n s a n d R o h i l l a s i n the D o a b ,
A b d a l i himself came aggressively i n the month of January
1748 u p t o L a h o r e * * a n d c a p t u r e d i t . T h i s w a s t h e first o f h i s
invasions of I n d i a .
1044. B u t the M o g h a l i m p e r i a l a r m y defeated Abdali's
•advance g u a r d s just near Lahore and blocked his way to
-Delhi*'. Just at this t i m e he g o t reports t h a t his enemy.
the Emperor o f P e r s i a , was p r e p a r i n g to i n v a d e Kabul**,

and that, at the i n v i t a t i o n o f the M o g h a l E m p e r o r to help
arrest his o n w a r d m a r c h the Marathas h a d set o u t w i t h a.
large army towards Delhi**. So considering i t to be
i n o p p o r t u n e to press onwards to D e l h i t h a t shrewd general
Abdali retreated i m m e d i a t e l y to Kabul**. But before h i s .
departure he had i t proclaimed throughout India that the
whole of the Punjab was subject to the sovereign Afghan;
rule under h i m .
T H E FIRST T R E A T Y O F SURRENDER
BY T H E MORIBUND MOGHAL EMPIRE
WITH T H E MARATHAS
1045-46. In the meanwhile the Moghal Emperor at

Delhi had delegated most solicitously all administrative
a u t h o r i t y over the whole o f I n d i a right from B e n g a l , B i h a r , .
Orissa to S i n d h (including the Subha of Multan), the whole
of the Punjab, R o h i l k h a n d , D o a b a n d a l l the South-Indiam
divisions of the M o g h a l empire to the M a r a t h a s b y a special
treaty*'.
1047. B y this treaty, b y t h i s w r i t t e n consent at least
of the Moghal Emperor the Marathas h a d become since
t h a t d a t e t h e de f a c t o sovereigns of the whole of I n d i a , and
the M o g h a l E m p e r o r himself had been reduced to a non
entity.
1048. The tremendous responsibility that devolved-
upon the Marathas because of this change i n the i m p e r i a l
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a u t h o r i t y was, o f course, the onerous one o f
defending the M o g h a l e m p i r e a g a i n s t a l l i n t e r n a l as w e l l as
external dangers—against internal rebellions and revolts as-
w e l l as a g a i n s t f o r e i g n i n v a s i o n s . G i g a n t i c as t h i s r e s p o n s i
b i l i t y was i t was o n l y the M a r a t h a sinews t h a t c o u l d bear i t
efficiently—the sinews t h a t h a d a l m o s t realised the d r e a m o f
the f o u n d a t i o n of H i n d u - P a t p a d a s h a h i ! That is w h y t h e y
accepted that c o n d i t i o n of the treaty quite r e a d i l y as if it
was a b o o n .
A B D A L I ' S S E C O N D INVASION O F INDIA

1049. A b d a l i b a d been s e c r e t l y g i v e n r e p o r t s of this
forthcoming i m p e r i a l t r e a t y w i t h the Marathas six months-
or more before the actual event. That is w h y i n 1749 h e
invaded India for the second time s i m p l y to oppose the
Marathas*'. So the i m p e r i a l governor of the Punjab, M i r
M a n n u , himself ceded helplessly T h a t t h a , S i n d h (Multan,) the
Punjab and other adjoining territories to A b d a l i a n d accep
ted the o v e r l o r d s h i p o f the l a t t e r over t h a t region**. Satis
fied with the thought t h a t the M a r a t h a a u t h o r i t y over t h a t
region, relegated to them b y the i m p e r i a l treaty, was wiped
o u t by the abject surrender of M i r Mannu, the imperial
officer i n c h a r g e o f t h a t p a r t , a n d t h a t t h e time for further
advance was not yet, Abdali once again went bank to
KabuIBO.
1050. B u t t h e M a r a t h a s \tere h i g h l y infuriated at this
duplicity of t h e i m p e r i a l officer a n d t h e r e p o r t e d m u t e c o n
sent of the E m p e r o r himself to this treacherous act. The
M a r a t h a s v o w e d to avenge A b d a l i ' s u s u r p a t i o n of the r e g i o n
b e t w e e n S i n d h , T h a t t h a t o P u n j a b , i n defiance o f t h e M o g h a l -
M a r a t h a t r e a t y j u s t as f u r i o u s l y as w o u l d a cobra whose t a i l
has been trodden down wilfully. B u t they were at this t i m e
p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h the S o u t h - I n d i a n Muslims*^, the westerners
like the Portuguese** and also w i t h the d o m e s t i c political
troubles at Satara*'. A s such Nanasahib Peshwa ordered'
M a l h a r r a o H o l k a r a n d J a y a j i r a o S h i n d e , a n d the t w o M a r a t h a
leaders crossed the J a m u n a a n d fell u p o n the fifty-to sixty-
thousand-strong a r m y of the Rohillas encamped at Kadar-
gunj on the 2 0 t h M a r c h , 1751. T h e P a t h a n s fought tenaciously,,
b u t i n the end the M a r a t h a s completely routed a n d d e s t r o y e d
the j o i n t a r m y of the ' o r i g i n a l a n d legitimate' Pathans and
Rohillas**. Quickly f o l l o w i n g t h i s s i g n a l success the M a r a
thas fought the P a t h a n A h m a d k h a n B a n g a s h , w h o h a d come
o n a h o t s c e n t t o F a r u k h a b a d w i t h h i s army**. Ahmadkhan
t o o k shelter i n F a r u k h a b a d a n d was t i m e l y j o i n e d b y the
second m i g h t y army o f the Rohillas**. But again the
M a r a t h a s besieged the conjoint army o f these 'true born"
Eohilla-Pathans i n the month of April, 1751 a n d f e t c h i n g

t h e m i n o p e n fields i n f l i c t e d a c r u s h i n g d e f e a t o n that huge
a r m y o n the 2 8 t h of A p r i l , 1 7 5 1 " . A b o u t t w e n t y to t w e n t y -
five t h o u s a n d P a t h a n s a n d R o h i l l a s were c u t oflF i n t h e b a t t l e .
Everything belonging to them including their camp was
plundered. Thousands o f horses, elephants, camels a n d the
b a t t e r y o f g u n s were a l l c a p t u r e d . Jayappa Shinde writes
in his letter, " T h e devotees o f H a r i a p p r o p r i a t e d t h a t b o o t y
t o themselves**."
1051. W h e n the Peshwa received the news of these
b a t t l e s Shreemant N a n a s a h i b h i m s e l f felt elated at the excep
t i o n a l v a l o u r of the M a r a t h a s . I n his congratulatory reply
t o t h e S a r d a r s a n d s o l d i e r s he h i m s e l f w r o t e :-
1052. m^m ^wm'i f | H f?f T^^ts
trqjfiTES ^ ^^ Hlf% WTIIcf
5^mr q"T%?ft ^ftft)^ 511^ q^TT^rr ^THrrr
( B r a v o , well done ! A l l Praise to your intrepidity and

valour ! that the Southern a r m i e s s h o u l d cross t h e G a n g e s
and J a m u n a and w i n a glorious v i c t o r y over the Pathans in
the open battle field is n e i t h e r a s m a l l n o r a c o m m o n p l a c e
thing ! Y o u are single-minded loyal men of action, the
p i l l a r s of the (Maratha) E m p i r e ! Y o u r fame has spread far
beyond Iran and Turan. W h i l e the ' Q u e e n ' ( o n t h e chess
board) had run astray, (you) h a v e installed her at the
vantage p o s i t i o n once again !
THE MARATHAS HUMBLED TIME AND AGAIN

THE HAUTEUR AND PRIDE O F T H E
TRUE-BORN' AND T H E GREAEST
MUSLIMS T O O !
1053. A c o m m o n m i s l e a d i n g statement is v e r y often to

be seen i n t h e histories written not only by the Muslim,
English, Portuguese a n d such other w r i t e r s , w h o are natu-
r a l l y i n i m i c a l (hostile) towards the M a r a t h a s , a n d have a l w a y s

tried to disparage them and to detract from their glorious
deeds, b u t a l s o b y some o f the H i n d u writers who evince a
slavish mentality and only 'look' and 'write' (without using
a n y i n d e p e n d e n t j u d g m e n t o f t h e i r own)—a s t a t e m e n t w h i c h
purports to say :
'One important cause w h y later on the Muslims were
often defeated i n I n d i a a n d w h y the Marathas could set i n
the process of disintegration o f the Muslim empire under
t h e i r c r u s h i n g blows, was t h a t the M u s l i m s of the later days
h a d lost m u c h o f the 'original' and 'real' blood and spirit of
the early A r a b , Mongol, Turkish, Irani, Durani, Afghan,
Moghal invaders. Because of the racy climate beyond the
H i m a l a y a s , big, rushing rivers, h i l l y and snowy territory and
their hardy a n d robust constitution which was the result o f
their spending whole lives in constant warfare, and such
o t h e r reasons, the c o m p a r a t i v e l y more civilized and 'hence'
m i l d e r a n d 'feebler' H i n d u s could not withstand their earlier
invasions**. B u t as those w i l d and valorous Muslims from
b e y o n d the H i m a l a y a s began to settle d o w n here for c e n t u
ries together, generation after generation, a n d as m a n y of
t h e i r d y n a s t i e s r u l e d here, t h e y , t o o , w e r e v i c t i m s o f l a z i n e s s ,
mildness, and proclivity towards luxurious living. They
could not retain their former sturdiness, endurance and
savage strength which could s t a n d them i n good stead on
the battlefield. The 'unhealthy' climate of India did not
fail to tell upon their originally strong w i l d bodies ! O n the
whole the descendants o f those very Muslims came to be
'weaker' a n d 'not true of their mettle'. T h a t is w h y t h e
H i n d u s , especially the Marathas could vanquish only those
Muslims !
1054. H o w v e r y imperfect a n d unrealistic is this state
ment ! O n l y one instance o f the M a r a t h a offensive against
the R o h i l l a s a n d P a t h a n s i n the D o a b and the fact t h a t the
M a r a t h a s k i l l e d as m a n y as t w e n t y t h o u s a n d o f t h e e n e m y i n
t h e a c t i o n is q u i t e sufficient t o prove the falsity and plati
t u d e o f the above estimate o f the Muslim failure ! The
P a t h a n - R o h i l l a s r u l i n g f r o m the D o a b to R o h i l k h a n d at t h a t
t i m e c o n s i d e r e d t h e m s e l v e s t o be ' h i g h - b o r n ' A f g h a n s o f t h e
finest mettle*". E v e n the Moghal imperial power and the
T u r k i s h N a w a b s a n d c h i e f t a i n s d r e a d e d t h e m most*^. , T h e s e
Afghans had even at that time close a n d uninterrupted
blood-relations and family ties w i t h the 'original' stalk of
the Afghans beyond the H i m a l a y a s . E v e r y year hundreds
•of t h o s e ' t r u e - b r e d ' a n d ' r e a l ' A f g h a n s c a m e to reside i n this
P a t h a n i s t a n i n the D o a b w h i l e the A f g h a n s here w e n t over to
"their o r i g i n a l h o m e s . I t clearly means, therefore, t h a t the
t h o u s a n d s o f the P a t h a n - R o h i l l a s i n the long tract between
the Doab a n d t h e R o h i l k h a n d were, t i l l that time at least,
^real' a n d 'original', 'true-born' and 'thorough-bred' Pathans
and Afghans ! A n d the M a r a t h a s ? T h e y belonged, after a l l
originally and traditionally, to that country—India—which
iter enemies called sterile—born and brought u p there for
generations together ! E v e n t h e n d i d t h e y n o t often prove
t h e s e so c a l l e d ' t r u e - b o r n ' and 'thorough-bred' Pathans and
Afghans to be o f b a s e r m e t t l e i n t h e final test o n the field
of battle ? E v e n when N a d i r s h a h fell upon Delhi with an
a r m y of the thousands o f his 'true-born' a n d 'thorough-bred'
P a t h a n s crowned himself 'Emperor of D e l h i ' and threatend
to march to the South like Mahmud of Ghazni, is i t not
b e c a u s e he r e a l i z e d i n h i s h e a r t o f h e a r t s t h a t t h e t i m e s h a d
then changed—that i t was n o t the I n d i a o f G h a z n i ' s times—
t h a t n o w i t w a s t h e M a r a t h a s w h o m he h a d to face—that he
r e t r e a t e d so hastily and went clean out of I n d i a 1—Simply
because of the d r e a d of the M a r a t h a s ? I n his wake followed
A b d a l i i n v a d i n g I n d i a t h r i c e or four t i m e s , every time w i t h
a n a r m y o f n o t less t h a n fifty t h o u s a n d s t r o n g , made up of
the pick of T u r k i s h , I r a n i a n , D u r a n i , P a t h a n soldiery. But
how e v e r y t i m e h a d h e t o go b a c k c r e s t - f a l l e n b e c a u s e o f t h e
armed counter-offensive o f the Marathas, how even i n the
t u r n i n g of the scales o f f o r t u n e a n d even after the terrible
losses for the Marathas at Panipat, had he to sign a
treaty**, t h a t t h e d i r e c t i o n o f t h e M o g h a l i m p e r i a l aff"airs a t
D e l h i be l e f t i n t o the hands o f the M a r a t h a s , h o w he a g r e e d
not to interfere w i t h i t i n t h e least, and how, r e l i n q u i s h i n g

h i s h i g h a m b i t i o n t o be the absolute and unlimited Emperor
o f D e l h i he h a d t o s u b m i t t o t h e M a r a t h a s a n d go b a c k n e v e r
t o r e t u r n , c a n b e s t b e read b y every H i n d u from our book,
H i n d u Patpadshahi. I t is g o i n g t o b e r e f e r r e d t o a g a i n i n
t h e f o l l o w i n g pages.
1055. Physical build, height and breadth and weight
d o c o u n t as important and decisive factors i n matters of
personal combats. Even then it cannot be made a rule
without exception ! The grave of the monstrous Afzalkhan
at the foot of Pratapgad is evidence enough ! B u t i n the
struggles of nations the c h a n c e s o f success o r f a i l u r e c a n
n e v e r be a s s e s s e d o n t h e s t r e n g t h o f p h y s i c a l b u i l d , e n d u r i n g
capacity and the stubbornness of constitution. D i d n ' t the
dwarfish Japanese l a i d the g i g a n t i c R u s s i a n s l o w o n the battle
field i n t h e first R u s s o - J a p a n e s e w a r — t h e t o w e r i n g a n d s t u r d y
Russians in comparison with w h o m the 'true-born' and
'thorough-bred' Pathans seem absolute midgets ? Our
H i n d u G o r k h a s are v e r i t a b l e M a r a t h a s i n respect o f stature.
But haven't these v e r y Gorkhas vanquished the Italian,
the A u s t r i a n , a n d the colossal H i t l e r i a n G e r m a n armies o n
various occasions and on various battlefields i n the last
World War*' ? T h e whole w o r l d s t i l l resounds w i t h the fame
o f the Gorkhas—'A H i n d u G o r k h a means a gallant fighter*
is a c o m m o n - p l a c e a d a g e n o w a d a y s . W h o o n c e r u l e d as t h e
i n v i n c i b l e E m p e r o r of a l l the E u r o p e a n nations like G e r m a n y ,
Russia and others, renowned for their tall and sturdy
soldiers, i f not the 'short' Napoleon and his small F r e n c h
army.
A B D A L I ' S T H I R D INVASION O F INDIA
1056. The Moghal E m p e r o r had made Gazi-ud-din his

c h i e f m i n i s t e r (Vizier)** who w e n t a l l the w a y l o n g to S a r h i n d
i n the P u n j a b i n F e b r u a r y 1756 t o a p p o i n t A d i n a b e g as t h e
c h i e f i m p e r i a l officer there**. G a z i - u d - d i n a c t e d i n t h i s case
depending solely on the M a r a t h a support, and this act o f
his clearly meant t h a t the whole o f the province o f the
P u n j a b w h i c h was reduced b y A b d a l i w a s once a g a i n s e i z e d

by the Moghal Emperor. Even in Delhi, the Afghan
influence was ineffectual a n d G a z i - u d - d i n , s t r o n g l y s u p p o r t e d
by the Marathas, spoke for the M o g h a l Emperor**. Under
these circumstances M a l i k a Z a m a n i , the o l d a n d crafty chief
stewardess i n the M o g h a l i m p e r i a l h o u s e h o l d w h o was frigh
tened out o f h e r w i t s (at t h i s all-enveloping Maratha hold
on the Moghal Empire) and Nizibkhan R o h i l l a , who was
then a p r o m i n e n t leader of a l l the Rohillas and Pathans i n
India and who was the bitterest enemy of the Marathas,
secretly wrote letters to Ahmadshah Abdali t o t h e effect
t h a t i f at a l l M u s l i m p o w e r i n I n d i a w a s t o be s a v e d i t w a s
A b d a l i alone w h o c o u l d save i t , a n d t h a t as s u c h he s h o u l d
forthwith march on India with a well-equipped army*'.
T h e y h a d also mentioned the fact t h a t the M a r a t h a armies
were occupied i n the S o u t h , a n d t h a t D e l h i was p r a c t i c a l l y
defenceless. But the Moghal Emperor, they wrote, had
already sent w o r d to the M a r a t h a s to come t o D e l h i , in all
haste. So if Abdali was late, they argued, the M a r a t h a s
were very l i k e l y to establish their a u t h o r i t y right up to the
P u n j a b , T h a t t h a a n d M u l t a n ( S i n d h ) as p e r t h e i r t r e a t y w i t h
the M o g h a l E m p e r o r , and that they were to march with
m i g h t y armies on D e l h i a n d the Punjab.
1057. At this news Abdali was enraged beyond
measure. I t was to nullify the imperial charter (Sanad)
which entrusted the government of the Punjab and the
neighbouring region to the Marathas that he h a d recently
invaded I n d i a and annexed that region to his k i n g d o m . He
therefore took it h i g h l y amiss t h a t G a z i - u d - d i n s h o u l d re
incorporate that p a r t into the Moghal empire, without any
sort of appeal or reference made to h i m . N a t u r a l l y once
a g a i n he c a m e t o P e s h a w a r i n N o v e m b e r 1756** w i t h a v i e w t o
invade India sending his son, Taimurshah, a n d his General
J a h a n k h a n to take Lahore*'. The Moghal general A d i n a b e g
fought w i t h T a i m u r s h a h , but was defeated, a n d there was
n o b o d y to beat d o w n t h e o r g y o f s w o r d a n d fire w h i c h t h e
A f g h a n force i n d u l g e d i n w h i l e t h e y rushed headlong from
Lahore to Sutlej'". Emboldened by this Moghal infirmity

Shah Abdali advanced straight to D e l h i without stopping
anywhere for rest, w i t h an army of eighty thousand strong
i n J a n u a r y 1757 A . D . " . D e l h i fell into his hands practically
without any resistance. I m m e d i a t e l y he t o o k o v e r t h e i m p e *
rial authority and began to r u n the government i n his o w n
name'2.
1058. And he precipitately performed what the

Pathans and Muslims of the time thought to be their first
and foremost duty, according to the religious code o f
every M u s l i m E m p e r o r . I n order to m a k e i t suit his dignityj
he even fumed and fretted at the slightest pretext and
ordered a horrible general massacre of the citizens of
Delhi" so that they might submit meekly to his rule
over D e l h i . Within a few h o u r s 'true and high born' and
'thorough b r e d ' Afghans beyond the Himalayas slaughtered
more than eighteen thousand people, a n d according to the
second universally acknowledged notion of the time,
regarding the regal function i n accordance w i t h the M u s l i m
religious code, he proclaimed forthwith t h a t as an humble
and r o y a l adherent o f I s l a m he would completely destroy
a l l the K a f i r s a n d their temples a n d a l l religious i n s t i t u t i o n s
throughout India'* !
1059. W i t h o u t a n y l o s s o f t i m e he b r o u g h t h i s h o r r i b l e
announcement into a c t i o n . U n d e r his orders the H i n d u tem
p l e s , s h r i n e s , i d o l s , a n d t h e i r h o u s e s b e g a n t o be p u l l e d d o w n
a n d set a b l a z e . E m p e r o r A b d a l i was p a r t i c u l a r l y infuriated
against the several Hindu h o l y places like Mathura and
Prayag which the Marathas had rescued f r o m the M u s l i m
hands. S o h e b e g a n t o defile t h e m a l l , one a f t e r a n o t h e r ' * .
On such occasions M a t h u r a , w h i c h is v e r y close to Delhi,
was the first to fall a prey after Delhi to a l l sorts o f
v a n d a l i s m o f the monstrous aggressors; a n d s t o i c a l l y enough,
did that holy city offer i t s e l f , t i m e a n d a g a i n , as s a c r i f i c i a l
o b l u t i o n , as a n y b r a v e l a d y i n t h e f a m o u s i m m o l a t i o n ( J o h a r )
of C h i t o d or the v e r y c i t y o f C h i t o d itself. B u t this time i t
did not merely submit itself to the M u s l i m religious persecu-
tion, without fighting, as i t h a d been d o i n g t i l l this time.

A l t h o u g h detailed description, is n o t possible here for w a n t
o f space, i t must be t o l d here t h a t nearly five thousand
H i n d u J a t citizens fought'*, to the last drop of b l o o d left
in them, that innumerable and well-organized M u s l i m army.
JEvery brave H i n d u , who d i e d , d i d so o n l y a f t e r k i l l i n g as
m a n y of his M u s l i m foes as was possible for h i m to kill.
After bathing Mathura i n blood and burying it under
heaps o f the r u b b l e of its demolished temples a n d shrines
and idols, Abdali attacked another neighbouring holy
place of H i n d u s , G o k u l Vrindavan. T h i s also h a d been the
object of Abdali's fury for the simple reason that the
Marathas had recently snatched it away from the M u s l i m s .
In order to halt this monstrous attack more than two
thousand valiant 'gosavees' (monks), from the famous
^ymnasiun of 'Nange Gosavee', suddenly fell upon the
M u s l i m a r m y , w i t h a g r i m d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o fight u n t o d e a t h " .
T h i s a s s a u l t o f t h e G o s a v e e s w a s so s u d d e n , so w e l l o r g a n i z e d
a n d so ferocious that Abdali's forces reeled back a l l o f a
sudden at the first knock". Thousands o f M u s l i m soldiers
were k i l l e d outright, a n d the brave gosavees, too ! After
the fierce fighting that continued throughout the d a y the
M u s l i m s left the town and retreated" while the wounded
a n d bleeding city resounded joyously and thankfully with
praises for those N a n g e Bairagees (naked ascetics) w h o h a d
defended its G o k u l n a t h " . I f a t a l l o n e w i s h e s t o be a n a k e d
a s c e t i c ( N a n g a B a i r a g y ) he s h o u l d be o n e s u c h I
1060. Abdali then marched against A g r a and invested

t h a t strong fort'^. I n this very fort was fighting the direst
enemy o f the P a t h a n party i n the imperial, court, a n d one
who sincerely tried to save the Moghal imperial power,
namely G a z i - u d - d i n ' * , a n d he was every m o m e n t expecting
reinforcements f r o m his protectors, the M a r a t h a s I
1061. B u t what were the Hindu kings and Princes of
J a i p u r , J o d h p u r and U d a y p u r a n d other neighbouring states,
the sardars a n d noblemen of courts and the m i l l i o n s of their
warriors and subjects doing at this critical time for the
Hindu religion ? While A b d a l i was indulging in reckless

and ruthless bloodshed of thousands o f cows, of Hindu
women and o f the thousands of H i n d u warriors, who sacri-
1 ficed their lives i n the defence of their religion, and while
a l l the H i n d u places o f p i l g r i m a g e were being turned red
w i t h the b l o o d of these innumerable H i n d u m a r t y r s , i t was
the common people i n north-India, and not their rulers,
who anxiously waited every moment for the arrival o f the
Marathas and the relief at their hands from all these
atrocities ! B u t the rest of the Hindu Kings and Princes
and landlords (Jagirdars), who had i n their pay large
fighting forces, wasted their time cherishing malice towards
the Marathas*'. A l l t h e Erajput P r i n c e s w e r e s e c r e t l y l o n g i n g
for the destruction o f the Marathas at Abdali's hands.
Many of the Hindu rulers there—significant as well as
insignificant—had been c a r r y i n g on secret negotiations w i t h
Abdali**. B u t what, i f A b d a l i h a d w i p e d out the M a r a t h a
influence f r o m S i n d h - M u l t a n to the end of Rohilkhand and
Nepal in the n o r t h , according to the wishes of the H i n d u
and Muslim rulers i n the n o r t h ! The a p p a l l i n g answer to
this question doesn't seem t o have disturbed them a bit.
. E x c e p t f o r t h e M a r a t h a s w h o else w a s t h e r e o f these Hindu
P r i n c e s a n d K i n g s w h o c o u l d h a v e p r o v e d t o be t h e d e s t r o y e r
and conqueror of the Muslim domination ? None at a l l !
What, then, c o u l d these i n c o m p e t e n t Hindu Rajputs and
others have g a i n e d i f t h e M a r a t h a s h a d been d e s t r o y e d by
Abdali a n d the latter had once more established Muslim
imperial power throughout the North of India ? A l l that
would have happened was perhaps that a new wave of
b l o o d s h e d o f m i l l i o n s o f H i n d u s a n d atrocitie.-5 a t t h e o r d e r s
of another imperial power of a new AUauddin or a new
A u r a n g z e b w o u l d have swept the H i n d u w o r l d ' .
1062. B u t p e r h a p s i t w a s b e c a u s e o f t h e earne.^^t d e s i r e
and heartfelt l o n g i n g o f the a b o v e m e n t i o n e d m i l l i o n s of the
Hindu commonalty, who themselves being disorganized
were u t t e r l y p o w e r l e s s t o d o a n y t h i n g i n the matter, except
secretly w i s h i n g for the speedy a r r i v a l of the M a r a t h a s , w h o .
in their o p i n i o n , were the o n l y ones t o s m a s h the M u s l i m

power completely or perhaps because of the original
sustaining power of the Hindu nation i n general that
n o t h i n g of the k i n d happened.
1063. F o r , on receiving letters from the Maratha
sardars a n d G a z i - u d - d i n andjothers, P e s h w a N a n a s a h i b i m m e
d i a t e l y sent M a l h a r r a o Holkar under the chief command
of R a g h u n a t h r a o D a d a , w i t h a large army'*. Urgent letters
were also sent to the M a r a t h a Sardars like Govindpant
Bundeley, Barve and others who were a l r e a d y i n the N o r t h
to render every sort of assistance to R a g h u n a t h r a o " . Before
Raghunathrao left I n d o r e a n d m a r c h e d ahead news a r r i v e d
that hearing the reports of the M a r a t h a advance A b d a l i h a d
left M a t h u r a V r i n d a b a n a n d other H i n d u places o f w o r s h i p
and pilgrimage, and gone t o Delhi and thence to Kabul
taking a w a y a l l the b o o t y he had acquired". B u t he h a d
v e s t e d , before h i s d e p a r t u r e t o K a b u l , t h e s u p r e m e c o m m a n d
of t h a t region i n the hands o f his son, T a i m u r s h a h , s t a t i o n i n g
ten thousand soldiers under h i m at S i r h i n d , a n d i n s t a l l i n g
h i s officers a t v a r i o u s i m p o r t a n t p l a c e s i n t h e P u n j a b " .
1064. While on this side the Maratha forces under
different m i l i t a r y leaders i n the N o r t h w h i c h had gathered
together u n d e r t h e one c o m m a n d o f R a g h u n a t h r a o b e g a n t o
p u n i s h severely a l l those w h o h a d begun anti-Maratha acti
vities r e l y i n g on A b d a l i for support. Sakharam Bhagwant,
Gangadhar Y a s h w a n t a n d M a r a t h a Sardars entered the D o a b
a n d once a g a i n beat down the Pathan-Rohilla malfactors,
released a n d brought i n t o their fold V a z i r [Gazi-ud-din, w h o
had been made a captive by the Abdali party". Vithal
S h i v a d e v h i m s e l f m a r c h e d on D e l h i , a n d after a b o u t a fort
night's fierce fighting entered the c i t y triumphantly crushing
d o w n the A b d a l i faction completely. The greatest of the
t r i u m p h s was t h a t the direst enemy of the Marathas and
Abdali's right-hand man, Najibkhan Rohilla, was caught
alive'". Eventually Abdali's settlement o f the region u n d e r
his suzerainty toppled down completely. The Pathan army
of ten thousand strong, which Abdali had stationed at S i r -
Wnd under the command of A b d u l Samad in order to

m a i n t a i n his h o l d on the region, itself lost courage. Conse
q u e n t l y when the Marathas themselves advanced menacingly
towards S i r h i n d , there was a great c o m m o t i o n caused i n the
M u s l i m r a n k s e v e n before a regular battle was joined and
they were completely routed i n the i n i t i a l skirmishes a n d
t h e i r c o m m a n d e r w a s c a u g h t a l i v e ' ^ . T h i s news m a d e T a i m u r
shah, the son o f A b d a l i a n d his governor of the P u n j a b , and
his commander-in-chief, J a h a n k h a n , leave off t h e i r original
p l a n o f defending L a h o r e , a n d i n the face of this forceful
and precipitate Maratha counter-offensive both of them
struck an honourable retreat to K a b u l along with a l l their
a r m y , h a r d l y d a r i n g t o face t h e M a r a t h a s o n t h e b a t t l e f i e l d ' * ,
A b d a l i h a d s t r i c t l y u r g e d u p o n t h e m t h a t t h e y were u n d e r n o
<jircumstances t o l e t t h e v a s t t r e a s u r e s o f m i l l i o n s (crores) o f
Tupees, t h a t w a s s t i l l i n t h e i r p o s s e s s i o n , t o f a l l i n t h e e n e m y
hands. A s such they tried their utmost to carry it safely,
retreating in as o r d e r l y a m a n n e r as was p o s s i b l e . B u t the
JVIarathas not only pursued them even beyond Lahore but
t h e y p l a y e d s u c h a h a v o c in t h e M u s l i m r a n k s that Taimur
shah crossed Attock a n d fled t o h i s o w n p r o v i n c e " l e a v i n g
behind at various places a l l his elephants, horses, camels,
and a l l the treasure i n cash a n d jewellery, g o l d a n d s i l v e r .
H e h a d n o t h i n g to c a r r y home o f the vast p l u n d e r from I n d i a
except his own life ! Whatever else belonged to h i m was
either sacked or destroyed by the Marathas. Whatever
l i t t l e o f his A f g h a n army escaped only with their lives to
Kabul l i k e t h e i r g o v e r n o r w e r e t h e o n l y ones t h a t r e m a i n e d
alive ! A l lof the veteran P a t h a n army of fifteen to twenty
t h o u s a n d strong w h i c h was kept behind in Delhi and the
Punjab by A b d a l i to a n n i h i l a t e the H i n d u s and the Hindu
religion throughout I n d i a was a t t a c k e d group b y group and
massacred by the Marathas i n the battles and skirmishes
f o u g h t w i t h t h e m ' * ( 1 7 t h M a r c h 1758).
1065. Thus by inflicting crushing and humiliating
defeats on E m p e r o r A h m a d s h a h A b d a l i a n d b y reconquering
f r o m the A f g h a n e m p i r e the w h o l e vast region from Sindh
to Multan and M u l t a n t o S i r h i n d , t h e M a r a t h a s once a g a i n

g a i n e d t h e de f a c t o c o n t r o l o v e r t h e g o v e r n a n c e a n d a d m i n i
stration o f this extensive province which they had earlier
gained b y a paper treaty w i t h the M o g h a l emperor ! B u t the
t h e n M o g h a l E m p e r o r and his V a z i r , G a z i - u d - d i n , themselves
k n e w v e r y w e l l t h a t i n t h e i r o w n i n t e r e s t , t o o , i t w a s essential-
t h a t the M a r a t h a s should do this. H e n c e the E m p e r o r h i m s e l f
gave orders that Raghunathrao's formal triumphant entry
i n t o L a h o r e f o r t h e s e t t l e m e n t o f t h e affairs t h e r e was t o be-
celebrated p u b l i c l y w i t h a l l p o m p a n d festivities'*. A l l the
Hindu chieftains o f K a s h m i r , D o g r a nobles, ' M i s s a l s ' o f the
S i k h s a n d the so-called M u s l i m E m i r s , U m r a o s , ' N i z a m s ^ a n d
N a w a b s ' , w h o h a d b e e n so f a r e n g a g e d i n r i o t o u s a c t i o n s and
r a v a g i n g the c o u n t r y to t h e i r o w n sweet w i l l , were so much
overawed and struck dumb by this extraordinary heroism o f
the M a r a t h a s i n r e c a p t u r i n g the whole of the P u n j a b a n d the
adjoining territories that they began to join the Maratha
G e n e r a l R a g h u n a t h r a o as s u b o r d i n a t e a l l i e s . The Sikhs had
been r e c e n t l y g a i n i n g c o n t r o l o v e r t h i n g s i n t h e Punjab and
t h e y were i n f u r i a t e d b y A b d a l i ' s w a n t o n act o f d e m o l i s h i n g
their golden temple at A m r i t s a r a n d filling up their holy lake
round it with filth, m u d , stones a n d b r i c k s d u r i n g his r e t r e a t
t o K a b u l f o r fear of the Marathas. They had, therefore,
become inveterate enemies o f A b d a l i , a n d a mighty leader
o f one o f t h e i r p o w e r f u l ' M i s s a l s ' , n a m e l y A l a s i n g J a t (whom
the Maratha c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f t h e t i m e s refers t o as ' A l a
J a t ' ) h a d j o i n e d the M a r a t h a s ' * openly i n the battle of Sir
hind. H e n c e as a l m o s t a l l these l e a d e r s a n d p a r t i e s w h o h a d
been then active in the p o l i t i c a l movements i n the P u n j a b
were favourable to such a grand o v a t i o n to be given to
R a g h u n a t h r a o , i t was agreed o n a l l hands t h a t the Imperial
ceremony f e l i c i t a t i n g the triumphal entry into Lahore o f
R a g h u n a t h r a o at the head of his a r m y s h o u l d be celebrated
after the Maratha general's successful campaign toward?
Sindh.
6 T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 439^
THE TRIUMPHAT MARCH OF RAGHUNATHRAO

P E S H W A IN T H E PUNJAB
1066. T a i m u r s h a h . , w h o fled b e y o n d t h e frontier, tried
to carry with h i m the immense treasure, the M u s l i m s h a d
plundered in India, a n d it was t o seize t h a t treasure t h a t
Raghunathrao entered the Punjab in hot pursuit of the-
Pathan army which ran belter skelter. Conquering more
than h a l f o f the P u n j a b and making i t a hot bed for the
scared Pathan army of Abdali, Raghunathrao drove them
off t o t h e f r o n t i e r . L e a v i n g the rest o f the w o r k of r e g a i n i n g
the frontier to the other M a r a t h a companies a n d brigades,
he r e t u r n e d t o L a h o r e , t h e C a p i t a l o f t h e P u n j a b , i n o r d e r t o
c o n s o l i d a t e t h e M a r a t h a g a i n s a n d s e t t l e t h e affairs t h e r e a n d
lay a firm foundation of the M a r a t h a power i n the newly
acquired territory. O n t h e 1 1 t h o f A p r i l , 1758 h e m a d e h i s
triumphant entry into Lahore with a l l the regalia and his
victorious army.
1067. A magnificent o v a t i o n was g i v e n to h i m i n order
to glorify this victorious entry of his, attended w i t h feasting
and dancing. Raghunathrao sojourned i n no less a place
t h a n the i m p e r i a l palace itself. The other prominent M a r a t h a
war-lords h.id also put up i n b i g palaces i n L a h o r e or the
camps i n the v i c i n i t y of the city. Everywhere hundreds of
well-adorned elephants, horses, camels and fatted bulls
p a r a d e d t h r o u g h t h e s t r e e t s . V a r i o u s b i g H i n d u - M u s l i m Officers
f r o m different p l a c e s . E m i r s , U m r a o s , the so-called Nawabs,
N i z a m s , R a o s , K i n g s a n d courtiers presented themselves i n t h e
magnificent D a r b a r i n the afternoon. Everyone of them, the
p o l i t i c a l a s w e l l as t h e civil administrators, nay, even the
imperial a r m y i n the Punjab, vowed allegiance to the P e s h w a
at P o o n a a n d R a g h u n a t h r a o w a s h o n o u r e d as t h e r e p r e s e n t a
t i v e of t h a t Peshwa. E v e r y one o f t h e m tendered his homage
in the form of rich gifts to R a g h u n a t h r a o . A t night the
whole c i t y was g l o r i o u s l y i l l u m i n e d . Dazzling fireworks were
d i s p l a y e d everywhere. E v e n the neighbouring cities round
about Lahore celebrated the feast o f l i g h t a n d fire-works
display.
1068. What was the setting or the location of this

t r i u m p h a n t a s s e m b l y , — t h i s feast o f l i g h t ? It was n o other
t h a n the recreation grounds o f the greatest of the Moghal
Emperors, like A k b a r , Jahangir, Shahajahan and others—the
extensive c o u r t y a r d o f the most famous S h a l i m a r gardens o f
L a h o r e * ' !! The Marathas had thus reduced the Muslim
i m p e r i a l power to serfdom !
1069. A t the news of this glorious Maratha v i c t o r y ,
there was l i t e r a l l y a shower o n R a g h u n a t h r a o of the congra
tulatory letters w r i t t e n not o n l y by the numerous kings a n d
courtiers, Sardars o f various r a n k s a n d the learned Shastri-
p a n d i t s , who were o p e n l y or secretly e n d e a v o u r i n g beyond
a l l measure i n the cause o f H i n d u - P a t p a d s h a h i throughout
t h e l e n g t h a n d b r e a d t h o f I n d i a , b u t b y t h e self-less a s c e t i c s ,
a l s o . A s has been s a i d i n paragraph 991, the v a r i o u s w r i t e r s
o f these m u l t i f a r i o u s congratulatory letters were so much
o v e r c o m e b y a sense o f p r i d e a n d j u b i l a t i o n o v e r this uncon
ceivable M a r a t h a v i c t o r y that they could not convey their
feelings i n simple prose. These could o n l y be conveyed
t h r o u g h some m y t h o l o g i c a l i m a g e r y , a s a m p l e of which can
be h a d i n t h i s one s e n t t o R a g h u n a t h r a o o n t h e S t h o f M a y ,
1758 b y a M a r a t h a G e n e r a l i n D e l h i , A n t a j i M a n k e s h w a r w h o
w a s i n the habit of writing nothing but simple political
reports and yet who was one o f t h e h i g h e r officers i n t h e
Maratha army.
1070. "Received y o u r Excellency's favour (of 13th
April). H o w can I express adequately the excessive joy I
f e l t at the news i n y o u r E x c e l l e n c y ' s letter a b o u t the v i c t o r y
at L a h o r e , the destruction o f the enemy and the acquisition
o f the t e r r i t o r i e s there ? ( Y o u r E x c e l l e n c y ' s ) fame has s p r e a d
far a n d wide in Hindustan (North India). The high-born
E m i r s a n d U m r a o s a n d G o v e r n o r s , a l l are o v e r a w e d ! It is
y o u r Excellency alone who avenged (the w r o n g o f t h e w h o l e
of H i n d u s t a n (North India) ! A s such y o u r E x c e l l e n c y ' s suc
cess v i e s w i t h t h e m o u n t a i n s ! Y o u r E x c e l l e n c y is (destined
t o be) s u c c e s s f u l . H o w can this poor servant of your E x c e l
l e n c y have the a b i l i t y to d i l a t e upon this t o p i c ? The Vazir
was extremely pleased to h e a r these t i d i n g s , ( a n d s a i d ) H i s

E x c e l l e n c y is t r u l y a n i n c a r n a t i o n o f G o d . H o w can a h u m a n
l ) e i n g p r a i s e H i m s u f f i c i e n t l y ? Y o u r h u m b l e s e r v a n t (i.e. I)
b a s n o o t h e r safe s h e l t e r a n y w h e r e e x c e p t a t y o u r feet. If
y o u r H o n o u r is l i k e l y to encamp at L a h o r e I w i l l come there
w i t h the Emperor and his Vazir. The V a z i r and a l l others,
•great a n d s m a l l , f e a r t h a t i n case y o u r E x c e l l e n c y w e r e n o t
to encamp, the P a t h a n s are l i k e l y to r e t u r n to L a h o r e i n the
r a i n y season. I h a v e j u s t set d o w n here what the people,
s a y . Y o u r H o n o u r ' s is the r i g h t t o decide u p o n the course of
a c t i o n t o be f o l l o w e d . M a y Y o u r E x c e l l e n c y be k i n d e n o u g h
to let this humble servant k n o w whether the p r o p o s a l o f
b r i n g i n g the V a z i r a n d t h e E m p e r o r there is f a i r or other
wise, and Your Excellency's orders in this respect are
awaited. V i t h h a l S h i v a d e v w o u l d escort t h e m there i f Y o u r
H o n o u r so p l e a s e s . K r i s h n a r a o ( K a l e ) , too, m i g h t come, a n d
p u t before Y o u r H o n o u r e v e r y t h i n g " (5.5. 1 7 5 8 ) " .
THE REPORT ON T H E CONQUEST OF T H E

PUNJAB SENT BY RAGHUNATHRAO
PESHVA HIMSELF
1071. N o w letters after letters followed i n q u i c k succes-

:sion f r o m S h r e e m a n t N a n a s a h i b a t P o o n a a s k i n g R a g h u n a t h
r a o -to r e t u r n along w i t h his army t o the S o u t h before the
m o n s o o n s s e t i n " . B u t a s t h e P u n j a b h a d been v e r y r e c e n t l y
conquered i t was absolutely essential that proper systems
had t o be u r g e n t l y l a i d d o w n for the governance a n d admi
n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e v a s t t e r r i t o r y . A s s u c h i t was d e s i r a b l e t h a t
Raghunathrao should entrench himself there with a l l his
army for another four months. A l l the ablest Maratha
leaders and army commanders thought and urged that
Raghunathrao had better not go t o t h e D e c c a n a l o n g w i t h
M a l h a r r a o HolKar"". B u t R a g h u n a t h r a o D a d a a n d M a l h a r r a o
Holkar, too, were, i n t h e i r h e a r t o f h e a r t s i n c l i n e d t o go t o
the South. N o w that Nanasahib had 'called' him back,
Raghunathrao himself sent an authentic report"^, penned
by himself, to Shreemant Nanasahib about the unpereced-
ented success i n the Punjab, and began his return march

towards Poona. M a n y other M a r a t h a Sardars, i n c l u d i n g the
one o f t h e s t a t u s o f M a l h a r r a o H o l k a r , r e t u r n e d t o t h e D e c c a n
along with Raghunathrao"*. O f course, i n order to m a i n t a i n
the Maratha rule unhampered i n the Punjab the r e q u i s i t e
Maratha forces were stationed at different places by
R a g h u n a t h r a o u n d e r some S a r d a r s .
1072. A l t h o u g h i t was quite possible to describe the
v a l o u r o f the M a r a t h a s i n this c a m p a i g n i n the P u n j a b i n t h e
grand style of an epic or heroic poetry, Raghunathrao,
however, i t i s e s p e c i a l l y t o be n o t e d , p u t t h e w h o l e t h i n g i n -
t h e r e p o r t he s e n t o f t h i s c a m p a i g n to Poona i n the most
direct matter-of-fact way, befitting his soldier's profession,
without any long-winded digressions or self-adulation or-
exaggeration of any sort. H e n c e we s h o u l d l i k e to cite his-
very words.
1073. Writes Raghunathrao i n his despatch of the 4 t h
M a y , 1758 t o t h e P e s h w a : " A s r e g a r d s the bandobasta, of"
( r e s e t t l i n g t h e affairs o r r e - e s t a b l i s h i n g firm c o n t r o l o v e r ) t h e
provinces, the Lahore, Multan, Kashmir and rest of the-
t e r r i t o r y this side of A t t o c k , I s h o u l d l i k e to say t h a t a p a r t
of the w o r k is done a n d rest o f i t I shall do very shortly.
A f t e r h o t l y pursuing S u l t a n T a i m u r and J a h a n k h a n , we have
routed and plundered all their army. Fighting some-
skirmishes here and t h e r e a n d b e i n g b e a t e n , t h e y h a v e fled-
to Peshawar beyond A t t o c k . Abdali marched against Iran
b u t the P e r s i a n emperor despoiled his whole a r m y . Abdali;
t h e n came (back) t o K a n d a h a r , f o l l o w e d b y the Irani army
in hot pursuit. Jabardestakhan and M u k - r - r u b k h a n , the-
Sardars and L a n d l o r d s of this province, who had tendered-
their loyalties to A b d a l i because o f the l a t t e r ' s threatening
m i g h t (or t y r a n n i c a l t r e a t m e n t ) , h a v e a l s o n o w c h a n g e d t h e i r
s i d e a n d are p r o m i s i n g t o serve faithfully and to chastise
Abdali. A b d a l i h i m s e l f has lost courage. In short i t does
n o t seem t h a t he c a n m u s t e r s t r o n g f r o m t h a t f r o n t . He has
been, a l r e a d y , chastised b y the S h a h of Iran on the other
side. It would be proper i f y o u send reinforcements and
5TH GLORIOUS EPOCH
establish H i s Majesty's control beyond A t t o c k . His nephew

and heir t o the throne, who had approached Y o u r E x c e l l e n c y
and whom Y o u r Excellency had s e n t t o us will be given
some t e r r i t o r y t h i s side o f A t t o c k to establish himself and
t h e n w i l l be a p p o i n t e d to the Subha of Kabul, Peshawar
beyond Attock. The chief of Abdali's forces, Abdul
Samadkhan, who was i n S i r h i n d is captive of our state-
I s h a l l s e n d h i m a n d some M o g h a l a n d I r a n i forces f r o m t h i s
province. T h e y w i l l m a n a g e t h e affairs t h e r e . B y virtue of
Your E x c e l l e n c y ' s greatness and piety they will bring
pressure o n Abdali and punishing h i m severely they will
establish our control beyond Attock. Renake Anaji and
R a y a j i S a k h a d e v have been posted i n L a h o r e . Gopal Ganesh
(Barve) also is quite at home i n t h i s r e g i o n , he, too, w i l l
stay. T h e E m p e r o r o f I r a n h a d sent letters to me a n d to-
Malharrao ( H o l k a r ) c a l l i n g us p r e c i p i t a t e l y t o K a n d a h a r to-
d e s t r o y h i m ( A b d a l i ; a n d t o fix u p t h e f r o n t i e r , at Attock..
But we, at least, on our part should like to send A b d u l -
Rahimankhan of K a b u l , whom Y o u r Excellency had sent to
us, and we s h a l l h e l p h i m w i t h some a r m e d forces a n d o t h e r -
sinews of war. The provinces of K a b u l and Kandahar,,
beyond A t t o c k have been a part of Hindustan from (the-
t i m e s of) A k b a r t o ( t h a t of) Alamgir; why s h o u l d we then-
give these a w a y ? F o r the present we shall establish I r a n i
control over the region and send a pleasant reply-
Ambassadors from a l l the n e i g h b o u r i n g powers like J a m m u
a n d K a s h m i r have come. W e s h a l l settle about the t e r r i t o r y
this side of A t t o c k ; further b e y o n d i t is n o t y e t possible-
(to d o a n y t h i n g o f t h e k i n d ) . Efforts (in t h a t direction) wilt
be m a d e . F o r t h e p r e s e n t I s h a l l d o w h a t e v e r i s m o s t u r g e n t .
W h o e v e r s t r o n g e r p e r s o n w i l l l e a d the next expedition will
effect a permanent settlement. T h e p r o v i n c e has a revenue-
c o l l e c t i o n o f a b o u t t w o t o f o u r crores ( t w e n t y t o f o r t y m i l l i o n ,
o f rupees). B u t t h e l a n d l o r d s a n d j a m i n d a r s are v e r y p o w e r f u l .
W e collect o n l y a n o m i n a l revenue. I t is d i f f i c u l t t o realise-
even two h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d rupees from a province with a.
y i e l d of at least two and a h a l f m i l l i o n . F o r t h e p r e s e n t we^
a r e s t a g i n g a come-back, under Y o u r E x c e l l e n c y ' s orders. As

such we do w h a t e v e r i s p o s s i b l e ; we d o n o t s t r e t c h m a t t e r s
too far. F o r the t i m e b e i n g the governance o f the territory
-has been entrusted at Adina B e g alone. T o h i m we have
g i v e n L a h o r e a n d M u l t a n o n lease. T h i s year the w h o l e (of
the revenue c o l l e c t i o n ) w i l l be c o n s u m e d b y t h e occupation
army; (garrison army) even fitting out such an occupation
a r m y w i l l be d i f f i l c u l t ; t h i n g s w o u l d be f a v o u r a b l e a f t e r t w o o r
three years. W i t h compliments to Y o u r Excellency !
1074. THE ONLY DISGRACEFUL PART OF IT IS
THAT WHILE RETURNING TO THE DECCAN THE
M A R A T H A S DID NOTT A K E R E V E N G E O NT H E MUSLIMS
FOR THEIR RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION !
1074-A. I n C h a p t e r 8, o n t h e ' P e r v e r t e d c o n c e p t i o n o f
virtues', of the book, i t has already been shown i n greater
•detail h o w the H i n d u S o c i e t y (of t h e time) was haunted b y
a false a n d perverted sense o f v i r t u e s a n d as s u c h h o w t h e
H i n d u s d i d n o t even s l i g h t l y avenge the unbearable a n d u n
l i m i t e d persecution and the diabolic atrocities perpetrated b y
the M u s l i m s o n the H i n d u religion. Unlike Spain, Portugal,
B u l g a r i a , Greece and other (European) nations which saved
• C h r i s t i a n i t y f r o m e x t i n c t i o n (from their lands) b y r i d d i n g
•completely their homeland o f M u s l i m s , the H i n d u s d i d n o t
•extirpate the Muslims from India. They refrained from
inflicting similar, not to speak of greater, atrocities even on
the enemy like the Muslims who considered religious
persecution a n d d i a b o l i c and heinous atrocities themselves
to be their religious duties ! E v e r y drop o f blood i n the
H i n d u veins and arteries was surcharged, as i t w e r e , w i t h
the false a n d s u i c i d a l a n d perverted conception of religious
tolerance towards the aliens. T h e n o t i o n that whatever the
nature of atrocities o f the aliens on our religion, we s h o u l d
not, even for resisting them, retaliate against these v e r y
a g g r e s s i v e a l i e n r e l i g i o n i s t s , w a s t h e essence o f t h e i r r e l i g i o u s
tolerance. A n d i t w a s c o n s i d e r e d b y t h e H i n d u s t o be t h e i r
r e l i g i o n ! I t is b e c a u s e of this suicidal notion of religious
tolerance t h a t H i n d u s , even when they had gained unparal-
lelled victories over the Muslims on the battlefields a n d i n

the p o l i t i c a l arena, d i d not oppose t h e m i n the least on the
religious front. N a t u r a l l y o n this religious front the M u s l i m s
i n I n d i a were not e x t i r p a t e d , n o r were t h e y s u b d u e d . Root
them out c o m p l e t e l y the H i n d u s n e v e r d i d ! as t h e y h a d
done w i t h the G r e e k s , t h e S a k a s , the H u n s a n d other ancient
aggressors !
1074-B. I should be failing in my d u t y i f I were t o
proceed without referring t o one m o r e illustration of this
i n c u r a b l e d i s e a s e o f t h e H i n d u m i n d — o f t h i s p e r v e r t e d sense
o f v i r t u e s — w h i c h has proved h i g h l y injurious to the H i n d u
cause. T h i s incident happened a t a t i m e w h e n the Hindu
valour a n d H i n d u political victory had reached its zenith i n
the Punjab.
1075. J u s t at the time when Raghunathrao had started
from P o o n a w i t h his a r m y and reached Indore round about
1 4 t h F e b r u a r y , 1757, t h e m a l e v o l e n t A b d a l i h a d h e a p e d u n t o l d
humiliation a n d outrage o n the H i n d u religion and H i n d u
w o m e n . H e h a d s e n t some o f t h e c r u e l l e s t o f h i s c o m m a n d e r s
to M a t h u r a , V r i n d a v a n , K u r u k s h e t r a and other Hindu holy
places, i n o r d e r t o a v e n g e t h e i r rescue b y t h e M a r a t h a s f r o m
the Emperor's clutches. Abdali had g i v e n these M u s l i m
commanders strict orders that—
1076. I t w a s t h e i r r e l i g i o u s d u t y as true Muslims that
they should devastate every one o f the so-called H i n d u h o l y
places like M a t h u r a and m a s s a c r e as m a n y H i n d u s t h e r e as
was possible, a n d to heap up the chopped-off heads together.
W h o e v e r f r o m a m o n g s t t h e m w o u l d c h o p off t h e h e a d s o f t h e
H i n d u s as t h o s e o f K a f i r s , w e r e t o be r e w a r d e d b y A b d a l i a t
the rate R s . 5 per such H i n d u head"'".
1077. H o w mercilessly those savage Muslim wolves,
instigated by Abdali's orders, a t t a c k e d M a t h u r a and other
h o l y places o f t h e H i n d u s has been described i n paragraphs
1059 and 1060. Accordingly the Muslims fell upon the
Hindu religious centres at Mathura and slaughtered the
innocent H i n d u s there. Gigantic H i n d u temples toppled
down one after another. Streams of b l o o d o f the Hindu
-men and women, children a n d o l d people, began to flow

through every house and every street. N o t a single y o u n g
-Hindu woman escaped kidnapping. N o t a single cow was
spared her life. T h e i n n o c e n t b l o o d o f the cows, too, flowed
like water. Those M u s l i m demons were n e i t h e r satisfied w i t h
nor tired of this brutality. On the contrary i n order to
adorn these devilish acts of theirs with their diabolic
a r t i s t i c sense t h e y travestied the ceremoney of the Hindu
Rangpanchami, which happened t o be at that time. And
how? B i g cauldrons a n d vessels f u l l o f H i n d u blood newly
shed were k e p t at different places at short intervals, and
the Muslim soldiers with large syringes i n hand went on
•drenching the H i n d u s i n every street and every home in
their own blood"*. The same was the miserable fate o f the
next town of Gokul V r i n d a v a n . B u t t h e m o m e n t he g o t t h e
news t h a t R a g h u n a t h r a o h a d left I n d o r e a n d p r o c e e d e d w i t h
•a l a r g e a r m y t o d e s t r o y h i m , t h a t s e l f - s t y l e d Shahenshah,
Abdali, hurried for life to Delhi with a l l his army and
thence to L a h o r e a n d onwards straight to K a b u l !
1078. A l t h o u g h t h e v e r y s a m e M a r a t h a force w h i c b h a d
beaten back Abdali's army straight beyond the (North-
"West) f r o n t i e r (of I n d i a ) were n o w returning to the D e c c a n
after t h e i r g l o r i o u s v i c t o r i e s i n the P u n j a b a n d wer e v i s i t i n g
the same h o l y places of M a t h u r a , (wrongly) spelt M a t t r a ,
• C H I (1939) and by other writers, Gokul Vrindavan, and
w h i l e t h e y were p e r f o r m i n g t h e i r religious rites and having
ceremonial baths i n the h o l y r i v e r s , w h i l e a g a i n they were
l i s t e n i n g to the h a r r o w i n g accounts of the M u s l i m atrocities
on the H i n d u s and their religion, perpetrated only a year
ago, w h i l e s t i l l the H i n d u b l o o d spilled profusely b y the
M u s l i m s on the well-built banks (EJIS ghats) o f the Jamuna
at M a t h u r a had not yet completely dried away, while again
t h e d i t c h e s filled w i t h t h e b e e f o f cows ( s l a i n b y t h e M u s l i m s )
had been putrefying along the streets, the heads of this
Maratha army were n o t e x c i t e d w i t h a n g e r a t these M u s l i m
brutalities ! N o b o d y o f t h e m was beside h i m s e l f w i t h shame
and indignation 1 N o n e of t h e m was i n f u r i a t e d a n d none o f
them v o w e d revenge of this religious persecution ! The

v i c t o r i o u s general of the H i n d u s , the brave Raghunathrao,
d i d n o t issue a n y o r d e r to his army t o t h e effect t h a t t h e y
should retaliate w i t h the same atrocities o n t h e M u s l i m s as
were indulged in by the latter, that the Muslims as a
whole were to be slaughtered, that just l i k e (the ruined)
heaps o f the H i n d u temples, the M u s l i m M a s j i d s s h o u l d be
p u l l e d d o w n w i t h o u t a n y exception, t h a t the M u s l i m w o m e n
s h o u l d be p u t t o the same indescribable humiliation and
shame as t h e H i n d u w o m e n f o l k were done by the M u s l i m s ;
t h a t i t was their d u t y to t a k e such a revenge for the wrongs
done to H i n d u religion and Hindu society ! Abdali had
b u t d o n e i t I!
1079. W e have explained the inestimable w r o n g done
t o t h e H i n d u s o c i e t y b y t h i s s u i c i d a l disease o f t h e p e r v e r t e d
c o n c e p t i o n o f v i r t u e s so f u l l y i n C h a p t e r 8 of this book that
i t is needless to repeat it here again. We hereby urge
upon every reader to read the abovementioned Chapter 8
over and over again and very carefully.
1080. T h e m o s t f o r t u n a t e t h i n g for the H i n d u s was o n l y
this t h a t the catastrophe, which threatened to extinguish
v e r y flame o f l i f e o f t h e w h o l e H i n d u n a t i o n , as a c o n s e q u e n c e
of the silly H i n d u religious notions (as t h e ones d e s c r i b e d
above), was averted by their r e t a l i a t o r y deeds o f v a l o u r a n d
more especially by those o f the Marathas on the political
a n d m i l i t a r y fronts. Although the Marathas are g u i l t y o f
not taking revenge o f the M u s l i m vandalism on Mathura-
V r i n d a v a n w h i l e o n t h e i r t r i u m p h a l m a r c h f r o m the P u n j a b ,
the glorious v i c t o r y t h a t they won on the Muslims i n the
Punjab i n this continuous millennial Hindu-Muslim war and
the terrible blow that they gave to the Muslim imperial
power establishing the independence of the H i n d u nation
and their own political hegemony i n the north in-capacita
ted the Muslims from completely d e s t r o y i n g the Hindus in
India, j u s t as they h a d completely annihilated the other
ancient nations in Asia. B a b y l o n became B a g h d a d , but
Mathura could not be transformed into another Mecca !
F i g h t i n g incessantly a n d indefatigably for ten l o n g centuries

Mathura still exists as a h o l y H i n d u p l a c e . The traces o f
M u s l i m domination have been w i p e d out I F r o m the m i l l i o n s
of H i n d u throats the t r i u m p h a n t chants o f the d i v i n e v a l o u r
of Shree Krishna still resound the Ghats of Jamuna and
a l l the temples u n m i t i g a t e d !
CHAPTER XXII
N O T O N L Y A T T O C K — E V E N B E Y O N D IT !
1081. ^ T ^ R q?T% ^ f % RT? ^ f % ^ri^^^r iil: ii
—sr^^Ti
(Of what calibre were the Sardars under (him) ? Some
w e r e v e r i t a b l e l i o n s , o t h e r s w e r e t i g e r s whereas some o t h e r s
were rhinoceroses indeed ! Why, within a quarter of a
' G h a t a k a ' (a p e r i o d o f 2 4 m i n u t e s ) they planted their flags
in Attock !
1082. A s has been t o l d I n t h e p r e v i o u s chapter, while
Raghunathrao was r e t u r n i n g to the D e c c a n after his unpre
cedented t r i u m p h i n the Punjab, along with his numerous
Sardars a n d warriors, the tidings of his v i c t o r y h a d already
been r e a c h i n g M a h a r a s h t r a f r o m t i m e t o t i m e . O n e d a y a l l t h e
M a r a t h a forces g a t h e r e d t o g e t h e r a t Indore, the next day
t h e y were collecting the chauth and Sardeshmukhi taxes
f r o m a l l o v e r R a j p u t a n a ; l a t e r o n t h e y were r e p o r t e d t o be
rushing into the Antarvedi, punishing the Rohillas and
Pathans for joining hands with Abdali; then conquering
D e l h i a n d p e r f o r m i n g t h e o b s e q u i e s , as i t w e r e , o f the v a u n t e d
i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y o f A b d a l i a n d releasing the M o g h a l empe
ror from his captivity and establishing h i m o n the throne
o f D e l h i as t h e p u p p e t i n M a r a t h a h a n d s ; t h e n a g a i n i m m e d i
ately i n v a d i n g the Punjab routing Abdali's Afghan army of
t e n t h o u s a n d s t r o n g , w h i c h was k e p t t h e r e f o r t h e p r o t e c t i o n
of the P u n j a b at S i r h i n d . T h e n A b d a l i ' s son T a i m u r s h a h a n d
his genera] J a h a n k h a n were r e p o r t e d t o h a v e fled f r o m t h e
Marathas without giving any battle, and fled straight to
Kabul leaving Lahore to the tender care of the M a r a t h a s ,
a n d t h e a r m i e s o f R a g h u n a t h r a o w e r e s a i d t o be m o p p i n g u p
the Punjab clean of the A f g h a n d o m i n a t i o n a n d driving the
enemy far beyond Attock. Then came the news of the

triumphant entry of Raghunathrao into Lahore I W i t h such
heartening news a n d reports p o u r i n g i n d a i l y o f the M a r a t h a
v i c t o r i e s a n d the w o r s t i n g o f the enemies at t h e i r hands, the
m i g h t y h e a r t o f M a h a r a s h t r a w a s filled w i t h j u s t i f i a b l e p r i d e .
R a g h u n a t h r a o h a d a l r e a d y earned for h i m s e l f a n a m e fit t o
be r a n k e d w i t h t h e g r e a t e s t i n t h e w o r l d i n h i s s i n g l e victo
rious campaign r i g h t from P o o n a straight to the I n d u s ! The
whole of M a h a r a s h t r a began to call h i m , w i l l i n g l y or unwill
i n g l y , b u t l o v i n g l y enough R a g h o - B h a r a r i , ^ i n order to express
its wonder and pride about this unhampered and undeterred
spring of his, about t h i s eagle-flight of his, towards the
Himalayas ! This informal title of the victorious general,
R a g h u n a t h r a o , has become i m m o r t a l 1
SOON ARRIVED T H E NEWS OF T H E CROWNING

GLORY OF THE MARATHAS
1083. Raghunathrao, the commander-in-chief of the

M a r a t h a forces, h a d posted some o f the M a r a t h a Sardars to
p u n i s h severely a l l the M u s l i m E m i r s , U m r a o s , gangsters a n d
m a r a u d e r s , f a k i r s a n d parasites o f every sort who were creat
ing anarchical conditions in the Punjab and especially
towards the Indus V a l l e y plundering the peaceful populace
there, and establish the M a r a t h a h o l d i n that territory firmly
a n d to collect the revenue a n d the ' c h a u t h ' a n d 'Sardesh
m u k h i ' taxes from the territory. O f those Sardars, T u k o j i
H o l k e r , Sabaji Shinde, Gopalrao Barve with their soldiers
a t t a c k e d the fort o f A t t o c k , w h i c h was the p r i d e o f the I n d u s
v a l l e y , a n d snatched i t away from the M u s l i m hands in the
m o n t h o f J u l y 1758*. T h e M u s l i m g r e e n flag was u p r o o t e d a n d
i n i t s place was hoisted i n the tumultuous war-cries of ' H a r H a r
M a h a d e v !' o f t h e M a r a t h a s , t h e s a f f r o n - c o l o u r e d 'Jaripatka'
o f the H i n d u s — o n the fort of A t t o c k ' . The Maratha—and
so the Hindu—horse once a g a i n d r a n k the h o l y waters o f
the Indus !
1084. O n t h a t glorious d a y at last was the b a n ( A t a k —
gjz^) o f a t h o u s a n d y e a r s e n f o r c e d b y the religious law of
the Hindus themselves b r o k e n b y the H i n d u arms ! Why,

the Maratha warriors pursued the Muslims even beyond
A t t o c k upto Kandahar !
1085. I t is a l r e a d y e x p l a i n e d i n paragraphs 522 t o 5 3 5
how this t o w n was named ' A t t o c k ' a n d w h y .
1086. W h e n the news a r r i v e d i n M a h a r a s h t r a of the
•conquest o f A t t o c k a n d o f t h e h o i s t i n g b y the Marathas of
the H i n d u J a r i p a t k a on t h a t fort the universal j o y felt there
knew no bounds. The Marathas had taken revenge of the
wrongs done t o the H i n d u s over a thousand years b y routing
and driving the M u s l i m s right upto Kabul and Kandahar
a n d w r e n c h i n g t h e de f a c t o s o v e r e i g n t y o f t h e w h o l e o f I n d i a
f r o m the M u s l i m hands.
A N D T H I S I T S E L F IS T H E F I F T H G L O R I O U S E P O C H
O F HINDU VICTORIES OVER T H E AGGRESSORS
1087. T h e page i n the h i s t o r y o f the H i n d u n a t i o n w h i c h

records this unique event o f the conquest o f A t t o c k a n d the
final v i c t o r y o f the H i n d u s i n the epic m i l l e n n i a l Hindu-
M u s l i m war and the establishment o f the defacto sovereignty
o f t h e H i n d u s o v e r t h e s o - c a l l e d M u s l i m e m p i r e is r e a l l y the
G o l d e n P a g e i n H i n d u h i s t o r y a n d t h a t d a y is t r u l y t h e R e d
L e t t e r D a y i n the life o f H i n d u n a t i o n !
HOWEVER
1088. J u s t as a m a n o n h i s d e a t h - b e d , too, breathes a

little longer and sometimes e v e n m a k e s a v i o l e n t effort t o
r i s e i n e p i l e p t i c fits, b u t dies a t l a s t ; or just as the whole
b o d y o f t h e e n o r m o u s l y l o n g s n a k e , t w e n t y feet or more in
length, g i g a n t i c i n thickness v y i n g w i t h the b r o a d trunks of
the V a t (Indian fig-Ficus Indica) tree, m o v i n g dangerously at
large i n the forests, does n o t l i e l i f e l e s s a l l a t o n c e i n a
moment, e v e n i f i t s h e a d has been s m a s h e d completely, but
keeps on moving convulsively and e v e n a t t i m e s seeks t o
l e a p a h e a d , y e t u l t i m a t e l y t h e d y i n g b o d y does die at last;
s i m i l a r l y i n spite of the fact t h a t the M a r a t h a s h a d smashed
the head o f the M u s l i m i m p e r i a l p o w e r a n d left i t g a s p i n g
for its last breath on the battle-fields o f the Indus v a l l e y , t h e

m o r i b u n d M u s l i m p o w e r d i d c o n t i n u e t o m a k e f e v e r i s h efforts
t o rise a g a i n here a n d there for some t i m e more; that dying
body d i d i n fact take a long leap like that of Panipat, but
u l t i m a t e l y i t c o u l d not a v e r t its fast a p p r o a c h i n g death.
1089. A n d i n the end throughout the whole of I n d i a
began to flutter t h e flag o f i n d e p e n d e n t H i n d u power ! Not.
alone from the Indus but right from the banks of the K a b u l
river, spread throughout the whole o f the Punjab, upto the
frontiers o f J a m m u a n d K a s h m i r , was established the Hindu;-
S i k h empire of Maharana Ranjitsingh ! Further on, from
D e l h i r i g h t u p to R a m e s h w a r a m i n the rest of I n d i a was esta
blished the p a r a m o u n t c y of the M a r a t h a s , a n d to the north
was the independent H i n d u S t a t e o f N e p a l !!! Thus every
where i n I n d i a began to rule once again the H i n d u political
power : the M u s l i m power could not recover its fall !
1090. T h a t i s w h y i t m u s t be s a i d t h a t o n t h e day on
which the M a r a t h a s uprooted and flung away the green flag
of the M u s l i m political d o m i n a n c e from the fort of A t t o c k .
and hoisted i n its place their o w n t r i u m p h a n t saffron c o l o u r
ed Jaripatka, the H i n d u s gave a r e a l l y m o r t a l b l o w to t h e
M u s l i m power i n I n d i a a n d caused its subsequent death !
1091. E v e n a h i s t o r i a n l i k e Sardesai, who was wont t o
make under-statements, wrote; ' A H Maharashtra felt electri
fied w i t h t h e p r o u d p e r f o r m a n c e of Raghunathrao and his
bands h a v i n g reached the extreme frontier of India and
b a t h e d their horses i n the I n d u s " . (New H i s t o r y of Maha
r a s h t r a : V o l . I I P a g e . 401)«.
1092. A s s o o n as t h e r e p o r t s o f t h e final v i c t o r i e s o f t h e
Hindus over the M u s l i m s i n this millennial Hindu-Muslim
W a r reached M a h a r a s h t r a , the Charans, the B h a t s , the G o n d -
halees, w h o were the chief e x p o n e n t s o f the p o i g n a n t nation
al feelings o f the people at large began to surcharge the
atmosphere of every village i n Maharashtra w i t h triumphant
joy b y means o f their heroic poems and b a l l a d s , i m b u e d w i t h
the m o s t w a r l i k e s p i r i t . T h e r e w a s n o t t o be f o u n d a n y self-
respecting M a r a t h a who was not enthralled and inspired to
h e a r t h e s e h e r o i c deeds o f h i s o w n a r n l y . S i n c e i t is o n l y i n
the imaginative vein that a true picture o f the romantic
m o o d of the M a h a r a s h t r a of t h a t d a y can be d r a w n , I have
t r i e d to express i t i n m y p o e m G o m a n t a k t h r o u g h the m o u t h
of Maharashtrabhat, a t y p i c a l representative o f the B h a t s ,
C h a r a n s a n d G o n d h a l e e s ! A few c o u p l e t s f r o m t h e same p o e m
are t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h f r o m t h e o r i g i n a l i n M a r a t h i a n d
c i t e d here f o r t h e p e r u s a l o f the reader* !
1093. A PANEGYRIC By -.—Maharashtrabhat
H e a r , 0 , H i n d u s , hear y o u a l l
C o m e s t h e news o f o u r v i c t o r y i n W a r ,
W r o n g s of a thousand years aveng'd
D o w n is t h e v i c t o r v a n q u i s h ' d a g a i n '
Celebrate the d a y w i t h feastings a n d d a n c i n g
Y o u r s is t h e r i g h t b y m a r t y r d o m s e a l ' d
B u t m i n d , t h ' t a s k is not yet done !
O n l y t h e r a m p a r t s so f a r ' r e w o n ;
T h e r o c k ' s t o be c l i m ' d , t h e f o r t ' s t o be s t o r m ' d
T h e w i s h ' d f o r s u m m i t i s s a f e l y t o be m a d e !
D a w n ' d t o d a y is the moment auspicious
F o r H i n d u - p a d s h a h i happy and glorious !
S t i l l the solemnities aren't over
Impending dangers overhead hover.
L i k e S t a r t e r s o f E r a s h a v e we w o n t h i s g l o r y
L i k e Starters of E r a s must we h o l d it g r i m l y '
Once again o'the banks of the' Indus
P r o u d l y c a r r y i n g the crest o f g o l d
S t a n d s the horse o f a H i n d u w a r r i o r
T o quench his thirst o f a thousand years !
C o m e w i t h t h e seas, y e , G a n g a m a i y y a ,
W a t e r s pure of C a v e r i come;
Sindhu, Shatadru, Triveni, Jamuna
G o d a , K r i s h n a ' r e w e l c o m e here !
H o l y places'nd pilgrim-resorts
S p r e a d o'er I n d i a , c o m e , y o u , a l l .
Haridwar, Kailas, Kash'nd Puri
D w a r k a ' n d M a t h u r a come i n a h u r r y !
H e a r , O, hear the tidings clear

V i c t o r y o n th'field is pure, 0 , dear,
W r e c k ' d w e o u r v e n g e a n c e o n t h e foe
D e l a y ' d though 'twas for a thousand years,
And Look ! T h e v a u n t i n g v i c t o r lies, h o w l o w !
G o d has i n d u l g e d H i n d u w a r r i o r s
W i t h t h e i r cherished d r e a m o f life.
Proudly flutters on Attock today
A g a i n the H i n d u J a r i p a t k a . '
( T r a n s l a t e d f r o m t h e c o u p l e t s n u m b e r e d 1, 112, 116, 11T^
1 1 8 , 127, 1 2 8 , 1 2 9 , 130, 131 f r o m t h e o r i g i n a l p o e m )
1
JUL/ Glorious Epoch
CHAPTER X X n i
T H E SIXTH GLORIOUS E P O C H O F HINDU

VICTORIES OVER T H E AGGRESSORS
INDIA F R E E D F R O M T H E BRITISH DOMINATION
1094. This chapter on the S i x t h Glorious Epoch of

H i n d u V i c t o r i e s O v e r A g g r e s s o r s is t h e l a s t o n e .
1094-A. T h e scope o f t h i s b o o k has been defined in
p a r a g r a p h 7 o f t h e first c h a p t e r o f t h i s b o o k . That delimita
t i o n itself suggests that i n this chapter o n the S i x t h G l o r i o u s
Epoch o f H i n d u v i c t o r i e s i t is n o t a t a l l necessary t o g i v e a
detailed account o f how, while the B r i t i s h h a d firmly establi
shed their m i g h t y empire on the whole of I n d i a , the H i n d u
n a t i o n c o u l d m a k e i t s e l f i n d e p e n d e n t a n d h o w i t has t a k e n a
place o f p r i d e as an independent and sovereign republic
amongst the nations of the w o r l d . T h e o n l y object of this
chapter is j u s t t o e x a m i n e a n d assess o n l y s a l i e n t p o i n t s i n
t h i s e x c i t i n g w a r of l i b e r a t i o n of the H i n d u n a t i o n with the
British which have been p u r p o s e l y o v e r l o o k e d b y a l m o s t a l l
the f o r e i g n as w e l l as t h e i n d e p e n d e n t historians, notwith
standing the fact that they are highly important from
the p o i n t o f view of H i n d u t w a .
1095. B u t t h a t too I have done for the m o s t p a r t i n m y
o t h e r b o o k s , as f a r as i t w a s n e c e s s a r y t o d o so :
1096. (1) I t i s a l r e a d y mentioned at the end of the
last chapter that the H i n d u s had completely uprooted the
foreign M u s l i m empire from I n d i a and Hindu States had,
once a g a i n , b e e n e s t a b l i s h e d e v e r y w h e r e a n d t h e M u s l i m s d i d
not, i n fact, wield a n y i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y over the l a n d o f
H i n d u s t a n . B u t w h i l e the H i n d u n a t i o n was t h u s i n e x t r i c a b l y
involved i n a g i g a n t i c m i l l e n n i a l w a r to root out the M u s l i m
i m p e r i a l power from I n d i a a n d w h i l e a l l i t s energies a n d t i m e
were utilized in that direction, European nations like the
"Portuguese, the F r e n c h , the D u t c h a n d especially the E n g l i s h
had already commenced their efforts at establishing their
r u l e over I n d i a secretly or even openly. The Marathas who
h a d assumed the leadership o f the H i n d u n a t i o n at t h a t t i m e
h a d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y t o face a l l these E u r o p e a n nations just
when they were c a r r y i n g o n a life a n d d e a t h struggle w i t h
t h e M u s l i m s ! A l t h o u g h t h e y h a d been m o s t l y successful in
the end in arresting the progress o f the Portuguese, the
F r e n c h , the D u t c h a n d the E n g l i s h , however, shrewdly a v a i l e d
themselves o f the o p p o r t u n i t y , they got, when the Marathas
were engaged i n the struggle w i t h the M u s l i m powers, and
gradually but firmly established their foot-hold i n the B e n g a l
t r a m p l i n g under t h e i r feet t h e w e a k e r M u s l i m Nawabs over
there. Thereafter t h e y p u s h e d o n t h e i r aggressive moves a n d
e s t a b l i s h e d , t h o u g h n o t de j u r e y e t de f a c t o , s o v e r e i g n t y o v e r
the t e r r i t o r y right upto D e l h i . N a t u r a l l y t h e y soon came t o
grips w i t h the M a r a t h a s , who h a d to lead the H i n d u n a t i o n at
that time. I n m y book, H i n d u Patpadshahi (originally written
i n E n g l i s h and now translated into M a r a t h i ) I have sufficiently
discussed, f r o m the s t a n d p o i n t of the H i n d u n a t i o n , h o w a n d
t o what extent the M a r a t h a s worsted the E n g l i s h d u r i n g the
First and the Second A n g l o - M a r a t h a Wars^. The curious
readers should do well to read i t .
1097. That discussion w i l l make the following two

broad points absolutely clear. The first is that from the
time the E n g l i s h stepped on the Indian s o i l the M u s l i m s
never fought w i t h t h e m for national political independence.
6 t H GLORIOUS EPOCH 457
With the short e x c e p t i o n of those w i t h the M y s o r e State o f

H a i d a r and T i p u , a i l the wars, which the E n g l i s h fought for
t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o v e r I n d i a , h a d t o be n e c e s s a r i l y f o u g h t w i t h
the H i n d u s alone. T h i s c l e a r l y shows t h a t the Hindus had
p r a c t i c a l l y d e s t r o y e d t h e p o l i t i c a l p o w e r o f t he M u s l i m s a n d
had snatched the imperial authority. Another equally
important p o i n t to be r e m e m b e r e d i s t h a t t h e E n g l i s h , t o o ,
h a d m a i n t a i n e d the n o m i n a l d i g n i t y o f the puppet Moghal
Emperor for fifty y e a r s a f t e r t h e y h a d e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r de
facto sovereign power over I n d i a i n the v e r y same manner
as the Marathas had, as a p o l i t i c a l expedient o f the time
k e p t o n r e c o g n i z i n g t h e s a m e ' k i n g o f s h r e d s a n d p a t c h e s ' as
the ' E m p e r o r of I n d i a ' .
1098. I t a g a i n exposes t h e snobbery and ignorance of
the Anglicized people w h o r i d i c u l e the M a r a t h a s for this
•'political expedient' o f theirs, o f a n o m i n a l r e c o g n i t i o n of the
Moghal Emperor. For the English, too, found the same
p o l i t i c a l e x p e d i e n t useful t o t h e m . These A n g l i c i z e d people
h o w e v e r d o n o t c r i u i c i z e t h e E n g l i s h f o r t h i s same ' w e a k n e s s '
of theirs I
T H E ANGLO-SIKH WARS
1099, N o sooner d i d the E n g l i s h destroy the sovereign

Maratha power over India i n A . D . 1818 a n d n o sooner d i d
t h e y force t h e r e s t o f the Maratha states to accept their
overlordship than they had to cross s w o r d s w i t h another
new-born H i n d u power. That Hindu power was the great
kingdom o f M a h a r a j a E a n j i t s i n g w h i c h rose t o prominence
a f t e r 1818. It was after the death of Maharaja R a n j i t s i n g
that the E n g l i s h t o o k t h e field a g a i n s t t h e c o m b i n e d H i n d u
m i g h t of the S i k h s , the J a t s a n d the D o g r a s s p r e a d far and
•wide f r o m t h e r i v e r K a b u l t o t h e r i v e r S h a t a d r u (Sutlej) a n d
to the n o r t h upto K a s h m i r and Ladakh. In the end the
English were successful and the English sovereignty was
established from the Punjab to Kashmir round about
A.D. 1850«.
M Y BOOK O N T H E HISTORY OF SIKHS—THE ONE

THAT WAS DESTROYED
1100. A s I have s u r v e y e d the p e r i o d o f I n d i a n History
covered by the M a r a t h a E m p i r e , i n m y E n g l i s h book H i n d u
Patpadshahi, similarly I had written a discourse on the-
period f o l l o w i n g the M a r a t h a epoch i n t h a t b o o k o f mine, t h e
H i s t o r y of the S i k h s , w r i t t e n i n M a r a t h i . But while I was
in the t h i c k o f revolutionary political activities against the
E n g l i s h i n P a r i s , r o u n d a b o u t 1909-10, the m a n u s c r i p t o f m y
book* ' T h e H i s t o r y o f t h e S i k h s ' f e l l i n t o t h e h a n d s o f G o v e r n
ment of India's Secret Intelligence Department and was,
destroyed before publication. However, in my books
"Prushthabhumi" and this one " S i x Glorious Epochs of
H i n d u Victories Over A g g r e s s o r s " ' I have discussed from the
Hindu standpoint a l l the important events i n the Sikh
history upto 1850—the time when the m i g h t y k i n g d o m of
the S i k h s was v i r t u a l l y destroyed ! The curious reader s h o u l d
read it.
THE ANGLO-NEPALESE WAR
1101. The t h i r d great power w i t h which the E n g l i s h had'

t o fight f o r t h e s o v e r e i g n t y of I n d i a was the then mighty
H i n d u state of N e p a l . A l t h o u g h the E n g l i s h u l t i m a t e l y w o n
t h a t w a r , t h e i r success w a s n o t so g r e a t as to destroy that-
Nepalese Hindu State completely. Barring the English
p a r a m o u n t c y as r e g a r d s t h e external affairs, their interna]
independence was u n i m p a i r e d * . A g a i n , this existence of the
Nepalese H i n d u State was essential for the continuance of
the English sovereignty over India for a l o n g t i m e after
wards. For Nepal was a fertile field which ceaselessly
provided staunch and b r a v e H i n d u G u r k h a soldiers for the
English army. This H i n d u G u r k h a army proved itself quite-
c a p a b l e of, n o t o n l y i n I n d i a , b u t a l s o i n E u r o p e , s u c c e s s f u l l y
facing the even numbered white army of other European,
countries. M o r e o v e r i n the face o f a plausible aggression
from the mighty Empire of Russia, which was not only-
capable but anxious to i n v a d e the n o r t h e r n frontiers o f the
6 T H GLORIOUS EPOCH
B r i t i s h I n d i a n E m p i r e , the E n g l i s h w i s h e d t h a t the warlike

state o f N e p a l s h o u l d serve as a B u f f e r State i n order t h a t
such a R u s s i a n aggression m i g h t n o t come too unexpectedly.
1102. Only after defeating the three H i n d u powers o f
the M a r a t h a s , the S i k h s a n d the Nepalese c o u l d the English
c l a i m complete sovereignty over I n d i a .
1103. The scrambling little East India Company of
overseas traders i n E n g l a n d , which was established r o u n d
about the rise of Shivaji Maharaj and which had begun its-
activities w i t h t w o m e a g r e f a c t o r i e s a t i t s d i s p o s a l , w e n t on,
enlarging the sphere o f a c t i v i t i e s a n d thus acquired the
sovereignty o f the w h o l e o f I n d i a a b o u t 1850 ! Originally
started by about a dozen E n g l i s h men of p l u c k , the obscure-
t r a d i n g c o m p a n y thus became, w i t h i n a short p e r i o d o f t w o ,
c e n t u r i e s o r so, t h e m i s t r e s s o f a m i g h t y e m p i r e ! D u r i n g the-
same period rose and fell many royal dynasties v y i n g with.
one another for the sovereignty of India. Many sundry
states were founded soon a n d f o u n d themselves engaged i n .
internecine warfare a n d destroyed. But ultimately it was-
this E a s t I n d i a Company which struggled a n d fought on a n d
u l t i m a t e l y supplanted a l l those r i v a l powers to become the-
sole mistress of I n d i a . H o w very insignificant a commercial
b o d y was this E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y on the day on which it.
was started b y a h a n d f u l of shareholders I B u t a l l its y e a r l y
reports o f i t s assets and liabilities, of its income and ics-
e x p e n d i t u r e , r i g h t f r o m i t s first y e a r o f i n c e p t i o n t o t h e year
of its dissolution, carrying forward its previous year's-
b a l a n c e a n d n e w sources o f i n c o m e a n d n e w i t e m s o f e x p e n d i
t u r e e v e r y y e a r , t i l l after a h u n d r e d a n d fifty o r t w o h u n d r e d ,
years it came to include towards its credit side the very,
e m p i r e o f I n d i a , h a d a l l been v e r y s c r u p u l o u s l y a n d system
atically preserved i n its secretariat i n L o n d o n . A n d when
i n 1858 i t w a s d i s s o l v e d a n d the British Government itself
t o o k over the E m p i r e o f I n d i a i n the name o f Queen V i c t o r i a ,
i t was most s y s t e m a t i c a l l y a n d legally wound up like any-
c o m m e r c i a l or professional concern p a y i n g every shareholder
h i s d u e s as p e r i t s l a s t b a l a n c e - s h e e t of that year and after-
p a y i n g off a l l o t h e r l i a b i l i t i e s * !
1104. This continuous process of British administra
t i o n , this neatness a n d precision i n its w o r k , its capacity to
organize and govern, to run a vast and complicated
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , shine a l l the more g l o r i o u s l y w h e n contrasted
with the confused way of doing things, prevalent i n our
c o u n t r y at t h a t time, our l a c k of order, p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y
•and o u r complete disregard for well-organized work !
Although it is unjustifiable to show the similarity and
difference b e t w e e n t h e B r i t i s h nation and o u r o w n , as t h e y
a t the time were, b y such a s o l i t a r y a n d c o m p a r a t i v e l y i n s i g
n i f i c a n t i n s t a n c e as t h i s , i t m a y s t i l l s e r v e as a p o i n t e r — a n d
a v e r y effective p o i n t e r a t that—-to s h o w h o w t h e o n c e petty
E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y c o u l d become i n the end the H o n o u r a b l e
C o m p a n y S a r k a r B a h a d u r w h i c h r a n the i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a
t i o n of India*.
1105. A l t h o u g h the total defeat of our H i n d u n a t i o n
-at t h e h a n d s o f the B r i t i s h h a d always been r a n k l i n g i n our
hearts like a deep-rooted and envenomed arrow, we had
never repudiated it or glossed over i t , n o t even detracted
from the v i c t o r y o f the B r i t i s h people over us by scolding
-and r a i l i n g a t t h e m u n d e r false pretexts. F o r , we had the
•courage a n d a b i l i t y w h i c h h a d never died away to avenge
that defeat of our Hindu nation. On the contrary we
•sincerely believed t h a t i n t h i s b i t t e r w a r between the H i n d u
a n d the B r i t i s h nations i t was on the whole n a t u r a l t h a t the
B r i t i s h w h o were a t that time superior t o us i n t h e a r t of
war and strength, should succeed o v e r us. We knew that
t h e success or defeat on the battlefields never obeyed the
•dictates o f the code o f justice o r i n j u s t i c e .
1106. F o r this r e a s o n , as s o o n as t h e British imperial
p o w e r was established in India the innermost heroic s p i r i t
i n the c o u n t r y took up the gauntlet to v a n q u i s h the B r i t i s h
nation on the battlefield itself by resorting to some
N r u s i n h i a n act of aggressive heroism.
1107. After the British snatched a w a y the imperial
a u t h o r i t y from its h a n d s the defeated H i n d u n a t i o n l a y for
some time dazed and pale-faced. Even the volcano lies

dead and cold for some time after every eruption. But
unless that particular eruption is its last, the terribly
explosive substances i n its womb smouldering inwardly
become unbearably hot. Similarly the Hindu nation was
merely defeated by the B r i t i s h — i t was n o t y e t d e a d . As
such i n its mighty heart there soon began to seethe and
smoulder the explosive elements of m a n y v a l i a n t souls i n
order to go full tilt once again against the victorious
English !
(OUTBURST)
T H E F m S T G R E A T INDIAN BOMBARDMENT
AGAINST T H E BRITISH R E G I M E
1108. Hardly a d a e a d e e l a p s e d after the British had

conquered the last H i n d u State o f E a n j i t s i n g i n the Punjab
when there was a great outburst of H i n d u - M u s l i m joint
effort to uproot the British imperial power from India.
And there flared up the first conflagration of the war of
I n d e p e n d e n c e a g a i n s t t h e B r i t i s h i n 1857 !!!
1109. T h e one r e m a r k a b l e aspect of this revolutionary
war was t h a t the Hindus and the Muslims had organized
themselves into a joint n a t i o n a l front and waged a nation
wide w a r against the B r i t i s h , forgetting their age-long e n m i t y
of centuries together !
1110. B u t I have already written some t i m e i n 1 9 0 8 -
1909 a d e t a i l e d h i s t o r y o f t h i s r e v o l u t i o n a r y w a r i n m y b o o k
of about five hundred pages named, "Indian War of
Independence of 1857". In it I have reviewed that war
f r o m t h e s t a n d p o i n t o f the H i n d u n a t i o n . A s such i t is n o t
n e c e s s a r y t o r e p e a t t h e s a m e here a g a i n .
1111. D u r i n g those t w o or three years of this war of
Independence the English suffered such heavy losses that
the English casualties far outnumbered those suffered by
t h e m i n a l l their wars w i t h the Marathas, the S i k h s a n d the
Nepalese t a k e n together, for the sovereignty of I n d i a . The
•462 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS O F INDIAN HISTORY
brave revolutionists k i l l e d so many British warriors and

white men ! L e t alone the p e t t y English captains, lieuten
ants, collectors, Magistrates and such like second-grade
oflScers, b u t s u c h e m i n e n t personalities like General W h i t e ,
General Neill, Sir Henry Lawrence, General Outram,
Commander-in-Chief Anson a n d others too h a d to p a y the
penalty with their lives. The revolutionaries dispatched
most of them on the battlefield ! The English too killed
nearly a hundred thousand fighters from amongst the
r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , as p e r t h e statement of Nanasahib Peshwa,
the leader of t h a t r e v o l u t i o n ' !
1112. A t the end o f this revolutionary war the B r i t i s h
terminated 'The Honourable East India Company' which
was to the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s a v i r t u a l B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t , a n d
w h i c h t h e y hated for the same reason. The British thought
t h a t the a b o l i t i o n of 'The E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y ' a n d its rule
w o u l d p a c i f y t h e I n d i a n r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s i n as m u c h a s t h e i r
wishes h a d been honoured i n t h i s r e s p e c t I So t h e B r i t i s h
G o v e r n m e n t p r o c l a i m e d i t w i t h a l l the fanfare a n d grandiose
display, that the administration of India h a d been taken
over from the E a s t I n d i a Company and t h a t the latter had
been d i s s o l v e d a n d further t h a t the B r i t i s h Queen, Victoria,
"would thereafter, take for herself the t i t l e . T h e E m p r e s s of
I n d i a , ' assuming full sovereign power over the c o u n t r y . Thus
the clash of arms on the battlefield, b y the Indian revolu
tionists for about three years had put a n end to the hated
'East India Company'.
1113. O v e r a n d a b o v e t h i s the B r i t i s h i s s u e d t h r o u g h o u t
I n d i a a p r o c l a m a t i o n i n the name of the new Empress of
I n d i a , V i c t o r i a , the Queen of E n g l a n d , i n w h i c h , for the sake
of the revolutionists and w i t h a v i e w to pacifying them a b i t ,
it was said t h a t after t h e issue o f t h a t p r o c l a m a t i o n , w h i c h
of the 'mutineers' w o u l d stop fighting o p e n l y or c o v e r t l y a n d
r e t u r n to t h e i r h o m e s n e v e r to h a r a s s the E n g l i s h p e o p l e a n d
w o u l d b e g i n l i v i n g a p e a c e f u l l i f e , w o u l d be shown, without
exception, royal clemency, irrespective of anything they
might have done i n respect o f the 'mutiny'*.
1114. After the British had thus surrendered, though

not e x p l i c i t l y y e t doubtless i m p l i c i t l y , to the revolutionists
in respect o f the abovementioned two points, there was
i n c l u d e d i n the said p r o c l a m a t i o n o f the new Empress of
India a further i m p o r t a n t promise that neither the B r i t i s h
G o v e r n m e n t , n o r a n y l o c a l w h i t e - s k i n n e d ofiScer, n o r e v e n a n y
British missionary would be suffered t o i n t e r f e r e w i t h the
r e l i g i o n o f the ' n a t i v e s ' , t h a t the E m p r e s s o f I n d i a wished to
t r e a t a l l her subjects, t h e H i n d u s , the M u s l i m s , the C h r i s t i a n s
a n d o t h e r s , i m p a r t i a l l y a n d t h a t she, as t h e E m p r e s s o f I n d i a ,
w o u l d protect every religion f r o m the t y r a n n i c a l persecution
at the hands of every other r e l i g i o n " . T h i s express promise
was included in this famous proclamation in order to
eradicate one o f t h e m o s t p o t e n t causes o f t h e o u t b r e a k o f
t h e W a r o f I n d e p e n d e n c e , n a m e l y , the Indian apprehension
that the company's government was out to destroy the
n a t i v e r e l i g i o n s a n d to c o n v e r t a l l the I n d i a n s to C h r i s t i a n i t y
w i t h t h e use o f f o r c e . A n d this, too, was a tacit submission
of the B r i t i s h to the revolutionists !
1115. Y e t another i m p o r t a n t submission was implicitly
made t o the revolutionists i n this proclamation. I t was the
d i s c o n t i n u a t i o n o f t h e o b n o x i o u s practice^'- of denying the
Indian rulers the right of adoption and liquidating and
annexing their territories to the British possessions in
India. F o r , i t was e x p r e s s l y p r o m i s e d i n the s a i d p r o c l a m a
t i o n t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t of the I n d i a n rulers to adopt
heirs to their estates w o u l d be h o n o u r e d . Their adopted
heirs were p r o m i s e d the same political and administrative
r i g h t s as t h e y e n j o y e d u n d e r t h e o l d t r a d i t i o n .
1115-A. Thus the B r i t i s h h a d tried by means of this
Q u e e n ' s p r o c l a m a t i o n t o r e m o v e a l m o s t a l l t h e causes, w h i c h
i n their opinion, had l e d to the horrible revolt o f the Indian
revolutionists. Nevertheless the most i m p o r t a n t promise—of
course in the British opinion—and the one which they
thought would give complete satisfaction to the Indian
people—was that—
1116. A l l the I n d i a n subjects of Queen V i c t o r i a w o u l d
be t r e a t e d as respectfully as the British;—and that they

would be s e l e c t e d f o r a p p o i n t m e n t to a l l t h e o f f i c i a l p o s t s i n
t h e B r i t i s h e m p i r e i r r e s p e c t i v e o f caste, c r e e d o r r e l i g i o n ^ * !!
1116-A. BUT THIS PROCLAMATION H A D NO
EFFECT WHATSOEVER UPON T H E REVOLUTIONISTS !
1117. Why, a p a r a l l e l p r o c l a m a t i o n was issued b y the
r e v o l u t i o n i s t s as a p u n g e n t and trenchant rejoinder to the
Queen's P r o c l a m a t i o n " ! H o w appropriate and poignant it
w a s h a s a l r e a d y been c l e a r l y s h o w n i n m y b o o k , 'The Indian
War of Independence of 1857'". The very basic statement
m a d e i n i t was t h a t the revolutionary war that had been
f o u g h t so f a r w a s n o t f o u g h t b e c a u s e t h e y w a n t e d t h e r u l e o f
t h e B r i t i s h E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y o v e r I n d i a t o be r e p l a c e d b y
that of the i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y of the B r i t i s h Q u e e n " . They
d i d not want any foreign power—and certainly not that of
the British—to dominate over India! They wanted a
c o m p l e t e l y i n d e p e n d e n t s e l f - r u l e .' T h a t is w h y , they said,
they were fighting i n the battlefields. A l t h o u g h the Queen's
P r o c l a m a t i o n was e x h i b i t e d o n every w a l l throughout India,
thousands of revolutionists, including General T o t y a Tope,
Shreemant Nanasahib, Balasahib, ' J a l k a R a m b h a u ' , Amarsing,
Ferozshah and other eminent leaders o f the r e v o l u t i o n k e p t
o n fighting f o r m o n t h s t o g e t h e r " ! O n l y after the heroic f a l l
of almost a l l of them in the a l l - c o n s u m i n g flames o f t h e
revolution, fighting and fighting t i l l the v e r y last, could t h a t
sacrificial p i t smoulder low a n d cool d o w n subsequently !
HOWEVER !
1118. H o w e v e r , the last two, or three promises g i v e n

in the 'Queen's Proclamation' d i d not fail to have the
' d e s i r e d ' effect o n t h e n e w g e n e r a t i o n o f I n d i a n p e o p l e w h i c h
was later on educated i n the English schools a n d colleges
that were shortly opened thereafter and on that of the
t h o u s a n d s o f I n d i a n officers a n d s e r v a n t s which thrived on
the Government salaries. Especially in Calcutta, Bombay,
M a d r a s a n d other cities where the illusory British reforms
h a d a l r e a d y s p r e a d t h e i r c o b w e b s m u c h e a r l i e r t h a n 1857 t h e
6 T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 46&
t h e n I n d i a n l e a d e r s w e r e so m u c h e l a t e d b y the promise in
the Queen's Proclamations that the B r i t i s h Empress w o u l d
a l l o w h e r B r i t i s h as well as Indian subjects to enjoy all
civic rights equally and without any invidious distinction,
t h a t they declared, openly i n the p u b l i c meetings held to
celebrate the total e x t i n c t i o n of the ' m u t i n y ' , t h a t n o w on
t h e B r i t i s h e m p i r e b e l o n g e d as m u c h t o t h e B r i t i s h as t o the
Indian p e o p l e "I This Proclamation o f t h e Q u e e n was j u s t
another 'peaceful' device that the B r i t i s h h a d found out, as
t h e y h a d u s e d t h e o t h e r one o f ' v i o l e n t r e p r e s s i o n ' , s i m p l y t o
p u t d o w n the I n d i a n revolutionaries. T h e y h a d not the least
intention to f o l l o w i n future the p o l i t i c a l or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e
policy outlined in it This I have a m p l y proved by quoting
the words of the B r i t i s h statesmen themselves i n m y books
written on later h i s t o r y " . B u t the credulous a n d converted
minds of the above-mentioned class o f I n d i a n people w h o
were e d u c a t e d i n ' E n g l i s h S c h o o l s ' a n d who were earnestly
busy serving their British masters could never grasp t h i s
secret and crooked ruse o f the B r i t i s h d i p l o m a c y . On the
c o n t r a r y , b e i n g deluded b y the preposterous P r o c l a m a t i o n o f
the Queen, who, mad with victory, had the audacity to
ascend to the i m p e r i a l throne o f I n d i a , these simple gulls o f
I n d i a n l e a d e r s h a s t e n e d t o g l o r i f y t h a t ' P r o c l a m a t i o n ' as t h e
Indian Magna C a r t a i n press a n d p u b l i c m e e t i n g s " . How
absurd and foolish i t is t o compare that original 'Magna
Carta' i n E n g l i s h h i s t o r y , w i t h w h i c h the English people,
after fighting successfully w i t h their K i n g , h a d forced h i m to
concede to them their fundamental civic rights, with this
deceitful and profane 'Proclamation of the Queen', which
tightened the shackles of slavery on the I n d i a n hands a n d
feet even more forcibly than before, only gilding them
o u t w a r d l y so as t o p a s s t h e m o n as o r n a m e n t s .
1119. But in my B a c k g r o u n d to m y ' A u t o b i o g r a p h y ' I
have a l r e a d y dealt, at greater length, a n d f r o m the p o i n t of
v i e w o f the I n d i a n people, w i t h the p e r i o d o f I n d i a n h i s t o r y ,
after the t e m p o r a r y p a c i f i c a t i o n o f the W a r of Liberation of
1857 was achieved and the foundation of the British
administration i n I n d i a was firmly secured*". Hence i t need

n o t be r e p e a t e d h e r e !
THE PECULIAR CHARACTER O F T H E PERIOD
T H E POLITICAL M O V E M E N T S O F T H E
LOYALISTS
1120. The peculiarity of the period following the pacifi
c a t i o n o f the n a t i o n a l r i s i n g o f 1857—i.e., roughly speaking
f r o m 1860 t o 1 9 0 0 — i s t h a t i t is d o m i n a t e d b y a nation-wide
movement under the leadership of those who believed that
I n d i a w o u l d once a g a i n see n a t i o n a l p r o s p e r i t y a n d d e v e l o p
ment only b y remaining i n the B r i t i s h e m p i r e a n d she m u s t
achieve it that way alone Hence this period can be
generally c a l l e d a n age of the L o y a l i s t politicians. How
e v e r , e v e n i n t h i s age o f a v o w e d l o y a l p o l i t i c i a n s t h e a g e - o l d
tradition of heroism which vehemently advocated armed
r e v o l t t o free t h e mother-land from B r i t i s h d o m i n a t i o n was
n o t a l t o g e t h e r e x t i n c t ! I t d i d flare u p s e c r e t l y o r e v e n o p e n l y ,
i n some d a r i n g r i s i n g s I E v e n t h o s e m o m e n t a r y e x p l o s i o n s o f
t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l . [ h e r o i s m d i d not f a i l to convulse the B r i t i s h
administration in India and to excite a n d inspire the I n d i a n
people at least for the t i m e b e i n g . O n l y two illustrations of
these a r m e d r e v o l t s w o u l d sufl&ce. The H i n d u rising under
t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f R a m s i n g K u k a * * i n t h e P u n j a b d u r i n g 1870-
74 A . D . against the B r i t i s h a n d the Muslims for political
independence a n d for defending our religion is the chief o f
them. A n d the second, far more extensive and even more
effective t h a n the first, w a s t h e one in Maharashtra under
the leadership of Vasudev B a l w a n t Phadke*'. It was a
violent armed revolt against the B r i t i s h for the complete
i n d e p e n d e n c e o f I n d i a ! T h e s e i n c i d e n t s , t o o , are r e v i e w e d i n
d e t a i l i n the ' B a c k g r o u n d ' to m y ' A u t o b i o g r a p h y . '
1121. Thereafter d a w n e d t h e age o f L o k m a n y a Tilak,
w h i c h was synochronized b y the lethal attacks of Chaphekar
brothers on t h e E n g l i s h officers a n d t h e f e v e r i s h activity of
secret r e v o l u t i o n a r y societies for l i b e r t y .
"fifH GLORIOUS E P e O H 467
T H E P O L I T I C A L M O V E M E N T S IN INDIA
AFTER 1900
1122. A t t h e e n d o f 1900 o r t h e r e a b o u t s t e r m i n a t e d t h e
•era o f l o y a l i s t p o l i t i c a l movement and began the one of
L o k m a n y a Tilak which might fittingly be c a l l e d — t h o u g h n o t
revolutionary—conducive to revolution. To this very period
were i n e x t r i c a b l y t i e d up i n m y v e r y c h i l d h o o d from the t i m e
•of t h e m a r t y r s , C h a p h e k a r ' s s a l l y a t t h e B r i t i s h , m y hearts
^strings** a n d l a t e r o n m y w h o l e l i f e was dedicated to that
r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t y . A s s u c h m y l i f e - h i s t o r y i t s e l f became
•an e x t e n s i v e c h a p t e r i n t h e war of liberation against the
JEnglish. N a t u r a l l y , whatever m i g h t be s a i d a b o u t these
ination-wide political activities during this period, from the
point o f v i e w o f H i n d u t w a , has already appeared in the
written part of m y ' A u t o b i o g r a p h y ' or w i l l perhaps i n the
•one w h i c h m i g h t be w r i t t e n h e r e a f t e r . A s such even when I
•was i n m y teens I b e g a n t o come i n c l o s e r c o n t a c t s with
•almost a l l t h e elder reputed l e a d e r s o f I n d i a i n respect of
this independence movement.
1123. W h e n I h a d been t o E n g l a n d i n m y v e r y y o u n g
•days I h a d come i n c o n t a c t w i t h the eldest of the Indian
p o l i t i c i a n s o f t h e t i m e a n d the e a r l i e s t f o u n d e r o f t h e l o y a l i s t
political front, namely Dadabhai Nawroji, in his eighties.
W h y , t h e r e m y r o v o l u t i o n a r y p a r t y h a d t o cross s w o r d s w i t h
h i s B r i t i s h - l o y a l i s t p a r t y i n o u r t u g - o f - w a r f o r the l e a d e r s h i p
•of I n d i a n p o l i t i c a l m o v e m e n t i n E n g l a n d * * . N e x t t o h i m I h a d
• d e v e l o p e d i n E n g l a n d i t s e l f closer r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e r e s p e c t e d
s t a u n c h B e n g a l i f r e e d o m fighters f r o m a m o n g s t t h o s e b e l o n g
i n g to the g e n e r a t i o n following that of Dadabhai Nawroji,
l i k e the l a t e S h r e e Surendranath Bannerjee, Romeshchandra
D a t t a a n d others**. W i t h m o s t o f the y o u n g e r l e a d e r s o f t h e
s a m e p e r i o d b e l o n g i n g to the staunch nationalist party
fighting vehemently against the l o y a l i s t f r o n t I had deve
loped personal friendship and ideological kinship. With
the active p o l i t i c a l workers from Pandit Shyamji Krishan
Varma, Lala Lajpat R a i , Bipinchandra P a l , Right Honourable
•Gokhale a n d such other a l l - I n d i a figures t o h u n d r e d s of the
leaders b e l o n g i n g to different provinces, I b a d either deve

loped friendly ties or h a d to fight political battles on many
occasions. L o k m a n y a Tilak, Shivrampant Paranjpe, Shree
mant Dadarao K h a p a r d e , D r . M o o n j e a n d other M a h a r a s h -
t r i a n leaders of t h a t line were individually so closely
acquainted w i t h me t h a t some of them and the staunchi
nationalist leaders from other provinces, too, bestowed
p a r e n t a l a f f e c t i o n o n me*'. F o r example while B i p i n c h a n d r a
P a l was i n E n g l a n d , I was s t a y i n g w i t h h i m for some t i m e i n
company with his son, N i r a n j a n P a l * ' . Bipin Babu himself
h a d more t h a n once c o o k e d fish a n d flesh i n the Bengali
style a n d h a d served them to me w i t h great i m p o r t u n i t y a n d
h a d a d d e d to his m o r a l c r e d i t the m e r i t o r i o u s act o f p o l l u t i n g
a strictly vegetarian Maharashtrian Brahmin like myself.
W i t h the future exponent o f the 'non-violent truth-assertion'^
(Satyagrah), 'non-cooperation movement' who later o n came
t o be w i d e l y k n o w n as M a h a t m a j i — I h a p p e n e d t o be c l o s e l y
acquainted i n a friendly w a y w h e n he h a d come t o E n g l a n d
w h e r e he w a s t h e n k n o w n s i m p l y as B a r r i s t e r G a n d h i * ' and
thereafter throughout our lives we came together and many
times i n conflict—in the political arena in India. A n d my
relations with armed revolutionary party in India are too-
w e l l - k n o w n t o be r e c o u n t e d here ! The All-India leadership'
o f t h e p o s t - C h a p h e k a r r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s h a d b y chance
d e v o l v e d o n me at least i n the beginning—first i n M a h a r a s h t r a
and thereafter in England". N e e d i t be told that I had
developed very close a c q u a i n t a n c e w i t h thousands of brave
m a r t y r s a n d g a l l a n t fighters o f t h a t p a r t y ? S h y a m j i K r i s h a n
Varma, Madam Cama, Barrister R a n a and many other elder
and eminent personalities were among those who were
c o n v e r t e d to our r e v o l u t i o n a r y views through m y propaganda,
a n d guidance*!. T h u s I h a d v e r y close c o n t a c t s a n d p e r s o n a l
friendship with various great personalities from all over
India. T o the thousands of members of m y revolutionary
secret society, the A b h i n a v B h a r a t Samastha, right from i t s
original nucleus at N a s i k and B h a g u r to its innumerable
branches i n m a n y foreign countries I h a d myself a d m i n i s t e r e d
€ T H GLORIOUS EPOCH 469
the oath o f allegiance i n person. The martyr Madanlal

Dhingra, Lala Hardayal, B h a i Parmanandji, Chattopadhyaya,
Senapati Bapat, the great historian, D r . J a y a s w a l , T i r u m a -
lacharya, 'Rishi' A i y a r — h o w m a n y n a m e s c a n one r e c o u n t ?
Thereafter w h e n 1 w a s sent to the Andamans on transpor
tation f o r life I had the company of Pulin Biharidas, the
C h i e f o f the A n u s h i l a n S a m i t i , Barindra Ghosh of Yugantar
S a m i t i , U p e n d r a n a t h Bannerjee, Ashutosh Lahiri, Hemchan-
dradas and other Bengali revolutionary conspirators, as
fellow-convicts". Nearly a hundred or more S i k h a n d n o n -
Sikh revolutionaries of the G a d a r P a r t y a n d other societies
w h o were o r i g i n a l l y s e n t e n c e d to d e a t h but whose sentence
was, later on, commuted to deportation also came along
w i t h us to the A n d a m a n s t o serve t h e i r t e r m s a n d stayed
t h e r e w i t h u s suffering u n b e a r a b l e i n n u m e r a b l e h a r d s h i p s a n d
t o r t u r e for years together f o r t h e s a c r e d cause o f t h e l i b e r a
tion of our motherland. Subsequent to m y release f r o m the
A n d a m a n s I a g a i n came i n t o v e r y i n t i m a t e contact w i t h the
m i l l i o n s of the avowed believers i n H i n d u t w a i n the great
organizational m o v e m e n t for t h e s o l i d a r i t y o f t h e H i n d u s as
a staunch opposition to the fanatic M u s l i m activioies w h i c h
was a n a t u r a l c o n c o m i t a n t to the armed revolutionary w o r k
against the B r i t i s h . F o r w a n t o f space i t is i m p o s s i b l e even
t o m e n t i o n t h e i r n a m e s ! B u t a s p e c i a l r e q u e s t h a s t o be m a d e
just here lest the omission o f their names might be mis
u n d e r s t o o d to be d u e t o t h e i r w o r k b e i n g less i m p o r t a n t in
•comparison to that o f the o t h e r s whose names are h e r e i n
mentioned.
1124. E v e r since the sixteenth year of m y life—the

time when I began to take part i n p o l i t i c s — I have been
p e r s o n a l l y and closely connected—at t i m e s as a vehement
adversary—with a l l the above mentioned four phases of
Indian political life—the Loyalists, the non-violent but
vehemently n a t i o n a l i s t i c , the revolutionist and finally the
H i n d u i s t i c — s u b s e q u e n t t o t h e defeat i n t h e war of Indepen
d e n c e o f 1857. A s such the compilation and interpretation
from the H i n d u s t a n d p o i n t o f the h i s t o r y o f the p e r i o d has
470 SIX GLORIOUS EPOCHS OF INDIAN HISTOR-f
been f u l l y done i n m y w r i t i n g s a n d speeches m a d e o n every-

o c c a s i o n d u r i n g these fifty o r s i x t y yeiars. N o w I d o n ' t t h i n k :
i t necessary for m e t o a d d e v e n a s i n g l e w o r d t o t h e p u b l i s h e d ^
w o r k o f m i n e r u n n i n g t o a b o u t seven t o e i g h t t h o u s a n d p r i n
ted pages i n the form o f b o o k s o r o t h e r w i s e , l e a v i n g aside-
h u n d r e d s o f m y speeches, i n t e r v i e w s , a r t i c l e s a n d the w r i t t e n -
w o r k t h a t is n o w l o s t b e y o n d r e c o v e r y a n d n o w a t t h i s age—-
the eightieth year of m y life—when I am confined to bed I
h a v e n o t the p h y s i c a l s t r e n g t h left i n m e t o go o n r e p e a t i n g :
i t once again !
CONCLUSION
1125. D u r i n g t h i s ceaseless a n d r e l e n t l e s s w a r w i t h the-

B r i t i s h which India had carried on so consistently and so
resolutely w i t h v i o l e n t a n d n o n - v i o l e n t means for more t h a n a
h u n d r e d y e a r s f r o m i t s first v o l c a n i c e r u p t i o n i n 1857 t o the
y e a r 1 9 4 6 — w h e n t h e s e c o n d W o r l d W a r h a d come t o a n e n d -
i n o r d e r t h a t i t m i g h t free i t s e l f f r o m t h e t y r a n n i c a l b o n d s o f
British slavery, our H i n d u n a t i o n u l t i m a t e l y got the golden
opportunity o f a c h i e v i n g the g r e a t e s t success as the war-
d r u m s began t o t h u n d e r a n d r e n d t h e E u r o p e a n s k i e s !!
1126. I f we h a v e r e c e i v e d a n y real and effective help-
from any n a t i o n i t was from H i t l e r , the dictator o f G e r m a n y
a n d G e n e r a l T o j o , t h e m i l i t a n t l e a d e r o f t h e J a p a n e s e ! I t ife
these c o u n t r i e s , G e r m a n y a n d J a p a n , w h i c h g a v e substantial
help i n up-to-date arms a n d a m m u n i t i o n for the a r m y , n a v y
and airforce to the r e v o l u t i o n a r y p a r t y from the v e r y begin
ning, t h a t is f r o m t h e violent agitation in Europe b y the-
A b h i n a v a B h a r a t S a m s t h a " t o t h e d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r agair.st
the British by Netaji Subhas C h a n d r a B o s e i n t h e second.
World War. T h a t is w h y a n army of hardly f o r t y to fifty
t h o u s a n d s t r o n g c o u l d r i s e i n r e v o l t a g a i n s t t h e B r i t i s h near-
M a l a y a and Singapore and could march against I n d i a under
Netaji Subhashbabu to free it w i t h the w a r - c r y 'Ch'alo-
D e l h i " ' * . A t the same t i m e the B r i t i s h c a m e t o k n o w t h a t i n
India too the I n d i a n army, navy a n d airforce under the
British h a d hatched out a c o n s p i r a c y to go i n for a r e v o l u -
e X H GLORIOUS EPOCH 471
tionary war of independence". Of the Indian citizens

millions were just waiting to raise a standard of revolt
against the B r i t i s h . Some h a d gone u n d e r g r o u n d a n d begun
subversive activities, while others openly raided the British
armouries in surprise attacks and sacked them thoroughly;
others still, started prototype governments and rooted out
the British control over those particular regions. Thus
harassed o n a l l sides a n d p a r a l y s e d b y incessant fighting in
the two w o r l d wars i n E u r o p e , the crippled and mutilated
B r i t i s h power lost its h o l d on India. The English people h a d
lost the vigour and strength needed t o h o l d the e m p i r e i n
fee ! A t l a s t i n 1947 t h e B r i t i s h V i c e r o y b e g a n t a l k s w i t h t h e
Indian leaders saying that they would recognize Indian
i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d l e a v e i t a n d go b a c k ' * .
1127. O f course, t h e B r i t i s h n a t u r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d those
political parties alone as the leaders of I n d i a t h a t were
originally labouring under misconceptions and delusion as
r e g a r d s t h e i r p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i e s , were g e n e r a l l y c h i c k e n - h e a r t e d
a n d p r o - B r i t i s h o n the whole, frightened of the Muslims and
s t i l l v e r y eager t o h a v e a n y h o w , b y f a i r m e a n s o r f o u l , what
ever little political power they could grab, and w i t h them
alone they carried out a l l their talks o n the transfer of
power" ! These parties, too, no doubt, were p a t r i o t i c i n
t h e i r a c t i o n s ; t h e y , t o o , h a d l a b o u r e d f o r t h e cause o f f r e e d o m
constitutionally and non-violently.
1128. B u t t h e B r i t i s h h a d l a i d d o w n one c r a f t y a n d f a r
more dangerous condition. The British statesmen insisted
t h a t I n d i a be v i v i s e c t e d i n t o t w o because t h e y w a n t e d t o r e
w a r d those M u s l i m s who had consistently and treacherously
helped the B r i t i s h t h r o u g h o u t the I n d i a n W a r of L i b e r a t i o n
ever since 1857, a n d who demanded a unified state of the
M u s l i m - m a j o r i t y provinces cut out from the rest of I n d i a , as
a price for t h a t help. The British statesmen conceded to
this a n t i - H i n d u , highly perfidious and a n t i - n a t i o n a l d e m a n d
o f t h e M u s l i m s w i t h a s t i l l deeper a n d m o r e sinister motive
o f c r e a t i n g a n e v e r l a s t i n g e n e m y for t h e H i n d u n a t i o n " .
1129. T h i s insistence o f the B r i t i s h was basically the
Muslim demand for a separate sovereign state over the

M u s l i m - m a j o r i t y p r o v i n c e s , w h i c h h a d been s u p p o r t e d q u i t e
v e h e m e n t l y b y a l l the M u s l i m s i n I n d i a . B u t a l l the H i n d u s
in India, strongly enough, d i d not oppose this Muslim
d e m a n d f o r a P a k i s t a n so v e h e m e n t l y ! W i t h o n l y o n e e x c e p
tion, a l l the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n I n d i a were for g r a n t i n g the
M u s l i m s P a k i s t a n , a n d ending the strife for e v e r " . It meant
t h a t t h e w h o l e o f t h e P u n j a b a n d t h e B e n g a l s h o u l d be c e d e d
to Pakistan*". O v e r a n d above this the Muslims demanded
a corridor to connect their t w o M u s l i m states of the P u n j a b
a n d the B e n g a l , a strip of l a n d r i g h t from the Punjab to
B e n g a l t h r o u g h t h e h e a r t o f N o r t h I n d i a !!
1130. The only party which staunchly and consistently
o p p o s e d t h e s e M u s l i m d e m a n d s t h r o u g h o u t I n d i a was a v o w e d l y
a p r o - H i n d u p a r t y ! U n d e r the leadership o f the H i n d u M a h a -
s a b h a these H i n d u s s t a r t e d a n a l l - I n d i a a g i t a t i o n a g a i n s t t h e
vivisection of India, and protested a g a i n s t i t as b i t t e r l y as
p o s s i b l e " . T h e a n t i - H i n d u elements, the M u s l i m s , the B r i t i s h
Government, a l l persecuted them, tortured them, locked them
up i n prisons, shed the H i n d u b l o o d at various places, to
c r u s h t h i s g r e a t a g i t a t i o n a l m o v e m e n t o f the H i n d u s * * . But
throughout the whole o f I n d i a these a v o w e d pro-Hindu
(Hindutwa-nishtas) faced boldly a l l the atrocities of the
enemies, e v e n w h e n t h e y w e r e i n a m i n o r i t y . T h e y even d i d
not refrain from avenging the spilling of H i n d u blood by
shedding the enemy blood and by beheading those who
p r o v e d t r e a c h e r o u s t o the H i n d u cause !
1131. F o r t u n a t e l y this retaliation b y the loyal Hindus,

done at the risk of their lives, d i d not prove quite futile.
F o r a l t h o u g h the B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t decided much against
our wishes to p a r t i t i o n I n d i a , t h e y h a d to concede to the
least of our demands t h a t instead o f g i v i n g over the whole o f
t h e P u n j a b a n d B e n g a l t o t h e M u s l i m s , as p e r t h e i r d e m a n d ,
o n l y the M u s l i m - m a j o r i t y p a r t of those provinces s h o u l d be
i n c l u d e d i n P a k i s t a n w h i l e the rest o f the P u n j a b a n d B e n g a l
w i t h H i n d u m a j o r i t y s h o u l d be j o i n e d t o India as E a s t e r n
Punjab and West Bengal. The d e m a n d of the loyal Hindus
•eXH GLORIOUS E P O C H 473
(Hindutwa-nishtas) ' L e t us v i v i s e c t t h e i r p r o p o s e d Pakistan

before t h e y v i v i s e c t o u r H i n d u s t a n ' * * , t h u s p r o v e d s u c c e s s f u l .
A n d as f o r t h e m o r e d a n g e r o u s M u s l i m d e m a n d f o r a c o r r i d o r
— a passage t h r o u g h n o r t h I n d i a t o j o i n t h e P u n j a b and the
•Bengal—not a w o r d w a s ever s p o k e n n o r c o n s i d e r e d d u r i n g
these t a l k s o f t h e t r a n s f e r o f p o w e r m a i n l y because o f the
b i t t e r e s t o p p o s i t i o n o f these ' l o y a l ' H i n d u s !
1132. A n d when d u r i n g the elections for the central
a n d p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s o f I n d i a the m a j o r i t y o f the I n d i a n
voters e l e c t e d those v e r y c a n d i d a t e s a n d p a r t i e s w h o gave
t h e i r consent to create P a k i s t a n , they p r o v e d themselves to
i)e t h e g r e a t e s t s i n n e r s , r e s p o n s i b l e for the h o r r i b l e n a t i o n a l
•crime o f e t e r n a l l y h a r m i n g t h e u n d i v i d e d I n d i a !
1133. A g a i n , the ' l o y a l H i n d u s ' k n e w in their heart of
h e a r t s t h a t t h i s c r e a t i o n o f P a k i s t a n was the neces.=;ary conse
quence o f the great sins o f cherishing perverted conception
of virtues, of banning reconversion o f the p o l l u t e d Hindus
a n d m a n y other such religious and s o c i a l vices i m b i b e d i n us
f r o m our o l d ancestors. These v e r y a n t i - H i n d u a n d anti-
n a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s o f the H i n d u s h a d a l r e a d y c r e a t e d b i g a n d
small 'Pakistans' in every city and every village. It was
i n e v i t a b l e t h a t we h a d to suffer the h o r r i b l e consequences o f
"these o u r s o c i a l sins a n d c r i m e s . A detailed discussion on
t h i s p o i n t is a v a i l a b l e i n the f o r e g o i n g pages, (cf. C h a p t e r 8
P a r a s 421 t o 472)
1134. W h i l e a l l these m o m e n t o u s m o v e m e n t s were g o i n g
••on i n I n d i a the B r i t i s h Cabinet itself, after taking into
-account the g e n e r a l t r e n d , t a b l e d a b i l l i n the B r i t i s h P a r l i a
ment, named 'Independence of India Act', which was
unanimously passed. A c c o r d i n g l y o n the 15th of August,
1947 t h e B r i t i s h G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l i n D e l h i declared, at last,
-with t h e c o n s e n t o f t h e e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f I n d i a , t h a t
the British nation was o n t h a t d a y liberating India from
their imperial domination and making it politically free,
that of the M u s h m majority districts of West Punjab and
East Bengal separate independent Muslim State, called
' P a k i s t a n ' w o u l d be c r e a t e d . W h i l e the rest of I n d i a w o u l d
be f o u n d e d as a n i n d e p e n d e n t I n d i a n S t a t e **!!!
1135. T h u s was I n d i a l i b e r a t e d f r o m the d o m i n a t i o n o f
the British Empire and this great I n d i a n republic was
established ! The practical politicians amongst the 'loyal
H i n d u s ' satisfied themselves w i t h the thought that under
the present circumstances whatever was obtained was not
meagre ! T h o u g h not the whole o f B h a r a t at least three-
fourths o f i t was l i b e r a t e d i n an u n d i v i d e d state ! Q u i t e a
great boon indeed ! After about a thousand years a great
n e w age o f n a t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e h a s dawned i n the h i s t o r y o f
the H i n d u s . A s such the r e a l strategy for the Hindus from
t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f t h e i r o w n benefit a n d t h e greater glory
o f H i n d u t w a i s first t o m a k e t h e newly won Bharat wholly
t h e i r o w n . T h e f r a g m e n t s t h a t w e r e left i n t h e f o r e i g n h a n d s
c o u l d be a t t e n d e d t o l a t e r o n ! ,
1136. Immediately the B r i t i s h Union Jack which had
been fluttering p r o u d l y over the R e d F o r t i n D e l h i — o v e r the
h e a r t o f I n d i a as i t w e r e — f o r t h e l a s t h u n d r e d o r a hundred,
and fifty years w i t h overbearing imperial haughtiness, was
p u l l e d d o w n a n d i n its place was hoisted a m i d s t tumultuous
applause a n d the d e a f e n i n g cries o f ' H a i l , I n d i a n Indepen
dence, a l l H a i l t o t h e e !' t h e t r i - c o l o u r e d flag o f t h e i n d e p e n
dent, sovereign Government of India, w i t h the 'Sudarshan'
wheel i m p r i n t e d o n it !
1137. F r o m t h e W e s t e r n Seas c a m e t h e B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l
p o w e r m a r c h i n g o n us w i t h t h e s u p e r c i l i o u s v a n i t y t h a t with
the sword alone they w o u l d conquer empires and w i t h the
sword alone would they run them; and straightaway it
c h m b e d the Indian imperial throne of Delhi. But at last
f r o m the v e r y same t h r o n e of D e l h i was i t dragged d o w n , its
vaunting sword being c u t t o pieces ! T o the shores o f the
v e r y s a m e W e s t e r n Seas i t w a s d r i v e n b a c k a n d w a s u l t i m a t e l y
submerged into the v e r y same W e s t e r n Seas ! The last
defeated B r i t i s h soldier, we saw with o u r o w n eyes g o i n g
b a c k t o t h e s a m e W e s t e r n Seas w i t h h i s h e a d h u n g d o w n a n d
b a c k towards us.
1138. T h u s of a l l the foreign aggressions over India,
that took place d u r i n g the last two thousand years> the

greatest and mightiest one—the s i x t h i n order—that of the
British was i n the end utterly defeated by India and its
p o l i t i c a l d o m i n a t i o n crushed to pieces I
1139. Thus disappeared the mighty English empire 1
A n d when i t d i d disappear, i t d i d so, so very suddenly and
s p e e d i l y , so v e r y c o m p l e t e l y , t h a t t h e t r a n s f e r o f the empire
— i n s t e a d o f a p p e a r i n g t o be t h e t r a n s f e r o f p o w e r — a p p e a r e d
t o be a change o f d r e a m . T i l l but yesterday not a straw
m o v e d i n I n d i a w i t h o u t express o r d e r s f r o m t h e E n g l i s h 1 B u t
today ! N o t an English Officer is to be f o u n d i n I n d i a .
1140. T h i s v i c t o r y o v e r t h e E n g l i s h w h i c h deserves t h &
Commemoration by A H o r s e - S a c r i f i c e is T H E S I X T H O F
THE GLORIOUS HINDU VICTORIES over foreign
aggressors !
X-
Books Referred
CHAPTER I
1. M R K - A H I . p . 24. Singhal : S p h i n z : p. v i i Barnet-

Anti-I; S m i t h : E H I . p . 28.
2. (i) D r . H a r e K r i s h n a Mahetab : H . 0 . V o l . I, P p 13-14.
•(ii> Singhal : Sphinx, p. 11; S m i t h — E H I . p. 12.
G o k h a l e : S G V p . 94.
3. Singhal : S p h i n x , p . 11. S m i t h — E H I . p . 30. Gokhale
S G p . 94
4. G o k h a l e — B & A p . 127; S m i t h — E H I p . 12; Mookerji;
— C M T p . 1-3. R a y — D H N I (p. x x x i — x x x i i )
•6. (i) Greek writers like Ktesias, Herodotus, Arrian,
Ptolemy, Quintus Curtist Rufus, Plutarch, P l i n y
e t c . cf. M ' C r i n d l e : 1 . 1 . A . & h i s A . I .
(ii) Accounts of Chinese travellers : Ssu-ma-Chen.
(100 B C ) P a - h i e n (399 A D ) , H i u e n T s a n g — ( A D 6 2 9 -
645) ete.
(iii) S m i t h — E H I . p . 95.
6. (i) H . G . W e l l s — O H . p . 784; p . 288; p . 4 2 6 .
(ii) T a b l e V ( T i m e o f T r o u b l e s ) i n A . J . T o y n b e e ' s : S H
a b r i d g e d b y D . C . S o m e r v e l l (1954)
7. C P . F i t z e r a l d — C h i n a (1961) p.176. p.l62, Pp.139.140..
p.l65.
8. H . G . W e l l s — O H p. 505.
9. H . G . W e l l s — O H p . 707; 720.
10. D r . B . R . A m b e d k a r — A n n i h i l a t i o n o f C a s t e (1936) p . 3 4 .
11. M R K - A H I . p . 66; S m i t h — E H I . p . 67; M a r s h a l l — T a x i l a ,
V . l . p . 17.
478
12. H . G . W e l l s — O H . p . 288 a n d 4 2 6 .
13. H . G . W e l l s — O H . p . 313; P p . 2 9 4 - 2 9 5 . p . 3 2 1 . , p . 2 9 7 .
14. H . G . W e l l s — O H . p . 346. p p . 349-360.
15. H . G . W e l l s — O H . p . 350.
16. H . G . W e l l s — O H . p - 354,
17. H . G . W e l l s — O H . p . 356.
18. H . G . W e l l s — O H . p. 361. M R K - A H I . p. 65.
19. H . G . W e l l s - O H . p . 361. M R K - A H I . p . 65.
20. W . W . T A R N — A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t . V . l . (1948) p . 8 3 .
Plutarch—Alexander L X V E . M ' C r i n d l e — H A p . 316.
21. (i) 'Alexanders' D e i f i c a t i o n — A p p e n d i x 22 in W.W.
T A R N ' S A l e x a n d e r the Great, V J I , (1953).
Pp. 347-373.
(ii) P h i l o s o p h e r O a l l i s t h e n e s w a s t h e origi]}e.tor p f tjbjs
m y t h ' . T A R N — A l e x . V J . A p p e n d i x 221, p . 77.
22. S m i t h — E H I . p . 126. W.W. TARN—Alex, V . L (1948)
p . 66.
23. M . A . R a h i m — H i s t o r y o f t h e A f g h a n s i n I n d i a , ( A D 1546-
1631) p . 2 8 .
H a r B i l a s S a r d a ^ H i n d u S u p e r i o r i t y (1906) p . 6.
M o o k e r j i — C M T p , 2 8 0 ; A - L . S h r i v a s t a v a - r - S D p . 3Q f n , i .
34. ' K u b h a , the V e d i e n a m e for the K a b u l r i v e r ' , J a y a s w a l :
H P p . 121.
25. J . W . M ' C r i n d l e : A n c i e n t I n d i a as d e s c r i b e d i n C l a s s i c a l
L i t e r a t u r e , p . 150 n 3.
E l p h i n s t o n e : H i s t o r y o f I n d i a P p . 331-336-
26. J a y a s w a ] : H P . p . 114.
27. J a y a s w a l — H P P- 6 7 . P l u t a r c h : A l e x a n d e r — L X .
M ' C r i n d l e — I I A . p . 308.
28. Jayaswal—HP. p. 120—Smith—EHI. p. 35.
29. Smith—EHI. Pp.65-56. Jayaswal—HP. Pp. 120-1^1
M'Crindle—IIA. Pp. 80-82. (Arrian's Anabasis—V
C h II.)
ffm sTfTT?: I <T#3r5f)f: T^mi'sir I V 1-4 on P. 4.1-17Q
30. J a y a s w a l H P . p . 121.; S m i t h E H I . p. 6 6 .
31. S r a i t h E H L p . 6 6 R a p s o n — V . L C h . I ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . 350.
32. G . G r o t e — H i s t o r y o f G r e e c e — V . I . p . 119, f n . 3 , 6 9 .
479
33. (i) Ashok's R o c k Inscriptions I I & I I I

(ii) : ^ s r m q g ^ T ? ^ ^ ftfrf^ft^tT-w^pr: 5fT??ir 50 (113,40)
^Tfo 50 (45,116)
(iii) ^p^>3r2T^^R#^ ^r^FTt T t n r r ^ 1 wrrmj
( K 43, 4-12)
(iv) q > f ^R=^tf srf^^T ^ ^ " t s r r m^x 5 r ^ r : 1 ^ ^ w f ^ r
(10,44)
( v ) f^^m-g^T[T^ q w ^ R ' s r r ^ ^ S T R m^x^ 1 >Tm^
(vi) T^TW^cT ( I X - P a r t 4 , p 3 ) ; ^TxM^ : 6440
( v i i ) N a r a i n — I n d o - G r e e k s P 1. A p p , 1. P p . 165-269
(vii) 5fW sa'î^t fe'c^ft fc^T sqr^Tîra", J T ^ ^ R t ftrr: ' i R
^F^tsfT^t i f t ^ ^ r ( x i v , 16)
(ix) J u n a g a d h R o c k I n s c r i p t i o n o f R u d r a d a m a n dated
150 A D ( E p i I n d v i i i )
34. K A N S — A N M . p . 324. p . 108 ; J a y a s w a l : H P . p . 3 1 .
M ' C r i n d l e — A I . p. 67n.
34-A. S m i t h — E H I p . 197 ; K A N S — A N M . p . 2 9 9 .
35. (i) A l e x a n d e r the Great—mentioned i n the Q u r a n as
Zul-Qarnian i.e. "He of the two horns" with
w h i c h he is r e p r e s e n t e d o n h i s c o i n s . (Surah x v i i i ,
82). H e seems t o h a v e been r e g a r d e d b y M u h a m
m a d as one i n v e s t e d with a divine commission.
" V e r i l y we e s t a b l i s h e d h i s p o w e r u p o n e a r t h , " but
c o m m e n t a t o r s are n o t agreed w h e t h e r to a s s i g n t o
him the position of a Prophet (Zul-Qarnian) :
H u g h e s — A D I p 13, 717.
(ii) S i k a n d a r L o d i , S u l t a n of Delhi.
S i k a n d a r S h a h (son o f M u h a m m a d T u g h l a q )
Sikandar Shah o f K a s h m i r ( A D 1394-1420) and
m a n y others.
{iii) " H e ( A l a - u d - d i n ) e v e n c a u s e d h i m s e l f t o be s t y l e d
S i k a n d a r Sani (Alexander the second) i n h i s c o i n s
as w e l l as i n p u b l i c p r a y e r s . " K . S . Lai—History
o f the K h i l j i s p . 9 0 .
<iv) M R K — A H I : p . 301 n . W r i g h t : Catalogue of the
480
C o i n s i n t h e I n d i a n M u s e u m s V o l . 1 1 p . 8.
(v) Dialogue between A l a - u d - d i n and A l a - u l - M u l k
in Barani p. 264-271 quoted b y K . S . L a i — H i s . o f
K h i l j i s . (1950) p . 9 1 .
(vi) T h e B e d o u i n t h o u g h t t h a t N a p o l e o n w a s " I s k a n d a r
come a g a i n . " T A R N — A l e x . V o l . 1. (1948) p . 144.
(vii) S m i t h — O H I . p . 84.
36. S m i t h — E H I . (1924) p . 6 5 .
3 6 - A . S m i t h — E H I . (1924) p . 6 4 .
37. Smith—EHI. (1924) p. 65; Mookerji—CMT. p. 27;
M R K — A H I . p . 65.
38. G o k h a l e — S G . p . 5.
39. M o o k e r j i — C M T . p . 26.
40. S m i t h - E H I . (1924) p . 6 6 .
41. S m i t h — E H I . (1924) p . 66.
41-A. 'Slippery slate of the s u r f a c e ' — S m i t h — E H I . (1924)
p . 70.
41-B. S m i t h - E H I . p. 74.
41-C. S m i t h - E H I . p . 74.
42. M R K — A H I . p. 67.
43. S m i t h - E H I . p . 92; C u r t i s i x , 3; D i o d o r u s x v i i , 9 5 .
44. K . P . J a y a s w a l — H i n d u P o l i t y (1955) p . 2 7 1 .
45. P l u t a r c h - A l e x a n d e r - L X V ; M ' C r i n d l e — I I A . p . 315.
46. The Old D a n d i n (Dandamis)of T a x i l a , when called upon
b y Onesikrates to present himself before Alexander,
the son of Zeus, master of the w o r l d , under threat, ' b u t
i f y o u refuse (he) w i l l c u t off y o u r h e a d ' , ' c o m p l a c e n t l y
smiled' and replied that he w a s as much the son of
Zeus as Alexander '—M'Crindle—^Megasthenes—•
P p . 124-126.
A r r i a n , V I I , 2 , 3 . W . W . T A R N - A l e x . V o l . I I p . 437.
Jayaswal—HP. p. 271.
4 6 -A . M ' C r i n d l e — M a g a s t h e n e s — P p . 124-126.
47. M ' C r i n d l e — M a g a s t h e n e s — P p . 124-126.
4 7 -A . M'Crindle—Magasthenes—Pp. 124-126.
48. W . W . T A R N — A l e x . V o l . I I (1950) p . 5 3 .
'Alexander killed 80,000 I n d i a n s o f S a m b o s ' kingdom.
481
a n d also sold m a n y captives'.^Cleitarchus.

D i o d o r u s ( X V I I 102,6) has the same s t o r y : no reason
given one town revolted at the instigation of
some B r a h m a n s , a l w a y s i r r e c o n c i l a b l e , a n d ' w h e n A l e x
a n d e r t o o k t h e f o r t he p u t t h e B r a h a m a n s t o d e a t h . '
49. Quintus Curtiiis E u f u s - I X , iv.
50. M ' C r i n d l e : A . 1. J a y a s w a l — H P . p . 5 6 .
50-A. D i o d o r u t X V I I , 91.
50-B. "Beauty was held among them in the highest
estimation". —Diodorus X V I I , 91.
" A c c o r d i n g to Strabbo (XV,30) amongst them 'the
handsomest man is chosen as k i n g . ' M'Crindle-A.l.
p . 38.
50-C. " A c c o r d i n g to Strabbo the inspection was made
w h e n the c h i l d was t w o m o n t h s o l d . " I b i d - n 2 .
51. (i) " T h e p r o d u c t i o n o f S p a r t i a t e C h i l d r e n was c o n t r o l
led on drastically eugenic lines—"Toynbee StH-
[ A b r i d g e d b y D . C . S o m e r v e l l - 1 9 5 4 ] p . 180.
(ii) Plutarch-Lycurgus. Ch X V .
52. TTT: ^S^^X^\S^^^ I
C o m p l a i n s L o r d Shree K r i s h n a i n M a h a b h a r a t .
S h a n t i . 81, 7
53,54. K r i s h k a - s r V w : I ^'^?^JTt I ? f t ? w r : I
^T^sq: I m^TszTt I ^XvfBqj: | P p . 455-56
55. K . P . J a y a s w a l - H P p . 57. J B O R S X X I I , 59.
56. S m i t h - E H I . p . 42 J a y a s w a l - H P . p . 2 8 .
57. A r r i a n - A n a b a s i s - V x x v i , 3, T r . b y M ' C r i n d l e - I I A . p . 124
Q. Curtius Rufus-ix,ii,12, T r . by M'Crindle IIA. Pp.
223-7.
S m i t h - E H I . p . 79.
58. (i) T r . b y M ' C r i n d l e I I A . P p . 125-127.
(ii) Q. Curtius Rufus-IX, iii T r . by M'Crindle I I A .
p . 227.
(iii) M ' C r i n d l e - I I A . p . 224.
(iv) M ' C r i n d l e - I I A . p . 226.
(v) J a y a s w a l - H P . p. 28. T A R N : A l e x . V . l . p . 98.
59. S m i t h - E H I p . 79.
482.
60. A r r i a n - A n a b a s i s - V . x x v i i i , M ' C r i n d l e I I A . p . 128.

60-A. S m i t h - E H I . p . 80, M ' C r i n d l e - I I A . P p . 125-127.
61. W . W . T A R N - A l e x . V . I . p . 99 :
Smith-EHI. p . 80, & 116.
62. See ^Tf5T?ra: f ^ ^ ^ ^ f t i T ' T A c t I. also
63. S m i t h - O H I . p . 88; h i s E H I . P p . 102-3; P p . 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 .
63-A. S m i t h - E H I . p . 92.
64. S m i t h - E H I p . 99 ; D i o d o r u s — x v i i , 98 ;
Jayaswal—HP Pp. 68-9 W.W. TARN—Alex. V. I.
p . 102.
65. . S m i t h - E H I (1924) p . 101. T A R i S T — A l e x . V o l . 1. (1948)
p . 102.
66. " U n t i l his (Alexander's) breast was pierced by an
a r r o w a n d he f e l l . " S m i t h - E H I p . 101.
67. M o o k e r ] i - C M T . p . 45.
67-A. 'numismatic memorial o f the b a t t l e — d e c a d r a c h m i n
the British Museum.' S m i t h E H I . (1924) p . 7 5 .
C u r t i u s - I X , v i i - M ' C r i n d l e - I I A P p . 248-51.
68. Arrian-Anabasis-VI, i i .
J a y a s w a l - H P . p . 60.
69. 69-A. J a y a s w a l - H P . p. 60-
70. S m i t h - E H I . p . 58.
70- A . Diodorus Siculus-Bibliotheca Historica VII, Ixxxiv.
M ' C r i n d l e I I A . p . 269.
71. Arrian-Anabasis of Alexander and Indica-VI, v
D i o d o r u s - x v i i , 96.
7 1 -A . M R K - A H I . p . 67.
71-B. HTT 3r?rtT?: I "T^rsr^ft I I , 298.
'Brachmanoi'—Arrian v i , 16.
' C o u n t r y o f the B r a c h m a n s ' — D i o d o r u s x v i i , c i i i .
J a y a s w a l - H P . P p . 65-66.
72. Jayaswal-HP. p . 66 M ' C r i n d l e - I I . A . p . 296
V . 2,104.
73. M R K — A H I . p . 67.
74. M R K - A H I . p. 67.
75. M R K - A H I . p . 68.
76. M R K - A H I . p . 52^
4S3
77. K A N S — A N M . p . 150. M o o k e r j i - C M T . p. 45.

78. Smith-EHI. p. 115. M R K - A H I . p . 68 ;
Gokhale-SG. p . 4.
79. M R K — A H I . p . 9 7 . S m i t h - E H I . p . 114.
80. Arrian-y,20,7. M o o k e r j i - C M T . p. 46.
TARN-Alex. V o l . I . p . 104.
81. Smith-EHI. p. 115.
81-A. Alexander under Kank^sos-M'Crindle-IIA. Note A.
p. 331.
81- B . S m i t h - E H I . p . 122. C H I . V o l . I . p . 4 7 1 .
TARN-Alex. V . I I . A p p e n d i x 24. p . 324. .
T A R N — B a c . p . 46.
J u s t i n - q u o t e d b y M o o k e r j i - C M T . p . 9.
82. Mookerji-CMT Pp. 8-24 ; T h a p a r - A D M . Pp. 12-13
M R K - A H I . p. 98.
82- A . M o o k e r j i — C M T . p . 24. G o k h a l e - B & A . p . 129.
82-B. S m i t h - E H I p . 92. M R K — A H I . p . 97 ;
M o o k e r j i - C M T : Pp. 8-9.
82-C. S m i t h — E H I p . 42. M o o k e r j i — C M T . P p . 8-9.
82-D. S m i t h - E H I . p . 123. Justin—XV, iv.
83. Gokhale-SG. p . 5.
84. "Plutarch—LXII. M o o k e r j i - C M T . P p . 4-5.
M ' C r i n d l e I I A . p . 311. M R K - A H I . p . 98.
T h a p a r A D M . p . 16.
85. K4.NS—ANM p . 144.
85-A. K A N S — A N M p. 144.
85-B. K A N S — A N M , p . 146. J u s t i n - X V , i v . n-1.
M ' C r i n d l e - I I A . p . 327.
86. Mookerji-CMT. 367.
87. M o o k e r j i — C M T . p . 34.
88. M o o k e r j i - C M T p . 34 ; G o k h a l e - B & A p . 128.
89. M o o k e r j i - C M T . A p p . I p . 367.
90. M o o k e r j i - C M T . [App. I. Pp. 366-370. App. II.
Pp. 371-376.
91. M o o k e r j i - C M T . p . 36.
92. R h y s D a v i d s B I . p. 267.
93. M o o k e r j i - C M T . A p p . I . p . 369. A p p . I I . p . 3 7 3 .
484
94. G o k h a l e - S . G . p . 1. ; K A N S — A N M p . 5 .
Smifch-EHI p . 110. M o o k e r j i - C M T . p . 72.
95. K A N S — A N M p . 161.
96. H . G . W e l l s — O H (1931) P p . 3 7 0 - 3 7 2 ,
97. JTÎlTRcr, ^1^0 6 3 , 28, 29.
98. S m i t h E H I p . 124 ; K A N S — A N M p . 166.
99. KANS—ANM p . 166. Plutarch : L X I I .
M ' C r i n d l e - I I A . p. 310.
100. S m i t h - E H I . p. 126.
101. C . V . V a i d y a — H M H I V . I . (1921) p . 1 9 1 . V . I I . (1926)
p . 2 3 . V . I I I . (1926) p . 4 0 1 . A n c i e n t I n d i a b y P t o l e m y -
M'Crindle : p. 319 : Pandit J . N e h r u - D . I . p . 162.
" A r a c h o s i a , the p r o v i n c e between K a n d a h a r a n d G h a z n i
was a c t u a l l y called ' W h i t e I n d i a ' — G e o r g e W o o d c o c k -
T h e G r e e k s i n I n d i a (1966) p . 14.
102. S m i t h - E H I p . 124.
103. S m i t h — E H I p . 126 ; " H o p i n g t o r e c o n q u e r A l e x a n d e r ' s
Indian Provinces."
S m i t h - O H I (1967) p . 97.
104. S m i t h - E H I (1924) p . 125.
106. M R K - A H I p . 104. Smith-EHI p . 125 ;
G o k h a l e - S . G . p . 6. S m i t h - O H I p . 97.
106. "Selucos was o b l i g e d to retire a n d conclude a h u m i l i a
ting peace." S m i t h - E H I . p . 125; O H I (1967) p . 9 7 .
107. S m i t h - E H I p . 125.
108. S m i t h - E H I p . 1 2 5 . ( A p p . F . p . 158) : O H I . p . 9 7 .
109. MRK-AHI, p. 101. G . Woodcock, Greeks in India
(1966) p . 4 7 .
110. M R K - A H I P p . 101-102 & S m i t h - E H I p . 1 2 5 .
S m i t h — O H I p . 97 ; G e o r g e W o o d c o c k , G r e e k s i n I n d i a
(1966) p . 4 8 .
111. S m i t h - E H I . p . 1 2 7 . K A K S - A N M : p . 2 0 1 . a n d 179.
112. Maharashtra Bhatache Vijayageet-17 SSV. Vol. V I I
(1965) p . 3 4 7 .
C H A P T E R II
1. S m i t h - E H I . p . 126 ; M o o k e r j i - C M T . p . 7 2 .
2. S m i t h - E H I . p . 126 a n d 156 ; M R K — A H I . p . 102
3. R O D - A I H C . p. 184.
4. A c c o r d i n g t o T a r a n a t h he ( B i n d u s a r a ) was a g r e a t s o l d i e r
a n d a c o n q u e r o r a n d e x t e n d e d h i s e m p i r e to the s o u t h o f
India'. Gokhale-B & A. p . 131 Dikshitar-Mauryan
Polity p . 54. Jayaswal—The Empire of Bindusara.
J . B . O . R . S . I I P p . 79-83.
KANS—ANM. p . 4 a n d 167. S m i t h - O H I . p. 99.
5. M R K - A H I . p . 103.
6. Smith-OHI. p. 117. Thapar-ADM p . 27 and 32.
MRK—AHI, p . 103.
7. Mookerji—CMT Pp 304-5. M R K — A H I . p . 84.
S m i t h - E H I . p . 198.
Pandit J . N e h r u - D I . (1945) p p . 176-177.
8. 1st R o c k E d i c t : T h a p a r - A D M . p . 150.
9. S m i t h - E H I . p . 186 ; K A N S — A N M . p . 239.
M R K - A H I p . 108.
10. K A N S — A N M . p.239.
11. S m i t h - E H I . p . 185. P i l l a r E d i c t o f A s o k a , I V .
M R K - A H I . p . 122.
12. M o o k e r j i - C M T . p . 296.
13. H . G . W e l l s — O H . p. 404.
14. Bhandarkar—Asoka. p. 237. Raychoudhary—PHAI.
p . 304, G o k h a l e - B & A p . 144.
15. M R K - A H I p . 112.
16. M R K - A H I P p . 128-129. S m i t h - E H I . p . 2 3 3 .
MRK-AHI. P p . 106-107.
17. S S V . V I I . P p . 539-640.
18. MRK-AHI. p . 112.
486
19. MRK-AHI. p . I l l a n d 113.

20. Strabbo X I , i .
21. MRK—AHI. p . 114. Hathigumpha Inscription : L 8
( E I . X X 79-80)
22. According to some authorities, and notably W. W.
T A R N , Demetrius is supposed to have formulated a
gigantic strategic plan, bigger and better thap any o f
Alexander's.
23. W . W . T A R N : A l e x . V . I . p . 7 7 . A p p . 22. 1.
24. ?r^??5rf^ =^ 5r^ftT??fir^ ^ i 35^5: 5r?WR?cft
gfgfcST I K a u t i l y a ; A r t h a s h a t r a : I X , 2
Mookerji C M T . p. 278.
25. TT^TW^, mf'ô 98-100. M o o k e r j i ; C M T . p . 278.
26. (i) s f t t T ^ ^ ^ ^ t g r 2,31
(ii) T^T^TRcT, ^^'J^ I, 27-33 a n d 123,124.
(iii) T^rvTRcT, îfJcfo 95,9.
27. S m i t h - E H I . p . 218. M R K - A H I . p . 116.

28. M R K - A H I . p . 116.
29. S m i t h : O H I . p . 140. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p. 46.
Jayaswal—"Demitrius, Kharvela and the Garga
Samhita."
J B O R S . V . X I V . 1928, P p . 127-128.
30. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a — E H N I . P p . 6-7. S. B. Choudhari :
Huns, Yavanas and Kambojas : (IHQ. Vol. XXVI.
p . 121.)
31. S t e n K o n o w : A c t a O r i e n t a l i a V . 1. p . 12.
32. S i v a p r a s a d D a s : G l o r i e s o f A n c i e n t O r i s s a (1964)
P p . 125-126 ; 133 a n d 135.
33. R . C . Mitra : J.A.J.B. Part 1. V o l . X I V (1876)
Pp. 386-98.
B a r n e t - A n t i q u i t i e s o f I n d i a . (1913) p . 1 1 7 .
34. S t r a b b o X I , x i , 1. ; X V , i i , 3. M R K - A H I . p . 117.
A b h a y a n a n d i w r i t e s o n J a i n e n d r a S u t r a I I , 2 , 92.
Jainendra Vyakarana with Abhayanandi's Mahavriti
(Published b y E . J . Lagrus) p . 286.
36i (i) T i i R N . ( G B I . p . 2 6 1 , 268-9)
487
(ii) M a r s h a l l ( T a x i l a V o l . I . p . 33.)
36. W . W . T A R N — ( G B I . p . 175) a n d M a r s h a l l ( T a x i l a V . 1-
p. 33,
37. B h a r h u t i n s c r i p t i o n ; M R K - A H I . p . 113.
G o k h a l e — B & A . p . 150.
38. srf^rar ^^r^^ToTT^^fîcftrT ^rTTfHTTTT'if T'hf
39. M R K - A H I . p . 113.
40. K . P . J a y a s w a l - J B O R S I V . S e p t . 1938 ;
S m i t h - E H I . p . 208, n 2 .
41. K A N S - A N M . p . 246.
42. S m i t h - E H I . p . 210.
43. S m i t h - E H I . p . 210. M R K - A H I . p . 114.
44. S m i t h - E H I . p . 212 ; M R K - A H I . P p . 113-114.
45. M R K - A H I . p . 114.
46 ? f Jcq-fiT^ msnnT: I 71%?^ H I , 2, 123. V a r t i k 1.
46. A.. M a l a v i k a g n i m i t r a - A c t V . E n g . T r . b y T a w n e y p . 78.
47. N a r a i n : I n d o - G r e e k s . p . 10 a n d also 164.
48. P a n d i t J . N e h r u - D . I . (1956) p . 140.
49. D i v y a v a d a n a (ed. b y E . B . C o w e l l a n d R A N e i l . 1886)
Taranath-History of B u d d h i s m (Eng T r . I H Q . V o l . I l l ,
1927).
C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 12.
50. S m i t h - E H I . p . 213.
61. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 37.
CHAPTER III
1. ' G u z a n - K u s h a n ' - P . W . Thomas. I . A . p. 344 ;

N a r a i n : I n d o - G r e e k s . p. 132 a n d 138 ; C h a t t o p a d h y a y a -
E H N I . p. 98.
2. S m i t h - O H I . p. 145. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 98.
3. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 49. P . W . T h o m a s - S a k a s t a n a .
( J . R . A . S . 1906. P p . 181-216 ; 4 6 0 - 4 ) .
S m i t h - E H I . P p . 264-5 n 3 .
4. E i t z g e r a l d - C h i n a - p . 181; N a r a i n - I n d o - G r e e k s - p . 129 n .
5. F i t z e r a l d - C h i n a . p . 175 ; 176.
6. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . P . 4 9 . S m i t h - E H I . p . 264.
7. Narain-Indo Greeks, p. 10; Marshall-Taxila V . I.
p . 44, 5 5 .
8. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - S a k a s . p . 7 ; M a r s h a l l - T a x i l a V . I- P- 4 4 .
9. S m i t h - E H I . p . 2 4 1 . C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - S a k a s . p . 82
C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 102.
10. K F B - I I , p . 209 ; L a n e - P o o l e : M . I n d . p . 5.
M a j u m d a r - A r a b l . I . p.28.
11. Chattopadhyaya-Sakas. p. 82.
12. M R K - A H I . p . 115.
13. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I , p . 110, 123 ; ' Y o u d h e y a g a n a s y a
J a y a l i . ' A Catalogue of I n d . Coins' B r . Museum (A.I.) b y
J . A l l a n , p . 276.
' M a l a v a n a m J a y a h ' or ' M a l a v a h n a J a y a — I b i d . p c v . ;
14. M R K — A H L p . 119.
15. S m i t h - E H I . p. 293.
16. M R K - A H I . p . 118 , J . J . M o d i - J . B . B . R A . S .
Vol. X X I V , (1917)-Pp.591-594.
17. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - S a k a s , p . 65 ; C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I .
p . 106.
18. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - S a k a s . p . 65 ; S m i t h - E H I . p . 2 2 1 , 3 0 8 .
489
19. G i r n a r epigraph of R u d r a d a m a n & K a n h e r i inscription.

S m i t h - E H I . p . 2 2 2 , M R K — A H I . p . 115.
20. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 106 ; S m i t h - E H I . p . 2 2 5 .
21. Banerji-Development of Hindu Iconography. V. I.
p . 122 f. W h i t e h e a d - P M C . V . I . p . 2 9 .
22. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - S a k a s - p . 65.
23. Chattopadhyaya-EHNI. p . 1 0 6 - S m i t h - E H I . p . .225.
24. S m i t h - E H I . p. 273.
25. S m i t h - E H I . p . 271 ; M R K - A H I . p . 120.
26. Chattopadhyaya-EHNI. p . 82 ; M R K — A H I . p . 121.
27. S m i t h - E H I . p . 276.
28. S m i t h - E H I . p . 275-278.
29. S m i t h - E H I . p . 278 ; C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - S a k a s . p . 27ff.
30. M R K - A H I . p . 121. S m i t h . O H I . p . 150.
31. S m i t h - O H I . p . 173. S m i t h - E H I . p . 282 ; M R K — A H I .
p . 140.
32. M R K - A H I . p . 122 ; S m i t h - E H I . P p . 2 8 3 - 2 8 5 .
33. S m i t h - E H I . P p . 283-285.
34. M R K - A H I . p. 122.
35. S m i t h E H I . p. 211.
36. S m i t h E H I . P p . 281-282.
37. S m i t h - E H I . P p . 275-278.
38. S m i t h - O H I . p . O H I . p . 149.
39. M R K - A H I . p . 122.
40. S m i t h - E H I . p . 287.
41. S m i t h - E H I . p . 288.
42. S m i t h - E H I . p . 288.
43. S m i t h - E H I . p. 288. M a j u m d a r - A l t e k a r The V a k a t a k a -
G u p t a A g e . ( A N e w H i s t o r y o f the I n d i a n P e o p l e . V o l .
V I . ) p . 25. J N S I - V o l . V . P p . 111-134.
44. S m i t h - E H I . P p . 295-96 ; L e v i - L e N e p a l . V o l . I . p . 14.
I I . p . 153. B a n e r j i - A I G . p . 5.
45. Chattopadhyaya-EHNI. P p . 142-143 ;
S m i t h - E H I . P p . 295-6.
46. B a n e r j i - A I G . p . 3 ; S m i t h - E H I . p . 296.
47. S m i t h - E H I . p . 296. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a . E H N I . p . 144.
490
48. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 147 ; AUahabad-Prasasti by

Harishena ; S m i t h . E H I . p. 297.
49. S m i t h - E H I . p . 298.
60. Allahabad-Pra.sasti by Harishena.
61. S m i t h - E H I . p. 299 ; G o k h a l e - S . G . ; P a n d i t J . N e h r u - D . I .
p. 43.
62. B a n e r j i - A . I . G . p . 19 ; G u p t a C o i n s - B M C I C - p . " 2 1 .
63. B a n e r j i - A I G . p . 23 ; M R K — A H I . Pp.147-148.
64. S m i t h - E H I . p . 306 ; M R K - A H I . p . 148 g i v e s t h e d a t e
as 380 A D .
65. B a n e r j i - A I G . p . 26 ; M R K - A H I . p . 148.
66. V i s a k h a d a t t a - ' D e v i Chandragupta' A c t II.-The Dialogue
b e t w e e n R a m g u p t a a n d D h r u v a d e v i : T h e S a n j a n Plates,
of Amoghavarsha.I. dated 871. A D .
57. B a n e r j i - A I G . P p . 21-28.
68. B a n e r j i - A I G . P p . 27-28.
69. B a n e r j i - A I G . p . 27-28. M R K — A H I . p . 148.
60. srftj^ " T T ^ ^ ^ T f ^ ^TfTq^î? ^35=^ ' ^ f S ' y ^ : 5r^7ft
smcnrrfecft ii f ^ ^ f e r i
S a n k a r a , t h e c o m m e n t a t o r m a k e s t h e reference m o r e
pointed.
J o u r n a l A n d q u e - T o m e . c.c. I l l (1928) P p . 207-208.

B a n e r j i - A I G . P p . 2 9 - 3 0 . S m i t h - E H I . p . 309 ;
Chattopadhyaya-Sakas p . 178.
61. The Sarjan Plates of A m o g h a v a r s h a . I . (d. A D . 8 7 1 . )
Verse 48. E p i I n d . V o l . X V I I . p. 225.
62. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 116 ; a l s o h i s S a k a s - p . 78.
M R K - A H I . p . 149.
63. S m i t h - E H I . p . 309.
64. B a n e r j i - A I G . p . 31 ; M R K - A H I . p . 149.
66. ' P r o m the evidence o f t h e coins w e l e a r n t h a t Chandra-
Gupta took the title of Vikramaditya.'— Chattopa
d h y a y a - E H N I . p . 173. ' S a k a r i V i k r a m a d i t y a ' — A l l a n : ;
Cat. of I n d . Coins. (Br. M . A . I . ) p. c x x x i .
491
M R K - A H I . p . 149.
66. MRK-AHI. p . 149; C h a t t o p a d h y a y a . E H N I . p . 173.
67. S m i t h - E H I . p . 14 ; B a n e r j i - A I G . p . 3 6 .
68. S m i t h - E H I . p . 309; B a n e r j i , A I G . p . 3 1 ;
M R K - A H I . p . 150.
CHAPTER IV
1. (i) Pandit J . Nehru : The D i s c o v e r y o f I n d i a (1945)

p. 143.
(ii) M a r s h a l l : T a x i l a I p . 76.
(iii) C P . F i t z g e r a l d : C h i n a : p . 176.
(iv) Benerjee : A I G . p . 48.
(v) H . H . W i l l i a m s : H H W . V o l . V I p . 585.
2. (i) H . G . W e l l s : O H p. 504.
(ii) H . G . W e l l s : O H p . 1084.
3. (i) H . G . W e l l s : O H p . 180. ; p . 5 0 6 .
(ii) C P . F i t z g e r a l d : C h i n a (1961) p . 1 6 2 .
4. (i) G i b b o n : D e c l i n e & F a l l of the R E . i i i P p . 430-475.
(ii) S m i t h : E H I P p . 333-334.
(iii) H . G . W e l l s . O H . P p . 516-18.
(iv) N . Plant & M.J.Drummond : "Our World
T h r o u g h the A g e s " P p . 153-4.
5. (i) H . G . W e l l s : O H . p . 516.
(ii) N . Plant & M . J . Drummond : "Our World Through
T h e A g e s " . P p . 163-4.
E . A . Thompson : A H i s t o r y of A t t i l l a and the
H u n s (1948) p . 94.
•6. H . G . W i l l i a m s : H i s t o r i a n s ' H i s t , o f the World :
V o l . V I p . 585.
7. (i) H u n (hun) {Lat—Hunni ; f r o m Low Latin : Hunnus,
C h u n u s ; OHG. H u n i ; MHG : H u i n e ; German : Hune,
Hunne, Hunnen.
ON^: H u ' n a r ; Anglo-Saxon : H u n e , H u n a s . etc.)
" a barba.rian" : Chambers 20th Cent. Dictionary
(1952) p . 5 1 5 .
—"Ruthless, wantonly destructive p e r s o n " :—The
U n i v e r s a l D i c t i o n a r y of E n g . L a n g . : — H . G . W y l d
(1964) p . 5 6 9 .
49a
—"one w a n t o n l y destructive, a v a n d a l " :—Webster's
N e w I n t e r n a t i o n a l D i c t i o n a r y o f E n g . L a n g . (1924).
—'barbarian, destroyer, savage'
New Elizabethan Reference Dictionary : Peter
Pinch.
See also—^The O x f o r d E n g l i s h D i c t i o n a r y (1961)
A New English D i c t i o n a r y on Historical P r i n c i p l e s
V o l . V (1901)—James A . H . M u r r a y . P p 4 5 4 - 5 6 .
(derog.) ' A G e r m a n S o l d i e r ' —
Dictionary of American Slang. Harold Wentworth.
(1960) p . 2 7 6 .
(ii) Burnell cited by Morse Stephens Albuquerque,
p . 206.
(iii) S m i t h E H I p . 339-40 f n . 3 .
(iv) H u n — A f o r e i g n e r ( B u h l e r : E p i g r a p h i c I n d i a 1,225.
8. (i) B a n e r j i : A I G . p . 37.
(ii) S m i t h E H I P p . 316-17.
9. (i) M R K — A H I p . 150.
(ii) B a n e r j i A I G p . 36.
10. M R K - A H I . p . 150.
11. (i) S m i t h E H I p . 327.
(ii) S m i t h E H I p . 326.
(iii) B a n e r j i A I G . p. 46.
12. (i) C h a t t o p a d h y a y a : E H N I . p . 181.
(ii) D . C . S a r k a r : S e l e c t I n s c . V o l . I . p . 316 n l .
(iii) Majumdar & Altekar : A New H i s t , of Ind. People
Vol. V I .
13. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a : E H N I . p . 182.
14. (i) S m i t h E H I . p . 326-27.
(li) M a j u m d a r - A l t e k a r : V G A . p . 164.
(iii) G u p t a Inscriptions : P p . 53-55.
15. C h a t t o p a d h y a y a : E H N I . p . 177.
M R K - A H I . p . 150.
16. S m i t h : E H I . p. 328.
17. (i) B a n e r j i : A I G . p. 52.
(ii) C h a t t o p a d h y a y a : E H N I . p . 181.
(iii) S e l e c t I n s : p . 313 & 3 2 1 .
494
(iv) M A S I N o . 66, 64.

(v) E p . I n d . x x v i p . 235.
(vi) I H Q x i x p . 119.
18. (i) B a n e r j i : A I G . p . 42.
19. (i) Banerji : A I G . p. 49.
(ii) Banerji : A I G . p . 44.
20. (i) S m i t h E H I p . 334.
(ii) Banerji A I G p. 46.
21. (i) B a n e r j i : A I G p . 48.
(ii) M a r s h a l l : T a x i l a p . 77.
22. M B K ~ A H I P p . 151. 153.
23. B a n e r j i : A I G p . 60.
24. (i) S m i t h E H I p. 337.
(ii) Chattopadhyaya : E H N I p.l97.
(iii) W e l l s : O H p. 579.
25. N e h r u : D . I . (1956) p . 142.
26. (i) S m i t h E H I p . 339.
(ii) R . C . Majumdar : The Classical Age : H C I P V o l . H I .
2 7 . (i) Dr. Randolph Hoernle...gives t h e sole c r e d i t o f t h e
Indian v i c t o r y over the H u n s to Yashodharmari...
Shams-ul-Ulma-Dr.J.J.Modi : J B B R A S Vol. X X I V
(1917) p . 5 9 0 .
(ii) S m i t h E H I p . 338.
(iii) Banerji A I G p. 56.
(iv) N e h r u D . I . (1956) p . 1 4 3 .
28. M R K — A H I p. 151.
29. (i) B e a l R e c o r d s : i . 167. ff
(ii) N e h r u : D . i . (1956) p . 143.
30. ?«TT^R?2T^ sr^rrf^f T'Tj^rt srifq-cf ^ r t T i T T ^ i
31. N e h r u : D . I . (1956) p . 1 4 3 .
32. (i) N e h r u : D . I . (1956) p . 143.
(ii) M . A u r e n Stein : White Huns and Kindred Tribes
e t c . I . A . ( A p r i l (1965) p . 8 1 .
33. (i) S m i t h : E H I p . 337-338.
495
(ii) Life of H i u e n Tsang : E d . S. B e a l .

B e a l R e c o r d s : I , 167 ff.
(iii) M . A u r e n Stein : W h i t e H u n s & K i n d r e d Tribrs etc.
I . A . ( A p r i l 1905) p . 8 1 .
34. S m i t h : E H I p . 338.
35. M R K - A H I p . 154.
36. (i) S m i t h E H I p. 338.
(ii) Shams-ul-UIma. D r . J J . Modi : E a r l y History of
t h e H u n s : J . B . B . R . A . S . V o l . X X I V ^ (1917) p . 5 9 0 .
37. (i) N e h r u : D . I . (1956) p . 143.
(ii) M u n s h i : I . G . p . 149.
38. M R K - A H I p . 154.
39. J a y a s w a l H . P . p . 158.
40. S m i t h : E H I p . 341.
CHAPTER VI
1. (i) Annihilation of Caste: Speech paepared by D r .

A m b e d k a r f o r t h e A n n u a l C o n f e r e n c e o f the J a t - P a t -
T o d a k M a n d a l o f L a h o r e , b u t n o t d e l i v e r e d . (1936)
p . 34.
(ii) N e h r u - D . I . (1956) P p . 1 4 6 - 4 7 .
2 . (i) S a r d e s a i - H . A . L — M . R . V o l . I. p . 63.
(ii) M a j u m d a r - A r a b I . I . p . 4.
(iii) S m i t h : E . H . I , p. 388.
(iv) M u n s h i : I . G . P t . I . , p . 37 : P t . I l l p . 8 6 .
(v) M a r s h a l l : T a x i l a p. 77.
(vi) R a y : D . H . N - I . V o . . I. Ch. II.
(vii) " S a h i kings of Afghanistan ( A . D . 883-1026) who
fought M a h m u d of Ghazna, were B r a h m a n a s " A l -
B e r u n i ' s I n d i a : E d . by Sachan-II p . 13.
(viii) M a j u m d a r : A r a b I.I. p . 11.
(ix) R a v e r t y : N o t e s on A f g h a n i s t a n : p . 64.
(x) A f g h a n i s t a n u n d e r t h e H i n d u r u l e (c. 430-870 D . A . )
A , L . S h r i v a s t a v a ; S. D . P p . 30 ff.
(xi) S. B e a l : L i f e o f H i u e n T s a n g - P p . 5 4 - 7 2 .
(xii) Thomas Walters : On Yuan Chwang's Travels in
India. V o l .I P p . 122-123, P p . 180-286. V o l . II.
P p . 264-266.
(xiii) S h r i v a s t a v a : S D . (1959) p . 3 1 .
(xiv) ( R . C . M a j u m d a r : T h e C l a s s i c a l A g e . p . 165)
(xv) C. V . V a i d y a : H M H I . V o l . I p . 190.
(xvi) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I . V o l . I (1921) p . 191.
(xvii) S h r i v a s t a v a : S D . (1959) p . 3 1 .
(xviii) S h r i v a s t a v a : S D . (1959) p . 3 0 .
(xix) S. B e a l : L i f e o f H i u e n T s a n g P p . 5 4 - 7 2 .
497
Thomas Walters ; On Yuan Chwang's Travels i n

I n d i a . V o l . I . P p . 122-123, 180-285. Vol.II. 264-266.
3. Sardesai : H A I — M R — V o l . I . p. 334.
4. S m i t h : E H I p. 341.
5. T u h f a t u - l - K i r a m and al-Baladhuri quoted by M a j u m d a r
A r a b I I p . 27. Putuh-ul-Baldan of Al-Baladhuri trans
l a t e d b y P . C . M u r g o t t e n . p . 432 ( B e t w e e n A D 634-644)
6 . (i) K . P . B . : P a r t I I p . 209.
(ii; L a n e - P o o l e : M . I n d p . 5.
7. (i) R a y : D H N I V o l . I p . 8.
(ii) A l - B a l a d h u r i ( E l l i o t V o l . I P p . 115-119)
8. R a y : D H N I V o l .I p. 6
9. Majumdar : I.I. p . 29.
10. (i) M u n s h i : G . G . D . P t . I p. 75.
(ii) ?r# i f % ^Tf ^ vlfW %JTT ^sfV 5ft 5Tnf ^
' q ^ | ? r ^^H' if ^ ? r r ^ I % 5 S if
: TTsr^^fT^ ERT ffg^Tff ( W 1—1927) f o 250

(iii) E l l i o t : H i s t o r y o f I n d i a ( E D H I : V o l . I , p . 416).
11. M a j u m d a r : A r a b I.I. p . 31.
1 2 . (i) M u n s h i : G . G . D . P t . I p . 75; P t . I l l p . 5 0 .
(ii) E l l i o t . V o l . I . p. 490.
(iii) T o d : Annals of Rajputana : V o l . I p . 75.
(iv) Encycl. Metropol : Vol. X X I I I p. 780.
(v) J o u r n . R . G e o g . S o c i e t y , V o l . V I I p . 14.
(vi) M a s s o n : J o u r n e y to K e l d t . P p . 298-355.
(vii) ! f t m : ^TsrjcIT^ qrr ? % | m 1-1927) "Jo 251 5ft?I
f o 264.
13. (i) A L . Shrivastava: The Sultanate of Delhi (1959).
p . 15.
(ii) E l l i o t : H I E D V o l . I - A p p e n d i x p . 434-35.
(iii) L a n e - P o o l e : M . I n d i a P p . 7-8.
14. C f . C h . I V . P a r a g r a p h s 284 a n d 2 8 5 .
15. (i) Majumdar : A r a b I.I. p . 26.
(ii) Chachanama : p. 91.
49S
( C h a c h a : P p . 105, 173).
M a j u m d a r : A r a b I.I. p . 34 F n . 2.
A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S . D . p . 1 6 , 19..
A l - B i l a d h u r i : E l l i o t , V o l . I . Pp..121-122.
(iii) C h a c h n a m a : H I E D : V o l . I . P p . 158-160.
16. (i) A l B i l a d u r i ; E l l i o t V o l . I p . 122.
(ii) A l B i l a d u r i : E l l i o t V o l . I p . 121.
(iii) C h a c h n a m a : E l l i o t : H I E D , V o l . I , P p . 158-164.
17. C h a c h p . 72 a n d 89 ff. .
B a l a d h u r i p . 219.
E l l i o t : V o l . I p . 12. F n .
18. (i) ( C h a c h : p . 105) B a l a d h u r i p . 219.
(ii) M a j u m d a r : A r a b I.I. p . 36. also A p p . B . p. 56.
(iii) C h a c h n a m a : E l l i o t H I E D . V o l . I . P p . 158-160.
19. (i) Chachnama : E l l i o t H I E D V o l . I p. 161.
(ii) S h r i v a s t a v a : S D (1959) p . 19.
M R K — A H I : p . 182.
20. B a t t l e o f B r a h m a n a b a d - 2 0 t h J u n e , 712 A . D .
C h a c h n a m a : H I E D V o l . 1. p . 1 7 2 .
M a j u m d a r : A r a b I . I . p. 28.
21. (i) ?ft?ET: Tr5rg;?rT^ f f e f w (m^ 1-1927) ?<> 2 5 3 .
(ii) Majumdar : A r a b I.I. p. 34.
22. ( i ) ?ft^T : TT5r5?fT^ if^To (^ti^) 1-1927) "To 252.
(ii) S h r i v a s t a v a : S D . p . 15.
(iii) C h a c h n a m a - E l l i o t V o l . I p . 156.
(iv) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I . V o l . I p . 170.
2 3 . (i) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I . V o l . I (1921) p . 179.
(ii) C h a c h n a m a : H I E D . V o l . I . p . 1 5 6 .
24. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I (1921) p . 179.
25. A l B a l a d h u r i , E l l i o t V o l . I P p . 121-122.
C h a c h n a m a : E l l i o t V o l . I . p . 170.
M a j u m d a r : A r a b I . I . p . 38.
86. C h a c h n a m a : E l l i o t V o l . I . p . 170.
2 7 . (i) C h a c h n a m a : E l l i o t , V o l . I . p . 171.
(ii) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I . V o l . I . (1921) p . 180.
(iii) M a j u m d a r : A r a b I . I . p . 38.
(iv) C h a c h n a m a : H I E D V o l . I . p . 172.
49§
28. (i) : Tr^To fJ%o(?ingr 1-1927) 70 254 ( ^ f ) I

(ii) B r i g g s : F i r i s h t a : V o i . 4 . p . 410-411.
(iii) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I . V o l . I . p . 182. '
(iv) C h a c h n a m a : E l l i o t V o l . I . p . 173.
(v) M u i r : C h a l i p h a t e p . 362-63.
(vi) C h a c h n a m a : E l l i o t . V o l . I . P p . 209-211.
(vii) M i r Masum : Tarikh-i-Masumi : Elliot Voi. I.
P p . 437 38. p . 438 P n . 2 .
2 9 . (i) T i t u s : I . I s l a m p . 10.
(ii) T i t u s : I . I s l a m : p . 19.
(iii) D r . K . M . M u n s h i : I . G . G G D V o l . I l l p . 50
3 0 . (i) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I . P p . 171-172
(ii) B r i g g s : P i r i s h t a : V o l . I V p . 405.
(iii) ?ftvKT : Trac^cTT^ ^\ f f e o (^115 1-1927) 252.
(iv) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I p . 179.
(v) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I p . 181.
(vi) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I p . 182.
(vii) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I p . 184.
(viii) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I p . 185.
(ix) A l B a l a d h u r i : KFB. p . 440).
T i t u s : I . I s l a m : p . 20.
(x) A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S . D . p . 16.
3 1 . (i) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I p . 183.
E l l i o t : H I E D V o l . I p . 496.
(ii) C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I (1921) V o l . I p . 173.
(iii) S. N . D h a r : T h e ^ A r a b C o n q u e s t o f S i n d h — P r o c e e d
ings of the Indian History Congress, (1939)
P p . 849-857.
A L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S . D . (The S u l t a n a t e o f D e l h i ,
(1959) p . 19.
32. C h a c h - E . D . V o l . I . p . 173.
T i t u s : I n d . I s l a m : (1930) p . 10.
33. (i) J I H A D : " A religious war w i t h t h o s e w h o are u n
b e l i e v e r s i n the m i s s i o n o f M u h a m m a d .
When the infidel's country is c o n q u e r r e d by a
Muslim ruler, its inhabitants are offered three
alternatives :
600
(i) The reception of Islam...

(ii) The payment o f poll-tax (Jizyah)
(iii) D e a t h b y the s w o r d to those who w i l l not p a y t h e
p o l l - t a x . S u r a h I X 6,6
See a l s o S n r a h I X , 2 9 ; S u r a h I V , 76-79.
(See H i d a y a h , V o l . I I p . 140)
T h o m a s P a t r i c k H u g h e s : A D i c t i o n a r y o f Islam>
(1885) p . 243 ff.
(ii) T i t u s : I . I s l a m p . 9.
(iii) . . . C a n o n law i n I s l a m holds t h a t i t is incumbent o n
a M u s l i m r u l e r t o fight t o e x t e n d the rule of Islam
u n t i l the whole w o r l d s h a l l have been brought under
its sway. The w o r l d is d i v i d e d into two camps, dar-
u l - I s l a m (abode o f I s l a m ) a n d d a r - u l - H a r b (abode o f
War). A l l c o u n t r i e s come u n d e r one c a t e g o r y o r t h e
other. T e c h n i c a l l y i t is the d u t y o f the M u s l i m ruler,
w h o i s capable o f d o i n g so, t o t r a n s f o r m dar-ul-Harb
t o d a r - u l - I s l a m . T i t u s I . I s l a m p p . 17-18.
(iv) " M a m u m gave the people o f H a r r a n the choice b e t
ween I s l a m a n d d e a t h " . T r i t t o n : C N o n M S p . 2 3 1 .
(v) U m ^ r l l i n his letter to the governors says :
" T o proceed : G o d honoured, [exalted a n d strength
ened H i s people w i t h I s l a m a n d p u t h u m i l i a t i o n a n d
shame on his opponents. Quoted b y T r i t t o n : C N o n -
M S p . 22.
K i n d i : B o o k s o f G o v e r n o r s a n d J u d g e s : 3, 114.
(vi) T r i t t o n : C . N o n - M S p . 181.
3 4 . (i) D r . K . M . M u n s h i : F o r e w o r d : The Age of Imperial
K a n a u j : H C I P V o l . I V p. x i v . also
Preface : Struggle for E m p i r e : H C I P V o l . V p . x x i .
(ii) D r . K . M . Munshi : Foreword : The Age of Imperial
Kanauj : H C I P Vol. I V . p. x x i .
(iii) MBK—AHIp. 201.
S m i t h — E H I p . 382.
36. M E K — A H I p . 202.
3 6 . (i) " K u m a r a p a l a - c h a r i t a " o f J a y a s i m h a ( A . D . 1366).
( C f K . C h . : J a y a s i m h a : V I I p . 577 ff.) ( C f K . C h —
V I I p . 588 ff).
501
(ii) Somaprabha : Kumarpala-Sarvajna (Gaekwar Orien

t a l Series N o . X I V )
3 7 . (i) S m i t h : E H I p . 190 a n d also p . 185.
(ii) K . M . M u n s h i : I G p . 192.
(iii) A . K . Forbes : Rasa M a l a : H A P G W I V o l . I Ch. I I
38. M e r u t u n g a : P r a b h a n d a - C h i n t a m a n i (SIG) p . 9 1 .
39. Merutunga : Prabhanda-Chintamani (SIG) p . 9 1 .
4 0 . (i) D r . K . M . M u n s h i : T G T G P a r t I I I p . 192.
(ii) A . K . F o r b e s : R a s a M a l a : V o l . I (1856) P p . 194-195.
41. M u n s h i I . G . p . 192.
4 2 . (i) J . N e h r u : D . I . p . 182.
(ii) M R K — A H I p. 201.
43. MRK—AHIp. 196.
44. P t . J . N e h r u : D . I . p . 184.
45. M . R . K . A H I p . 186.
46. Dr. B . R . Ambedkar : Annihilation of Caste (1930)
p . 3-4.
47. Y u a n C h w a n g ' s life q u o t e d b y H . G . W e l l s : O . H . p . 5 9 6 .
48. N . N . Dass Gupta : B u d d h i s m : Struggle for Empire
H C I P . V o l . V . C h . x v i p . 414.
49. P t . J a w a h a r l a l N e h r u : D . I . p . 183.
50. P t . J a w a h a r l a l N e h r u : D . I . p . 187.
51. R h y s D a v i d s : J . o f P a l i T e x t S o c i e t y 1896.
52. C . V . V a i d y a : H i s t o r y o f M e d i e v a l H i n d u I n d i a (1921)
V o l . I . p . 171.
53. S m i t h : E H I p . 382.
54. S m i t h : E H I (1924) p . 4 2 0 .
55. T i t u s : I n d i a n I s l a m (1930) P p . 4 4 - 4 5 .
56. W e l l s : O . H . : p . 617.
57. " T a r i q landed near the might rock w h i c h has since
immortalized his name Jobel (mount of) Tariq
(Gibraltar)."
P h i l l i p K . H i t t i : H i s t o r y o f the A r a b s (1964) p . 4 9 3 .
58. H . S . W i l l i a m s : H . H . W . V o l . V I I (1907) p . 496.
59. P h i l i p K . H i t t i : H i s t o r y o f the A r a b s (1964) p . 117.
6 0 . (i) " M u s a i b n - N u s a y r t o o k 300,000 captives from Ifri-
q i y a h one fifth o f w h o m he forwarded to a l - W a l i d
502
( M a q q a r i V o l . I p . 148.) a n d from the Gothic nobility

in Spain he captured 300,000 v i r g i n s (Ibn-al-Athir,
V o l . i v , p . 448); Q u t a y b a h ' s captives from Sagdiana
a l o n e n u m b e r e d 100,000 ( I b n - a l - A t h i r v o l . i v , p . 454);
al-Zubayr ibn-al-Awwam bequeathed among other
c h a t t i e s one t h o u s a n d m a l e a n d f e m a l e s l a v e s (Masudi,
V o l . I V p . 254).
P h i l l i p E . H i t t i : H i s t o r y o f t h e A r a b s (1964) p . 235
61. Sardesai : H A I — M R p. 61.
62. ( E p . I n d . V o l . I V P p . 243 ff.)
63. M R K - A H I p . 182.
64. Sardesai : A H I — M R p. 335.
65. T a r i k h - i - T a h i r i ( E l l i o t V o l . I p . 256.)
66. M a j u m d a r : A r a b I.I. p . 49.
CHAPTER VII
1. S a r d e s a i : H A I — M R . P a r t I p . 62.
2. Sardesai : H A I — M R p a r t I p . 63.
3. Sardesai : H A I — M R p a r t I p. 64.
4. S a r d e s a i : H A I — M R p a r t I p . 64.
5. S a r d e s a i : H A I — M R p a r t I p , 64.
6. G a n g u l y : G h a z n a v i d I n v a s i o n : H C I P V o l . V p . 6.
7. L a n e - P o o l e (1916) p . 2 1 .
8. C h a r l e s S t e w a r d : H O B p . 6.
9. Hamdu-lla-Mustafi: Tarikh-i-Guzida : Elliot HIED
V o l . I p . 64.
10. Sardesai : A H I — M R p a r t I P p . 66-67.
11. Sardesai : A H I — M R p a r t I p . 67.
12. S a r d e s a i : A H I — M R part I p.67.
13. S m i t h O H I (1957) p . 2 0 6 .
14. Sardesai : A H I — M R p a r t 1 p . 68.
15. Sardesai : A H I — M R part I p. 68.
16. D.G.Ganguly : Ghaznavid Invasion Strug, for E m p i r e
H C I P V o l . V P p . 12 a n d 14.
17. MRK—AHIp. 276.
18. M R K - A H I p . 183.
19. M R K - A H I p . 183.
20. B o m b a y Gazetteer : V o l . I P p . 165-168.
21. L a n e - P o o l e : M e d . I n d . (1916) p . 2 6 .
22. E l l i o t : H I E D . V o l . I V p . 132.
23. C h a r l e s S t e w a r t : H O B p . 14.
24. cf. B . R . (355.356,357.358).
25. cf. B . R . ( 3 4 0 - A ) .
26. cf. B . R . (355,356,357,358).
27. Macaulay's Miscellaneous Essay a n d L a y s of A n c i e n t
R o m e ( E v e r y m a n 1922) H o r a t i u s X X V I I p . 4 2 5 .
504
28. H . S. W i l l i a m s : H H W V o l . V I I I p. 645.
29. Sardesai : H A I — M R part I p . 62.
30. H . S . W i l l i a m s : H H W v o l . V I I I p. 231.
31. M R K - A H I (1960) P p . 613-514.
32. Gardizi : Kitab Z a i n - u l - A k h b a r P p . 86-87.
33. I b n - u l - A t h i r : T K A . T A P p . 15-16.
34. S a r d e s a i : A H I — M R p a r t I p . 74.
36. R T o f J o n a r a j a ( C a l . ed.) V . v . 6 9 4 F f . :
Peterson's ed. V . v. 760.
36. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I (1921) p . 194.
Sardesai : H A I — M R part I p. 82.
37. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I . v o l . I l l P p . 19-70. a n d v o l . I .
P p . 121.and 191.
38. S a r d e s a i : H A I — M R p a r t I P p . 332-333.
39. D r . K . M . M u n s h i : G . G . D . P a r t I I I p. 180.
40. ( i T ? m i ^ STfo 35, 1.also 143, 6.)
41. 5rrii!5rT?r sricfs^^ Pr^^r (Essays on the annihilation of
Caste : Samagra Sawarkar Vangmaya) Vol. Ill (1964)
P p . 433-482 and other article in the same volume.
42. G . S . G h u r y e : C a s t e a n d R a c e i n I n d i a (1922) P p . 2 - 1 9 .
43. Abbe Dubois : quoted b y D r . P . V . K a n e . H . D h . V o l . I I
p a r t I (1941) p . 2 0 .
44. G . S . G h u r y e : C a s t e a n d R a c e i n I n d i a (1932) P p . 3-4
46. G . S . G h u r y e : C a s t e a n d R a c e i n I n d i a (1932) P p . 2 2 - 2 3 .
46. T r i t t o n : C . iSTon-MS p . 1 8 1 .
47. H . G . W e l l s : O H . P p . 676.
48. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i H S I . (1958) p . 4 2 9 .
49. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i H S I (1958) p . 4 2 9 .
60. P t . J a w a h a r l a l N e h r u D . I . (1956) p . 2 8 1 .
51. Gait E n c y of Religion and E t h i c s v o l . I l l p . 232.
62. K . A . N i z a m i . Some Aspects o f R e l i g i o n a n d P o l i t i c s i n
I n d i a D u r i n g t h e T h i r t e e n t h C e n t u r y (1961) p . 7 1 .
CHAPTER VIII
1. f^fvT'f?ji»w^^ftT: snrg i
S b r e e m e d B h a g w a t g e e t a V I I , 13
2. Manusmriti, VII-92-95.
3- Sardesai : A H I — M R Part I p. 9 ] .
Chand Bhat : Prithviraja Raso.
4. Sardesai : A H I — M R Part I p . 92.
5. Sardesai : N H M : v o l . I I p . 446.
7. D r . K . M . M u n s h i : Preface : Struggle for E m p i r e H C I P

V o l . V p. x v i .
8. HT'F'TT^ srftiTTOTT(Forgiveness shouldn't be out of place)
T|T«iTT5r : sarfffTo 119, 3.
9. A l - U t b i E d V o l . I I p. 45.
10. Sardesai : A H I — M R P a r t I p . 131.
11. D r . K . M . M u n s h i : Preface. Strugg. for E m p . H C I P
Vol. V p. xvi.
12. D r . K M . M u n s h i . G T G D P a r t I I I p . 130, 140 1 9 3 .
13. H I E D I I I P p . 42-44.
14. S a r d e s a i : A H I — M R P a r t I p . 204.
15. D r . K . M . Munshi : G G DPart III Ch. VIII.
16. D r . K . M . M u n s h i : G G D P a r t I I I p . 178.
17. >T^T«f sr (==rT) T M^^T «ft?ftT^r«r i
D v y a s r a y a b y H e m a c h a n d r a S u r i X V , 18.
18. J . H . H u t t o n : T h e S e m a N a g a s : (1921) p . 178.
19. R a v e r t y : Notes on Afghanistan and part of Baluchistan
p. 62.
20. T i t u s : I n d . I s l a m p . 26., A l - U t b i E d V o l . I I p . 49.
21. T . P . H u g h e s : A D i c t i o n a r y o f I s l a m p . 139.
506
22. T^Ht rr ?f5rJT:
sft^r^fT^t ^TiTTzr^^, f ? ? T o 25, 5.

23. Titus : I n d . Islam p. 153.
24. Sardesai : A H I — M R P a r t P p . 206.
25. E . D . H i s t o r y o f India, V o l . I p . 464.
26. "Polygamy is contrary to I s l a m " (Syed A m i r . T h e
Spirit o f I s l a m p . 365.) ; S. K h u d a Baksha : Essays
I n d i a n a n d I s l a m i c p . 253 F f . )
27. Sardesai : A H I — M R Part I p . 382.
28. Dr.R.C. Majumdar: Social Life : Hindu Society
TDS p . 562. I B H : p . 63.
29. C.V. Vaidya : Shivaji : The Founder of the Maratha
S w a r a j (1931) N o t e B , p . 1 8 7 .
30. N . K . Behere : P a h i l e B a j i r a o P e s h w a (Marathi) p . 254.
31. T . P . : B r i g g s T r a n s . V o l . I P p . 327-329.
32. S. R o y . : The K h i l j i D y n a s t y : T D S : HCIP Vol. V I .
p. 32.
33. T i t u s : I n d . I s l a m (1930) p . 5 2 ,
34. sft^rf^Hqft T W R ^ , ^ m o 24, 14-17.
35. «ft^rr?ir^t Timm^, s r w o 28, 29.
36. H | m R ? r , ^hM^, sro 63-64.

37. Dr.K.N. Ghoshal : Social Conditions: The Age o f
Imperial Kanauj : H C I P V o l . I V p . 395 P n . 123.
38. Perishta : V o l . I p. 59.
39. ^ r m ^ T iJTcI^q; ( H ^ ) 2, 10.
iTimRW, ^ # T o 37, 17
40. ^'T^'ftcIT, 17,45.
41. D r . R . C . M a j u m d a r : Preface ; The Age of Imperial
Kanauj : H C I P V o l . I V p. xxxv.
42. TTIT^RcI 5rif?3o, 36, 13.
CHAPTER IX
1. ? ^ f f r : 1-2. ^R??T«riT ? f ? i ; ^ ? f 8 r R % : ?f«rt^ 48.

?iT% q o 84-89.
2. : II 4 II
3. I^5r îrfcT : II 42 II
4. M u n s h i : G G D P a r t I I I , p . 97.
5. I?5r ^wfer: 50 85-89.
6. ?^f?r : II 17-19 II I! 38-42 II II 44 II
7. ^5ro II 48-49 II
8. 5r T i r f ?fzi&s?zT?^ ?^jf ?nir> ^ ^ f ^ f ^ ^ i
^5ro II 51-52 II
9. sflT^vnr^^'ftcrr, I, 49.
10. Shree R a m S h a r m a : Conversion and R e c o n v e r s i o n t o
Hinduism During Muslim Rule"—Calcutta Review :
F e b 1934, M a r c h , 1934, M a y 1934, V o l . X L X I — X L I I .
11. A l - M a s u d i : H I E D : V o l . I P p . 22; 126.
12. P . V . K a n c : H . D h . V o l . I (1930) P p . 269; 2 7 5 .
D r . K M M u n s h i : G G D P a r t I I I p. 91.
^f?5T II
M e d a t i t h i o n M a n u I I , 22.23, V I I . 33.
14. M e d h a t i t h i on M a n u V I I , 4 3 .
D r . K . M . M u n s h i : G G D P a r t I I I p . 92.
15. TRTfvTT^rfa' ^^r^fvjft ^si^T^ 1
M e d h a t i t h i o n M a n u V I I , 18,20,24.
16. M e d h a t i t h i o n M a n u V I I . 32.
17. M e d h a t i t h i o n M a n u V I I , 88,90.
18. D r . K . M . M u n s h i : The Age of Imperial K a n a u j : HCIP
V o l . I X (1955) F o r e w o r d p . x v i i .
508
19. Dr. K.M.Munahi : G G D Part I I I p . 87.

HIED : V o l . I p . 22.
20. M E K — A H I p . 188.
21. U . S . A y y a n g a r : S t u d i e s i n S o u t h I n d i a n J a i n i s m . p. 77
C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I : V o l . I l l (1926) p . 4 0 8 .
S a r d e s a i : H A I — M R P a r t I (1927) P p . 3 9 6 - 3 9 6 .
22. D r . B.C. M a j u m d a r : S t r u g g l e F o r E m p i r e : H C I P . V o l .
V P p . 7 3 1 ; 763.
K , A . N i l a k a n t h a S h a s t r i : H S I . p . 6.
Indian Antiquity : Vol. X I X . p 218.
23. MRK—AHI: p . 188. D G E . H a l l : H S E A . p. 140-141
H C I P . V o l . V p. XX.
CHAPTER X
1. H . S . W i l l i a m s : H H W : V o l . V I I (1907) P p . 4 9 2 - 4 9 3 .
2. ' N e v e r t h e l e s s , so far as the conversion o f I n d i a , as a
w h o l e , is c o n c e r n e d , I s l a m s i g n a l l y f a i l e d .
T i t u s : I n d i a n I s l a m : (1930) P p . 7-8. a n d p . 175.
3. H . C . R a y : D H N I . V o l . 11 p . 1017.
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of M . Minhaj-ud-Din : Tr.by. R a v e r t y
V o l . I . P p . 451-452. ;i
N i z a m - u d - D i n : T a b a q a t - i - A k b a r i : T . b y B . D e y . p. 36
F i r i s h t a : T . F : B r i g g s t r . V o l . I I p . 170.
4. g^^ft l ^ s r g r ? : Tr'srT^rTr'Ts-, "To i 3 - l 4 .
O j h a : R a j . k a I t i . P p . 782-784.
T o d . : A A R : V o l . I p . 303.
5. T D S . H I C P : V o l . V . T h e K i n g d o m ef V i j a y a n a g a r .
7. T o d : A A R : V o l . P p . 266-267, a n d 291.
8. T o d : A A R : V o l . P p . 236-238 a n d 2 6 0 .
C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I : V o l . I I p. 74.
9. D i g h e : P e s h w a B a j i r a o I . (1944) p . 201. S P D I X 3 0 - 3 4 ,
36, R a j w a d e : V I P p . 30-31.
10. T o d : A A R : V o l . I I (1920) p . 1 2 2 1 .
11. 5tEfV n # , sr^T fT ^ sTTTTTm i
Har Bilas Sarda : Maharana K u m b h a : (1932) p . 12,
F n 1.
12. ^zfi^ftTfaTFct^?tî;i«rRTf^sr?3TpT5iW^^'t^: ii 5 ii
qo fg^W^^Tfim \ % : ^ R ^ r f %fkio ÎJT l , <TO 16.
J o u r n a l : B e n g a l A s i a t i c S o c i e t y . V o l . L V I . 1, 2 .
13. ff^5rT?-ir5rf?a' n 268 i i
H . B . Sarda ; M R . A p p . p. 211.
O j h a : R a j . k a I t i . V o l . I I p . 598.
510
14. .. 3rHT??f cft'T?^?! § T ^ T R T ^ ^ ? | f T T
I n s c r i p t i o n d a t e d 492 N E ( 1 3 7 1 - 7 2 A D ) at Swayambhu-
nath K h a t m a n d a v : Quoted by K . P . Jaiswal : JBOHS.
Vol. X X I I p. 93.
15. A l - B i l a d h u r i : H I E D : I . p . 126.
16. A m i r K h u s r u : T a r i k h - i - A l a i : U l t i r V I I p . 90.
A s i b : T a r i k h - i - F i r o z S b a h i . p . 3880.
D r . R . C . M a j u m d a r : H C I P : T D S : V o l . V I p . 582.
Q a r v i n i : B a d s h a h n a m a : P - 4 4 4 . h . 445. a P 4 4 5 h ; P 552
a & b.
17. T r . f r o m P e r s i a n b y E a n c h o d j i A m a r j i i n 1882.
18. T a r i k h - i - S o r a t h : p , 112.
Dr. KM. M u n s h i : G G D p a r t I I I p . 139-141.
19. T a r i k h - i - S o r a t h (1882) p. 112.
20. Sachau : Alberuni's India : Vol. I I P p . 162-163.
21. ^mf! Sf=^TfT# q f ^ ^ T : iTT»r 5 , 1 ° 162-64.
O j h a : R a j . k a I t i . V o l . I (1927) p . 269.
STtTTT^ : "js^^rsr r^srJTTII^rs'T'I I V , 193; V I , 1-25.
C.V. V a i d y a : H M H I : V o l . I I I . p . 148.
22. N . Venkataramanayya ; The Kingdom of Vijayanagara
H C I P : V o l . V I p. 272.
23. ' T h e g r e a t V i d y a r a n y a , w h o a f t e r S a n k a r a c h a r y a , is the
g r e a t e s t figure a m o n g A c h a r y a s , a p p r o v e d o f t h e v i e w
t h a t a B r a h m a n a even though enslaved b y Mlenchchas
c o u l d be r e s t o r e d to h i s o r i g i n a l s t a t u s .
Dr. P . V . K a n e : H o f D h . V o l . I , p . 191.
24. N . Venkataramanayya ; The K i n g d o m of Vijayanagara
H C I P : V o l . V I p . 272,
25. K.A. N i l a k a n t h a Shastri : H S I : p . 231.
26. S h r i R a m a S h a r m a : C o n v e r s i o n s & R e c o n v e r s i o n s etc.
C a l c u t t a R e v i e w : F e b 1934, M a r c h 1934, M a y , 1934.
27. C.V.Vaidya : Shivaji, The Founder of Maratha Swaraj
(1931) A p p . I I p . 3 4 8 .
28. C . V . V a i d y a : S h i v a j i : (1931) p . 277.
29. V.S. Bhargava : Marwar and the Mughal Emperors
(1966) p . 122.
511
' I n a l e t t e r w r i t t e n i n 1659 A u r a n g z e b s p e a k s o f J a s w a n t
as t h e ' i n f i d e l w h o has d e s t r o y e d mosques a n d built
idol-temples on their sites.
J . N . Sarkar : History o f A u r a n g z e b : v o l . I l l P p . 368-
369.
30. T o d : A H R : V o l . (1899) P p . 917-918.
31. qo fw5^5gTJTT«r \% : iTR^Tf 5%o, I, To 292-93
32. S m i t h : E H I p . 385.
E . A . G a i t : A H i s t o r y o f A s s a m . (1906) P p . 8-9.
P h a y r e : H i s t o r y o f B u r m a : P p . 3-4 a n d 15.
33. (i) S h r i v a s t a v a : S D p . 269.
(ii) W o l s e l e y H a i g : C H I (1928) p . 514. a n d 539.
34. S m i t h : E H I (1934) p . 384.
35-36. (i) S . K . Chatterji : Struggle for Empire : H C I P :
V o l . V C h . 15, p. 382.
(ii) E . A . G a i t : H o f A : (1906) p . 74.
(iii) W. H a i g : C H I (1928) p . 514, 539.
(iv) —Qanungo : Bengal under the Mamluks : H . B .
V o l . I I (1948) p . 4 3 .
(v) T h e A s s a m D i s t r i c t Gazetteer V o l . I V . p . 33.
37. A s s a m D i s t r i c t G a z e t t e e r : V o l . I V p . 28; V o l . V I p . 30
J . N . S a r k a r : H B V o l . I I (1948) P p . 348-349.
38. D . G . Ganguly : Struggle F o r E m p i r e : H C I H : V o l . V
p 4 5 . E . A . G a i t : H . A . (1906) p 241
39. S. K . C h a t t e r j i : S t r u g g l e For Empire : HCIH-Vol. V
C h X V D P 382 A s s a m D i s t . G a z . V o l . V I I J p . 69.
40. S u t u m b a became J a y a d h w a j a Singh. A s s a m D i s t . Gaz :
V o l . V I I p . 69.
41. List o f A h o m K i n g s : A s s a m . D i s t G a z . V o l . V I I p . 69.
42. S m i t h O H I : p . 196.
43. ^fÊir 5?:T?Tr: srfcr^r'f q^ : (^TSZTTT 2)
44. S a m g r a S a v a r k a r V a n g m a y a : V o l . I l l (1964) p . 3.
45. D r . K . M . M u n s h i : G G D . P a r t I I I , C h . V I I p . 24.
46. M . D . R a g h a v a n : I n d i a i n Ceylonese H i s t o r y . Society
a n d C u l t u r e : (1964) C h . I V P p . 3 2 - 3 5 .
47. K . A . N i l a k a n t h a Sastri : The C h o l a s : (1955) P p . 184,
194; 459-460
612
48. (i) THI'do^T ^ 75ri% ^^#% ( (^f^q- ^TW)

(ii) ' ^??r?: ?TmV 5 r m ^ J^^T %f i F | | % f^r^rm^
(iii) " T h e B r a h m a n is o b l i g e d " says A l b e r u n i , " t o dwell

between the r i v e r S i n d h i n the n o r t h a n d the r i v e r
C h a r m a n v a t i i n the south. H e is not allowed to
cross either o f these frontiers, so as t o e n t e r t h e
c o u n t r y of the T u r k or of the K a r a n a t a s . F i r s t he
m u s t l i v e b e t w e e n t h e O c e a n i n the e a s t a n d w e s t . "
E . G . Sachah : Alberuni's India : (1910) V o l . II
P p . 133-134.
49. TT%<T^=^ ^^X !
50. O T I T T : ffr?itTftr?f i
51. ^rpiTTg: ^ t ^ K : ^3rf?rT|'TH^fq-^: II ^^cTR^t^ I

62. D r . R a d h a k r i s h n a n : E a s t a n d W e s t i n R e l i g i o n : (1958)
p . 3,
R . G , Pothan—The Syrian Christian of Kerala—(1963)
63. S . G . P o t h a n : S C K : P p . 32-33 ; a l s o 2 2 .
K . A . N i l a k a n t h a S h a s t r i : H S I . (1958) p . 1 9 2 .
J . H . L o r d : The Jews i n India a n d t h e F a r E a s t (1907)
P p . 62-63.
54. " I n t h i s i s l a n d o f G o a a F r i a r has placed some crosses
i n the H i n d u t e m p l e s and the H i n d u s say t h a t others
come a n d tell them that t h e y are already Christians
a n d the latter w o u l d not speak w i t h them any longer"
Friar Antonio : Letter To The K i n g of Portugal dated
N o v e m b e r 4, 1618
Priolkar : G. Inq. p 66.
65. K . A . N i l a k a n t h a S a s t r i : H S I (1958) p . 429.
56. F r a n c i s D a y : T h e L a n d of the Perumals (1863) p . 234.
57. D r . B u c h a n a n : C h r i s t i a n R e s e a r c h e s i n A s i a : (1814)
p . 107.
58. P r i o l k a r : G . I n q . (1961) P 5 0 .
Boies Penrose : Sea F i g h t s i n the E a s t I n d i e s i n the
Y e a r s 1602-1639. p 14
613
59. P r i o l k a r : G I n q : P p . 23-24.
S i l v i a R e g o : D o c u m e n t a c a o p a r a a H i s t o r i a das M i s s o e s
do Podroado Portugues do Oriente r V o l . I l l Lisboa
(1950) p . 3 6 1 .
60. (i) W e r e i t n o t f o r these b r a g m a n e s (Brahmans) a l l the
h e a t h e n s w o u l d be converted."
S o h u r h a m m e r : E p i s t o l a e S. Francisci Xaverii If
P p . 170-171.
(ii) J a m e s B r o d r i c k : S t . F r a n c i s X a v i e r : p . 148.
H . J . Coleridge : Life and Letters of St. Francis X a v i e r
(1927) p . 159.
61. J a m e s B r o d r i c k : S t . F r a n c i s X a v i e r : (1952) p . 149.
62. " T h e F r u i t t h a t is r e a p e d b y t h e baptisn of infants, as
w e l l as t h e i n s t r u c t i o n o f c h i l d r e n a n d others is quite
remarkable T h e i r hatred for i d o l a t o r y is m a r v e l l o u s .
T h e y g e t i n t o feuds with the heathen about it, and
whenever their own parents practise it, they reproach
t h e m a n d c o m e off t o t e l l m e a t o n c e "
Letter b y St. Francis X a v i e r to the S o c i e t y at R o m e :
H . J . Coleridge : Life and L e t t e r s o f S t F . X a v i e r (1927)
V o l . L p . 153.
63. H . J . Coleridge : Life and Letters of St. F . Xaviers :
V o l . I p . 153.
64. H . J . Coleridge : Life and Letters...Vol. 1 p. 281.
65. B a r r e t o M i r a n d a : Q u a d r o s H i s t o r i c o s de G o a C a r d e r n a t e
I , M a r g a o (1863) p . 145.
P r i o l k a r : G- Inq. p. 30.
66. (i) I n so f a r as any d a t e c a n be t a k e n as o f P r i m e
importance i n the r u i n o f the Portuguese e m p i r e , i t is 6
M a y 1642 w h e n F r a n c i s X a v i e r set foot ashore a t G o a .
F r o m t h e n o n the J e s u i t d i d their worst using every
form of bribery, threat, and torture to effect a
conversion.
B o i e s P e n r o s e : S e a F i g h t s i n the E a s t Indies...1602-
1639. (1931) p . 14.
(ii) P r i o l k a r : G I n q : (1961) p . 50 ; 155 ; 2 5 .
( i i i ) E . T . W h i t t i n g t o n c i t e d b y C h a r l e s S i n g e r i n his.
514
studies i n the History and M e t h o d of Science (1917)

Pp. 203-204.
(iv) O r a t i o n b y the A r c h b i s h o p o f E v o r a at the Cathed
ral church of Lisbon, i n 1847, on the occasion of the
tri-centenary o f the d e a t h of Padre A n t o n i o V i e i r a .
Quoted by D r . Antonio Norohna : The H i n d u s a n d the
« Portuguese Republic.
(v) F r . F r a n c i s c o de Souza : Oriente Conquistado a
J e s u s C h r i s t o . P a r t I (1881) p . 82
(vi) D r . R . C. M a j u m d a r : Preface T o D S : H C I P : V o l .
V I p. x x i v .
•67. P r i o l k a r : G-Inq : p . 55.
68. D r . Buchanan's A c c o u n t of the Inquisition at Goa
(1868) Christian Researches in India : Pp. 149-176
D e l l o n ' s A c c o u n t of the I n q u i s i t i o n at G o a .
A . K . Priolkar : The Goa Inquisition (1961)
69. S. D . K s h e e r s a g a r : G o m a n t a k S h u d d h i c h a I t i h a s a (1930)
70. P a n d i t J a w a h a r l a l N e h r u : D I (1956) p . 2 5 3 .
HpiTTg: ? ^ ^ R :
71. S h r i R a m a Sharma : Conversions and Reconversions to

H i n d u i s m D u r i n g the Muslim Rule : Calcutta Review
X L X I - X L X I I , F e b , M a r , M a y , 1934.
72. ' U n d e r the I s l a m i c law the conversion of Muslims to
t h e o t h e r F a i t h was a c a p i t a l crime'.
Tritton : The Caliphs and their Non-Muslim Subjects
Pp. 181-185.
CHAPTER X I
1. M R K — A H I : P p . 548,-682.
2. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I : V o l . I l l (1926) p . 1 1 .
3. M a j o r B . D . B a s u : R i s e o f the C h r i s t i a n P o w e r i n Indiia
V o l . I I p . 112.
4. M R K — A H I : p. 682.
5. M R K — A H I : p . 682.
6. M R K — A H I . p . 683.
7. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I l l p . 174.
B . D . B a s u : R C P I V o l . I I P p . 126, 129.
8. B o w r i n g : H A T S : p . 135.
9. C H . R a o : M G : P p . 2697-2698.
10. C H . R a o : M G . P p . 2584-2585.
A r n o l d : P.T. p. 261.
11. C o l . M a r k W i l k s : H O M V o l . I l l P p . 464-465.
T i t u s : : I n d . I s l a m (1930) p . 32.
12. S a r d e s a i : N H M P a r t I I I p . 177, 186.
13. Y . N . D a o d h a r : N a n a P h a d n i s (1962) p . 137.
14. K i r k p a t r i c k : S e l e c t L e t t e r s o f T . S . (1811) N o . 1 9 6 .
15. S a r d e s a i : N H M : p . 178.
16. B o w r i n g : H A T S : p . 227.
17. C H I : V o l . V p. 365.
18. Sardesai : N H M V o l . I l l p. 178.
19. Sardesai : N H M V o l . I l l p . 178.
20. Y . N . D a o d h a r . N a n a P h a d n i s (1962) p . 137.
23. Sardesai : N H M V o l . I l l p . 178.
24. B o w r i n g : H A T S p . 218-221.
25. S a r d e s a i : N H M . V o l . I l l p . 178.
26. K h a r e : A L S V o l . I l l N o . 2813.
516
27. E p i g r a p h i c a C a r n a t i c a : I I I , S r . 77.
28. K h a r e : A L S V o l . I l l N o . 3286.
29. Parasmis : I S : ' M i s c e l l a n e o u s A£Fairs' b y H a r i p a n t
Phadke.
30. Charles S t u a r t : 0 and M o f T.S. B e v i s e d a n d corrected
by T i p u ' s s o n , G h o l a m M o h a m m a d p . 307.
31. M . H . K h a n : H T S p . 356.
32. M . H . K h a n : H T S p . 356.
33. K h a r e : A L S V o l . I l l p . 3286.
34. "Parasmis : I.S. Miscellaneous Affairs : Letters by
Haripant Phadke to Nana Phadnis.
36. M a c a u l i f f e : S . R . V o l . V p . 186.
36. B X . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s : (1923) p . 63.
37. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I (1950) p . 73.
38. M a c a u l i f f e : S . R . V o l . V p . 198.
39. J a y a s w a l : H P p . 364.
40. ilimRgr: ^?ff^ : 178/53.
41. Y . N . D e o d h a r : N a n a P h a d n i s : (1962) p . 176.
42. H . A Acworth & S.T. Shaligram : Historical Ballads
(1911) p . 191.
43. B a l l a d o n t h e B a t t l e o f K b a r d a by B a l a L a k s h m a n .
44. A c w o r t h a n d S h a l i g r a m : H i s t : B a l l a d s : (1911) P p . 196?
214 ; 218.
46. A c w o r t h a n d S h a l i g r a m : H i s t o r i c a l B a l l a d s ; (1911)
P p . 206-207.
46. J . N . S a r k a r : H i s t o r y o f A u r a n g z e b : V o l . I I (1912)
P p . 79-80.
47. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I : V o l . I l l P p . 252-369.
48. A c w o r t h a n d S h a l i g r a m : H i s t . B a l l a d s : (1911) p . 227.
49. S a n t T u k a r a m : A b h a n g a G a t h a : G o v t , o f B o m b a y Press-
(1950) N o . 815.
50. H . G . W e l l s : O H p . 636.
51. I b n - a l - A t h i r : V o l . I X P p . 425-427.
52. P h i l i p K . H i t t i : H A p . 544.
63. P h i l i p K . H i t t i : H A P p . 512-519.
54. H . G . W e l l s : O H P p . 669-670.
56. P t . J . N e h r u : D I p . 241.
66. P h i l i p K H i t t i : H A P p . 512-513 ; 6 1 6 .
57. P h i l i p K . H i t t i : H A P p . 566-666.
68. P h i l i p K . H i t t i : H A p . 506 ; 633.
69. H . S . W i l l i a m s : H H W : V o l . V I I I (1907) P p . 258-9.
60. H . S . W i l l i a m s : H H W : V o l . X X I V P p . 69-66.
CHAPTER X i n
1. «NTf^T^ 1 ?nf 24 : 28.

2. «ikrf^JT^ TTTR?^ I ?nf 24 : 5?5ft^ 32.
3. «rl^tf^^'V <mm^ i wx^ \ g-if 6,16-17,
4. K i r a t a r j u n i y a m p . 1,30.
5. M a n u s m r i t i V I I 92-95.
CHAPTER X I V
1. O j h a : R a j . k a I t i h a s a (1927) P p . 5 0 - 5 1 .
2. P a n d i t J . N e h r u : D . I . (1966) P p . 162; 2 0 1 .
3. P a n d i t J . N e h r u : D . I . (1966) p . 7 6 .
CHAPTER X V
1. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I l l (1926) P p . 3, 3 2 9 , 4 0 2 .
2. T i t u s : I n d : I s l a m (1930) p . 1 1 .
3. Sardesai : H A I — M R P a r t I p. 85.
4. Ray : DHNI. V o l . I I (1936) p . 1 0 8 6 .
5. Sardesai : H A I — M R P a r t I. p. 91.
6. Samagra Savarkar V a n g m a y a : V o l . V I I p . 65.
7. Sardesai : A H I — M R Part I p. 91.
8. Sardesai : A H I — M R P a r t I p. 91.
10. T o d : A A R (1920) P p . 2 9 7 - 2 9 8 F n 2 .
11. S i r W . H a i g : C H I V o l . I l l p. 42.
12. R a y : D H N I V o l . I I (1936) p . 1090.
13. H a s a n N i z a m i : H I E D V o l . I I p. 215.
15. Sardesai : H A I — M R Part I p. 93.
17. Sardesai : H A I — M R P a r t I p . 94.
18. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I V o l . I l l (1926)
N o t e o n P p . 346-347.
19. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I : V o l . I l l (1926) p . 3 4 6 .
23. S a m a g r a S a v a r k a r V a n g m a y a : V o l . I l l (1964)
P p . 542-565.
24. P t . J . N e h r u : . D . I . (1956) p . 2 4 1 .
26. H . G . W e l l s . : O H p . 705.
27. H . G . W e l l s : O H p. 707.
28. S a r d e s a i : H A I — M R P a r t I p . 119 a n d 1 2 7 .
31. D r . K . M . M u n s h i : Preface : H C I P V o l . V p . x i x .
CHAPTER X V I .8
1. P a n d i t J a w a h a r l a ] N e h r u : D . I . (1956), P p . 181-182, a n d
215-217.
2. P t . J . N e h r u : D . I . (1956) : P p . 208-209
3. E l l i o t : H i n d u i s m and B u d d h i s m : V o l . I. p x i i
4. H . G . W e l l s : O H p . 705
6. H . G . W e l l s : O H p . 707.
6. W a l t e r s : O n Y u a n C h w a n g : p. 239.
7. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I (1926) : V o l . I l l p . 2 7 3 .
8. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I . (1958) p . 3 0 P p . 213-214.
9. Pt. J . Nehru : D.I. (1956) p . 2 1 3 .
10. P t . J . N e h r u D . I . (1956) P p . 196-200.
11. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I . (1958) p . 343
12. D r . K . M . Munshi : F o r e w o r d : The Age of Imperial
Canouj: H C I P Vol. I V p. x x i .
13. R . G . B h a n d a r k a r : V a i s n a y i s m , S h a i v i s m etc. p. 116.
14. C . V . V a i d y a : H M H I : V o l . I l l (1926) p . 4 1 9 .
15. D r . R . C . M a j u m d a r : H B . V o l . I . (1943) p . 9 9 .
16. D r . R . C . N a j u m d a r : H B V o l . I . (1943) C h . V I p 99
17. D r . R . C . M a j u m d a r : H B : V o l . I (1943) C h . V I . p . 1 0 4 .
18. D e o p a r a insc. V 5 I B 46.
19. D r . R . C . M a j u m d a r : H B . V o l . I (1943) C h V I I I P p . 2 9 6 - 8 .
20. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I . p . 318.
21. D r . K . M . M u n s h i : G G D P a r t I I I p . 157.
22. Sardesai : H A I - M R P a r t I p. 203.
23. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I p . 121
24. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I p . 123-124.
25. H I E D : V o l . I l l p . 163. P p . 42-44 ( T a r i k h - l - W a s a a f )
26. B a r a n i : q u o t e d i n H I E D V o l . I l l p . 163.
27. H a m i l t o n : H i d a y a h : V o l . II, p. 26.
28. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D V o l . I l l P p . 207-208.
29. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D V o l . I l l p . 207.
620
30. A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S D . p. 166.
31. Sardesai : H A I - M R P a r t I P p . 131-132.
32. S. R o y : T h e K h a i j i D y n a s t y : H C I P : V o l . V I p . 26-27.
33. A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : r S D p . 168.
34. J . B . B . R . A . S . : V o l . X X I I I p. 50.
36. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I p . 132.
39. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I p . 136
40. Sardesai : H A I - M R P a r t I p . 136.
42. Amir Khusrau : H I E D V o l . I l l p. 543.
43. T i t u s : I n d . I s l a m . (1930) p . 2 3 .
44. Borani : H I E D : V o l . I l l p . 184.
46. P a d m a n a b h a : K a h n a d a d e P r a b h a n d a : ( C A D 1456)
46. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R . P a r t I p . 127.
47. K . S . L a i : H i s t o r y o f K h a l j i s : (1954) p . 2 9 9 . E n . 1 2 .
48. S. R o y : T h e K h a l j i D y n a s t y : H C I P . V o l . V I p . 40.
49. Eerishtah : Brigg's Trans. V o l . I p. 381.
CHAPTER X V n
1. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D V o i . I l l p . 223.
2. K . S . L a i : Sultan N a s i r - u d d i n K h u s r u Shah : JIH
X X I I I P p . 169-170.
3. ' P a r a u ' I s a m i : P u t u b - u s - S a l a t i n p . 362.
4. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D V o I I I I p. 211.
5. Barani : TPS : HIED. V o l . I l l p. 211.
6. B a r a n i : T P S . H I E D . Vol I I I p . 211.
7. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D : V o l . I l l P p . 212-213.
8. S. R o y : T h e K h a i j i D y n a s t y : H C I P V o l . V I p . 19.
9. A . K . Forbes : R a s a m a l a : V o l . I p . 282.
10. A m i r : K h u s r u : A s i i k a or D e v a l a r a n i v a K h i j r a Khan.
11. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I : p . 133
12. A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S D . p . 182.
13. A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S D : p . 181.
14. S. R o y : T h e K h a j j i D y n a s t y : H C I P V o l . V I p . 4 2 .
17. A m i r K b u s r a u : N u h S i p h i r : H I E D . V o l . I l l p . 568.
18. K . S . L a i : S N K S : J I H X X I I I p . 170.
20. N . Venkataramanayya : E M E S I (1942) p . 8 3 .
21. K . S . L a i : S N K S : J I H V o l . X X I I I p . 171
22. B a r a n i : H I E D : V o l . I l l p . 220.
23. K . S . L a i , A . L . Shrivastava and especially. Shrvee R a m a
Sharma have 'done yeomen's service in giving this
neglected hero his proper place i n I n d i a n h i s t o r y .
24. K . S . L a i : S N K S : J I H X X I H P p . 171-172.
25. N . Venkataramanayya : E M E S I (1942) P p . 96-96.
26. N . V e n k a t a r a m a n a y y a : E M E S I (1942) p . 8 6 .
27. I s a m i : F u t u h - u s - S a l a t i n : p . 369.
28. A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S D p . 181.
522
29. A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S D p . 182.
30. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D : V o l . I l l P p . 222-223.
31. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D V o l . I l l p . 224.
32. Barani : T P S . H I E D V o l . I l l p. 224
33. Shree R a m a S a r m a ; N K S . I H Q X X V I p . 32.
34. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D : V o l . I l l p . 213,
35. A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S D : p . 184.
36. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S h a s t r i : H I S (1958) P p . 10, 2 6 1 , 279^
284.
37. B a r a n i ; T P S : H I E D : V o l . I l l p. 225.
38. L a n e - P o o l e : M e d . I n d . p . 119.
39. S t a n l e y L a n e - P o o l e : M e d I n d . p , 119.
40. F i r i s h t a : T F : B i g g ' s T r . p . 127.
41. A . L . S h r i v a s t a v a : S D : p . 184
42. L a n e - P o o l e : M e d . I n d . p . 120.
43. B a r a n i : T P S H I E D : V o l . I l l p. 225.
45. S h r e e R a m a S h a r m a : N K S : I H Q : X X V I (1950) p . 3 1 .
46. N . V e n k a t a r a m a n a y y a : E M E S I (1942) P p . 97-98.
47. Sardesai : H A I - M R P a r t L p . 133.
1
CHAPTER XVin
1. Sardesai : H A . I - M R Part I Pp. 148-149.

2. S a d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I p . 150.
3. S a d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I p . 153.
4. M T M H : Life and Times of Mohammad Tughlaq p. 122.
5. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I P p . 226-227.
6. D r . R . C . M a j u m d a r : H C I P : V o l . V I p . 64 P n 9.
9. Sardesai : H A I - M R Part I p . 162.
10. D r . M a j u m d a r : H C I P V o l . V I I p . 102.
11. H a m e e d - u d - d i n .-The S a y y i d s : H C I P V o l . V I p . 126.
12. D r . M a j u m d a r : P i r u z S h a h : H C I P V o l . V I P p . 103-106
13. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R : P a r t I p . 167.
14. S a r d e s a i H A I - M R : P a r t I p . 167
15. Sardesai : H A I - M R : Part I P p . 167-168.
16. F a t u h a t - i - E i r u z Shahi : H I E D : V o l . I I P p . 380-1.
17. F i r i s h t a : G u l s h a n - i - I b r a h i m or Tarikh-i-Firishta Tr.
b y B r i g g s V o l . I p . 481.
20. H . G . W e l l s : O H p . 726.
22. D r . M a j u m d a r : H C I P V o l . V I p . 116.
24. H I E D : P p . 445-447.
25. Majufndar : H C I P : V o l . V I p . V I p . X X I V
26. H I E D : V o l . I l l p. 400.
28. D r . R C . Majumdar : Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq :
H C I P . V o l . I I p . 70.
29. O j h a : R a j . K a I t i . V o l . I I p . 598. F n 4.
524
30. O j h a : R a j . K a I t i . V o l . I I p . 598. F n 4.
31. S R R T ^ ^ra^jnTT^fWHT (Death alone is recommen
ded for a harmful enemy) ^ T « T R 3 mfk 140, 10.
32. O j h a : R a j . K a I t i . V o l . II599.
33. F i r i s h t a : B r i g g s ' T r a n s . V o l . I V P p . 41-42.
34. O j h a : R a j . K a I t i . V o l . I I p . 617.
35-36. H a m e e d - u d - d i n T h e L o d i s : H C I P . V o l . V I p . 147.
A r n o l d : P I. p . 292.
37. H a m e e d - u d - d i n : T h e L o d i s : H C I P V o l . V I p . 147.
38. B e l l e : H i s t o r y o f G u j a r a t : p . 264.
39. O j h a : R a j . K a I t i . V o l . I I P p . 661-663.
40. H a i g - B u r n C H I V o l . I V p . 16. -
45. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I P p . 330-331.
46. S a r d e s a i H A I - M R P a r t I p . 331.
48. D r . H a r e k r i s h n a M a h e t a b : H O : V o l . I p . 217.
49. Minhaj-us-Siraj: Tabattat-i-Nasiri: H I E D
re-ed b y N i z a m i : (1962) p . 303.
60. S m i t h : E H I (1924) p . 420.
61. S a r d e s a i H A I - M R P a r t I p . 319.
62. S a r d e s a i : H A R - M R P a r t I p . 320.
65. J o n a r a j a : R T V e r s e s 299-302; 346-349.
526
24. R e v . H . Heras & V . K . Bhandarkar : V i j . Sex. Cent.

V o l . (1936) p . 3 3 .
29. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I (1958) p . 2 6 3 .
30. P t . J . N e h r u : D I (1956) p . 274.
32. S a r d e s a i : H A I - M R P a r t I p. 2 3 2 .
33-34. S a r d e s a i : H A R — M R P a r t I p . 2 4 1 .
35. Sardesai : H A I — M R P a r t I p. 2 4 ] .
38. S a r d e s a i : H A I — M R P a r t I p . 242.
44. Krishna Shastri : Annual Report of Archaeological
S u r v e y o f I n d i a f o r 1908-9.
46. Sardesai : H A I - M R : P a r t I p . 297.
47. N u m i z q u o t e d b y K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I p . 307.
49. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I p. 274.
50. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I : p . 274.
61. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i H A I p . 309.
52. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I P p . 304-305.
54. Sardesai : H A I — M R : P a r t I p . 266.
56. Sardesai : H A I - M R : P a r t I P p . 266 a n d 299.
•57. Sardesai : H A I - M R : Part I p. 266.
58. K . A . N i l a k a n t a Sastri H S I p. 281.
59. Sardesai : H A I — M R : P a r t I p. 266.
60. Sardesai : H A I — M R : P a r t I p. 266.
62. K . A . N i l a k a n t a Sastri : H S I p. 283.
64. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I p . 283.
65. K . A . N i l a k a n t a Sastri : H S I p. 283.
67. K . A . N i l a k a n t a Sastri : H S I p . 284.
70. K . A N i l a k n a t a Sastri H S I p. 285.
71. Sardesai : H A I - r M R P a r t I p. 301.
72. V i j a y a n g a r a S e x . C e n t . V o l . (1936) p . 2 5 3 .
76-77. Sardesai : H A I - M R : P a r t I p . 304.
78. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I p . 285;
79. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I p . 286.
80. T . S . S h e j w a l k a r : V i j . S e x . C e n t . V o l . (1936) p . 1 3 1 . •
CHAPTER X X
1. S a r d e s a i : H A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . I (1908) p . 1 0 0 .
2. S a r d e s a i : H A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . (1908) p . 1 0 1 .
3. S a r d e s a i : H A I - B R P a r t H I V o l . I (1908) p . 1 0 8 .
4. S a r d e s a i : H A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . I (1908) p . 125.
5. AHD-CSHI (1934) p . 5 0 0 .
6. P r i o l k a r : G . I n q . (1961) P p . 73-74
7. A H D - C S H I (1934) P p . 4 9 7 - 4 9 9 .
8. Sardesai : B t A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . I P p . 175-184.
9. Sardesai : H A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . I (1908) p . 3 4 7 .
10. S a r d e s a i : H A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . I (1908) p . 3 4 7
11. Sardesai : H A I - B R Part I I I V o l . I (1908) P p . 2 0 2 - 2 0 7
12. Sardesai : H A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . I (1908) p . 2 7 2 .
13-14. A H D - C S H I (1934) P p . 501 a n d 6 2 4 .
15. A H D - C S H I (1934) P p . 6 3 2 .
16. J a m e s M i l l : T h e H i s t o r y o f B r . I n d i a V o l . I l l p . 53 F n .
17. S a r d e s a i : H A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . I (1908) p . 7 6 0 .
18. B a s u : R C P I : V o l . I P p . 36, 1 6 9 .
19. B a s u : R C P I V o l . I P p . 31-32 p . 3 6 .
20. K i n c a i d - P a r a s n i s : H M P V o l . I l l (1925) p . 3 9 .
21. B a s u : R C P I V o l . I l l p . 244.
22. B a s u : R C P I V o l . I I p . 284.
23. Basu : R C P I . V o l . I I p. 284.
24. S m i t h : O H I p. 337.
25. H a i g - B u r n : C H I : V o l . I V P p . 64-65.
26. H a i g - B n r n : C H I : V o l . I V p. 71.
27. Abdulla : Tarikh-I-Daudi : H I E D . V o l , I V p. 06.
28. Abdulla : Tarikh-I-Daudi : H I E D V o l . I V p. 506.
29. H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V P p . 64-65.
30. A b d u l l a : Tarikh-I-Daudi : H I E D V o l . I V p. 607.
31. L a n e - P o o l e : M e d . I n d . (1916) P p . 2 4 1 - 2 4 2 .
32. L a n e - P o o l e : M e d . I n d . (1916) p . 2 4 2 .
CHAPTER X I X
2. S m i t h : O H I (1959) p . 3 0 4 .
4. R . C . M a j u m d a r : H C I P V o l . V T p . 62.
5. S m i t h : O H I (1959) p . 304.
6. N . Venkataramanayya : The K i n g d o m of Vijayanagar
H C I P : V o . V I p . 272.
8. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I . p . 230.
9. B a r a n i : T P S : H I E D V o l . I l l p. 239.
10. S m i t h : O H I . p . 304.
11. S a r d e s a i : H I A — M R : P a r t I p . 918.
12. P . M . Joshi : The Bahamani Kingdom : HCIP Vol. V I
p. 243.
13. K . A . N i l a k a n t a Sastri : A H i s t o r y of South India
(1958).
14. Nicolo Conti : quoted by Sardesai HAI—MR Pt. I
p. 310.
15. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I : (1958) p . 2 5 8 .
16. Vijayanagara Sexcentenary Commemoration Volume
(1936) p. 215.
17. Vijayanagara Sexcentenany Commemoration Volume
(1936) p . 20.
18. K i r a t a r j u n i y a m : I p.30.
19. Sardesai : H A I - M R : P a r t I p. 303.
20. Refer to the Picture of the M o n o l i t h i c statue of
N a r s i m h a P r i n t e d opp. p. 20.of Vijayanagara Sexcenten
a r y C o m m e m o r a t i o n V o l u m e (1936).
22. K . A . N i l a k a n t a S a s t r i : H S I (1958) p . 255.
23. S a r d e s a i : H A I — M R P a r t I p . 294. .•
52»
33. L a n e - P o o l e : M e d . I n d . (1916) p . 2 4 2 .
34-35. H a i g - B u r n : C H I . V o l . I V p. 78.
36. H a i g - B u r n : C H LV o l . I V p . 88.
37. H a i g - B u r n : C H I . V o l . I V p. 8 « .
38. Haig-Burn : C H I . Vol. IV.
40. -Sardesai : H A I - M R : P a r t I p . 340.
41. Sardesai : H A I - M R : P a r t I p . 340. ^
42. Sardesai : H A I - M R : P a r t I p. 340.
44. H a i g - B u r n : C H I . V o l . I V p . 99.
46. Ojha : R a j . K a . I t i . P a r t I I p . 772.
47. Ojha : R a j . K a . I t i . V o l . I I P p . 739-741.
48. Ojha : R a j . K a I t i . V o l . I I p. 751.
60. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I (1950) p . 1.
61. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h A S H S : V o l . I P p . 1, 15 a n d 1 1 .
52. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s (1923) p . 8 3 .
63. T. Singh and G . Singh : A S H S V o l . I (1950) p . 14.
64. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s : (1923) P p . 35-36
55. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S V o l . I (1950) p . 2 9 P f .
56. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S . V o l . I (1950) p . 3 1 .
57. T. Singh and G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I (1960) p . 19 •
P n . 1.
68. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I (1950) P p . 3 4 - 3 6
59. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I (1950) p . 2 7 .
• 60. A H D - C S H S (1934) p . 4 3 0 .
61. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s : (1923) P p . 4 7 - 6 0 .
62. T. Singh and G . Singh : A S H S : V o l . I p . 38.
63. T. Singh and G . Singh : A S H S : V o l . I p. 40.
64. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I P p . 42-46.
65. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I p . 46 P n 3 .
66. A H D - C S H I (1934) p . 4 3 0 .
67. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s (1923) p . 4 8 .
68. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I P p . 56, 67 P n 1.
69. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s (1923) P p . 5 3 - 5 4 .
630
70. T.Singh and G.Singh : A S H S V o l . I p. 67.

71. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S V o l . I p . 64.
72. A H D - C S H I (1934) p . 4 3 0 .
74-76. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s (1923) p . 8 2 .
76. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S V o l . I (1950) p . 7 0 .
77. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s p . 62 P n 1.
78. B . L . S i n g h : i S i k h M a r t y r s (1923) P p . 62-63.
A H D : C S H I (1934) p . 4 3 0 .
79. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s p. 63;
A H D - C S H I p . 340.
80. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s p . 66.
82. M a c a u l i f f e : S R G V o l . V p . 190.
8 6 - 8 6 . B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s P p . 69-70.
88. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s P p . 137-140.
89. S a y e d M o h a m m a d L a t i f : " L a h o r e " p . 246,
91. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s p. 88.
93. Several Sikhs suppose that Gul Khan (who stabbed
G u r u G o v i n d Singh) was specially d e p u t e d b y Emperor
B a h a d u r S h a h co a s s a s s i n a t e t h e G u r u .
Macauliffe : S R G V o l . V p . 241.
94. B . L . S i n g h : S i k h M a r t y r s p. 80.
96. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S V o l . I p . 80 P n . 1.
98. B . L . Singh : S i k h M a r t y r s P p . 90-91.
99. Macauliffe : S R G V o l . V p . 249.
100. H i s t o r y o f t h e P u n j a b : ( A l l e n & C o . 1846) V o l . I p . 176.
101. T . Singh and G . Singh : A S H S . - V o l . I P p . 86-86.
102. Macauliffe : S R G V o l . V p . 262.
103. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S : V o l . I p . 106.
104-106. Macauliffe : S R G V o l . V p . 252.
106. M a c a u l i f f e : S R G V o l . V P p . 262-263.
107. K e e r : V e e r S a v a r k a r (1966) p . 7 1 .
108. S a m a g r a S a v a r k a r V a n g m a y a V o l . I I (1965)
Pp. 128-136.
109. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h : A S H S V o l I p . 103 P n 1.
110. S a r d e s a i : H A I - B R P a r t I I I V o l . I I (1939) p . 270.
113. Lane-Poole : M e d . I n d . p. 251.
114. S m i t h : O H I p . 357.
115. T i t u s : I n d . I s l a m p . 158.
116. I s w a r i P r a s a d : H M I p . 526 : P n 13,
CHAPTER X X I
1. sft ^Tf^^^Tr rmv^ I W M ^ P J t : 2, 4 0 .

2. P t . J . N e h r u : D I : (1966) p . 2 8 6 - 2 8 7 .
3. A H D - C S H I (1934) p . 4 3 6 .
4. M . G . R a n a d e : R i s e o f t h e M a r a t h a P o w e r p. 3 .
5. J . N . S a r k a r : S h i v a j i a n d H i s T i m e s p . 19.
6. D a h i r at the B a t t l e o f B r a h m a n a b a d .
7. R a m r a y a a t t h e B a t t l e o f T a l i k o t i n 1666 A D .
8. B a s u : R C P I V o l . I l l p . 126.
9. M . G . R a n a d e : R i s e of the M a r a t h a P o w e r : C h . I X
10. H a i g - B u r n : C H I : V o l I V P p . 300-301.
11. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I I p . 164.
12. Baburao M a l h a r ' s letter d a t e d D e o . 1738 q u o t e d by
Sardesai : N H M : V o l . I I p . 163.
14. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I I p. 164.
15. Sardesai : N H M V o l . I I p . 165.
16. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I I P . 166.
H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V p. 361.
18. H i n g n e D a f t o r : V o l . I p . 16.
19. N . K . B e h e r e : P B P (1930) p . 2 7 2 .
21. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I I p . 168
22. K i n c a i d and Parasnis : H M P V o l . I I p . 267.
23. N K B : P B P (1930) p . 314.
25. Kinep-id and Parasnis : H M P V o l . I I p . 267.
27. Sardesai : N H M V o l . H p 166.
28. N . K . B e h e r e : P B P (1930) p . 2 7 6 .
29. K i n c a i d and Parasnis : H M P V o l . I I A p p . p . 236.
533
30. K i n c a i d and Parasnis : H M P V o l . I I p. 261.

31. Sardesai : N H M V o l . I I P p . 357-358.
32-33. H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V p. 371.
34. Sardesai : N H M : V o l . I I p . 358.
35. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I I P p . 360-361.
37. H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V P p . 369-70 & 3 7 4 .
38. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I I P p . 361 a n d 3 6 3 .
41. Haig-Burn : C H I Vol. I V p. 372.
42. Sardesai : N H M V o l . I I p. 365.
44-45. H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V p . 439.
46. Sardesai : N H MV o l . I I p 359.
48. H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V P p . 415; 4 2 9 .
51. K i n c a i d a n d P a r a s n i s : H M P V o l . I l l P p . 12-19.
54. H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V P p . 415-431.
Tarikh-i-Ahmed Shah.
55. H a t g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V p. 431,
57. Sardesai: N H M V o l . I I p . 362.
R a j w a d e : Vol. I l l P p . 160, 3 8 3 , 384, 397. V o l . V I p . 2 2 2 .
59. Lane-Poole : M e d . I n d .
Smith : O H I ,
60-61. H M P V o l . I l l p . 52.
63. S m i t h : O H I P p . 821-822.
64. H a i g - B u r n C H I V o l . I V p. 536.
65. H a i g - B u r n C H I V o l . I V p . 438.
66. H a i g - B u r n C H I V o l . I V p. 455.
634
67. H a r i R a m Gupta : Later Mughal History of Punjab.

72. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . II p . 3 8 7 .
76. K i n c a i d a n d P a r a s n i s : N H M V o l . Ill p . 5 5 .
80. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I I p. 391.
84. H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V p . 444.
87. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . H p . 391.
91-92. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . p . 3 9 9 .
93. Peshwa, Daftar : X X V I I , 218.
Sardesai : N H M V o l . II p . 3 9 9 .
94. Sardesai : N H M V o l . I I P p . 393- a n d 3 9 9 .
97. T . S i n g h a n d G . S i n g h A S H S V o l . I p . 160 a l s o f n 1.
98. S a r d e s a i : N a n a s a h i b P e s h w a (1926) p . 178.
99. H a i g - B u r n : C H I V o l . I V p . 445.
101. Sardesai : N H M : V o l . I I p . 403.
102. S a r d e s a i : N a n a s a h i b P e s h w a : (1926) P p . 176-177.
103. Quoted by Sardesai : H A I M. R. Madhya-Vighag
, V o l . Ill P p . 9 8 - 1 0 0 .
1 0 3 - A . S a r d e s a i : N H M - V o l . I I p . 189.
104. Mahmud Aslam : H I E D . Vol. Ill
CHAPTER X X n
1. Sardesai : H A I - M . R . M a d h y a V i b h a g : V o l . H I p . 101.
2. Prof. R . C . Dass : Critical Notes on I n d . H i s t . p. 91.
3. S a r d e s a i : N H M V o l . I I p . 4 0 1 . F n . 4.
4. S a m a g r a S a v a r k a r V a n g m a y a : V o l . V I I P p . 346-354.
CHAPTER XXIH
. 1. ; S a m a g r a S a v a r k a r V a n g m a y a V o l . V I {1964)Pp. 203-209.
2. A H D - C S H I (1934) p . 2 9 1 .
3. C h . X X P a r a g r a p h s 956 t o 983.
4. A H D - C S H I (1934) P p . 617-618.
5. P t . J . N e h r u : D I (1956) p.«308.
6. A H D - C S H I (1934) P p . 713-714.
7. D r . R . C . M a j u m d a r : H F M : V o l . I (1962) p . 5 5 2 .
8. H S . W i l l i a m s : H H W : V o l . X X I I (1907) p . 2 0 .
9. B a s u : R C P I : V o l . V p. 422.
10. H . S . W i l l i a m s : H H W : V o l . X X I I (1907) p . 2 0 1 .
11. H . S . W i l l i a m s : H H W : V o l . X X I I (1907) p . 2 0 1 .
12. B a s u : R C P I : V o l . V p . 420.
13. H . S . W i l l i a m s : H H W : V o l . X X I I (1907) p . 202.
14. Samagra Savarkar Vangmaya : Vol. V (1963) P p . 410-
411.
15. S u r e n d r a N a t h S e n : E i g h t e e n F i f t y S e v e n (1957)
P p . 357-358.
16. S a m a g r a S a v a r k a r V a n g m a y a : V o l . V P p . 412-434.
17. H S . W i l l i a m s : H H W : V o l . X X I I (1907) p . 2 0 1 .
18. W . T . S t e a d : R e v i e w o f R e v i e w s : A p r i l 1897.
19. Dadabhai Navroji : Presidential Address at the 1893
: s e s s i o n o f the I n d i a n N a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s .
536
20. Samagra Savarkar Vangmaya : Vol. I (1963) C h . I I - X I

P p . 7-82.
21. Dadabhai N a v r o j i : Speech in East India Association;
(cf R P . M a s a n i : L i f e o f D a d a B h a i , p . 125.)
22. S a m a g r a S a v a r k a r V a n g m a y a : V o l . I (1963) P p . 35-39.
23. N e n e a n d B a r d e : I n d i a i n T r a n s i t i o n : (1948) P p . 18-19.
24. Samagra Savarkar Vangmaya : Vol. I (1963) P p . 8 2 a n d
142-143.
25. The only giant Savarkar had not crossed swords w i t h
was Pheroz Shah Mehta Dhananjaya K e e r : Veer
Savarkar : p. 47.
26. D h a n a n j a y a K e e r : V e e r S a v a r k a r (1966) p . 4 5 .
27. K e e r : V e e r S a v a r k a r : p . 17.
28. K e e r : Veer S a v a r k a r : p. 95.
29. Veer S a v a r k a r : b y K e e r : p. 65.
30. Lala Lajpat R a i : Young India quoted by K e e r : V .
S a v a r k a r : p . 118.
31. K e e r : V e e r S a v a r k a r : P p . 36-36 a n d P p . 3 0 - 3 8 .
32. M P T . A c h a r y a 1The M a r a t h a : 27 M a y 1938 Senapti
B a p a l : T h e M a r a t h a : 27 M a y 1938.
33. D h a n a n j a y a K e e r : V . S a v a r k a r : p . 197.
34. N e n e a n d B a r d e : I n d i a i n T r a n s i t i o n : p . 197.
36. S m i t h : O H I : p . 828 a n d 830.
36. S m i t h : O H I : p. 831.
37. M o s l e y : L D B R (1961) p . 9 6 .
38. L . M o s l e y : L D B R (1961) p . 5 0 .
40. S t a t e m e n t b y the Cabinet D e l e g a t i o n a n d the Viceroy-
M a y 16, 1946. Quoted by Nene and Barde in Ind. in
Transi. A p p . B p. v i .
39-41. Veer S a v a r k a r : Presidential address at the 24th
Session of the A . B . H i n d u M a h a s a b h a i n 1942 Hindu
R a s t r a D a r s h a n : (1949) P p . 279-280.
42. H i n d u R a s h t r a D a r s h a n : (1949) P p . 263-264.
43. S t a t e m e n t b y the C a b i n e t D e l e g a t i o n and the V i c e r o y -
( M a y 16, 1946) N e n e - B a r d e : I n d i a i n T r a n s i t i o n : A p p . "
B p. v i i .
44. N e n e - B a r d e ; I n d i a i n T r a n s i t i o n : A u t h o r ' s N o t e P a r a 1.
INDEX
Abdalli, Ahmedshah : Agrashrenis : 65

1032-33, 1041-44, 1049 ; A h i m s a , o f Buddhists :
Aggression on India : Detriment of national might
1 0 4 3 , 1049, 1056-64, 155
A t r o c i t i e s o f : 1058 5 9 . Ahmedabad
1075-78 ; See K a r n a v a t i
A b d u l S a m a d : 1064 A h m e d k h a n , Bangash :
A b h i n a v a Bharat Samstha : 1050
12,1123,1126 A h m e d n a g a r : 886, 887
A b u , M o u n t : 997 A h m e d Shah, Sultan :
A c h y u t d e v : 899 R a v a g e o f S o m n a t h ." 434
A d i l s h a h : 904-07 A h o m , tribe : 5 1 9 - 5 2 1 A
Adilshah, Mohammed : Aiyengar,
933-35 ; D r . S. K r i s h n a S w a m y : 869
Adilshahi A i y e r , V . V . S . : 1123
Fratricidal of wars: A k b a r : 941, 944-46
8 9 0 , 900-03, 917 A t r o c i t i e s o f : 947-48 ;
A d i n a b e g : 1056 D i n - e - I l a h i : 990 ;
A d i t y a , C h o i : 714 F a n a t i c i s m o f : 987-88 ; ,
A f g h a n , M u s l i m s : 445 Massacre of H i n d u s :
Afghans : 1 0 5 4 ; 947-48 ;
Aggressions on I n d i a : Policy towards H i n d u s :
931-32 ; 989;
Afghanistan : Greatness o f : 9 9 0 A ;
I n a n c i e n t I n d i a : 11 ; - A l a s i n g Jat : 1065
H i n d u r e - c o n quest o f : 321 ; Albouquerque :
H i n d u c o n v e r t s o f : 379 P e r s e c u t i o n ot H i n d u s : 924
Africa . A l f o n s o : 924
•Spread o f I s l a m : 441 ; Alexander :
W i l d t r i b e s o f : 440 ; P r e l u d e to career : 10 ;
Africa, North : C o r r u p t i o n o f t h e n a m e : 18
M u s l i m religious aggression : Aggression on I n d i a :
497 10-42 ;
A f z a l k h a n : 1055 W a r w i t h P o r u s : 23-25 ;
Agasti, Rishi : 858-A E n q u i r y o f I n d i a n ascetics :
A g n i k u l a : S t o r y o f : 997 28-31 ;
A g n i m i t r a : Shunga ; R e t r e a t o f : 43-72,
195 Battle with Malava-Shud-
Agra .1069 r a k a s : 53-62 ;
638
A t t a c k OD M a s a g a s : 64 ; Amoghvarsba, K i n g : 265
B a t t l e -with A g r a s h r e n i s : Anagondi, kingdom o f :
65 ; 860
Battle with Brahmanakas : Anandpur : 963A
69-69A ; f o r t o f : 968
Defection i n the army : A n a n g p a l : 367-369 ;
40-41 ; Battles with Mohammed :
Speech of : 4 1 - A ; 368
Failure of I n d i a n campaign : A n a s a g a r : 611
72-75 ; A n d a m a n s : 4 9 5 , 1123
Meeting with Chandragupta : A n g a d , G u r u : 957
94-97 ; A n d h r a s : 218,
D e a t h o f : 77 ; V i c t o r y o v e r S a k a s : 230 ;
A l e x a n d e r , 'the great' R e i g n o f : 703-5
80-82, 1 4 1 - 4 2 A ; A n h i l w a d : 435-36,
Alexandrias : A n g l o - D o g r a wars : 1099
C i t i e s n a m e d after Anglo-Jat wars : 1099
A l e x a n d e r : 8 0 , 82 Anglo-Hindu wars :
Alla-ud-din : K h i l j i 1096-1097, 1099, 1101-2
432-433. 7 0 1 - 7 4 5 . 8 5 8 ; 1105-6, 1107-1111.
Aggression i n the Deccan : A n g l o - M a r a t h a wars :
702, 723-742 858 ; 1096-1097,
Destruction of Somnath : A n g l o - M u s l i m wars :
732-33 ; 1108-1111
C o n q u e s t o f G u j a r a t h : 727 ; Anglo-Nepalese wars : 1101
Invasion of Ratanbhor : A n g l o - S i k h wars : 1099
730 ; A n s o n , C - i n - C : 1111
Invasions of Chitod : A m r i t s a r : 9 6 0 , 1065
731-32 Antaji, Mankeshwar :
C r u e l t y t o H i n d u s : 740 ; 1069-70
Altunia : A n t a r v e d i : 1082
G o v e r n o r o f S a r h i n d : 695 A n u s h i l a n S a m i t i : 1123
A l v a r e s , P e d r o C a b r a l : 924 A p a r a | i t , P a l l a v : 714
Amardas, G u r u : 960 A r a b i a : 1030 ;
A m a r s a g a r : 512 H i s t o r i c ties w i t h I n d i a :
A m a r s i n g h : 6 1 2 , 1117 648-61
Ambedkar, D r . : Arabs:
3 2 0 - 3 2 0 A , 321-323, Aggression on I n d i a : 324,
703-705 931-932, 1031 ;
Amber : Platoons i n pay of D a h i r :
B a t t l e o f : 690 328 ;
Ambhi, E u r o p e a n conquests o f :
K i n g o f T a x i l a : 19 358-359
A m b o i n a : 926. Defeat i n Europe : 359A ;
America : Conversion of Hindus :
W a r o f i n d e p e n d e n c e : 7-8 397-398 ;
Amjawami-ul-Hikayat : A c c e p t I s l a m : 652 ;
435A I n v a s i o n o f P e r s i a : 652
539
First invasion of Sindh : H i s t o r y o f : 1,8

655 ; E m p i r e o f : 10
Defeat by Chalukyas : B a c t r i a : 214, 215
712-13 ; B a g d a d : 1080
A r b e l a : B a t t l e o f : 10 D e s t r u c t i o n by Mongols :
A r j u n m a l , G u r u : 960-61 616
A r t h a s h a s t r a , : 9 8 , 138 ; Bahamani :
R u l e s f o r t h e s o c i e t y : 154 O r i g m o f : 868
Indian martial tradition : B a h a m a n i , H a s a n : 824
169-170 Bahamani, Kingdom :
A r u n d e v r a i : 511 824, 8 6 8 ,
A s i a : 497 Wars with Vijaynagar :
Asoka : The h o l y 869, 885
149-175, 249 ; " B r e a k up o f : 885—90
p r e a c h i n g o f B u d d h i s m : 150 B a h i r a m k b a n ; 941, 944
enforces B u d d h i s m o n V a i d i c B a j i r a o , Peshwa, I :
Hindus ; 153,175.337 1029
A r m e d might of nation Baladitya : 294
weakened : 155-156A B a l b a n : 695-99
misplaced emphasis on B a l k h : 1030
A h i m s a : 157-158, 162, 175 ; Baluchistan :
d e a t h o f : 160-61 ; S a k a - K u s h a n aggression :
A s h o k a p i l l a r : 91 ; • 215-16
A t h e n s : 10 H i n d u r e c o n q u e s t o f : 321
Attilla : M u s l i m converts of : 324
H u n n i s h l e a d e r : 268 H i n d u C o n v e r t s o f : 379
Attock: B a n a r a s : 431
1073. 1081-1093 ; A l s o see K a s h i
F o r t o f : 1083 ; B a n b h a t t a : 255
R e l i g i o u s ban on H i n d u s : Banda Bairagi Baba :
1084 ; 4 6 3 , 805,
O r i g i n o f name : 975-976
522-535; 1085; B a n d a i Sikhs : 979-80
A u r a n g z e b : 917, 1028 ; Banerjee, S u r e n d r a n a t h :
Persecution of Sikhs : 1123
963A-965 Banerjee, U p e n d r a n a t h :
A u s t r i a n s : 1055 1123. ,
A y o d h y a : 252 B a n k i m c h a n d r a : 649
Azes, I : 2 2 3 Bapat, Senapati : 1123
Aziz, Abdul : Bappa Rawal : 360—62,
A r a b commander-in-chief : 600.
324 R o u t o f A r a b s : 657—58
Babar : Baridshahi :
8 4 7 - 8 4 8 , 910, 933 E s t a b l i s h m e n t o f : 886
i n v a s i o n o f I n d i a : 847-48 F r a t r i c i d a l wars of ; 890,
B a b y l o n : 1080 9 0 0 - 0 3 , 917
540
Barve, Gopalrao : Boyne D e : 930

1 0 6 3 , \08B Brahmanadad :
B e h a r e S a r d a r : 569 battle of H i n d u s and A r a b s :
Bengal: 328
720, 851, 55, 1045-1046, Brahmanafea, R e p u b l i c :
1096 69-69A
Buddhist population of : B r a h m i n s : 388
347-51 Persecution by Alexander :
Muslim population o f : 173
352 Brihadratha, Mourya :
R e c o n v e r s i o n s i n : 515 N o n - r e s i s t a n c e o f ; 177
S h o r t h i s t o r y of, ( m e d i e v a l - R e p l a c e m e n t o f : 184
p e r i o d ) : 851-855 D e a t h o f : 187-88
V i v i s e c t i o n o f : 1128-32 British :
Bengali : A g g r e s s i o n o n I n d i a : 316
S o c i a l C u s t o m s : 480 1094 A
B e r a r I m a d s h a h i o f : 886 E n d o f r u l e : 1137-1139
B h a g u r : 1123 R u l e o v e r I n d i a : 358
B h a g w a t Geeta : 424, 482 B u d d h a - L o r d : 16, 151
Bhave: H i n d u i z a t i o n of : 354
«Ruler o f N a r g u n d : 5 6 5 - 6 8 B u d d h a G a y a : 346
Bheem : Raja of Sourashtra : Buddha parasta :
371 ( S h r i n e w o r s h i p p e r ) : 334
Bheemsingh, Rana : Buddhism :
4 9 8 , 731-732. S p r e a d o f : 16
B h o j , M a h a r a j a : 526-28 I n I n d i a , before A s o k a :
B h o n s a l e , S a r d a r : 569 152
B h o o s b a n , t h e p o e t : 953 Enforcement on V a i d i c
Bhubaneshwar : H i n d u s : 153
T e m p l e o f : 4 9 5 , 665 S t a t e e x p e n d i t u r e o n : 154
B i d a r : 886 M i s p l a c e d emphasis on :
B i h a r : 3 4 7 , 1045-6 157-58, 162, 175
B i h a r i d a s , P u l i n : 1123 Consequences o f above :
B i j a p u r : see V i j a p u r . 164-167 176-177
Bindusar: D o w n f a l l i n I n d i a : 335
S o n o f C h a n d r a g u p t a : 145 Reasons o f above :
Completion of Chandragupta's T r e a s o n : 336, 152-56,
t a s k : 145-48 182-209, 242-46,
Southern Campaign o f : A h i m s a : 337-43,
147-47 U n t o u c h a b i l i t y : 344-46
D e a t h o f : 149 Annihilation from India :
B o k h a r a : 1030 347-51
B o l a n Pass : 2 1 5 Merger into H i n d u i s m :
B o m b a y : 925 354-718
B o p d e v : 720 Buddhist :
Bose, N e t a j i S u b h a s h Sympathy with national
C h a n d r a , : 1126 enemies : 183
541
T r e a c h e r y of : 245—246, 285 E m p i r e o f : 125-27

326-327, 332 D e f e a t o f Selucos : 132-36
Revenge on Mihirgula : M a r r i e d G r e e k p r i n c e s s : 461
297-97A S u p e r - A l e x a n d e r : 143-144
M a s s a c r e of, b y K a s i m : 333 D e a t h o f : 145
Religious Persecution of Chandragupta II Vikrama
H i n d u s ; 337-43 d i t y a : O f G u p t a s : 252,
C o n v e r s i o n to I s l a m : 255-59, 263
351A-353 Charles II, K i n g ; 9 2 5 A
Bukka : Chattopadhyaya : 1123
Expetition in South : Chechak, R a v a l : 501
860, 864-65 Chengeezkhan : 696
Bukkarai (Bukka) : C h e l a : 216
878-79 Cheras : 495, 660,703-5
B u l g a r i a : 630, 1 0 7 4 - A 495
Bundeley, G o v i n d p a n t : R e i g n o f : 703-5
1063 Chhatrasal, Raso' : 676
B u r m a : 216, 495 Chimaji Appa : 450-51-A
Busie, D e : 930 China : H i s t o r y of :
C a m a , M a d a m e : 1123 1, 8-9
Cambay : H u n n i s h attacks on :
See K h a m b a y a t : 4 3 5 - A 267
Caste-system :: 694 D o m i n a t i o n b y foreigners :
C e y l o n : 4 9 5 , 529 710
Chacha : K i n g of Sindh-324 Chinese : A c c o u n t o f
C h a i t a n y a , F r a b h u : 515 B u d d h i s m i n I n d i a : 344,
Chalukyas : 703-9 346
C h a m u n d r a i : 681 C h i n a wall : 9, 267
C h a n a k : 98 Chitod :
Chanakya : D y n a s t y o f : 677, 690
I n T a x i l a : 21-22 Chola(s) : 216, 495
S t o r y o f : 98-104 C h o w l ; D y n a s t y : 660
P o l i t i c a l thesis o f : 84 Chowlas : 715, 716]
106-08, 1 2 2 , 1 3 8 Chowla, R a j e n d r a : 529
Ministership of Magadha : Choul : 925A
145 Chouhans : 677
R u l e s f o r t h e s o c i e t y : 154 C h r i s t i a n , Missionaries :
W a r - s t r a t e g y o f : 673 547
C h a n d B h a t : 676, 687, 997 Religious incursion on I n d i a :
C h a n d r a g i r i : 919 316
Chandragupta, M o u r y a Christians ;
2 1 - 2 2 , 84-91 Intolerance of other religions
B i r t h o f : 85-86, 91 429-30
Meeting with Alexander : T w o - f o l d aggression : 5 4 9 .
94-97 Reconversion i n Spain :
Capture of Magadha : 627-29
116-119 Aggrehsions on I n d i a :
A r m y o f : 124 931-32
542
S y r i a n Infiltration i n to D o a b : 1045-6
M a l a b a r : 316 D a g r a s : 1065
Conversion of H i n d u s : C o n q u e s t o f K a s h m i r : 867
399 539-542 Duranians :
I n j n d i a : 539-42 A g g r e s s i o n o n I n d i a : 1031
Christianity : Intolerance of D u r g a d a s , R a t h o d : 517
other religions : 429-30 D u r g a w a t i Q u e e n : 744-46
1074A D u p l e i x : 929-930
Chuchuk ; K i n g 521-21A D u t c h : 1096
C l i v e , R o b e r t : 929 Aggression on I n d i a :
Dadabhai Nowroji : 316
1123 A d v e n t i n I n d i a : 926
D a h i r : 325, 1018 3 2 7 - 2 9 I n S u m a t r a : 926
327-329 Aggressions on S o u t h I n d i a :
D a i t y a s : 640 998
D a m a n : 925A Dutch East India Company
D a n a v a s : 640 : 926
D a n d a m i s : 30-31 D u t t a , R a m c h a n d r a : 1123
Das, H e m a c h n d r a : 1123 Dutta, Shree M a d h u ^ d a n :
D e l h i : 1059-1089 649
U n d e r H i n d u r u l e : 686 E a s t India C o m p a n y :
U n d e r M u s l i m r u l e : 686 9 2 5 A , 927-925
Demetreos : 163 Winding up o f :
Devagiri, Kingdom o f : 1103-4, 1112
868-62 Egypt: 8
D e v r a i : 880-81 Ellora,
D e v a l d e v i : 727, 734 See V e r u l :
E a r l y h i s t o r y o f : 746-748 E n g l a n d : 10
C o n s p i r a c y o f : 778, 815-816 English :
Deval, M a h a r s h i : Aggressions on I n d i a :
473-76, 478, 499 931-32
S m r i t i o f : 475-76, 479-82 Aggression on South India :
Reconversion i n Sindh : 998
4 8 3 - 8 4 , 485-486 In Bengal :
P o r t : of Sindh : 1Q96-1097
326 W a r w i t h H a i d e r : 1097
Dhananand : War with Tipu :
E m p e r o r o f M a g a d h : 39 5 6 9 - 6 7 1 , 1097
D h a r : D y n a s t y o f : 677 System of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n :
D h a r m a P a l : 3 4 2 , 729 1103-04
D b i n g r a , M a d a n l a l : 1123 Europe :
D h u r i : (Indian tribe) R u i n b y H u n s : 268
C o n v e r s i o n o f : 379 E u r o p e a n s : 1096
M o h a m m e d G h o r i : 379 C o n v e r s i o n o f H i n d u s : 400
Diodoros : E u r o p e a n Nations :
O n I n d i a n R e p u b l i c s : 35 A d v e n t i n I n d i a : 924
D i n - e - I l a h i : 990 Aggressions on I n d i a :
D i v : (Diu) : 925A 931-32
543
F a - h i e n : 263 H i n d u p a r e n t a g e o f : 44:6
F a k r u d d i n : 854 Conspiracy against K h u s h r u -
F a r u k h a b a d : 1050 k h a n : 799-801
F e r o z s h a h : 1117 G i b b o n : 273
F r a n c e • 10 G i b r a l t e r . 358
H u n n i s h o i i s l a n g h t o n : 268 Gilgit :
French : H i n d u re-conquest o f :
aggression on I n d i a : 321
3 1 6 , 931-932, 1055, 1096 Glorious E p o c h :
A d v e n t i n I n d i a : 929 F i r s t : 144
Aggression on Sonth I n d i a : Second :
998 145-210, 211
Defeat i n I n d i a : 930 T h i r d : 212-264
F r e n c h E a s t India C o m p a n y F o u r t h : 265-310
929 F i f t h : 311-1093, 1087
G a d a r P a r t y : 1123 S i x t h : 1094-1140
G a m a , V a s c o D e 924 S u m m a r y o f : 301-07
G a n d h a r : 253 G o a : 879, 8 8 5 , 924-25
G a n d h i , M . K : 1123 H i s t o r y of : 40
G a n g a d h a r Y e s h w a n t : 1064 C o n v e r s i o n : 546-47
G a z i - u d - d i n : 1056 Mass reconversions i n :
G a z a n i : 3 2 1 , 1030 514
S u l t a n s o f : 364-378 Gokhale, R t . H o n . G . K . :
G e r m a n s : 1055 1123
G e r m a n y : 10 Gokul Vrindavan :
H u n n i s h o n s l a u g h t o n : 268 1076—80
H e l p i n I n d i a n independence Golkonda :
m o v e m e n t : 1126 , See G o w a J k o n d a
G h o r i : see G h u r i : G o n d w a n a : 945, 95 6 A
Ghori, Mohammed : Gopal, K i n g : O f B e n g a l :
O r i g i n o f : 668 •720.
M a r c h o n G u j a r a t : 670 G o r k h a s : 1055, 1101 .
D e f e a t a t A b u : 670-71 O r i g i n o f : 985
S u r r e n d e r to P r i t h v i r a j Gowalkonda :
C h o u h a n : 671-74 K u t b s h a h i o f : 886
Second aggression on I n d i a : Govind :
675
R a s h t r a k o o t K i n g : 720
B e c o m e s G a z i ; 680 Gobindsing, G u r u :
V i c t o r y o v e r P r i t h v i r a j : 681 6 1 8 - A 964-73
D e s t r u c t i o n o f D e l h i : 682 Greece :
A t t a c k s J a y a c h a n d : 682 8, 1 0 7 4 A
P l u n d e r o f K a s h i : 683-84 M u s l i m s i n : 630
R e t u r n t o G a z a n i : 685 R o u t o f I s l a m : 630
D e a t h o f : 687 G r h d e v i : 256-57
G h o s h , B a r i n d r a : 1123 Greek : Aggression on I n d i a :
Ghuri : H i n d u community : by Alexander :
668 b y D e m e t r e o s : 163-180
Ghyas-ud-din, T u g h l a k h b y M e n a n d e r : 182
G r e e k j cities : H a r g o v i n d , G u r u : 963
O u t s i d e Greece, n a m e d a f t e r H a r i h a r : 86-65, 921
A l e x a n d e r : 8 0 , 82 R e c o n v e r s i o n t o H i n d u i s m .:
G r e e k : C i t y - S t a t e s : 107 513, 861
C i v i l feuds : 128 H a r i h a r II : 879
Greek Colonies : H a r i s c h a n d r a : 645
O u t s i d e G r e e c e , due t o H a r i w a n s h : 648
A l e x a n d e r : 80, 82 H a r k i s h a n : 963
Greek, Governors : H a r r a i , G u r u 963
O n I n d i a n t e r r i t o r y : 76-79 H a r s h a : 337-38
G o d s : 14 H a s s a n , G a n g u : 868
S t a t e s : 10 H a s t i n a p u r : 686
I n v a s i o n o f I n d i a : 644, Havishka : 248
10-77 Heenayan : 240
R o u t of I s l a m from Greece : H e m o o : 9 3 3 - 4 3 , 940
1074A H e r a t : 321
Bactrian &' Asian : Hinduism :
A t t a c k on India under R i t u a l o f sacrifice : 153
D e m e r e o s : 163 m a r t i a I t r a d i t i o n o f : 168-174
D r i v e n b a c k ; 180 : Idea of a just w a r l - 7 2
Second attack under S t a g n a t i o n of : 621-231B
M e n a n d e r : 182-183 offshoots o f : 645
D e f e a t b y P u s h y a m i t r a : 193 I n v a s i o n b y I s l a m : 647
E x t i n c t i o n o f : 200—201 A d v a i t a t h e o r y : 718
G u e r i l l a w a r f e r e : 1025-29 K a r m a t h e o r y : 718
Gujrat : 259. Revival by Shankaracharya :
S a k a a g g r e s s s i o n o n : 215 718
H i s t o r y o f : 721 H i n d u k u s h : 1 1 , 1 2 7 , 1033
( a b o u t 1000 A D ) H i n d u r e c o n q u e s t o f ; 321
Guhilots : Hindu History :
A n e c d o t e a b o u t o r i g i n : 677 B y f o r e i g n h i s t o r i a n s : 391
G u m a l : ( r i v e r ) : 127 T a u g h t i n s c h o o l s : 320
G u n d : 879 R e m a r k s of D r . A m b e d k a r :
Gurugranth of S i k h s : 960 320- A
G u r u m u k h i S c r i p t : 960 R e f u t a t i o n of above :
H a d a : 681. 3 2 1 - 323
H a i d e r - A U i : 555 P e r v e r s i o n , o f : 355-56
Haider : S h o r t - c o m i n g o f : 606
W a r w i t h t h e E n g l i s h : 1097 S u m m a r y o f : 631-37
H a k i k a t r a i , K u m a r : 971 P o u r a n i c P e r i o d : 640-42
H a l d i g b a t : B a t t l e o f : 952 L a c k of H i n d u point-of-view :
Hameer : Rajput prince : 765
681, 730 Hindu-Mahasabha :
R a n a : Reconquers Chitod : 1130-31
733 H i n d u - M u s l i m wars :
' R a s o ' : 676 311-12, 315-20, 364-409
H o r a t i u s : 373 4 3 8 , 601-5, 6 3 8 - 3 9 , 8 1 0 ,
H a r d a y a l , L a l a : 1123
546
826, 873, 931-32, 996-98, religions aggression,:

1008, 1014, 1018-24, 1075, 497-554
1080, 1087 S u r v i v a l o f : 497-99
Hindu Nation: R e l i g i o u s counter-aggression :
A b i l i t y t o r e j u v e n a t e : 322 462-63, 499, 516, 550-54,
3 2 2 A , 858 901, 903
'Hindu-pad-patshahi' : Overseas conquests o f : 529
4003 09 1011, 1054 P e r s e c u t i o n of, i n G o a : 533
H i n d u , point-of-view F i r s t contact w i t h Christians :
L a c k o f : 866, 909-910, 912 539
H i n d u Polity : C a s t e s y s t e m : 480-482
B y D r . J a y a s w a l ; 12, 42 V i c t o r y over Muslims i n
Hindus: S i n d h : 483-85
A s s i m i l a t i o n o f foreigners : Stagnation of religion :
284 621-23B
Misplaced faith i n Muslims : R o u t o f I o n i a n aggression :
328-29 632
S o m n a t h t e m p l e : 371-376 R o u t o f S a k a aggression :
R e l i g i o u s c o n c e p t s : 379-420 632
Retaliation of Muslim R o u t o f H u n aggression :
r e l i g i o u s i n c u r s i o n : 381-82 632
C a s t e - s y s i e m 383-88, 421-22, R o u t of M u s l i m political
480-82, 645, 720 p o w e r ; 633
T h e s e v e n b a n s : 384, 389, M u s l i m religious dominance :
421-22, 464-65, 457-82, 633-37
522-38 A n c i e n t warfare : 641-43
C o n v e r s i o n t o I s l a m : 397-98 W a r s w i t h l o n i a n s : 644
O s t r a c i s m : 390-91, 410-13 W a r s w i t h S a k a s : 644
Conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y : W a r s w i t h K u s h a n a s : 644
399-400 W a r s w i t h G r e e k s : 644
B a n o n r e c o n v e r s i o n : 401-409 W a r s w i t h P e r s i a n s : 644
Hindu : Converts : W a r s w i t h H u n s : 644
M i s e r y o f : 414-419 H i d d u Vaidic :
Perverted conception of R e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s : 645
v i r t u e s : 421-72, 6 4 5 . 672-73, F l e s h - e a t i n g o f : 645
786, 791, 840, 1074-1080, N o n - v i o l e n c e o f : 645
1183 C o l o n y i n A r a b i a : 649
Grants to masjids : 431. Overseas c o n q u e s t s : 665
M i s p l a c e d generosity : M i l i t a n t sects o f : 719
W a r - s t r a t e g y o f : 739
e x a m p l e o f : 435-38
B a n s p u t b y M u s l i m s : 785
P o l l u t i o n of women by
I n s e r v i c e o f M u s l i m s : 786
M u s l i m s : 439-48
R e a c t i o n to proselytization
C h i v a l r y o f : 449-51-A
o f M u s l i m s : 791
T h e r i g h t concept o f c h i v a l r y :
M a r t y r s : 803-5, 806
460-61
R e s u r r e c t i o n o f p o w e r : 823
P o l i t i c a l conquests of :
Politico-religious revolution
495-96.
o f : 863-64
Retaliation against M u s l i m
546
Perverted conception of M a l h a r r a o : 1060, 1063

v i r t u e s : 880-81 T u k o j i ; 1083
Proselytization by Portuguese: Hooghli :
924 U n d e r the Portuguese :
P r o s e l y t i z a t i o n o f : 931-32 926 A
I n S o u t h I n d i a : 932 Hoysal, D y n a s t y : defeat b y
P e r s e c u t i o n o f : 924, 931-32 M a l i q K a f u r : 735
C h r i s t i a n aggression o n : H u - e n - t s a n g : 663-64, 711
931-32 H u m a y u n : 933-36
Aggression of Muslims : H u n : T r i b e s : 157
931-32 Huns : A t t a c k on I n d i a : 9
Eeligio-political aggressions T r i b a l feuds : 2 1 5
o n : 996 Comparison with Kushanas :
R e s u r g e n t s p i r i t o f : 997 265
W a r o f independence : Comparison with Sakas :
1011-14 265
W a r s t r a t e g y o f : 1020-24 Onslaught over the world :
R e l i g i o u s bans o f : 1084 265-270
V i c t o r i e s o f : 1087 M a r c h o f : 266
E m p i r e o f : 1089 C r u e l t i e s o f : 266
W a r of independence : A t t a c k s o n C h i n a : 267
1094, 1108-11 R a i d s o n E u r o p e : 268
Risings in British rule : M a r c h o n I n d i a : 269
1120-24 2nd attack on I n d i a :
W a r s w i t h t h e E n g l i s h (see 274-75
A n g l o - H i n d u wars) 3 r d a t t a c k o f : 281-83
Hindutwa W o r s h i p o f R u d r a : 284
3 8 8 - A , 1 0 9 4 A , 1122 D e f e a t o f : 290-91
H i r a n y a K a s h i p u : 875 E n d o f : 299
H i s t o r i c a l records : Assimilation into Hindus :
R a s s o s : 5 0 0 , 506 299
T a w a r i k h s : 5 0 8 , 509-10 Purpose of aggression o n
History : Criterion of : 4 I n d i a : 315
P l a t i t u d e s i n : 25-26, 46 Invasion of I n d i a :
A n c i e n t : 3 1 3 , 1-310 644
M o d e r n : 3 1 3 , 311-1140 Hyderabad, Sindh :
L a c k of H i n d u point-of-view : P e o p l e o f : 70
7 9 8 , 936-38, 947-48, 988-89 Ibrahim Khan G a r d i :
P e r v e r s i o n o f : 9, 1 4 1 - 4 2 A 930
3 1 9 - 2 0 , 355-57, 7 6 5 , 7 9 8 , Iconoclasm o f M u s l i m s :
909-12, 947-48, 984-86, 3 7 0 , 371
988-89, 999, 1097-98, Imadshah :
1053-54 H i n d u p a r e n t a g e o f : 887
W r i t i n g o f : 991-94 Imadshahi :
H i t l e r , A d o l f : 1126 P o u n d e r o f : 887
H i z r i . E r a : 652 E s t a b i i s h m e n c o f : 886
Holkar, S a r d a r : 569, 678, F r a t r i c i d a l w a r s o f :'
1050 890, 9 0 0 - 0 3 , 9 1 7
547
India: N a t i o n a l A r m y : 1126 '

E x i s t e n c e o f the n a t i o n : R e p u b l i c s : 11
8-9 K a t h a S o u b h o o t i : 35-39
Dimensions of ancient time : M a l a v a S h u d r a k a s : 49-62
11 Masaga : 64-64A
I m m u n i t y from foreign A g r a s h r e n i s : 65-68.
a t t a c k : 300-300A B r a h m a n a k a : 49, 69
Ancient historic ties Consolidation by Bindusar :
w i t h A r a b i a : 648-51 146-48
A n c i e n t n a m e o f : 654 R e v o t u t i o n a r i e s : 1123
O v e r s e a s c o n q u e s t s : 665 W a r of Independence :
S o u t h e r n : 702 1110, 1117
V i v i s e c t i o n o f : 1128-32 Indo-China :
North : Spread of H i n d u i s m i n :
A c h i e v e m e n t o f : 708 519
M u s l i m aggressions o n : 931 H i n d u S t a t e s i n : 495,
S o u t h : 1045-6 716
M u s l i m invasions o f : Indonesia :
703-742 H i n d u S t a t e s i n : 716
Immunity from A d v e n t o f the D u t c h : 9 2 6
f o r e i g n a t t a c k : 703-05 Indore : 1063
A c h i e v e m e n t o f : 703-5 Indraprastha :
E u r o p e a n Aggressions : H i n d u c a p i t a l : 686
931-32 Indus Valley :
M u s l i m s o f : 1040 1083.
M o d e r n h i s t o r y o f : 711 lonians : G r e e k s : 14-15
M u s l i m aggressions o n : I n v a s i o n o f I n d i a : 644
858 I r a n : 1030, 1073
H i n d u resurrection : 858-A Iranian, I n v a d e r s : 1031
M u s l i m aggressions o n : A r m i e s o f : 379
931-32 Isaq : 879
I n d i a n A s c e t i c s : 28-31 Islam :
Political Revolution : Intolerance of other
78-84 r e l i g i o n s : 429-30
Indian history : S p r e a d i n A f r i c a : 441
Dawn of: 1 I n S p a i n : 627-29
b e g i n n i n g o f : 4-6 I n Greece : 630
b y foreign authors : 6 I n B u l g a r i a : 630
Perversion o f : 9 I n S e r b i a : 630
Resume of ancient period : I n P o l a n d : 630
301-07 Invasion of Hinduism :
P o u r a n i c P e r i o d : 640-42 647
L a c k of H i n d u point-of-view : Italians : 1055
743-44 Jabardestakhan : 1073
I n d e p e n d e n c e A c t : 1134 J a h a n g i r : 927
Independence Movement : P e r s e c u t i o n o f the S i k h s :
1120-25 961
548
Jahan&han . 1 0 5 7 , 1064 A n c i e n t e x a m p l e of, 6 5 , 4 6 3

1073 O f D a h i r ' s Q u e e n : 330
Jains : 645 O f C h i t o d : 946
Jaipal : K i n g o f Punjab : J u s t i n ; h i s t o r i a n : 114
3 6 5 — 3 6 7 , 369, 1018 K a b i r : 960
A t t a c k s G a z a n i : 365 K a b u l : 1030, 1 0 4 1 , 1044
Defeat b y Sabakhtageen : 1073.
365 R i v e r : 1 1 , 127, 1089
Defeat b y M o h a m m e d G a z a n i : 1099
367 K a c h a : 641-42
S e l f - i m m o l a t i o n o f : 367 K a n c h i ; 714
J a l a l - u d - d i n : 692 700-701 K a i l a s C a v e : 715
Khilji : Kalanos : I n d i a n philosopher
Defeat by R a j p u t s : 700 29
A s s a s s i n a t i o n o f : 726 Kalhan, P a n d i t :
Jam Afra : H i s t o r y o f K a s h m i r : 856
R u l e r o f S i n d h : 850 Kalidasa : M a l v i k a g n i m i t r a :
Jam Timaji : 195
R u l e r o f S i n d h : 850 K a l i n g a : 216
J a m m u : 1089 R e s i s t a n c e t o S a k a s : 218
J a p a n : 1126 N a v a l expeditions of : 495
Japanese : 1055 R e i g n o f : 703-5
Ja^wantsingh, M a h a r a n a , K a m a l d e v i : 727-728
Religious counter-aggression : Q u e e n o f G u j a r a t h : 748
517 Kamboj : Buddhist popula
Jats : 388, 1058 t i o n o f : 347-51
Use of European battallions : K a m r u p : ( A s s a m ) : 252
930 K a n i s h k a : 225
W a r w i t h the E n g l i s h : Ascends K u s h a n a throne :
(See A n g l o - J a t w a r s ) 236
Jawa : H i n d u S t a t e i n : 495 Builds K u s h a n a empire :
A d v e n t o f t h e D u t c h : 926 236
Jaychand : E m b r a c e s B u d d h i s m : 240
T r e a c h e r y o f : 681 B u d d h i s m o f : 242
D e a t h o f : 682 T h e n a t i o n a l e n e m y : 245
Jaydhwajsingh : 5 2 1 A B u d d h i s t rule o f : 325
J a y a m a l l a : 946 Kanjivaram :
J a y a s t h i t i , R a j a : 507 See K a n c h i :
Jaiswal, D r . : 12 1123 K a n o u j : D y n a s t y o f : 677
O n A l e x a n d e r : 42 Kansa :
A b o u t B r a h m a n a k a s : 69 H i n d u r u l e r o f B e n g a l : 854
O n V i k r a m S a m v a t : 222 Kanvah :
O n t h e r o u t o f H u n s : 299 b a t t l e o f : 938
J i n j i : S t a t e o f : 919 K a p i l a v a s t u : 346
Jitmalla : K a m a : 90
H i n d u r u l e r o f B e n g a l : 854 R a n a : O f C h i t o d : 690
Johar : Karnavati :
O r i g i n oJ : 66-68 C a p i t a l o f G u j a r a t h : 721
ICarundevi: K h u s h r u k h a n : 743-817
•Of C h i t o d : 690 R i s e o f : 742
Defeat o f K u t u b - u d - d i n : E a r l y h i s t o r y o f : 745
690 E x p e d i t i o n in South India :
JKashgar : 236 758-59, 761-62, 858
Kashi : C o n s p i r a c y o f : 760, 762', iGf,
P l u n d e r o f : 683-84 859
Kashmir : M u s l i m h i s t o r y o f : 763, 765
H i n d u r e c o n q u e s t o f : 321 R e v o l u t i o n o f : 784-798
S h o r t h i s t o t y , (of M e d i e v a l 810
p e r i o d ) : 856-57 H i s t o r i c a l evidence o f the
K a s h m i r : 1089, 1099 r e v o l u t i o n : 8J1-816
K a s i m , M o h a m m e d Ibn : A s s a s s i n a t i o n o f M u b a r i k : 775
E x p e d i t i o n against S i n d h : B e c o m e s S u l t a n : 777-78
3 2 5 - 3 1 , 355-56 P r o c l a m a t i o n o f : 779-80
D e v a s t a t i o n i n S i n d h : 331 B e c o m e s N a s i r - u d - d i n : 783
M a s s a c r e of B u d d h i s t s : Retaliation of Muslim
333 a t r o c i t i e s : 7 8 6 A , 810
Kathas : Effects o f r e v o l u t i o n : 817
I n d i a n R e p u b l i c : 35 D i p l o m a c y o f : 793-94
Kathiawad : C a p t u r e o f : 801
S a k a aggression : 215 D e a t h o f : 802-3
K a u t i l y a : 98 E u l o g y t o : 807-9, 921
A l s o , see C h a n a k y a : Kishk'indha : 860
S t r a t e g y o f : 921 K i t t u r , S t a t e o f : 565-68
K h a l s a , S i k h s : 964, 980 K o l i : H i n d u caste : 388
K h a m b a y a t : 435-A Konkan :
K h a p a r d e , D a d a r a o : 1123 S a k a aggression o n : 215
K h a r e : 999 I n V i j a y n a g a r E m p i r e : 879
•On T i p u S u l t a n : 584 Kouravas:
Kharvela, K i u g : E t h i c s o f w a r : 643
D r i v e s the Greeks away : Krishna, L o r d : 460
179-80 P a s s i n g a w a y o f : 649
H o r s e - s a c r i f i c e o f : 181 W a r - s t r a t e g y o f : 673
K h a t m a n d u : 985 K r i s h n a d e v r a i : 891-93-95,
Khikhil : 896-99
H u n r u l e r : 274 Krishnara) :
K h i l j i , d y n a s t y : 700-702 K i n g o f G u j a r a t h : 721
E n d o f : 818 Krishnasagar :
Bakhtyar : I n G u j a r a t h : 721
R u l e r o f B e n g a l : 851 K s h a t r i y a s : 388
Persecution of H i n d u s i n I n A s h o k a ' s r u l e : 154-55
B e n g a l : 853 K u b l a i - K h a n : 696
K h i z a r k b a n : 748, 904 K u k a Sikhs : 979
K h o t a n : 236 K u m a r i l b h a t t 718
H i n d u conquest o f : 321 K u m a r g u p t a : 270
Khushru : D e a t h o f : 273
See S h a h j a h a n : H o r s e S a c r i f i c e o f : 272
650
Kumar Pal : Jain K i n g of Licchavi, d y n a s t y : 260

G u j a r a t : 338 L o d i , d y n a s t y : 844
K u m b h a , R a n a : 604 S h i k a n d e r ; 844-46
Perverted conception of I b r a h i m : 846-48
v i r t u e s : 841-842 D a u l a t k h a n : 847
Kunwar, Jagmal Rathod : Madhavacharya, S w a m i .
602 See V i d y a r a n y a S w a m i
K u r r a m ( r i v e r ) : 127 V i d y a r a n y a : 514
K u s h a n a s : 167 Madhavateerth : 6 l 4
S i m i l a r i t y with S a k a s : 213 M a d u r a : 736
A l s o , see S a k a s . M a g a d h a : 262
T r i b a l f e u d s : 216 M a g n a C a r t a : 1118
D a s h against I n d i a : 234 Mahabatkhan : 952
644 R a j p u t c o n v e r t : 962
O c c u p a t i o n o f P u n j a b : 235 M a h a b h a r a t : 6 4 3 , 649
R o u t b y H u n s : 265 Mahapadmanand : 92-94,
Merger into I n d i a n civiliza 9 9 - 1 0 4 , 119
t i o n : 240-41 M a h a r a s h t r a : 711
Kushana, E m p i r e : H i s t o r y o f : 9 9 9 , 1010, 1120
O f K a n i s h k a : 236 Mahayan : 240
D e c l i n e o f : 248 M a j a h i d S h a h : 878
K u s h i n a g a r : 346 M a l a b a r : 858
K u t b s h a h : 901-904-07 M a l d i v , i s l a n d s : 529
Destruction of Vijaynagar ; Maldiva :
F r a t r i c i d a l W a r s o f : 890 H i n d u S t a t e i n : 496
900-03, 917 M a l a v a , S a m v a t : 220-22
Kutub-Minar : Malavas, S h u d r a k a s : 60-62
L e g e n d o f : 689 d e f e a t p f S a k a s : 218-219
Kutubuddin : M a l a v i k a : 195
Administrator of Delhi : M a l i q K a f u r : 729, 7 3 4 - 3 9
682, 685 7 4 2 , 745-747, 858
Becomes S u l t a n of D e l h i : M a l i k a Z a m a n i : 1066
688 M a l k h e d : 715
Origin of K u t u b - M i n a r : M a l v a : 2 5 4 , 259
689 M a n d a n m i s f a r a ; D i g g a j : 718
D e f e a t a t A m b e r : 690 Mandasore :
D e a t h o f : 692 b a t t l e o f : 291
D a u g h t e r o f : 692-95 M a n n u M i r : 1049
L a d a k h : 857, 1099 Mansingh,
L a h i r i , A s h u t o s h : 1123 t r e a c h e r y o f R a j a : 962
Lahore : 1043, 1064-1066, M a n u s m r i t i : 474, 4 8 7 - 9 0
1068 Maratha, power : 555, 980
Lakhdiva : 1099
H i n d u S t a t e i n : 4 9 6 , 629 M a r a t h a s : h i s t o r y o f : 932
Lakulesh, Shree : 719 9 8 3 , 9 9 9 , 1002, 1 0 0 3 - 1 0 0 9
L a j p a t r a i , L a l a : 1123 1010, 1013, 1054-56
L a w r e n c e , S i r H e n r y : 1110 W a r s t r a t e g y o f : 1020-1024
L a x m a n : 460 1025-1029, 1030-1031
551
Eiiropean military training : E s c a p e o f : 294

930 R e v e n g e b y the B u d d h i s t s :
W a r o f i n d e p e n d e n c e : 1011 297-97A
P o l i t i c a l defeat of M u s l i m s : ' M o d i ' , s c r i p t : 960
498 M o g h a l , E m p i r e : 556 1045-6
Defeat of N i z a m at K h a r d a : E m p e r o r s : 1097
592A-93A Moghals :
W a r w i t h T i p u S u l t a n : 564- I n I n d i a : 446
71 O r i g i n o f : 697
C a p t u r e o f P o r t u g u e s e posses A g g r e s s i o n o n I n d i a : 9, 9 3 1 -
sions : 925A 932, 1031, 1033
C o n q u e s t s o f : 1028-30, 1050, R e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l aggression
1063-65, 1082-87, 1091 o f : 996
Influence i n D e l h i : 1056 M o h a m m e d , P r o p h e t : 662
E m p i r e o f : 1089 G a w a n : 885
W a r s w i t h the E n g l i s h : O f G a z a n i : 365-378, 910
See A n g l o - M a r a t h a wars B a t t l e s w i t h A n a n g p a l : 368
Misconception of virtues : A n n e x a t i o n o f P u n j a b : 370
426-27 O f Gazani :
Marco Polo : D a s h o n T h a n e s h w a r : 370
Description of South India : D a s h o n M a t h u r a : 370
716 A t t a c k on K a n o u j : 370
Marshman : A t t a c k o n G w a l i o r : 370
O n T i p u S u l t a n : 584 A t t a c k o n K a l i n j a r : 370
Martel, Charles : 359A A t t a c k o n S o m n a t h : 371
Masaga : R e t u r n to G a z a n i ; a n d ,
I n d i a n tribe : 64-64A d e a t h o f : 377
M a s t a n i : 500 Consequence o f aggressions :
Maswikar, M a h a r a j : 547 378
M a t h u r a : 431, 1058, 1075- M o h a m m e d , G h o r i : 379
1080 426-27 682, 689, 910
Matidas, B h a i : 963A K a s i m : 656
M e d h a t i t h i , A c h a r y a : 473- Ouphi : 435A-36
76, 499 Mongals,
N e w interpretation of A r m i e s o f : 379
M a n u s m r i t i : 487-90 R a i d s o f : 667, 696
P o l i t i c a l t e n e t s o f : 491-94 D e s t r u c t i o n o f B a g d a d : 696
M e g h a n a d : 649 Mongal-Turkish :
M e n a n d e r : 182, 325 s t r u g g l e : 696-97
M e w a d : 953 Mourya Empire :
Mexico; : 8 o f B i n d u s a r : 147
Mihirgula : M o u s a l P a r v a : 648
S u c c e s s i o n t o t h r o n e : 283 M r i g d a r : 346
W o r s h i p o f E u d r a : 284 M u b a r i k , S u l t a n : 746, 763,
O v e r t h r o w o f B u d d h i s m : 284 775 869-60
295 M u g d h a b o d h : 720
Persecution of Buddhists : Mukherjee; R a d h a k n m u d :
329 89
052
M u k - r - r u b k l i a i i : 1073 Religious incursion on India;-

M u l t a n : 1045-1646, 1049 3 1 5 , 3 1 7 , 319-638
Munshi, K . M . : 765 C o m p a r i s o n w i t h o t h e r aggrjB-
M u r a : 86-91, 93 ssors : 335
Muslims : Cultural hatred of Hindus :
Intolerance of other religions : 315
429-30 R e l i g i o u s aggression i n N o r t h
Forced conversion i n A f r i c a ; 497
Iran, Turan, Middle Asia, R e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l aggression
A f r i c a , E g y p t , S p a i n : 394 o n S p a i n : 924
Forced conversion of : R e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l aggressions
Christians, Jews, Persians : o f : 996
394 T w o - f o l d a g g r e s s i o n : 549
N u m e r i c a l growth o f : 445, R e l i g i o - p o l i t i c a l w a r : 633-39'
5 9 9 , 601-5 Religious dominance i n
G a i n o f t e r r i t o r y b y : 600-05 I n d i a : 633-37
W a r - s t r a t e g y o f : 673-74 P o l i t i c a l h e g e m o n y o f : 1080
C a s t e differences i n : 693-94 E m p e r o r o f ; 1097
C o r r u p t p r a c t i c e s : 749-50 Empire in India :
P r a c t i c e o f ' S o d o m y ' : 7 2 9 , 745 F a l l o f : 823-26, 830-33,
S u p e r s t i t i o u s n a t u r e : 828 : 1088-91
Perverted conception of reli Revage of Vijaynagar : 907-
g i o u s d u t y : 912-914 10
V i v i s e c t i o n o f I n d i a : 1128-32 P e r s e c u t i o n o f the S i k h s :
W a r s w i t h the E n g l i s h : 956, 974-76
See A n g l o - M u s l i m w a r s : H i n d u c o n v e r t s : 379
M u s l i m - H i n d u wars : N a d i r s h a h : 1 0 3 2 - 4 0 , 1064
See H i n d u - M u s l i m w a r s : Naga, T r i b e s : wars of : 440
Muslims : Nahapan : 219
P o l i t i c a l aggression : 315 Nalanda, U n i v e r s i t y :
317 638-1093 D e s t r u c t i o n o f : 861
I n v a s i o n s o f S . I n d i a : 703- Nagari
742 P r a c h a r i n i S a b h a : 678
A g g r e s s i o n s o n I n d i a : 931-32 N a m d e v , S a n t : 960
Aggression on Maharashtra : Nanak, G u r u : 956-57, 977
998 Nanasaheb, P e s h w a :
P o l i t i c a l defeat o f : 498 1050-1052
Annihilation of Buddhists : N a p o l e a n : 1055
355-A Narakasura : 460
I n E a s t B e n g a l : 352 N a r a y a n , V e e r : 946
P o l l u t i o n o f w o m e n : 439-48 N a r g u n d : 566-68
A t r o c i t i e s o f : 1058-59, 1074- N a s i k : 1123
78 Nasir-ud-din :
Women : See K h u s h r u k h a n :
A t r o c i t i e s o f ; 447 N a v a s a r i : 712
M u s l i m , atrocities : Nazibkhan R o h i l l a :
R e t a l i a t i o n o f : 786A-79P, ,8J0 1056, 1064
55»
N e i l l , G e n e r a l : 1110 Parmanand, B h a i : 963A,

N e p a l : 252, 984-85, 1089, 1123
: 1101 Parmars :
N i c a n o r : 7 6 , 79 A n e c d o t e a b o u t o r i g i n :j677
Nimbalfear, B a j a j i : 516 P a t a l i p u t r a : 249
Nizam-ul-mulk : Pathans : 1033, 1050-55
5 9 2 A - 9 3 A , 1034 Religio-political aggressions
N i z a m - s h a h : 901 o f : 996
A h m e d : 887 P a t t a : 946
N i z a m s h a h i : 887-903, 917 Pattan :
N o r o n h a , D r . ; 546 c a p i t a l o f G u j a r a t h : 721
N r u s i n h : 641, 875-76 P a t w a r d h a m , S a r d a r : 569,
Varma : Of Pallav 578
d y n a s t y : 711 Pegu :
Octerloney : 984 H i n d u s t a t e i n : 495
Orissai : 885 Peking :
U n d e r the M a r a t h a s ; C a p i t a l o f K u b l a i - K h a n : 696
,1045-6 P e n u k o n d : 919
O s t r a c i s m : 381 Persia : history of : 8
O u t r a m , G e n e r a l : 1110 Persian, M u s l i m s :
Padmini I n I n d i a : 445
O f C h i t o d : 731-32 E m p i r e , 10
Pakhtoonistan : I n v a s i o n o f I n d i a : 644
H i n d u c o n v e r t s o f : 379 Peru : history of : 8
Pal, Peshawar : 236, 1073
D y n a s t y : I n B e n g a l : 720 Peshwas : 498, 1060
B i p i n c h a n d r a : 1123 Practice of untouchability :
N i r a n j a n : 1123 346
Palkar, Netaji : B a j i r a o : 500
Reconversion to H i n d u i s m : N a n a s a h i b : 1063, 1071, 1 1 1 1 ,
516 1117
P a l l a v a s : 7 1 1 , 714 R a g h u n a t h r a o : 1063,
Pakistan : 1065-1067, 1068-1073,
C r e a t i o n o f : 1128-32 1082-1083
P a n c h a d a s h i : 867 P e t a u m : 930
Pandavati : Phadke ; S a r d a r : 669, 586-88
E t h i c s o f w a r : 643 P h i l i p : o f M a c e d o n i a : 10
P a n d y a s : D y n a s t y : 216, 660 Greek governor in I n d i a : 76,
K i n g d o m o f : 716 79
R e i g n :of : 703, 705 Philippines :
N a v a l E x p e d i t i o n s o f : 495 I n d i a n e m p i r e : 216
P a n i n i : 69 Phiroz Khan :
P a n i p a t : 942,1054 B a h a m a n i S u l t a n : 880-82
Paranjape, S h i v a r a m Phiroz-shah, T u g h l a k :
Mahadev :1123 H i n d u p a r e n t a g e o f : 446
Parasnis : . Plutarch :
O n T i p u S u l t a n : 684 , A b o u t D a n d a m i s : 31
P a r i y a s : H i n d u caste : 388 O f A l e x a n d e r : 69
554
Poland : Misconception of virtues :

H u n n i s h o n s l a u g h t o f : 268 426-27
R o u t o f I s l a m : 630 L e g e n d of K u t u b - M i n a r : 689
M u s l i m s i n : 630 D e a t h o f : 6 8 1 , 687
P o r u s : P o u r a v K i n g : 11 ' R a s o ' : 676, 679.
W a r w i t h A l e x a n d e r : 23-24 A n e c d o t e o f fire-race : 677
M a d e Governor bv Death of Mohammed Ghori :
A l e x a n d e r : 25-26 687
Portugal : 1074A R e p u b l i c a t i o n o f : 678
P i r s t a r m e d fleet t o I n d i a : Pritbvi-Stambh :
924 See K u t u b - M i n a r
I s l a m i c aggression o n : 9 2 4 . P r o o s h t h a b h o o m i : 1100.
Portuguese : 1050, 1096. 1120,1122
E n m i t y towards Muslims : Pulakeshi :
924 O f C h a l u k y a d y n a s t y : 711
Proselytization of H i n d u s : Pulmayi, Vashishtha Putra :
924 230
Persecution of H i n d u s : 533, Punjab : 1074A, 1082-1083A,
546, 924, 9 2 5 A 1120, 1145-1146, 1149,
Conversion movement i n Goa : (Panchnad)
543-44 R e p u b l i c s i n a r m s : 37
A g g r e s s i o n o n I n d i a : 316, S u m m a r y o f h i s t o r y : 982-83
931-932 V i v i s e c t i o n o f : 1128-32
Aggression on South I n d i a : Purana, B h a v i s h y a : 526-28
998 Puranas:
P o s s e s s i o n s i n I n d i a : 924 H i s t o r i c a l v a l u e o f : 1-2
P o s s e s s i o n o f G o a : 924 M o u s a l P a r v a : 645
Territorial expansion of : Perverted conception of
925 A v i r t u e s : 645
Pralilad : story o f : 641, P u r g u p t a : 2 7 5 , 288
875-76 Pushyamitra : 249
P r a t a p , R a n a : 950-55 H i s t o r y o f : 185-86
P o l i t i c a l defeat of M u s l i m s : K i l l s B r i h a d r a t h a : 187-90
498 B e c o m e s E m p e r o r : 192
G u e r r i l l a warfare o f : 953 Campaign against Greeks :
B a t t l e o f H a l d i g h a t : 952 193-94
R e c o n q u e s t o f C h i t o d : 951-52 H o r s e - s a c r i f i c e o f : 196-99
Pratapdev, R a j a Persecution of Buddhists :
O f V e r a n g a l : 734 203-5
Pratapaditya, R e l g i o u s t o l e r a n c e o f : 206-7
H i n d u r u l e r o f B e n g a l : 855 Vincent Smith on : 208-9A
Pratihars : D e a t h o f : 210
A n e c d o t e a b o u t o r i g i n : 677 Q a n d a h a r : 1084
P r a y a g : 2 5 2 , 1058 R a h u p : 690
P r i t h v i r a j : 804, 1018 R a i m a l : 503
Chouhan : Rajaram, Chhatrapati :
Defeat of Mohammed Ghroi : 1011-1012,1028
671 R a j a t a r a n g i n i : 856
555
Sajendra, Chowl : M u s l i m s : 506

E m p i r e o f : 4 9 5 , 717 Raste, S a r d a r : 578
Rajputana : 843, 956-A R a t a n b h o r : 730
Rajputs : 1061 R a v a n : 442-443, 640
W a r r i o r class : 383 R a z i a Sultana : 692-696
Religious counter-aggression R e l i g i o n : 380
o f : 617 P o l i t i c a l consequences o f :
H i s t o r y ot : 676 159
D y n a s t i e s : 677 Religious C o n v e r s i o n :
J o h a r o f : 681 to I s l a m :
Naturalized i n Nepal : Of Christians, Jews, Persians :
985-986 394
R a s o ' s o f : 676 In Iran, Turan, Middle Asia
S u m e r : 3 6 1 , 850 ' A f r i c a , from E g y p t to S p a i n :
R a j w a d e : 584, 9 9 9 , 1013 394
Rakkasgi : 905 To Christianity of Muslims :
See R a k s h a s a b h u v a n : 395-396
Rakshasabhuvan : To Christianity i n Spain,
B a t t l e o f : 906 Greece, S e r b i a : 395-96
Rakshasas : 640 To Islam : of H i n d u s :
R a m a n a n d , Shree, 515 397-98
R a m c h a n d r a : 460 To Christianity of Hindus :
R a m d a s , G u r u : 960, 399-400
1005-1008 R o h i l l a s : 1 0 3 3 , 1 0 5 0 , 1064
O n p o l i t i c s : 636-37 R o h i l k h a n d : 1045-6
Ramdeorao Yadav : R o m a n E m p i r e : 10
723-25 Rome : history of : 8
R a m e s h w a r : 4 3 1 , 1089 - H u n n i s h o n s l a u g h t o f : 268
Ramgupta : (Gupta dynasty) R u d r a , S a k a S a t r a p : 230,
•256-57 258
R a m r a i : 867A, 899, 901-03, Russia :
908, 1018 H u n n i s h o n s l a g u h t o f : 268
Ramraja : Plnnder by Chengeezkhan :
See R a m r a i : 696
R a m s i n g , K u k a : 1120 Russians : 1065
R a n a , B a r r i s t e r : 1123 Sabakhtageen :
R a n a d e , M . G . : 999, 1011 S u l t a n o f G a z a n i : 364-69
Ranjitsing, M a h a r a j a : Sadashivrai : 899
977, 9 8 1 , 1089, 1099 Safraunx : 930
Rashtraktuas : S a h a j d h a r i S i k h s : 980
D y n a s t y o f : 660 Sahyadri:997
Dynasty and reign of : Saka E r a : 225
703-705, 715 Sakas : 157, 2 1 4 1 0 7 4 A
Raso's : 676 S i m i l a r i t y with Kushans ;
A s h i s t o r y : 676 213
O f B a p p a R a v a l : 500 Aggression on I n d i a :
Reference to conversion of 9, 2 1 6 , 3 1 5 , 644
556
T r i b a l feuds o f : 215 Serbia :

R o u t b y H u n s : 265 M u s l i m s i n : 630
Merger into I n d i a n civiliza R o u t o f I s l a m : 630
t i o n : 231-33, 262 S e w e l l , R o b e r t : 869
Salcharam : B h a g w a n t : Siam :
1064 I n d i a n e m p i r e : 216
S a m a d k h a n : 1073 Sikh : empire o f : 1089
S a m a r s i n g h : 690 Sikhism :
S a m a t a t : 252 O r i g i n o f : 956-57
S a m b a r : 677 G r o w t h o f : 960
Sambhaji, G b a t r a p a t i : S i k h s : 956-74, 1065
Sacrifice o f : 463 H i s t o r y o f : 974-983, 1 1 0 0
Samudragupta : 252-55, G o l d e n t e m p l e o f : 1065
289 C o n q u e s t o f K a s m i r : 867
S a m u d r i n , K i n g : 883 W a r w i t h the E n g l i s h :
S a m v a t : 226-29 (See A n g l o - S i k h s w a r s )
S a n c h i : 91 S i n d h : 264, 1045-1046, 104&
Sang, R a n a : 846-48, 933, S a k a a g g r e s s i o n o n : 215
1018 H i n d u r e c o n q u e s t o f : 321
S a n g a m : 8 5 9 , 863 A r a b a t t e m p t s at aggression :
Sangam dynasty : 324
860-61, 867, 878-882A M o h a m m e d ben K a s i m ' s
S a n g r a m : b a t t l e o f : 963 a g g r e s s i o n : 3 2 5 - 3 1 , 355-56
Sankeshwara, M a t h Buddhist population o f :
( m o n a s t e r y ) : 861 357-51 >
Sanyogita : History in medieval period :
J o h a r o f : 681 850
Sardesai, R i y a s a t k a r , G . S. i F i r s t A r a b i n v a s i o n : 655
584, 7 6 5 , 9 2 5 A , 9 9 9 , 1 0 0 2 , S e c o n d A r a b i n v a s i o n : 656
1009, 1 0 9 1 M a s s r e c o n v e r s i o n s i n : 512
S a r h i n d : 1063-1064 S i n d h i a : See S h i n d e :
S a r k a r J a d u n a t h : 1009 S h a h a j i , B h o n s a l e : 917-921
Sarwadarshana Sangraha : Shah-jahan : 917, 961, 963
867 Shaivites :
Sashti : P o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s o f : 719
S a t a r a : 1050 S h a l i v a h a n : d y n a s t y : 711
Satkarni, G o u t a m i p u t r a : K i n g s : 461
230 S a k a : 226-29
S a t l a j : 1099 Shalva d y n a s t y : 8 8 2 A - 8 8 4
S a t y a g r a h a : 1123 S h a m s u d d i n : 856
S a v a r k a r , V . D , : 1119-23 S h a n : 521
S a y a n a c h a r y a : 8 6 7 A , 879 S h a n k a r , L o r d : 876
S e e t a : 442-43 Shankaracharya, Shree :
Selucos, N i c a t o r : 718
R u l e r after A l e x a n d e r : S h a n k a r b h a s h y a : 718
128-36, 163 Shankardev, Y a d a v :
Sen d y n a s t y : 720 734, 737
Sendpva ; 856 S h a t a d r u : see S u t l e j :
557
S h e r s h a h , S u r : 933 S u r dynasty : 933-35

S h i k a n d e r S u l t a n : 446 S u r a t : 927
Shiladitya : R u l e r i n Gazani : Suryadevi a n d P r a m i l a d e v i :
321 d a u g h t e r s o f D a h i r : 331
S h i n d e , J a y a j i r a o : 1050 Swat : ( r i v e r ) : 127
M a h a d a j i : 930 T a h v a d i : b a t t l e o f : 671
S a b a j i : 1083 Taimur Lang (Timur) :
S i v a j i . C h h a t r a p a t i : 101-102 8 3 7 - 3 8 , 910
B i r t h o f : 1015 Taimurshah :
T i m e s o f ; 998 1057,1063-1064,1066,1073
R e c o n v e r s i o n o f H i n d u s : 516 T a l i k o t : 906, 1018
C h i v a l r y of : 450-51A Tangadgi:906
S h i v n e r i , F o r t o f : 887 See R a k s h a s a b h u v a n
S h o o r p a n a k h a : 460 T a n j a w a r : 919
S b r a w a s t i : 346 Tanjour :
Shireeram : 640 See T a n j a w a r
S h r e e r a n g : 919 T a s h k e n t : 236
Shreevijay : 716 T a r i k : 358
Shudrakas: Tawarikh-e-Sona : 609-10
see M a l a v a s T a x i l a : U n i v e r s i t y o f : 20
S i d d h a r a j , J a i s i n g h : 435-438 R u i n o f : 281
S k u n d g u p t a : 2 7 1 , 275-80 Tej Bahadur, G u r u :
S l a v e d y n a s t y : 688-99 463, 963 6 3 A
Smith, Vincent : T e l a n g a n : 882
O n A l e x a n d e r ' s c a m p a i g n : 83 T h a i l a n d : 495
On Chandragupta Mourya : Thaneshwar :
139-40 B a t t l e o f : see S t h a n e s h w a r
O n C h a n d r a g u p t a I I : 261 T h a t t h a : 1049
O n M i h i r g u l a : 284 T i l a k , L o k m a n y a : 1121-23
O n V a i d i c H i n d u s : 286 T i m u r : See T a i m u r L a n g :
O n t h e defeat o f H u n s : 300 T i p u , S u l t a n : 555-71
O n India's i m m u n i t y from Sons o f : 686-588
foreign attack : 322-322A W a r w i t h the E n g l i s h : 1097
O n B u d d h i s t A h i m s a : 337-38 T i r u m a l a c h a r y a : 1123
S o m a l d e v i ; 501 T i r u m a l r a i : 905, 919
S o m n a t h : 432-34 T o d d , M a j o r : 505 676
Soiibhooti: I n d i a n r e p u b l i c : 35 T o j o , G e n e r a l : 1126
S o u r a s h t r a : 259 T o p e , G e n e r a l T a t y a : 1117
Spain : T o r m a n : 2 8 1 , 283
M u s l i m r e l i g i o n s aggression : T r a t i k a : 460
497, 924, 1 0 7 4 A T r i s a m u d r e s h w a r : 529
R o u t o f I s l a m : 625-26 T u g h l a k h , d y n a s t y : 818-839
Sparta : republic of : 1035A G h y a s - u d - d i n : 818-20
Sthaneshwar : Mohammed :
B a t t l e o f : 681 820, 827, 862
S u d d a : 879 P h e r o z s h a h : 827-28, 833-35
S u m a t r a : H i n d u K i n g s of: 716 T u l u v : d y n a s t y : 884,
A d v e n t o f t h e D u t c h : 926 8 9 1 - 9 5 . 898-99
558
T u n g b h a d r a , r i v e r : 869 Vikramaditya I :
T u r a n : 1030 ( C h a l u k y a d y n a s t y ) : 711
T u r a n i n a , M u s l i m s : 445 V i k r a m a d i t y a II
T u r k , M u s l i m s : 445 ( C h a l u k y a d y n a s t y ) : 712-13
T u r k s : 3 7 9 , 6 6 7 , 996 Vilivayankur : 230
Aggression on I n d i a V i l i v a y a n k u r II : 286
931-932, 1031 V i n d h y a s : 252
Struggle with Mongals V i r u p a k s h a : 882
see : MoDgal-Turkish s t r u g g l e Vishakhadatta : 2 5 5
U d a y s i n g h , R a n a : 946 Vishnugupta :
U d e p u r : 953 A l i a s C h a n a k y a : 98
U j j a i n : 259 Vishnu-Stambh :
U s m a n : 324 See K u t u b - M i n a r
U t t a r K u r u s : 321 V i s h w a m i t r a : 641
V a i d i c G o d s : 14 V i t t h a l , S h i v d e v : 1064,
Vaishnavas : 645 1069-70
V a i s h y a : 388 V o d y a r s : 555, 571
V a l m i k i : 993 C h i k k a K r i s h n a r a j : 555
Varma : V r i n d a v a n , G o k u l : 1059
S h y a m j i K r i s h n a : 1123 V r i s h n i : I n d i a n R e p u b l i c : 36
Vasai : 9 2 5 A V y a n k a t a d r i : 905
Vasishtha, Sage : 677 W a l l : 860
Vasudeo, S a m r a t : 248 Warangal :
Vasudev B a l w a n t : 1120 Western Nations :
V a s u m i t r a , S h u n g a : 198 A d v e n t i n I n d i a : 883
V e r u l : 715 White, G e n e r a l : 1110
Victoria, Queen : W i m a , K a d p h i s e s : 2 2 5 , 234,
1112-18 236
V i d a r b h a : See B e r a r W o r l d W a r II : 1125
V i d y a r a n y a , S w a m i Shanka Xavier, Saint Francis :
r a c h a r y a : 861 543-44, 9 2 4 - 9 2 5 A
Establishment of V i j a y a n a g a r Yadavas R e i g n o f : 703-5
E m p i r e : 513 D e f e a t b y A l l a - u d - d i n : 725
B o o k s o f : 867 Y a s h o d h a r m a : 265-310
Religious counter-aggression : Yavans : (Greeks) : 15, 17, 461
513 Y o u d h e y a : 38-39
V i j a p u r : 886, 901 D e f e a t o f S a k a s : 218-19
Vijaynagar, E m p i r e : 5 1 3 , Y u g a n t a r S a m i t i : 1123
823, 8 5 8 A - 6 1 , 878-84, Y u k a v i h a r : 338-339
891-900-6 1018, 1021 Zamorin, K i n g
N r u s i n h s t a n d a r d o f : 874, See S a m u d r i n
876-77
N r u s i n h t e m p l e o f : 872
C i t y o f : 861, 8 7 1 , 8 9 1 , 907-10
V i k r a m S a m v a t : 221-24, 259
Vikramaditya :
See C h a n d r a g u p t a , I I ( G u p t a
dynasty)
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AND
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25 V o l s . (1909)
220. W i l l i a m s , R u s h b r o o k : A n E m p i r e B u i l d e r o f the S i x
teenth Century.
221. W i l s o n , J o h n : I n d i a n Castes.
2 2 2 . W o o d c o c k , G e o r g e : T h e G r e e k s i n I n d i a . (1966)
223. W r i g h t : Catalogue o f the C o i n s i n I n d i a n M u s e u m s ,
2 Vols.
ERRATA
Page Para line Erratum Correction
(Footnote) The number T h e • n u m b e r i n the

indicate b o d y of the text
indicates
8. 15 2 Indian Ionian
11. 23 14 Macrhed Marched
12. 26 22 to wait s i m p l y to w a i t
22. 46
25. 55
27. 6 1 ranking rankling
28. 63 5 wholesalem wholesale m a n
an-slaughter slaughter
32. 72 12 demsne demesne
39. 91 12 Peacock Peacocks
92 13 a n d be t h e and becoming the
42. 97 1 Parely Parley
44. 102 3 i t is i t was
52. 126 3 Bharatiya B h a r a t i y a empire
emperor
55. 134 12 backwars backwards
57. 141 11 thet hen the t h e n
58. 142-A 5 no m o r e c o u n t r y n o o t h e r c o u n t r y
142-A 2
3 +o4<?ll
63. 152 1 appeared on appeared atheistie
the whole atheistic
65. 155 7 that army that armed
strength strength
66. 156 6
67. 161 2 Indian Maurya Maurya Empire
Empire
70. 169 9 (in...enemy (In...enemy
71. 170 1
73, 177 9 was a d o r i n g was w a r m i n g
77. 185 3 H e w as H e was
83. 202 7 behind. I n behind—in
84. 205 6 A t that time delete t h e p h r a s e
97. 232 3 to effectively effectively t o
impress impress
98. 235 2 being h a v i n g been
99. 236 5 account i n account of his i n
99. 16 same...which s a m e . . . as
111. 263 14 developed having developed
132. 321 5 Herab Herat
136. 334 3 work word
143. 351-A 22 to die rather rather d y i n g to
t o be being
568
158. 388 17-21 A g a i n i f I t w o u l d never

t r u e self. h a v e r e m a i n e d so
firm i f t h e l i f e - b l o o d , w h i c h r a n t h r o u g h t h e H i n d u
s o c i e t y , a p p a r e n t l y m o s t heterogeneous a n d m i s e r a b l y
disorganised, h a d not a n i m a t e d its diversified ele
m e n t s w i t h some u n d y i n g a n d u n i f y i n g f o r c e a n d a
c e r t a i n c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f i t s t r u e self.
169. 426-427 10
169. 429-430 12 a btro cities atrocities
172. 435 1 confesed confused
187. 471-472 11
193. 488 7 Smritis Shritis
195. 492 4 impudent imprudent
198. 498 8 Peshwar Peshwa
203. 517 5 S o u t h the S o u t h than the
Rajputs Rajputs
210. 534 1 I t was w i t h t h i s t h a t w i t h the
noble... noblest
221. 551 2 R e m a r k s have R e m a r k s t h a t have
227. 568 3 to the latter to the letter
242. 607-608 16
247. 623 1
247. 623 2
247. 623-B 1 woder wonder
253. 636-637 7
253. 636-637 9
255. 641 6 uper-savage super-savage
267. 671 10 Tatawadi Talavadi
276. 690 11 (Amber of Amer) (Amber or A m e r )
294. 744 10 whatever wherever
350. 874 1 wsrf'a' ^•••TTTfiTfr':
350. 875 10 beasty beastly •
359. 898 21 P o r b e a r a n duece F o r b e a r a n c e d u e
371. 925-A 9 Vasia Vasai
10 Saint Home Saint Tome
383. 949 2 stores stones
404. 995 5 in a tuning in a l i v i n g manner
manner
405. 997 19 president presiding
407. 1001 19 gentelman gentleman
422. 1036-37 12 one w r i t e r s one w r i t e s
II II 16
II II 17
II II 22
423. 1038 12 than then
452. 1094-A 13 independent indigenous
462. 1113 5 which whoever

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(VDSavarakar) 6 Glorious Epochs of Indian History PDF

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^^inayak ^bamodar iSavarkar

Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History

Translated and Edited

First Edition : January 1971

This is the last w o r k of Veer Savarkarji which he

I t is w i t h great pleasure and satisfaction t h a t I p r e s e n t

Appendix—Books Referred 477

1. According to modern historical research, the first

The number indicate reference to the book given in the Appendix.

T H E BEGINNING O F INDIAN HISTORY

4. The main criterion of history is t h a t t h e d a t e s a n d

GREAT NATIONS AND T H E CALAMITY

8. Moreover, the b i r t h o f the U n i t e d States of America,

extinct and are remembered only by their names. China

I h a v e d e c i d e d here to describe the historical achievements

10. A l e x a n d e r ' s a t t a c k o n I n d i a is the first well-known

rious army Alexander marched straight on to the Persian

called 'Ganas' or 'Ganarajyas'. T h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n w a s essen­

DR. JAYASWAL'S HINDU POLITY'

12. D r . J a y a s w a l , one o f the p r o m i n e n t m e m b e r s of the

15. I t is l i k e l y t h a t these Greeks were the descendants

o f A n u , the son of Y a y a t i ? One wonders i f A n w a y a n was

BUDDHA NOT HEARD OF FROM GANDHAR-

16. O n e m o r e f a c t d e s e r v e s m e n t i o n here. The contem­

A GREEK MEANS A YAVAN !

17. Our contemporary Indian ancestors called these

tively speaking, considered to be particularly devoted to

A L E X A N D E R AND STUPID MUSLIMS

18. A s t u p i d n o t i o n common amongst most of the M u s ­

Straight to T a x i l a i n I n d i a The K i n g of Taxila, K i n g Ambuj

20. T a x i l a was the seat o f the most famous Indian

an easy transfer of that covetable crown to his young

WAR WITH PORUS

partly because o f A l e x a n d e r ' s m i l i t a r y s k i l l on the battle­

VICTORY—SHREWD POLITICAL STRATEGY

25. W h e n Porus w a s t a k e n as a c a p t i v e before A l e x a n ­

INQUIRY O F T H E INDIAN ASCETICS

28. The scouts whom Alexander had sent r o u n d to-

themselves have g i v e n some interesting tales about such

THE CANON OF DANDAMIS

30. A l e x a n d e r k e e n l y f e l t t h a t he should send for a n d

BRAHMINS H A N G E D FOR POLITICAL CONSPIRACY

32. I n his survey A l e x a n d e r came to k n o w t h a t although

place to his intense hatred against the B r a h m i n h e r m i t s .

REPUBLICS OF SAUBHOOTIS AND KATHAS

35. T h e c o n s t i t u t i o n of b o t h these r e p u b l i c s w a s demo­

republics was t h a t w i t h a v i e w to p r o m o t i n g healthy, strong

m o s t r e m a r k a b l e f a c t a b o u t t h e m was t h a t not o n l y the m e n

THE REPUBLIC OF T H E YOUDHEYAS

38. T h e R e p u b l i c o f the Y o u d h e y a s , spread far a n d w i d e

ALEXANDER'S ARMY STRUCK WITH TERROR

41-A " O n seeing t h a t y o u , 0 Macedonians a n d allies !

H y d r a o t e s flow t h r o u g h t h e territories that are ours, why

43. A l e x a n d e r was extremely e n r a g e d t o see t h a t h i s

to I n d i a i n some such manner, i t c o u l d n e v e r h a v e been out

46. However loudly and pompously Alexander might

ALEXANDER BUILDS A POWERFUL NAVY

48. S o o n after his retreat from the V y a s , A l e x a n d e r

THE REPUBLICS OF T H E MALAVAS

50. T h e t w o republics led their separate lives a l o n g the

banks of the Indus. B o t h were r i c h , brave democracies w i t h

iis unsatiable lust for conquests b r u t a l wars were u n a v o i d ­

56. T h e shaft o f the I n d i a n w a r r i o r u n m i s t a k a b l y pierced

called 'Ganas' or 'Ganarajyas'. T h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n w a s essen

16. O n e m o r e f a c t d e s e r v e s m e n t i o n here. The contem

18. A s t u p i d n o t i o n common amongst most of the M u s

partly because o f A l e x a n d e r ' s m i l i t a r y s k i l l on the battle

25. W h e n Porus w a s t a k e n as a c a p t i v e before A l e x a n

35. T h e c o n s t i t u t i o n of b o t h these r e p u b l i c s w a s demo

iis unsatiable lust for conquests b r u t a l wars were u n a v o i d

94. Y o u n g Chandragupta seems t o h a v e s e c r e t l y wan

115. A l t h o u g h the general r i s i n g i n these frontier pro

128. I n the meanwhile, the Greek c i v i l feuds h a d t e m