Freedom’s Mirror ba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution ADA FERRER Nw York Univesity CAMBRIDGE270 Freedom's Misvor ‘The ato of te Corte med einen of lve why jn 1841 had as ally and potential leader a proximate black king, The ‘combination was deadly. m ese Sess ee Te Teds helvocaion twa ety exible hha mid there wt Dthing nea fos leon Denne dt hese ot se a al cata ‘Sts thee was everthing acd bln hatte oops bot cane outcome kare ome apa ee aba. But what of Hi ielP Cou the soctem Ling fs et imate or ep ralph ce et Naas Sect 1811 Did Cope hive foe sang oe ean fone nda erin net sel es Mogeitee een san ge purely ste oe on indo Cb, he Habu dst eto sa or ended sh ets ape ny de ones Domi of mnimervenn i cine ald Eck sh seein har sped thse sash eon shee icity bv en sag thr se eh oe thee vat 8 presen ok tars neta arabe oa wel 8h ono wete ty dey Rak {24 oppor az of iy de emery fd of stots bso etn enc an hat pn ce ioagoe A Black Kingdom of This World History and Revolution in Havana, 1812 In January 1812, Jean-rangois ~ one ofthe fist leaders of the slave evolution of SsineDomingue form slave and macoon rarsed general ‘nd admirsl, commander of the black auuliates, erstwhile defender of Francs Lois XVI and Spain's Carlos IV showed upin Havana. He had en there before im December «735 following the evacuation of Bayait {PoceDaupin). That time, Havana authorities had confined is 0 is ‘hip foe fear hat even the sight of him back, dcoeated, proud — would {re local people dangers ideas, Then he wa exiled to Cad. Sei, ‘people in Havana had see hits and his companions, and printed images ‘ot im had ieculated fro hand to hand. There had been ungrounded rumors of his return before. Now, in 1312, Jean-Frangois was bask, ‘walking the strets of Havana freely, Dack nolo ad stalin strate, he wore his uaiform, blue jacket with gold buttons decorated with anchors and eles He tod one back cesident of Havana that he wanted to he sen and recognized as an imporant subjet, and he deed the at, going ot of his way to change into his uniform before meetings he ‘ected important. He visited the homes offre people of color inthe ‘ty he there with slaves and others in plazas and on street corners; he even saw some old acquaintances “from hstier.”* (On Mare 14, be left Havana for its hinterland, accompanied by so local men ~ Exanislao Aguila, a fee malaeo aztsan Known to forge pases for slaves who wanted to travel between city and country, and * nan Fanesep to Haan ron we Chae. On sts timany ‘STcmome nein in ANCAP agen oxy dame as ‘enlaip ANC. AR Ig os ep.an Freedom's Miror fetal peas areae Shey cote ee Dlack king to lead chem in revolution, At ed yan a: ned fun Ss Ci. Tce te Santa Cruz Congo asked the leaders whet they were taking “the lake > ANG ied 2p 1. Tamra Glo Gar hain oe » Teno of Creme Cas ANC. AF, 10 4 eB; Eae ee ANCA ps cae Pee se rs ANE “Tieden i reo Ta es As ker hein of “Soess nwa eae, amon to pen eet ne atau euro Pod ee i ‘Mat Ss Ce Ala Sa Gn Cnp, tno Nate Ss Cr Msc. dad Canby nd Ans Sa Cth ANC. Ako Te seen erin veo a et eg a “xe ae te te l-ned pio e'se Sich wc wher teers ea an Pou tice ee A Black Kingdom of Tis World as sun cepid holding his uasheathed machete, “tht if he asked hin fone mone word, he would wring his nck [le arrancab el pescueo].” Everyone obeyed. Revolution, a Dessalines had ance allegedly insisted, required discipline, nd violence? Sl, even those were aot enough. Neither was che leadership ofthe man whom everyone called theblack general om Goatio, At Santa Ana, the rebels were defeated, and over the nest weeks and months, authorities pale and punished more than fy eels and suspects in Havana, pob- lly execating and brutally displaying the remains of fourteen of chem. Jean-Frangois was hanged, bis head severed and put on a sake atthe entrance to Peas Alas, where afew weeks evi he had arsved herald fing eeedom and evolton ~ aa jgnoesinious end fora decorated black general, wow nate, the governor had once sid, esonated in Havana ke that ofa conqueror and hero ‘When Jean-Frangos ws arated and questioned, however, one ofthe fis things he sid was esta, am ae that man. He was emphatic: Ihe was not and did noc want co be called Jen Frangos. Mis name was Juan Barbier. The many other witnesses, of couse, did no hear this ‘and uo they continued esting abou the presence of the Haitian ear Francois (ered o in Spanish as Joan Frans), who wore a generals neem, ead eo them fom French paper, and promised them freedom in ‘the name of his king. Faced with such declarations and void potential ‘confusion, the sribe occasionally followed witnesses’ mention of Jan Frangois withthe pateahasal notation: “(es Barbien."* “The liberator, ened ont, was a impaster. The real Jean-Feangois, who hal eft Havana for Cz in January 1796, had did ia the Spanist post city in Fog, The man who promised to lead the enslaved to freedom InFavana in 1812 was someone ele eniey. Sai by vasious people tobe ‘native of Afica or of Sant-Domingue: a etecan of the Haitian Revoli- ‘ion foemer resident of Charleston, South Carolina; and sel identified fs North American, che man BasbeJean-Prangoie was a alos ot inystery. We do not know when he aeved in Havana or fom where. Ir he lived in Charleston, no evidence ofthat residence appears 0 have su vived. He identified 9 rom "his Ind” a Havana woman held 2s a slave by mun ofthe Santa Clara convent » Santo Domingo order that had os in enn of Nl Sat Cros Cong ANG AP. ‘tend “Cope ele «Fenny fut Bain ANC, APs ep, mp 16 ad teony of Tibi Poaern AN Ale Sexy AEHa4 Freedom's Miror evacuated to Havana in 1795.7 The popers with which he annoanceg ftcedom to che easlaved workforce of Trinidad and Peas Altos were likewise false. Rather than a king's order of lbsetion, one was simply. a leer write in French by wat appears to bea smal slaveholdr fot leasr in San Jost Buenavista (Matanzas complaining about sick slave ‘The oer was an ad in English for William Young Bich, publisher a stationer in Philadelphia. Whetber the documeats Bibi carted were Fandom, or whether the hold some kind of le, is impossible to know. ‘Whaterr else remains a mystery, t yer irrefutable thatthe iberacon ‘otders en by a blac king wer a sbam, ad thatthe man reading them in the slave huts of western Cuba was not who everyone said he was. “Those strange facts nowithstanding, the movement in which the fi tre of Jean-Francois played a vital eole remains atnong the mort amb tious and important in the history ofthe Black Atlantic. Authorities = and later histrias ~ denied the plot's mastermind as Jose Antonio “Aponte, 2 fee man of colo, a carpenter and att, veteran of the fee back mili, perhaps 2 priest un the Afro\Cuban religion of Santeria Aponte, wocking closely with other mea such as himself, had devised 4 plan. First, hey oud (and did) tnge the rich supa plantations on the outskits of Havana. With th sugar mils busning, Aponte and his ‘ompanions would then strike atthe heat ofthe heavily fried exp tal cy. Fach of che leaders would lunch separate stack om the city’s focieses and armoees,seiing weapons with which to am the 400 en ‘who, Aponte said, were organized and writing to cise a follow when called. Aecording to Some camtemporaryactount, the Havana pot Was linked to other nearly contemporaneous ons in eastern Cuba in Pesto Prine, Bayamo, and Holguin. Some have even posited possible links Chis ex Behera At and foe sie of Sit Dona a ‘Gatton, ee Mat Ch, Te rs Apt Reton i Ca rd te Seg Aci one Sey (Ce il: Uarerry Neh Eaane Py soe ‘stones swe fetes "de san Song eb nen Se Ese Iti uncharo h Ko . e ten CN ea Se, Js Paina Can sie Pi WANE AP evar. 16 Avena ‘red en Chase dnesees a te psp lero atvelomses, ‘tines anes sg sy Ss Nu! Curr este ‘eo eds. =e nd een yt SS ns Chach etry an Ci Derr Chae Sats Ci rp ey ee "oy hoy a 6 Tee oe waa fn an ape aes een aN AF pag he ‘Goce a Pasco Compras 18. Thy ae ao A Black Kingdom of This World 2s swith che United States, Jamaics, Santo Domingo, and Brazil? Leaving Side the question ofthe movement's geographic reach and connections, in Havana it ts designs and goals were expansive. Months of plan nig had linked fe poople of color and enslaved, countryside and city. Recruit’ names were Kept in a book of adherents to the cause, Aponte on ks wen Hi a he MC Cl, The sss Agr Reon, ‘ripen palesneos band Cab abe Compe ~ Km oon lmao at ‘Scr te ep gin state ae oie Atseg tb inl fg: Cabal Sl, oe oe Rend bodes IAN sen ye, nrc Ruan as eno es ‘we co nd ts B ANCAP gt vs Three opiny of yl y Rayo d Ble, wa ante imprant come 1 Pais Wend 298 Quo appar 54a6 Freedom's Mirror ‘picture book that Aponte created and discussed with his fellow cone spicators ~ in fact renders more persuasive the claim thar Aponte was indeed a revolutionary. In that cord, Aponte emerges as histcian, strate and theorist who visualized bintoryinliding the history of ‘own cme apd his own people in order to dmagine a radical, subversive ‘word beyond she evolution: she nex black kingdom of hee wll Aponte’ Presents Alanic Havana, xhx-1812 Four things happened in 18:1 that would profoundly shape Aponte’s revolution. In May of hat year news aeivl in Havana ofthe motion for the abolition ofthe slave trade and slavery i the Cones of Cd “The proposals and debate published inthe Davo de Sesionas cicalated ‘widely, and people everywhere talked sbout them. On plantations, in the cy, and across most ofthe island, rumors circulated no jase thatthe (Cortes had broached the copic of slave trade abolion, ba hat chey had in face already declared slaves ‘eee. Though the rumor of freedom was false, te sci caused was real. "Great, Si,” said the captain general “isthe sensation eased [by the ews] and most sid the notions th ane crerywhere whispered.” ‘Of couse, the Spanish Costes was not the only one acting aginst the slave teade in that moment. On May x4, 18, the Betsh Pasi ment passed the Slave Trade Felony Act, which made punishable witha fouteeo-year sentence the paricipation of any British subject inthe slave trade. The pincpal tanger of the new lw wete those British sade cap tain, seamen actors, and underwriters who had met the challenge ofthe 147 abolition of che British slve ade by tasfersing ther resources, ‘experience, ad savy tothe Spanish and Porte tide The 1811 Act thus sought eo achieve a more substantive enforcement of theslae rade bun. In the same year, moreover, the Royal Navy bea in earnest is "Tet hae ane Ajo Carpenter, The King of Ths Wor al by ‘Hat de Ons Ney ork Nomdy ro 98) “ Onticnion of nd etn the hes om CA ee Chapter 6. The ae lem Ser ns de Per May 9G urban, ‘heuer inet hinge rns of bio dey tore nd ceca ty cate sorter were ane nthe otk flo ‘rar a6 Se" Page Aton Spor Ste Sa cen) Nes Ele det Vo eth ee” AGL Cubs 78 Tr Gob Sea Somer ‘ary sand Fray stan Lech in AG Corea dea Pert aay sSe2yia Nh Ulead MCh Te ns Spt Reelin, A Black Kingdom of Tis World an campaign to suppress the trace on the high ea, srgeting vss ying Spanish figs, which were ofen owned by Brish subjects and manned input by Besh crews, The dacnsion and passing of de bl in Pa ‘ment was amply covered inthe international pres, bat in Adantc por ‘es such as Havana, news of England's new campaign against Span Ssh slavers arrived fsslhand and made palpable the growing power of ‘Aan antsavery.* ‘As blitionist news from Europe made the roundsin Havana, anther event mich closer to home wold soon give people even more 10 tal shout. On June 2, x81, after months of preparation, Hens Christophe {in northora Hai had himself erowned King Hensi and Hatt declared a Kingdom. Day of festive in Le Cap save dances, musical performance, the public revision of poems, and invocations of Grek and Roman sods: Apollo, Nepean, Mars, Minera, Clio, and Empire des Fis. All ‘vlminated with he coronasion of Chisophe and his wie, Marie-Louise. [News ofthe coronation ofa black king in Hat spread Hke wilde, covered extensively, for example, in the North American press (Figure ‘th "Though no articles on the event appear to have heen published In Cabs the news wat everywhere talked about. In Remedios, in central Gaba, a lawyer defended fee black enan rom charges af conspicacy by isting that all the accused man had done was talk “with other blacks abou the polical ate of thos of hi class on ee island of Sanco Domingo andthe coronation of King Christophe.” “Whats 0 stange,” sed the lawyer, “about the fact that healked about evens so worthy of Calling attention to themselves by their ai? Do not the whites speale of hem without any reserve and ponder aloud thei causes apd effets?" Tn Havana, there may have ben even mote talk ofthe eofonaton. Among the leaders of Aponte’s movement, everyone talked about the Hitan king. Aponte showed sporrsit of Christophe that he Bad raw from memery afer closely studing one showen to him by an unnamed Moray, Comma chad ere, "Caan ryan ec Ate thy! The Sah compa rosy ig Bh i me el teSpnhvere Se oer pic Welly May 53811, zen Otero nge dl era 0 Ma aly, Decor ‘auisn TNA, FO, uo Cony of aaa le ely as ber TNA 0, ahan "Th ota sbi filen Po Comical et lore ‘Sova eat li gt Ropar ise Map Hoey Che Powe et Con dev Ac pies. vse apo or olen” Apa 3 HED DANG AR op cop sl sotn4a8 reedom’s Miror a Af pL aN Chuistphe cromned Bing of Heyti. Youn 71, Cheap’ coronation at King Halt in 6c Wood engraving Ansria,nnetrh centr. Cred Grange Coleco, New Yok ack he ad led a te cay dk in Hava ror, ‘uty aud an showed ares sae hs ‘dhs own drawing read, he shared twith many = presenting ors tot eigvstort noha ea neuen ant ae lingo mente te Baki Sct sg ee a Ghee appa, inti nd ete deel ce et aun oo before nee hesapsrn monet ingoed. Char Chispe = now Rig He kee Havana, by mame by til brcomtenance aie Det fh yea sing he ape soneig tay nvm mash Apne wba sn stout eon nd ack very compte ete ee (Garaget meting tor lp stern he otro ews mnie Cian ANC, A. tae. 7 et enimesyd Do Sn aot ma ag ANC Ae A Black Kingdom of Tis World 279 ome fo actin pursit of bath. A group of abour went peopl, six beads of family and thei dependens, asved in Havana. The heads of household were al Mack mea, apd allhad bee ofcer ia the rebel army of Sine Domingus, serving under Jean Frangois himsel They had allied ‘with the Spanish government agaiast she French Republic, and when Spain lotto France in 1795, thy were evacuated frst to Havana where Mack cabildosalleely prepared celebrations i thie hone) and then promly, inthe cseof there particular men, to Central America. Now, In Inte 0, they weze in Havana once more, saying again in Cass Blanca, 8 maritime selement aeons Havana harbor. But his time the ‘ack usilares were heading home ast were, to Santo Domingo tothe ‘once-agsn Spanish portion of Hispaniola wrested from France ia 1809 withthe help of Henri Christophe, And there men were not importers, bot real veterans ofthe Haitian Revolution. ‘With Santo Domingo once more Spanish, authorities inthe peninsila aise orders ~ printed in Havana’ Papel Pridico~ forthe ezura ‘of those wi had le fllowing the colony’s cession to France. In Cadiz home to the bulk ofthe former susliary fees, local authorities began considering petitions and granting psspors for reer. ln November 109, amongthose who receved permission co avel o Havana enroute to Santo Domingo was Francisca Agapito ~ bor in Plaisance in former Saint Domingue, nara captain among the Black rebel jus three days into the Haitian Revolution, promoted to bestenantcoloal i 1792 after recsving a aller to his eft sid, a veteran of campaigns in Les Cayes, Lime, Por Margot, Borgne, Dordon, Marmelade, Gonaives, San Rafi, San Miguel, and Hincha, and by 1809 head of all he black awniinces in Cid Like Agito, ether Back men and women recive pemits 0 teavl to Havana ftom Cid. Among them were other lack suxiares, ‘swells veterans of Havana's black rita who bad been banished 9 (Cadiz for their parcipaton in the independence consiray of 181." Irie not clear how many of those who zecited such permission setully "Ro Ord, aay 1, tt. Somer Des Al eet {Stns Hien un ANG, RO, o The hoy Ores nd econ ring Ags elo Gat at ‘ier Pte Sno Dong for hopBy see eens GU SD legs a A Una nen 2vand 6 orth Peto tnt Hava om Ch hte oak ora bers [sl inthe Roman Sela tar ony Fea 8 Rate poe ‘tau anne, Cao der an Breve ort we AGL oso Eenespn rand180 ‘Freedom's Miror traveled to Havana, AC least dice times, imminent deparures of the smen were delayed, Suga planter Andrés de Jatrop, as Havana’sdepty to the Cortes, worked behind the scenes ta keep any from embarking ‘acting with the governor of Cid and other ofcals to impress upon them how dangerous is would be to sea the famous blak aussie to oa “The went from Cente Americ hac not hil del with the ess tance ofthe Cuban planter clas and ts representatives so they did make ito Havana and were now biding ther tme in Casa Blanes, The heads offaily had bon decorated officers under General Jean-Frangs they had vedas eee men for decades andl they cootinucd to identy then selves by their military ties: Brigadier Gal Nain, Lienenant Ineo Plotin, to name jst seo. Theis arrival in Havana prompted a frenzy ‘of speculation, mor, and wishfil thinking. Blick residents ofthe city found reasons to make the quick journey ro Casa Blanca tose the mien for themselves, to ask them questions: From whenee dd they come snd ‘where were they headed? Who had sen theo Havana and what was the purpose oftheir vst? Who were they? Brigades? Admitals? Could they please sce their military wiforns? Ar irs, explsined «capttin among ‘hem, Shey entertained the questions and showed the visors their uni forms. Bat apparently the requests t0 see the wniforms had become $0 feequent and insite that the offers had stopped showing them * (One of Aponte’s colleagues ia he plot was Salvador Terero, a fee [Asicas-born man, a member ofthe sth Company of he black batalion of Havana, and capesin of an Afican (Mina) cabo, who in Mar "og had been arzested for taking pare inthe tacks on French side of Havana. Terero was one of shose people wo made repeated vis t0 Andee seat May Ya Ayan RAR, Alena © 0. = set a tad Cie ami dri ents on Ca ee sig kno cr nett Cas een te bn ih Cone qos aa age se dies a dfn" ouepl ope sen in Chad ede sce, falsvs wong hav teed oon cry se eee, Se gd Sasi forse Hk eof ea fn eae ‘Reo alread leaps Hav hth ten ‘ur wits be copied ta ome eres coma so apo [ea aeconocsiati hm ut pple hace teh omen Hares Nic ans sd Sr ampere mh roc ‘= Trdouay fo Hc ato, ANCAP eo A Black Kingdom of This World at see the famed blac offers, Indeed, he went 9 Casa Blanca oa dhrce feparate occasions, each ime taking a fferent companion, even ‘xchanging medicinal advice with the brigadier himsel.*™ ‘Authors soon realized chat the peeseace of Jean Frangot's troops in Havana ~ ata moment when a man sho called hiwselfJean-Frangois had taveled to plantations to road alleged declarations of freedom and to lead slaves in revolution ~ was too powerel an invitation to disoede. ‘The sume day the Haitian veevans were questioned in connection with ‘he plot authorities decid that hey needed co be put on vessels and sent con thee way" The city was too agitated and black habaneros were too keenly aware of he presence in ther ety of ack veterans of the Haitian Revolution. Each ofthese very spec evens~she arial of news of abolition pro: posalsat Cid, England's x13 Felony Act andthe exalation of te naval ‘Sompaign against the slave rae, the coronation of Henri Christophe in ait and the return to Havana of some of the famed megros aus ‘ares of lean Prangois~ was preset in the conception, organiztio, and ‘operation of the desigent movement of rha1-13, Each a is own way ‘signaled impending change and the possible extension 0 Cuba of recent ‘moves toward freedom snd equality: moze miltane bolitonis in England illng to sarge che Cuban slave rade; the appearance of new sovernment forms in Spain apparently willing vo tackle dhe question of "Savery; he crownigof «black king in what hag recent boo he ea tallof brutal livery and the sudden appearance of famed blak military ‘lees ia Havana il. Soely Aponte and his companions may have ‘reasoned, the world was becoming nes, and this new present might be jus the dine to make thet own change, to make their own history Cabs. Ac ploters and cris discussed the potential elo, they confessed tone another~as many others had de before them = that they could to longer tolerate the existence of slavery. But rather than express only 2 general sentiment, sucha claim now had clear political and bitorial Tefeens Sida fre back man to an enslaved ene whom he sought 12 recruit forthe ebllion: *wewil fem junta of nerosto nse up because ° Tenomay ode Tema AN, A ee 4 8), On ia sere me Mand Carne a, Loy los de Po wes en Cbs Utes Aaa deere # Ocha crap em ea. ‘SEA Cte rs Soom Rebelo soe 1 Jeefopo enn Mr 4 1t ANG sep 88 }a Freedom's Minor ijt cannot be that [you've] rein slaves This was probably in January 1812, by which time that conviction appeared to have clea ‘nrernasional backing. The same slave, Cristobal de Solas side had overheard muhiple discussions among other Mick coachmen such as himself about how “in ao other place but here, speaking ofthis Island, is slavery tolerated or known." I noe exactly coor, the aston among the Black coachmen cleseyechood the arguments made in Cadiz Published in the Dizrio de Sesiones, read and discussed in Cube ~ chat slavery was “already outlawed by the laws of civilized nations.” Thus when the conspirators met in chi cabilos ot at Aponte’s hows, of ‘om street comners and plazas inthe city chi seemingly proptions world context could not but hare buoyed them. They spake ro each othe, supremely conscious of thee place inthe world and eager to assume the histori oe tha he era seed 0 signal for them Butsomething very diferentalso provided ines the ceming per ‘meahilty of Havana to these transformations Fr if changes inthe out ‘de world semed to foretell change, in Havana scenes of slavery and ‘cis did the opposite Ie was not jus thatthe period ofthe Haiian Revolution and its ahemath coincided with the rapid escalation of say ‘ry in Cuba in general ters. Ae Aponte and bis friends weighed the possibilty of antsavery rebelion, they were also witnessing parew- larly dramatie and violent sein slvery’ local significance. The pssage ‘ofslave rade abolition in England and the United States ha eliminated Caha’s main suppliers of Afican labor. From impor of aeouad 3,209 capsives a year through the tansatansc trade jn, for example, 806, the supply dwindled toa paltry 528 ia the fist year of he ban in 1808, That massive decline, however, peoved tobe just temporary. Brith and Amer- jean traders wocked with Spanish and Cuhan interests cicanvent the law, and under cover of Spanish flagh more and more slaving vesicle ‘hat combined Spanish and English (and Amescan) capital, people and Srey Stent momar epee Spat oe Seen ‘el ole ak tlc or sree. The nny, by Cet Sl, purer ceriee cams tree cman tn 2 Re iered cy neta alate A Black Kingdom of Tie World 283 equipment arrived in Cuban ports with human cargo to sell In 1810, just two year alter the enactment of the save trade ban, almost 6,309 “Africans disembarked in the port of Havana a slaves ~ 2 nearly ewelve fold increase in to yeu. Expressed another way, arial of Africans jumped fom 44 2 month to 523. The numbers for 1811 its are only lighly smaller close eo 5,720 forthe yea. ® “The increase was not lost on the population of Havana. The port vas significantly busier, the warehouses where captives were sold were fall, even as there always seemed to be room for ore. On 2 single ay in October 1824, 400 men, worsen, and cldeen who had arrived from the Afcan cons aboard the Montecuna were offered foe sale at ‘Warehouses 6 and 7. A few buildings down, at 1, another 290 from the Volidor were ofeed onthe same day “at te usal hou." Ose of. the doctors in charge of overseeing she vaccination of the new arcvals ‘esribed his horror on secngthe ily contion in which may arrived and heaing about the lage numbers lost at se inthe idl passage. No Sensible hear could se this without deploing the atocey; no wonder, the concluded, the abolitionists at Cidiz found attentive audiences.) “This was Aponte’'s presen; this was Aponte’ place, Iwas one on the cusp of two worlds caught in an extended and erratie passage betwen Slavery and feedorn One of thse world was populate by abolitionists fn back kings and general, the other by «growing mober of Aecans ‘eivingin aserable condition to hecomse chal slaves. This metaphor ‘a hinge berween the age of slavery and the age of abolition ~ or between the fase and sacond slaveris ~ was, however, more than e structural transformation or abstract psssge Iw something lived palpably fom ‘day to day. Blac men and women ead o heard Spanish proposals hat from thiday forward, no human being could be bought or old as slaves * meneame Festi igiiweyencasita Dele Habu, ober 5 an be vat HouonLi Pan Speman Msn sb an 3 Be 4 Fs Remy Reset, Real Cons Jay 1,38 wit shee! Be8s Freedom's Mirror they held in their hands images of a blac king in Hala lend where backs had conquered the whites. And a the sae tae they watched che unloading of slaving vessels and read announcements ofthe sale of thou sands of aman beings le was the at of bearing witness co this second Set of events that helped give meaning to the st the painful distance heeween the two perhaps giving a group of black’ men named Aponte, ‘Chacon, Lisundi, Barbier, Peper, ad others the decisive incentive to plot thee bid "Yer if fcedom ws foremost inthe minds ofthese dissidents the Fst reports of the outbreak of thee tebllion ~ and thus the Bist archival instance of the revolution ~ gave no indication ofthat goal, “I have jst heen informe that atthe ingonio Puss Akas something unpleasant has occurred this morning,” wo Governor Somerulos.” Sel, even the ‘confused inl dispatches hina the beginnings of something ately _majorin form. Authorities worried about the presence of frances amo. therebelsand about the proximity ofthe rebels argetstothe cons. They rote ko that the eebls headed east toward Matanzas alo the woah coast, soute that was dangerously underpopulaed, “or beter ai, wt ‘no white population,” seported a beigadier rom Guanabacoa* This wat ‘shat Arango had called the “sltade of our sage plantation,” where ‘few white men ved among so many bles. Fiingly, i was ata plantation calle “solide” ~ Soledad ~ tat the cebls reportedly see one of the Bist fires of the sebelion. Soledad ‘was a thoroughly modern sugar plantation located in Guanabo, about ‘teniy miles eat of Havana, The attack on Soledad doesnot appear to be mentioned in the voluminous judicial documentation in Havana, and because historians have generally constructed the story of ce movement ftom those records the atack, if thappene has also disappeared fom istorical mareaives ofthe 18z2 rebellion. The story of what was sid to ave happened has thas been writen omiting a critical aon che revealed something immensely importan about the iasargeats' political sind neler project. For the Soledad hat he rebel sacked belonged ‘osomeone who hd recently enjoyed some notoriey in Havana: Andrés 1c Jase, the city's deputy to che Cortes of Cid, the man who had ‘worked 0 diligently ~ and publicly to defeat proposals forthe abolition © Somme Main de ca, Mah 615 a SAHIN, Aisin, C36 © Brigade Nain Soman Mas 1 Mac 7 8 mn SA, A Black Kingdom of This World 2s of slavery and the lave erade inthe Spanish word. Jairegurs Soledad svat a iting target indeed for these enenies of slavery. Propaganda and the Mot ‘The 1812 plot expressly ued recat Atanic developments ~ aboliion dchates in Cadi, for exanole, or the coronation of King Christophe ~ to give mocal legacy and political ergency to the movement. More than merely “background,” chese eves were erally important history, ‘which was, Aponte knew, what made them such poten propaganda at well They provided powerful material for him to shape into arousing message indeed into political imperative “The Sigure of Juan Barbieri emblematc, He was the not soll lack ‘man, of uncertain origin = Congo, negro franeds from former Sa Domina, resident of Charleston ~ dressed in 3 malitarysnifrm, who read papers of freedom at the plantations where she eebelion began on Mah 14-15. He wnethe one whom everyone called Jean Fang after the powerful blck general who had fnghe against the French in Sain Domingue, whe had briely come to Havana in December 1795, and who had ied i Cain just seven years easier. When Barbie ate testified he rade it sem a though the mame had been thrust spon him by other, hhc aterhis capture tha version of events was also the more oavenient ‘ne. For some searon, authorities dont appear o have aed him how ‘be gor ths name, nor even when and why he had come to Havens. Sill, the testimony docs provide insight into how the conspaaors| talked aboutand viewed she ostensibly famous Jean-Pansois. One morn ing Aponte arrived atthe house of free back lita member and tavern [epee Clemente Chacon with Baie n tow. Aponte introduced Bar bier as Jean-Frangovs (Juan Fansu, an “Admiral who served under the ‘order ofthe negro Cristal Rey de Santo Domango and wo came with ispacches to entice fice blacks andthe slaves of chs island to achieve the independence of the later. conquering this ln, addition to others > feces wo te atc ot Sl pes he dips rc besetays mun mesa nthe mae tomatoe asc The far star he sah Jceu ee o entnl i tebe cme ‘ieee tae tpn Ate or may have ed ot ‘Esworenon tigen ck n laste one 9 ey ape {Chen deo Spnth Us Manos ete alo spe n Use {eso ch 162 ew sa a Some Ga coate Freedom's Maror sleeady taken." And then Apoate had Barbier show Chacén the papers Ihe bad to that effec. That scene was repeated with oly minor modi ston a alo every important instance of ecritment, with diferent conspirators taking onthe oe that Aponte had played at Chan's house, ‘athe planation, was Juan Bautista Lisunia,Chacn'sson, who per formed the introduction, preseating BarbiedPeansui as a *geneal who, by orders of hi King as giving feedom tothe saws." Ale Barbie ead aloud the papers in French, Lisundia summarized them in Spanish, ‘When the sehelion begas, she king's oeders were again invoked ~ the ing had ordered everything burned, the whites killed.» ‘Whether at Apoate’s house inthe city orn a slave hut in the country: side the deste for freedom and the cll to ams were given material frm, ‘nbodie by a man caling hinselJea-Frangoisand legiinated through the srien documens = freedom papers ~ he held in his hands. For Aponte sa artist who crafted images and stories fring the scene—2 iin general returned with orders to ive fresdom tothe saver and lend ‘hens in battle ~ was surely a potent and persuasive one. For the enslaved ren and women being recited he seme may have seemed both power: fal and ightening Had the time really come? This wascleaely not ques tion ofthe uu ehaver of all dhe her year. Thin tne, the wa a5 really starting. Thistime, there stood before them a uniformed Back man representing real Mack king, eading them papers granting freedoms, But par ofthe reason Barbier’s performance seemed to work was thaé recent events made the perfomance entiely plausible, That he ws Jean Prangois was surely supported, people may have surmised by the presence ‘in avanaof Jean Franois's oops, whe spoke with local peopl of calor and who iene themselves by military tle and tei association with Jean-Fraagos, In this contex, je was not hard for poop to assimilate Barbier eniformes, dicursing plore of freedom ~ othe return of Jean Frangais's men to Havana. He was Jear-Frangoisplorting in the city, ecrting slaves, his mien waiting at Casa Blanca eo help lead the Sight ‘Wedo notknow if people Havana were aware of Jean-Frangoi's death in Cadi in 1805. In Hat, of couse, the mach-takedabout retum of 5 Tai of Cheha Mach 5806 ANG AP exp tig Eng ne 11 Sedocesmpe tetinoy of Alamo Sata Crs Congo Tea abl, Soler ANC AR bg 33.mp those ah tageay, pe 2» Sefer “Spmgot Hakan impor Sunn er m omthng y wing te ape ru oe Pea of A Black Kingdom of This World 287 “Mackanéal (who had been executed bythe French in 1758 fr leading a massive posonng campaign) Fed hemi the battle of 1791 had been 2 key souceof inspiration and power fr the revolucon'sadheceas. Barbies performance was abo made plausible, ofcourse, by a more proximate Haitian connection: the cronstion of King Chritophe in Le Cap jus afew mons earber. There wat indeed black king oe that faraway, and he reigned over a land in which there was no slavery and in which black men contol the sate. This was not fantasy anymore; it was now their present. Reading the kings order of freedom, Barbier ‘became ia that ment the king's emaary Cheistopbe's emit ~ that category of person that Cuban governor Somerulos had so viscerally ‘prone over the at few year? Barbie's reading of Christophe's freedom orders worked, however, not just because King Christophe existed, but also beeawse Barbie's audience found the notion of Christophe’ solidarity wih foreign slaves believable, Numerous witnesses scouted ronors of material aaitance from Hai In one story that came up several times in estimony, Haiti had sent men (000 by oe count) who were waiiag inthe “mountains” ‘or “hill of Monserzate” jon inthe struggle for freedom. Monserrate was the mame of eet thar paralleled she iy walls and also the name of one of the entrances nto the city, but ie was noe partculaey ily nor conducive to hiding large groups of solders. Monserrate may have refered instead toa ily area on the islands noth coat, outside the cty Of Matanzas and, coincidentally, jas off the path the rebels were suid to have taken from Jasregis Soledad vo Matanzas. Whatever place the rebels meant, here sno documentary trace of Haitian men waiting ne Havana to do bale against slavery. Important, one ofthe recruiters said that among the Hatins were men from Havana who had pone ro Hai to join Caistopbe's army and had reuened with it now to liber ate Cuba, One key witness resid tha he even knew the names ofthe ‘ener a the head of the group, “being sous of Havana who had gone to Geario to join the army of King Christophe." le ir» fascinating assertion, one that echoes Fancisco Arango’ earer complaint that Has ing war finding black recrits on Spanish vesicle. Brissh and 2 ata open, Chop 6, Weft port of Cab and a shying ‘eo or mins eay hve hen cad oy saves seven og ae Scr om ch ie tn Moning, nance nv a ‘Acne Srrtanny a ANG AR op Fae yf yrs 1 oes becmen Spec ad Chee ANC. AP eg 3,09 nd cares ben ‘Spars Font aN AP 10m298 Freedom's Minor American ofcials epulasy complained abou black alors ding refuge and staying in Hai. les, of couse, no inconceivable that some fom Ca would have done the same. ‘Mote than an abstract order of fresdom, Chritophe's alleged de tive was also an apparent offer of maeril ad, and thus a near guarantee that freedom would come. Wiinese' ith in Christophe’ solidarity wat ‘rounded in an interpecation of recent history, First, Christoph’ ay: tance in he recent fight aguinst the French in Sanco Domingo was well know, He bad sent arm to the rebel ther, and the rebels had wen, Sscond, an more important, people scemed to believe tht Christophe ha already been recognized sa legiimate king by foreign powers who supported the ise of antnavery. Conspitators and thse ees sug sted, for instance, tae Hai’ king had boen eecognized by Spain and Engand.° The ploters may have assumed Spain's recognition as emer ing fom the new antslavery convictions emanating frm Cadi, ope bps fom the ctclation of talk abour the metropolican goveramen’s ‘order to Someuelas to send an offeial agent to Christophe. Englands ecogiton, hough alk factually inaccurate, seemed che natural resale ofits role as a global antislavery power. In one version of the rumor, Eng> land ~ analy of Spain ia the current war against Napoleonic France ~ tha ordered the end of slavery in Cuba and threstened invade Havana (as in +762) ifthe order was not exeeued. The claim was, of course, false, but it likely built om pests of news then circulating in Havana ~ bout England's escalating naval campaign against slavery as of r81, ‘or widespread dissson of a condemnacion of Cuban slavery published fn Loni that, said the governor, was inthe hands of everyone om the island ‘One of the moce interesting clans made dving she investigation was shat England was working decy with Haiti to nd slavery in Cubs. ‘Aponte apparently told at least one recruit that “the Engsh arested ships tht came loaded with blacks because they di uot want thereto be 5 Atagn *Repeetasi” Hsi Doomeno gut srs... 2, O8 Ses ep e n cS a heh “Decy ey Aa, fc Aan morc Seam te Aa Sa {Cas Moe Haran Ur ran 9h {FS timeny of amen Rav Pcs ANG AB op, AN, Aton te cop sy tata fFeren Mandagy ANC, Ae oa. 1: ta Othe Govern cm bre Eoghan Chay ‘Thestss Apo aeons A Black Kingdom of This World 289 slavery," a reference surely to recent achieverent of Briss abalionism In Toy and x87. But once the Bish capuzed aad condemned the ‘esses, the human cargo was sent to Hae “tobe governed by the Black King." While there sees to be no evidence of England sending feced captives co Hai, in Havana in x82 people would surely have heard of other eecent and dramatic eptodes Since late 1810, Christophe’ ‘avy had imerceped several slave ships bound for Cui and liberated the Afisans om hoaed, bringing them to Haiian sol as free men and ‘women and sending the crews and empty ships on to Havana? Tesi this world tha slaves and lve people of color recruiting and being recraited for rebellion might have imagined Christophe’s commit sent eo thee own feedom a woeld where men and women who would have been enslaved alongside them had reached, through the intervention fof Christophe, fee soil in Hai. In chi igh, the hopeful mentions of ‘i coming from Hii were les eridence of misapprehension oe fly ‘haa an optimistic seadng of contemporary politics. They were, in other swords powerful expression ofthe inellcral and politcal engagement (ofthe rebels and conspirator of x81x-r3. Aponte pushed that engage ment to the frs, wing recent hirory ~ the coronation of Chistope, the arival of Jeat-Frangois’s troops, the escalation of England's naval campaign agtine she slave tad, the abolitionist proposals at Cid ~ to cafe a powerful message about his movement. The world was with ims aid was certains victory was within sight Recent events made that message plausible if nor exacly te. ‘Did Aponte html! Believe nthe teu of what he told thers? Did he {ink s;09 men waited in noe-so-dstan ills to belp thems win freedom? Did he belive that Christophe, or fr that mater the Contes of Ci of the king England, hal sen acral orders o end slavery in Cubs? Did he believe Barbie, ar the men a Casa Blanc, had bees sene by Christophe for that parpose aswel? “The judicial estimony reveals Aponteas astraregs willing to serie what some save as trath for what he saw a asi Bur that may he @ Tima fics Xa Pc ANG, A, e195 gt 8 ck earn te rth ngage Has Renn Ady a ‘cum Jn 0 tre +» Saee e ue att Carle Capi Gener Fra 3a ae ater inBNG CM Mra emo 7, a nares and Co Onienten pnepee intone eePa readom's Mirror thorny proposition. The rebels may have resurrected the name snd igure fof Jean-rangois a8 a strategy of mobilization. But to think ofthat move ‘only asa rational teatey, a8 anshropologis Stephan Pali eminds si ‘olose sight of she profound slippage between instrumental ané symbolic spracties in revolutionary politics generally. “Given his chance,” Palmié teres Barbice might, in fac, have turned ine «Jean Francois sick" Perhaps; ba equaly mpoctat shat Barbie's metamorphosis into Je -rangovs could well have ransomed che very figure of Jan-Feangos ~ ‘aman who had in fact, been allied with saveholding Spain agane the Trcoch Republi who had heen defeted in that war, who sold people into shvery whi he fought the French, and who continued to held and ossbly sell slaves even as late a8 1804 in Cle into a liberator, man ‘who asnounced and fought fr general liber. Barbies, in cher words, might have reformed Jean-Fangoi "Whatever pitalls may surround the question of Barbie's idenciy, the brosder question ofthe consprstor political strategy remains vary re evant. Even if we set i aside in considering Barbers reincarnation of Jean Fangois, ie quickly revurace in light of the fcr thatthe conse tors, mostly fice men of color, had to decide how to convince slaves 19 join chem. Aponte sent Barbie/Jear-Frangos to do that he appointed ‘the fee Blackman Joan Bassa Lisundi a is guido, and be approved the document that would be read on the plantations bythe man meant ‘we Jean Frangeis, sent by bis king “Wedo not know exacly what Basher read to the slaves of Tvnidad and Peis Aitaethe night ofthe ebllion Testimony describing the evens isagreed that he eal documents na foreign language and that Lisndia ‘summarized them in Spanish as being “for” or “about” freedom. Yer the Teer ehae Aponte allegedly approved and ordered zed was in Spanish and it was hardly an onder of freedom fom king, Wrisen about a weak before the robelion, ic read lic his: Yous aslleny Mr, Serer. Dest Si ae ving wet with you wih duc Teac and with yur perio Iwill dear my emer ce my il ‘Seedy pl las op of od for Gs and my at in Jesus Christ a fee oa ibn We oly pest ha ant above al ht you deg vo Get Me 1 rai, Wied 133135 Thi als wo armed by compris the Ace {umecorn or on abs olen ech Fost Raa, Fe Ames, 10 Topa Kat allo whom sone no ei name nd yen ee ieee re Seno Soon, Ro ids Ti Agr of Tapa cane (Barta Bue acy Pra sors) yk Scar Toomer sates ‘toupee ame of penne nd mesma eae A Black Kingdom of Tis World 291 [ewan ap that exter ale sor thers can nr me. poe rea] "hae the be 50 any th ey sere me for everthing, orf to Bane money, to oban te highest ladies, evn the moma who ohne ne a propa ‘abt that they not take mete eve [fice] of Cham, nor ‘ring mas oof contesion. Fal Tawa nl response ‘The leer was cereiny abun freedoms afterall, its author ofered to spill his last drop of blood to achieves. Bu he lter invoked freedom ina way that appeaced to have litle to do with the aniavery currents ‘ofthe Age of Revolution Here the path to freedom, the practical means ‘of acing it explicit included spiral power. Written in the sir of ‘reparation for wr, the ler equestd protection from death srl ney. Teal elaborated onthe goal of the zbelion, on what a neal achieved fecedom mighe ental, Yet here agai, the sims overlap litle with those thar leaders may have encountered, for example, in British aislavery| amicles or the proposils feom Cadiz, Rebels fought for freedom and faith, the lene sid, ur also hoped to carve oer favors. Fist was monty; second was women, bu noe just any women: elite ladies, perhaps ‘ven thie own mistresses, Te was this eter har the man who has come down i history ap the leader ofthe rebellion — jose Antonio Aponte ~ allegedly ordered to bbe read aload on the plantations eo console and encourage the slaves Scholars of the Apoate rebellion have generally avoided talking about the leer. The Cuban historian José Luciano Franco dows not isos it in his voluminans work on the movement. Mate Childs refers eo ie at a eter “describing the plan forthe rebellion.” Cularal work on the ‘movement has also neglected 1 mention te leer*" This evasion isnot ctiely suring, 24 the rebel ption fs awkwardly at best within "rightforward narratives abot liberation struggles and antslavery, Yet ‘learly the document was important to the men who led the movement tnd who deemed it appropriate to read a the launching ofthe rebellion ‘is curious tha though ce eter was apparel intended tobe read to enslaved recuits on the plantations, it was addresed expicily 10 someone dentied a "Your Excellency Mr, Secretary.” There reason ‘ospeculte that hisecrearymay hive bees one ofthe black susie, former in the troops ofthe real Jear-Frangois, who were chen staying Thee a found oa aria rangi wat are Se ANC, Ae emt far as Par ofte tee legle Forshee ‘© MCh, The bea Aponte Raion,aa Freedom's Maror Jn Casa Blanca, When in March 1613, authorities questioned the black aurilaces, they asked the men repeatedly if het Kader, Brigadier Ca Narciso, had a secretary. He dds sidko Paton, one ofthe atic, secved in the eapucty of secretary to Narciso while in Cubs. With the exception of the ler, che only tims the historical record mentions & “secretary iin efereneto one among the black suslais. The eters reference to healing and curs is aso noteworthy, expecially veh that ‘some conspirators confessed to dsussing medicines and home remedies ‘with the auxiliaries in Casa Banca. The zevolatonare' enigmatic eter, then, may have ben evidence ofan attempt 0 forge ~ oF to further potencially subversive inks wit she veteran of the Haitian Rewolisin then on Cuban sc. ‘Whoever the eters intended ecipon, its author wasan emlaved man ‘named Pablo José Valdes, who closed the leer with his signature. We [know ile about him fom the cous etmoay. He waste enslaved coach diver fora white maa named Melchor Valdés yPedroso, a former ‘uncial magistrate in Havana, Because he was erate, Pablo regularly helped exhers compose and read document, Since at leas February, he and hisenslaved companions had been aking about an order of feed thatthe governor was hiding oe ignoring. Finally he apps ta have beet ‘qwestionedin connection with he investigation inc the 1810 Romin de la Luz conspiacy: Valdés peaned she leer adcesed tothe sty, then allegedly gave it to» man named Bont, who allegedly gave it to Juan Barbier/Jear-Frangis, who then gave sto Aponte, Aponte then read the leer aloed belore a group ofthe conspirators and gave it to Brier “akira thecounseo onl he ks om the ar mils" Tei inerestng that inthis movement so dominated by fee men of colo, leaders decided to use this leer, penned by an etslaved man, t0 shaze with plantation slaves. Perhaps they imagined an affinity of goals ‘or feling shat could seve the purpose of the movement Import, the Iter echoed other public or semipublic conversations between the fee black losers and enslaved people. According to several witness 2 ‘eee black man, pebably Clemente Chacin,reassuted an enslaved man 1 sauna ae mn de spe a apis de go ing bn spo dopa Cae Bsc crest AN. A Inge nd soy of adr Tera BNC Aetrex ANG its tell gaa ate Shas. Amt ib hn A Black Kingdom of This World 295 speaking ata tavern about being punished by his master, Chacon said ‘ot to have any worse, that a fesr days from now they would all be free” Others among the group joined in, one adding that he wa going omar a local couaess and lve in an imporear house in Havana." “The conversation ike the leer, wa fist and foremost notice of bid for freedom. aoe, he coming of freedom within days was annonnceds ‘nthe other, help was sought ro sosced in che stage The oer things ‘money of whice women o hxaionshowses were tangible symbols of the evertming of slavery, iurative references for everything foriden tothem in colonial Cabs Victory wuld thus eral partaking inthe most closely guarded privileges of 2 white, colonial, laveholding society. Yer ‘Aponte and bis companions weee well aware ofthe ise of back emperors nd kings from slavery, ofthe exablhmen of aback court and nobility, tnd of the power of Black generals, admiral, and brgadiers in Haiti ‘The victory they imagined in Havana in rr, thes, involved aot only ‘inventing che hierarchies of colonial society of tring the werld upside tlven but also extending privileges Feiag won by black men elsewhere tortheie own lives. Sel, the question of ow goals sich a attending mass ‘or marrying white women, fc into the broader iological curents of antislavery fwe ask it is our questoa, not theirs. As Winthrop Jordan haswriten in the context of dllerent conspiracy, "the reality of rebels intentions ha its own sel justifying independence... Why expan such intention when i cared its own justification inthe circumstances of thet lives? Freodom, afer las freedom. "* ‘Shortly befoce the reba met to discuss the Kester, they gathered to ‘confer sbovt anothe document. This one had born dictated by Aponte snd eranscubed by Francisco Xavier Pacheco, 2 fe black man,a member ofthe free black mab, and carpenter wi had leaned his rade fom [Aponte and who now specialized tn the repair of carriages. Once the leer was finished, a fellow plower took it and nailed it to the door ofthe governor's residence and seat of government. This was a public locum If isorians barely mention the ler to the slaves this public del rasion has eeceied sigaianly more atention. Childs described it as a 2 Seta of. Pans Vea DBs Clete Ch oe deni ‘linet stmene ANG Agee tn > a). Be ‘Thess ld se Conn Sapa '% Mcp uaF ond Sto Seon Ck: An Ine it Cl War ‘repr tn Ris So Ue, ae paa Freedom's Mirror “politcal manifsio" with a “powerful mesg,” which hough “bot a formal politcal document composed bya congres or juts... shod be regarded as declaration for Cabs independence,” fa this followed a powecflhistriograpical wadition tht characterized the movement at 2 whole not oaly 25 antslavery ut also ss anicolonial, stating as estly 481877, when Juan Aro, the emiaré revolutionary wring from Brook: Iyn called Aponte the “fist Cuban co dream the beaut nsptation of rebelling gaint Spanish dominion in a practical way." Lec us euen tothe proclamation. (See Figure 72). In Spanish, che spelling is almose ently phoney there no punctuation; words and syllables are separate or joined in che wrong places~ll amir fates ‘of tens writen by newiy lettered writers reap lea tanto in English wold be: she tine of our unforuat fortunate wet has ewe My wie re ith your bape. Youll ake me apy for this ned she anan of our good spony of peace artong tos of he cs, god Tat, epon ad fer Go, ‘tar aye ml aces pod races ang to inci efx thi ‘hat aeforny, espet ofthe le force yume del mayor af vor and Teed you athe ound of the drm and rmpe abe rey and wba ee to deroy ts emp of tyanay and he way me wl rang the aogat oF "hoe enemies and 0 1 ak oto have no fen ay to yon that ith oar Bly ‘new aceve happiness altro ne place Man atin who ie Standard of our Reed and pay wo God for Your eel wh wl do he sare yeu The proclamation was found on March 15, jase asthe rebellion was seating on the plantations ewas meant thus a an announcement ofthe innminent Inching of the urban phase ofthe evo, When the city «council members read the document, the concided that ie demonstrated 4 plan to recnact the seenes of Saint Domingue. The authors tay well have had chose scenes in mind, and they may have assumed that thie audiences cid as well, But there is nothing in the document itself co suggest anything lke that. There is ao expe mension of Haiti, sad ‘he only posible invocation of rae consists ofthe psc fos del lave (chose ofthe class}, perhaps shorthand for people of color, a i the commonly used descriptor I clase de color. There eno mention of ending, slavery or ofiling whites, The most belicote ttement was thie “at the © M.chin, Th fe» Anne Reelin Tan Eases irs 23 1 ANG, AB ag tse 33 The tie woe be pekmon gie rim has bs wether wed ur en meen tala lo san he “Al Abrrr Copan” {ave sed et Poncusontomaie edocs mar Se Fey sors cope egal A Black Kingdom of Tis World 9s (t a a oii: Alanon lary: c Maype seccoenn nfs 6 ie Deis vrilbeea fen loatsnte He fei ney eheticd Battier panel oy fell, sna cileene vectl A pening DePrretinobvrer ne Cn mania Io ror, erttrs,lor dele (lm * labuena ted Aelagien Yiernex abi NY act podrerna al amzar fren Ey ve es Keita fours du pcicn 10 fk. UF wen (ange lar rmgre tepeate Ul prcyes abe nantes ery ealeoliy dena (xfs yin Behe B enCuentte. Lips jhnirertor niber eile prnpemio de lpr Barts ane Benter lad tenhinde CPA rc Den cane’r v1 nenPeman. gia 62 gfaeree frelon breitia alladapiine Boral Ml elielee Yrleran?odm emprimes usar & ~ Tomo Jarra Re elton Dunks Fe Marte remedieyfeyar®. Din gr Prcriro Gadi le fe elce 1 PrP Lp dani bt Jo babd scons 72 Proclamation lal diced by Jot Antonio Aponte be posted ‘nthe ors ofthe goremor hedges on the aunching of he ebelion oe March nyor5 2882 Archivo Nacional de Cub Asustos POLS, ep 12, 088 1. Couey ofthe Ache Nacional de Cab, Havana26 Freedom's Mitror sound ofthe dram and wampet to be ready and without fae to destroy ‘his empire of tyranny, and this way we will vanquish the arrogance of these enemies” But "this empie of tyranny” andthe “arogance ofthese enemies” could have refered to many things ~ the eule ofa patcnlae govemor and his allies, che stlthosile French the Spaniards, whites, slaveey and slaveholders. Nothing inthe document il suggests that the author was thinking in txms ofa state or mation or independence, Inscead, che ball of the pice elaborated on other tings: peace, harmony, tnd godine, Ie would seem, the, shat inserpretations ofthe Page ts clear and powertlprecaromtion of independence aight be gully of molding the enigmatic evidence from Aponte's movement nto something ‘Sgnfcanl ls ambiguous ~ national, anlavery,aniracs, even, th ‘one formlatio, pro-worker ‘Bot the proclamation and the ltr that Aponte ordered read to the slaves famed the coming srugle in religous language. The plantation Jere proposed a ight fr fecedom sn Sty «formulation that wae also ‘very present inthe testimony of Aponte’ low rebels ad conspeatrs. “The Jeter’ final lea was about the importance of Christan faith, com- fession, and mast. The public prosamstion, meaaveile, invoked faith and the fear of God as adsin the ight, and the Figure of he Virgin Mary, in paniculae the Virgen de los Remedios, av the rebel andad and protector. Ir mkes sense, then, hat among the things found by authori "es in Aponte’s house was an image of the Vega, along with te abe and decoration with which the conspizstre were to make a fag, The figuee ofthe Vigen de los Remedios said 4 longstendingassostation vith armed battle. During the conquest of Mexico, she had served as kindof pateoa for the Spanish agsinst the Artes, In 176 the clo- nal state in Mexico bad organized peayer to her image in suppor of Havang’s bre agains the Brith,» battle chat loomed in che imaginary ‘of Havana's coramanityof free black mlitia members. In Aport's ow Ieie, the Viegen de los Remedios, dreseed as a general according some accounts, was the patton saint of the royalist forces in Mexico, Going bare agunsepoindepeadence (and antisavery) forces led by the ptsts Miguel Hidalgo and Jose Marta Morelos, whoueowa patton was the Virgin of Guadalupe. Tae Vingin chosen by Aponte was ths rmukivalear figure: a protector of men such a8 Aponte’sgrandlather who 2 gape ecm ina su ranean a nai se HAN, ‘a Vig dele Remedin” Ls Jormad Meio, Speier 2. Acoli A Black Kingdom of This World a7 had bated she British decades carl and an enemy ofthe patron stint ofthe popular foxes fighting for an end ro slavery and Spanish rein Meco. ‘Ocher equally complex religious sefeceaces appeat ebewhere inthe historical cord ~ as rape mensions inthe testimony of suspect and 3s physical antifacs recovered among the belongings ofthe accused. Yeaws go, Jost Luciano Fraacosuggete that Aponte was 2 priest of Changds and that be presided over an African cit (Yoruba) cabildo called Changé"Teddn, or Santa Bichaes. As Stephan Talinié and others have observed Franco cite no evidence for thee claims. For other asset tions about Aponte’s background = for example, that he participated inthe American Revolucion ~ Franco cites “popular legend.” Popular secouats of Aponte and his movement coud aye survived fom the ealy nineench century into the rweatieth and eeached the ears of Franco, 2 vworkingclass auodidat, grandson ofan enslaved woman, former cigar Worker, port worker, and street cleaner who later Became one of the host polic histoians on the sland. While a fascinating possibly, tis dls lite to clay the accuracy ofthe claim abour Apont's religions role in is community.” Other elements ofthe testimony and investiga tom, howerer,laty suggest the sigificance of Aficamdeived religions lis and practices in the organization of the sevlt. Foe example, that Aponte was a practitioner might be implied by the testimony of Joan Barbiev/Jean-Feangois, who explained that in on of his isto Apoate’s house, Aponte had led him ont to a yard whece e showed him some stones thachehad gathered om the beac, Aponte asked Barbie to observe how he ha placed them inthe shapes of serpents and sakes. The author ites narurally, did at ask Barbier to elaborate, ar did they ask Aponte about the meaning or significance ofthe encouater dating his ow te timony. Franco, who surely read the voluminous testimony many time, ‘may have bea fring precisely co etimony such sti in poeteaying Aponte as aman witha publi spiritual role in his community. Fenn, Biman Haron, evry Ey Wary 46 The Ngrpbic or ‘ita au Pecan Gar rc bc, jn Lan Par Mado barat calperoduacinooe anne hae prions” Se een ANC, Ase 30x14 tarigat 7 Ot e ton feo a er epi je he Ago spe oa oy at there any ep ae roy nde ranged ps yee Sie aay ey wuld ge heb nr te ch298 Freedom's Miror Several other conspirators appear to ave practiced Ato-Cuban relic sions. During the investigation of Clemente Chacon and Juan Bouts. Uisundia father ard son, athorits searched the hows she en shed, which served asa tavern, boarding house, and meeting place fr the con. pirate. The items authors found there suggest recourse to diferent Sources of power and inspiration, Fst were items inked tothe insme- ciate plot: 4 crndely drawn pcre of the fortress of Ataes ne of the rebel targets) seven sie rounds, some gunpowder. Another, very dif fecent kind of arfat also suey alarmed the uniformed men who found ita proclamation by Hear: Caristophe. Finally, there were “tw plumes ‘ofrooste feathers with heads apparesly made of caps ad sibBons..in 2 trunk vacious feathers also of rooster. (and) in & wooden box sme ‘rinks fr wha they cll wichorafe (ret "* “These last items, said Chacé, belonged to his sn juan Bautista Lis dia, Both facher and son were Ince men. Chacn was @ member ofthe back militia, while Linda was one of the few among the fee black ‘conspirators who was aot Indeed, its aot lear tha he had any occups- toma all, of none tha was ever mentioned in the testimony. Lsundi, 1 creole, also identiied himself as Congo. He played the drums rego- Tac with Congo, and was described by hi ater and others ax having ‘lose ves to slaves and bozales both inthe city and countryside. Ie may have been this association that prompted Aponte to desigaate itn as Jean FrangoisBarbier’s guide inthe countryside, where on arcving atthe slave ‘quarters he helped Barbier comsmuniate hi message of freedom, played the dur, and chen led inte killing and burning. Is perilous, of course, ‘oread man emoson ino sparse judicial simon, bucope essai, pethaps, ofthe pride Chacon might have fl forhis son, who despite not having followed bis ater into the miliia was ow playing acearal role in what might be the event oftheir ietimes. Chacin apparently bragged. ofthe fats of his now important son, who, he sad, had recruited and featied twenty-two ingeoe for dhe rebellion, “He was lon,” ehe father separ abe rn eon ee atone nonin ein ‘Mma, ed © mie et ie io she eo sing Sar ‘ein un Poa Ar He dnc pa mnt ced {i Cogs ext. 9 Th sma a dcr ANG, AP, pt oxy 18a lbenno wohl nn oe or Aas an A Black Kingdom of This World 299 auld, “and he would destroy much,” Bur hing tarned out otherwise ‘Chacon ater recounted his rst meting with his som ater the evens at ‘Peas Als. The wo men met at abot ane clock that night atthe small plaza at Apome’s house. Lisundia explained to his father “thae ‘hey had set fie tothe goo of Lieutenant Colonel Sanea Cruz (Peas ‘Alts)--kllng various people fom dere.” Thea, with move emotion, isundia old his father that “he was going to where Jesus Chris is,” snd he asked fr his father’ “blessing because he was lot.” All is father could do, however, was give im eight coins (reales). The sense of help esses or frsration in the ee Chacon may help explain the manner in ‘hich he described his sons belongings ro authorities. Repeated asked to explain thu sgnicance, he grew weary. He doesn’ know, he suis theres nothing bad abou hehe insisted more defensively and, they were only meant co "scare of ties" ‘On the one and, one ean almost hear the defext and disappoint: rent in is voice. Aeested, soon thang be ma indeed have wondered aout the usefulness any of these things ~ proclamations of their own by Christophe, Micon religions arias, or Marian images. On the ‘other hand, pethape the rexponse nlf betrayed a aver of defiance, Were Suthoitis, lke he fee he mentioned offhandely, alo scared of the [Arcam clgios arses? Might his ner have heen pay othe old ‘Roman phase commonly used in Cuba, “the eagle docs not hun ies,” widely used to challenge and mock the selFimportace of authorities? in any even, whether the interrogators believed Chacin or nx is fesponse ‘seemed to say will aever tl yo, ad you will never know. And beause he never told them, we will ever know ether. History and the Mystery of the Book (Chacén's gesture = whether of defiance or frustration ~ is echoed in Aponte’ own testimony. The search of Apont’s house, like that of ‘Chacén's, prodced an od collection of documents ad artifacts: pubr lied Laws on che colored battalions and on religious brotherhoods, images ofthe Viegin Mary and the Haitian king, copes of Dow Qu {jte, guides to Havana and Rome, manuals of grammar and ar, com> pendiums ofthe history of che word. Alo i hi hous, hidden deep Toso Cemere Gucinin aNELAR ee stop ee Bh300 Proedom's Mirror inside a tank full of clothes, was a pine box with a sliding top, and. inside this smaller box woe another bok, authored by Apoatehinsel It was Aponte's soil libro de pintura, or book of deawings. Like the her items confiscated from his (oe Chacin's} hous, the book's Contents were 2 confounding ix of materials and images: band-deaey, psture and maps, pared-on scenes cue out from fans and print, and ‘cexsonal handviiten or printed words, Inthe pas ofthe book, more- ‘ove, Aponte represnted «dizying areay of subjects: Greek, Roman, tnd Egyptian gd; biblical ightes and allegories popes and kings across ges and continents Havana soga mil and forrest; distant an loal “The fae thar Aponte had hidden the book sugges that he was aware that is contents might be read as sulversive or dangerous. Indeed, the Ibook had an imporane place ia the conspiracy, for asthe plotting for the reblion proceeded, Aponte showed the book o his co-conspirators, explaining some of ts images 26a way to help prepare forte coming ‘evolaton. To understand the waysin which hese would-be revolon- fres imagined thee rolex history, and how they theorized thee resent and fare, the bok i that an invaluable resource ~ a rare find forthe project of wating ne Kind of nell hisory of the Age of Revolution. ‘Weconfton, however, major obstacle: Aponte’s book of pices i snssing. After ahorties discovered tin his house, it became key ev dence inthe investigaion, But what happened #9 eke book ater thats Immposible to know. According to Matt Childs, Someruelos asked to ee some ofthe documentation from the xs, in particular Aponte’ and oth lst confesions before chee execution {a 2844, when another joe ‘onspiracy shook the island authorises asked os some ofthe materials fom the 83 eral Peshaps Aponce's book of drawings was among, hain in ok ohn pon aay tet et ys et ‘Scnberike Aponte, was food to he bee otbuck afloat aon Siceatinnauom earner teat shaman a? ay « Se ae lee Sea a A Nee ley cca eet Bony 2s AEDES, cs spme Rn A Black Kingdom of This World ser the document given to Someruelo in Apri 82 or 1 investigators ia 1844, and it wes Tot in the proces “Thus, for tis revolution that never quite came to pass, peckaps the most important source isa hook that no modern scholar has ever sce, While the book is lon, asttherfascnstng document has survived ‘Aponte's cour testimony about it Over the course of three day, Aponte ‘at with judicial ofcial José Mara Nerey and described the images inthe book one hy on, fora otal of serene. Neve followed upon mos of ‘Apont's inital descriptions with demands for clarification. How forceful ‘hose demands were we do not ow, bt thee sno obvious indication ‘of physical roreurein the proceedings What follows isan analysis of che transcript ofthat testimony tat fovses onthe book's negative presence ro explare in more depth the possible inlctual histones of Apoate’s evoliionary movement. ooking a the book and listening to Aponte inerogatoe Nerey was soon stuck by the fact that so many ofthe human guzes a the book ‘were painted as black, Literary rte Juan Anconio Herning as vor tively wondered about the reactions of fellow conspirators 10 whom ‘Aponte showed this book fll of poweefal black men, He likens the experience to che profound amszament of Ti Nod, the fctional prtag- ‘onist of Alejo Carpenter's The Kingdom of This World. Ding Henri CChistophe's reign, Ti Nod etme to Hit from Cuba and encountered this uncharted world of Back majesty: where na black king's palace the miniscers, the chef, he huss, he actors, everyone was black, even “the Immaculate Coneepion standing above the high lar of the chapel, sn ing sweetly upoa the Negro musicians who were pacticing a Sale." “Asin Christophe’ kingdom, so too ia Aposte's pictare book dd black men wear crowns and sion thrones, Black ambassadors were respected, back pists celebrated Mass, black scholars advised the pope, black men 6 Ts aay Sct an The mean of Aponte igen soa he tok ont die verb remem fo ein eee ote he era lp goss inn he bear se Apne So nT dae no mee he prema econ or ene, ‘sh gh rly eh oplenaf eGue oron ad ww td t ‘thereon nen ened peop tc abo oe mpcy i Cubana ford Se feces Ex enay alate elves erie c eiavtt insy Sips Ajo Carpet, Th Kom We ame y Ha dO {Be Yoke Nendo Pes, tpi ste ti.son Freedom's Minor Jed che cavalry, black armies vanquished white ones, white kings were beheaded for blasphemy. A black Virgin wae venerated and defend by black men, sign near hee bearing the biblical inscription, "apy black, bu the mose beatiful Thus, Aponte showed his companions 1 wondrous world where the faces of political, spiritual, an rltry poveer were alznst slays black, 1 Aponte’s companions were amszed then surly the investigators ‘responded wit their own suprise and pulement atthe word eveled them by this uncommon black eaepenter. And so they pushed hie for answers that would provide understanding, Why were there so many black priews? Why was the cavaley back? Who was thin mportane looking blackman? They wereso conse a imes chat the table cred, and Aponte became che expert eaightening them on matters of history and religion. Diseusing the picture numbered 37, for example, Aponte ‘explained that i showed Pope Cline XI wich his black libraian sad black endinal. Nerey wondered al his wa rue, *When and why were ‘these black men cardinal and librarian to the pont” he asked Aponte hewhere inthe same pitare Aponte had deawn Pope Piss IV and thee back priest a the door ofthe semple at Santa Madi Populo in Rowe, Agno, Necey wondered what waste and what might have hee fable ‘or fancy invented by Aponte. “Why,” asked Nery, “were these men ‘painted with such vestments, and did such men [realy exit in Rome” Aponre seemed to answer patient, each tne providing the les ofthe books whete he had read the specie try, or naming his source of oral information. In hs responses about this particular image, for example, he cited a book on the life of San Antonio Abad and one onthe city of Rome, in addition to oral accounts of 2 long-ago visi to Rome by two Havana priests, who had there seen black priest celebrating Mase In this encounter between inguisioner and actsed, i was the let who became the hnowledgeable and pacen eacher, Was Nery himself aware ofthe zeversl at happened, and could that fave ben why the grammar of hs questions to Aponte changed ore the ‘course ofthe interogation? instead of asking questions about whecher ‘speiicthings in che book had relly happened in history, he Bogan asking, instead, “how do you know about this?” It was a ste kind of question ANG, AP le 1,00 1p Th bat twin ieee Rack vin spew in bene lap ys ei ste aed poses ‘rom erg of Sings omen 1 ANG Ate aca m5. A Blick Kingdom of Tie World 05 it id no concede Nery’ ow ignorance, nor grant Aponte the upper Sn The cn ope hs heh mda ‘Aponte showed the tvesion of Tarragona bythe Blick King Ttraco and ts Back oops, Neey aed “how be lew thar there exe King Taree who conquered Tarragona” Aponte rep tat be knew it from the "the book of San Antonio Abad which he had ead” and trom “moins del Histo nes The sources mast have seed Ingitmate ta Nery 20 aking Apoois word tha there watson cual a forthe tory be preceeded wo dele deeper it te ge, Why fad be combined ihe sory of King Tara withthe Wiel sory of Seanacherib? Aponte’ anwer was tat he did Tr Resson of History, ee eveything ee nthe book ‘Aont's atewer sounds more consequat han Chains insistence thar the things authors uncovered in hs house were for scaring Hes Sil bre ir something sma in the tspones uscd pes of defnce tat suggested eo the itrogatos thatthe, lack ten, wee privy to a owed shat sey would ot share o ely beyond ein point Nets ignorance au sn, Aponte seemed tose, He tndersood ow hsory renee thes images coberent, een if Ney ould noe" Dot what wat this hnry so which Aponte eed? Clay ie wat 4 history of te word econeivds a bew universal ory i which back men eld. Rodin he poral try of the world, Aponte gate Tshipia pie of pace, Indeds when one conspirator wes asked how ‘Aponte hid explained the book ohn, he sd that he only description steno ts Reis penne Se or cme ad econ a cesses ean ea salted fer Emde: ane dee dann Ep ns ne 6, Rep ctr aninveme ees osm "Tn Doman of one-one tne icon noe arcs geet aag aye Se el tener ree,sot Freedom's Miror ‘Aponte had offered was tha che “blacks and Kings painted in it wore foam Abyssinia." Inthat momen of complicy betwee ewe conspirator, Abyssinia, or Ehiopa, became the essence of the book, So, i = worth ‘ausing to conside what Ethiopia might have meant for che svolion ‘that Aponte andthe others were trying to make in r8r.”" “The Fehiopiathae Aponte drew sens «msjestic and posses one Ie was a sovereign state and Christan kingdom rl by a back kg. In Aponte's book, Ethiopian armies repelled attacks on Jessen; Ethiopian ambassadors were regaled in Euzope; Eshipian priests celebrated Mass in Rome; Ethiopia emperors even controlled nature, causing Hoods and Aroughts by closing nd opening suice gates a wil If Aponte’ ngui: tiones doubted the wth ofthe scenes Aponte pint, the scene fact flected knowledge of Ethiopia long in wie csculation, Inthe fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Ethiopian rulers ha lonched «concerted elort to establish the county as an international power. Nameroes Esiopian missions traveled to Europe to sek aliaces with Christan kingdoms, Ethiopian moaks began a teadiion of pilgmage to Rome, mot of the sojourees staying as Aponte had explained in his description of Image 57 ata religious complex called Santo Stefano degli Abin: It these ‘men embodied Echiopa’s spiritual power, ethers embodied the power of {he Ethiopian state. On thie eur rom a isin to King Aliso V of Aragon in Spain, ewo Ethiopian ambassadors carried Alfonso’ oe 10 marry his d2ughter eo the Ethiopian emperor Yesbag and his santo an Ethiopian princes.” Tt wa this Ethiopia har appeared in the pages of Aponte’ book, Populated ac was by black kings and peiss whose power was widely recognized. About that Ethiopia, Aponte hae mumecous sources. Between the search of his house and hs replies to Netey during the dacasion of ‘the book, we know about some of thm. Aponte mentioned for instance, the 16r6 Historia elesistics, politics, natural y mona de los grandes rermotos reno del Etiopi, monarchia de emperador, Hamad Pres > Ga hm Mali Cnr nS Tart ANG AP 80 Oa Eup nee toss Horde ss ages 4" sie dene es jl SLs ers Sate ‘tip aetna el eS Wr 0, |, it Hons Ce gas Setar De sv 968. » Fersueensap neha incptare gee or ean sr ingenieur bg ey + Sell open isan “The ign Ae gh a fh elma neh fa aie petret ce fry ANE Ag se. =~ A Black Kingdom of Tis Word pos Jum dels Indias, by Luis de Urea, a priest and profesor ofthe! ‘ogy in Valencia, In that book Aponte would have encountered not only ‘vid descriptions of Ethiopia, but also acount of he vss of Ethiopian monks and ambassadors to Rome and Europe. Aponte shred his as scalar book with others, including his apprentice, Trinidad Nie, who then shaved it witha Hace woman from Guanabscoa named Catalina Gavin, saggesting a world in which sach images and texts circulated among tran blacks. ‘Another book chat came up repeatedly in the testimony was probably Bundacion, vida y rela dels grande orden miliary monistica de los monges del glorioeo Padre San Anton Abad, ls Esop published in Valencia, Spain, in 10, about the Ethiopian religions ord, the Caballeros de San Antonio Abad, which had been established in ‘he fourth ceatuy. The alloged author, Juan de Bltase Abisino, wat himself Ethiopian and» member of the order of Saine Anchony. a his sccount, Balasr highlighted the Caballeres' dal source of power, forthe ‘monks wee alo soldiers, havingaken vows both religious and miliary, snd thee leader, Prester John, was a powefal black prest-king (See Figure 73). For Aponte and his companions who wrote lees, enaed proclamations, and olfced txmony abot hing for libery and thei {sith the character of thin Sighting fore Iikely resonated Ie is possible, shen, to find evidence fr some of Aponte’s accounts of Ethiopia in works sch 36 these and pethaps een to sugges alites beeen those works Sd Aponte’ rion =the traction of bck tte power, the signiicsnce of spiritual aur, Bur to do oniy tha would be to miss an opportunity to explore the link between Aponte’ isin and other cutens of imagination; would beta bypas an important epiose inthe intelectual story of the Black an dent Hiri eeepc mee y mr er de yt ‘peat js ence PsP iy eek hae aca dt, Acs ‘ore denen ep de Or tm aro rine hoa ny fo bd No ANA 1 Jeb tn, din rd mois {scars ymonge form abe ben fos Ad ap nar {tie ran open po ag ear So Wa, ‘onion Cog Bocks Rouse isk Ae met Bec Irom pete a ann aie ie risen Aon Ab dh lees ok fod, eh itt ia pon jige ves Ode, Erp hos Aa, {Siem i tte Bcc aod 1073306 Freedom's Miror TL PRETEIANNI emelabntnny | ETHIOPIA ieee Teun 73 ont of Pree Jon, Kg of Eto, by Lace Camb, 61599, Credit AGE Forestock Ameen fles eno, A Black Kingdom of This World ser Alasic. Aponte may have relied on stventeenthcentry Spanish texts to develop hirviion of faraway’ back kingdom, but he did so atthe awa ofthe nineteenth cenury, peeisey atthe same ime that Back men tn women ehewhere were doing something analogous, for Exhiopia was already in ee Americas when Aponte tarred drawing i Tn the still new Unite States, back abolisionists and ministers spoke of the greatnes of Ethiopia, New black churches eallad themsehes Ethiopian and Abyssinian ~ the fs in Savannah, che Afican Baptist (Church, in 1773, and pechaps the most famous, Ue Abyssinian Bap- vist Church (ay in Harlem) ia 1808. In Jamaica, where Ethiopians ‘would develop with great fore inthe lite nineteenth and erly ewent eh cence, former slave named George Lie, who ws one ofthe founding members ofthe Savanah congrepation, founded the island's Sex apse church, che Ethiopian Bapost Church, in 1784 In these Gi ‘lest appears to have ben bla! Eehipis that was most consists ‘invoked twas the Ethiopia of Psalm 68, Verse 31: “Princes sall come ‘out of Egy Ethiopia shall son srtch out ber bands unto God.” The fact tha the iovocation was biblical didnot mean tha twas not also political, Real the case of che batalin of enslaved soldiers in Virsa tho fought for England aginst he patriots hey called themselres the Ethiopian Regent and wore sash cross thei uniforms that read “Lib yt Slaves” Famoas blac fremason Prince Hal explicily Tnked ‘he biblical prophecy of Ethiopia with eal woed sagas for black re dom. In 1797, before hs Masonic brothers a Boston, be east Macks in ‘eolatonary Sait Domingues the embodiment of Echiopa' prophetic promise My bce emer wt duck yi eth oa Ae etre, Six yen apo in the Trench Wet li, Nothing bat the sap ofthe whip tres heed om mevoig teeing hanging, broken on the whee, burg, IM allmoaper of trae aiced onthe takapyy people for nothing ee tuto gral he ane” pode atone aad rly. Bat lee be os, {he scenes changes they now cones that God bth ao spc of pes0n5 ‘sh Sherefne ceive the athe tends and eat tem as eres, Ths oh 17 See Janes Say, Becoming Aion Aron Rae nd Nati nh ny Bick ‘Mw Osher Oned Ur ro sn Sa Fy Wat from te Rok Ie ans na esl Ae eon Pisco User P19 eh ‘Bop 1 Dou Een Dah ober Mae Aas a Reno ‘Amoi ew va Ouida na, 09) 7 Le May ip, Ser ‘Bound cod at ian Aaa Rove oa Camby Hand Ue Ps tami ey aos St of art Dr |sot Freedom's Mirror [lois bein nsec forth her hand rom sn of avery to eed and eel.” te presence of Peiopia in Black Atlantis texes and instations was already stable in the last decades of the eightznth century, those ‘mentions acquired new meaning and force with the establishment 1804 fof an actual existing black state inthe New World. Like Eehioia, but immediate in time and space, Haiti had black emperors and kings and ‘ctorions black armies. Mighe Hai then bea sign of a new age on the horizon? Wters in Haiti certainly sa so, Black vietory in Hai ‘vas the beginning of redemption, Haitians che "regenerator of Ai.” Hain intellectuals invoked Eiopa (andl Egypt) to make a larger point about race. Thevis of racial infeioity, they argued, were false jus Festons for slavery and colonial. Infact, Africa war the cradle of civilization” Haitians elaboreted this rgue of European racism not jst among themselves but internationally. For example, Dine Sa ders, an African American educator worked closely with Chrstophe's ‘government publish collaction of “Hayian Papers” for czclation In England andthe United States, The Afics argument served slot to ‘love the at pec inthe volume: “Oue tradacers pretend vo have forgot ten what the Egypians and Ethiopian, our ancestors were: the Tharaca of Scripeare [Tarraco ia Aponte’ testimony that mighty monarch who ‘was the dread of the Assyrians, came from the interior of Africa, as Taras the columas of Hercule,” Was Saunders imagining «response ‘of incredulity when he added, “the record that anes hee works sell remain: he testimony of Herodotus, of Sabo, nd of othe historians of antiy, confim these fats"? ‘When Aponte tld his nm tls of African power and might first in pictures, then in judicial estimony ~ authorities did doubr his account Yer black people in Hat, the Unied States, Jamaica, and elsewhere were telling similar stores, and ike Aponte and Saunders, they cited thie ‘sources to anticipate potential cynics. We do not know if Aponte had rst acces to those other Black Alani tones of hips, bu the fact ic Hl A Change Deliv othe Aico Lode 28 77 Mem (amon cen alg yp a > Semel te wo mi ind fae int Not Cl orn gd Fence Ce sua: co A Blick Kingdom of Tie World 29 thatthe all ourished atthe same time might suggest thei irculaton, even without direct evidence" “There is another importanc if paps moce mondane way in which thipia circulated in Apoute’s wold, and tha is in everyday speech, as synonym for Mack. Just as black preachers and writers and ans used the tem, 50 100 did European authors and governors and slaeboldes “They spoke of the proporsiis ofthe “Ethiopian race” and dey used “Eehiopian” when speaking of black people inthe peesent. Bu here ay have been important dsincions inthe ay the designation es applied ‘When speaking of slaves, carey hin, did authors or authorities te Eshiopion ois purl form. Those people were negras or wires; the Inbor force a8 whole the plantations negrada, The tem “Ethiopian,” reanvile, seemed t0 be aed more when white speakers or waters ‘waned fo ‘call up 4 notion of an embodied test. Thi they sone i 1792 of the “cul inclinations of descendants of Ethiopia” in Cuba, ‘who would cerainly aly with Haitian rebels if given the opportunity. Jn foo authorities wrote of Calan slaves avho sould join Toussaint to achieve liberty and “honorific posts among the Eshiopian tops.” Freguenly they referred tothe Haitian rebels themselves as Ethiopians ‘Toussaint wasa *sanguinay Ethie,” the black fighters were “Ethiopian twoope,* Georges Binsou sascha with “ether Ethiopian chic,” and 30 ‘on. Thus while the abel Ethiopian was 2 synonym for black a he tur ‘ofthe nineseenth century, iti imperative to note that it may not have ‘been deployed randomly for “anyone back,” st some have suggest ® Icseems o ave heea used as aSletve synonym for black, when white spears sought to convey a certain power or autonomy in the blade Athy i why wm ad ge Janson i “rises de vie hboree abn d Je Dstiven”atheaiog ‘Far Bhi ava yom fo lk Spe Howe Aree ee ‘Pa fmt Home anon, ny gph ead Wany aes be ‘Atyir Cml absn apo Tap Making of an Engh Aor ‘Oro Ose Urey Pen fra ae Os the the erm ncaa Se fence eb A amb Tote in ACl, Cob s9o ona eo Conde de Cap de Aas, ebay {Pp NGL te thn nowcn ei 5, A, ete to bh ACL Ck 335i any 9190, SAS A eho Tei a om ne “ener gud MC Te sb Apne etn 4ae Proedom's Moor sobjees abous which they wrote ~ in other words when they wrote not about “a slave,” but about what they feared a slave was capable of becoming. ln a world in which black soldiees in Virginia donned the label Eshiopian, in which white governors spoke grading ofthe achieve ‘ments of Ethiopian semis in Hat in which black churches established themselves as Abyssinian or Ethiopian, and in which an enslaved blak Poet was known as "the Fthipian poets,” Aponte invoked Etbiopia in pictures and words. Doing so helped him, and thers around him, imagine a victorious black revolston in Havana ia r813- The mvoca, ‘ion allowed him 10 make the case that his revolution had two powerfl prscednts a remote, prophetic ane in Ethiopia and a proximate ome in ii, Buc the Ethiopia conjured in Apontc's Book was 4 model in very specie way, Ita, ist a demonstration ofa black power that was at ‘once military, political and spiritual. The victorious are of Eehiopia defended ther kingdom atlas in pare for religion, «formulation that ‘was very much presen inthe testimony fom Aponte and is companions, ‘who said hey fonght noe only foe eedom from avery bat also for hee {ah in Jesus Christ. Here we glimpa the revolasonars caight not only between the age of slavery and the age of emancipation, bat aso more immediately betwean ce secular time of poltial and personal feedom and the nonsaculae me offth an eeral deliverance. Ethiopia served a a model in another way aswel It was a sovereign tation, ruled by a blak king. No European county controlled it and its leaders traveled the wold at legitimate and respected envoys. The fact that Haid hd recently come into existe ~ thanks tothe power ‘of men to whom tne world referred at Exhiopian ~ likely made it sera like the once-remoe Mfican model had new currency. Excepe ine regard. Unlike Etiopia, Hai was not recognized across the globe, and is emisares were aot weleome by Buzopean dignitaries, ln Havana jst «0 yeas eat, the possiblity of having ro recive 4 Haitian diploms Prompted the governor to disobey and denounce royal ore. By showing, the reception given to Ethiopian ofcils, Aponte provided an image of black soveceigney while alo perhaps caborating an implicit ciiqu oF ‘the word's hostlezesponse to Haitan independence Aponte’s rendering of Exhiopia represented his effort think through the possibilts of black sovereignty inch age of Hai, Here was a most povtrful sory alan ruled by a black sovereign with military, polial, and spiiteal power, black army that vanquished lls ene, black ‘Christians whose piousness made Esiopia a prized ally of European A Black Kingdom of This World an totes bet on containing the power of Mom, I wat thas tre hss of Hac ae power that Aponte showed ths o-ongniers He ured {othe images to renoret hs pole expedite pling to overthrow saver yf Te facty of te mage belped makethen petatve Maybe itt thi tad the book sn appealing too for recrltent fo the ebelion, With ite Aponte was abet sow hiseoansnons posite word pox nt justin ables Bia hisary {swell Combined with ther elon ofthe conspiracy teeny oF ‘post’ Eoin mig sugentthat he hruon of hs movement ay inded have been enol Noto nothing had Aponte Spoken toi ‘ompsions aboot becoming king ‘Thi Esiopia i acral presence in Apone’s book, am honest cxaination would concede tha this ory, However power snot the only one. Ebipi shared the page sometines eve the same page, wh many or tinge, Apollo and Neptne Mareand Gein Spank pola and kings; lak colonial mikia members in Havas ance Philosophers and Cho sais ies aed mounting and plat We fre et then witha quenion peshape nor a ferns than the ont Nery hime sed: What was everything cle nthe book? Why wee images of back power prteredvpeher tho many tes thing oe ingly unconnected? Whi theca Apollos xtageor Nene’ tothe have too with lack King or Back armas? I Apoates pc tures ranged broadly across scemingly da and dip be, tnd tay did ty athe sai, forthe ake of Ror, het hoy wat fe talking abou? Some hav ead Apt’ book a window it the ‘Bought ofan nut erudi,clktangh back arcean comparable 7, to Menethio, the serth-enary lan millers appelingy ced by hoi Carlo Gzabusg* Whe the compaction i irate, is impernve o remember that Apote's book wa aoa Gomes of ttbeln, Thema whe authored andthe ones who se come ies comeat to hic own eevltibn tod to her wn enc ino hay How, ten can we conc thoe igs to the Rory Aponte imal ‘tev cying to maken that moment? How might we read Aponte Ho 2 pinnae = inal ts unruly and inscrutable tern ~ along the Srbtius i kinatly fled ovens he ed fe "Ci ity, The Chest Won Site Jk Hopi vey Pe, ssh Palit Wda Freedom's Miror “To estore he book to the inorcal proces requires that we embrace ltsimpenceaily and centr ts nherent and serategieHeibity- Ia some sense, Aponte'smising picts (andthe testimony that surrounds them) Seman a eading paps reminiscent of thos intrinsic vo practices with ‘which the revlutionacies themselves might have been fais In comm munities of Santeria (or feeemasonry, which some have coanected to [Apoate’s movement), fr example, ascending level of iitiaton produce ‘eater and deeper knowledge, undersanding, and access. To situate |Aponte’s contradictory and eesistane descriptions ofthe image in the ‘content ofthe other vliminoss testimony from dhe movement allows {sto begin o glimpse the maay layers of posible meaning that allowed. ‘Aponte tel diffrent store to diferent people, Sometimes the far that the dd so emerges clearly foas the testimony, other times we ean only infer it. Sil, the analysis makes cleat noe only ~as Aponte said = that he drew what and how be did or reasons of History,” but also that he chose History fora reason, History foes Reason: Reading Words bout Pictures Let us twin in deal, hen, to specific imags in Apont's book ro explore the layers of meting and the subversive extitysnerent in many of ‘hen, This discussion is necessary incomplete: of seventy-two images analye a half dozen in depeh and afew roore in passing" Lee out will be fascinating piesres 425, or example, which might be understood ava kind af visual autobiography of Aponte himself with allusions to his thildhood, his trae au carpenter, and his militia service inthe Babamassor Image 26, which combines oto single tory that unfolds ona desolate beach the Greek philosopher Diogenes, the Egyptian goddess ss, and the Spanish king Rodrigo. Inthe following focus on several images that Slow vs to understand Aponte's role ae lesder ad historian, andthe ‘ways he might have imagined the conaeetions berween history a8 he sa 1 eA nt en th May Dt in Oe en oe tt natty eae i een aa se ere ee ee che cage tiene Car leo ‘meg ry Sa ages Se iain cata Tetnctat hapnctie A Black Kingda of This World as it the conspiracy as he planned it, and the future of his world as he wanted ieto be Ta the eyes of Spanish prosecutors, perhaps the mos dasning pictur ia the book was the one numbered 6-7. The things that made i potty subversive, however, would not have been a all apparen i» Aponte’ inl description off. Aponte began by poncing the image of Mas polled by ewo horses going up a hil, with a scorpion converted to a Tooter, Mars, he explained influences war, andi ea wat scene that Aominated the image: reste Jon ofthe Chestian Kingdom of Ethiopia Jed che Cabaleros de San Antonio Abad in bate against the Moors. “The imcerrogatoes looked atthe pictore and immediately noced some things that Aponte had conveniently filed to mencon. Fist, Nerey observed not only thatthe soldiers wee all dresed ia back, bur that ‘he men themselves als appeared to be black, Why was tha, he wanted eo kaow. Aponte replied straightlorwatdy, “because they are natrales dd Abisnia.” Once Nerey’s questions made the me's blackness part of| the spoken record, Aponte felt the need ro add unprompted, “because the Porzoguese had discovered or conquered said part ofthe Globe, the ‘seo groupsjoined gether forthe Bate indicted.” But he response dig not make sense co Nery. To him it seemed thatthe Poeaguese, othe ‘hie, were being artacked ~ and defested — by the black amy. Inde, ‘ele pointed au, the picture inctaded eyo blac men on horsehack who ‘atid the severed and bloody heads of what appeared eo be tvo white (ot Moorish) men. Here, Neeysemed to suugent, wasa clear depiction of what hal long been referred to a “ace war” ‘Among the most carious things in Apoat’s esponse was the fact shat he vointcered the description of the Portagte asthe "discoverers oF conquerors” ofthe region and a8 alles ofthe black army. Some have mote that Aponte may have drawn a parallel berween the Moorish inva- tion of the Iberian peninsula and the conterpocarystugele against the French invasion ofthe sme terry? While hat certainly plausible itis conceivable that Aponte ws also imply invoking recent Haitian history. Aponte’ picture of two annie one black, one white ~ a ales right have prompted, among the black conspirators who pondered the image, discussion of te alliance of Jean-Frangoss black army and the ‘nee conquering Spanish, an invocanon perhaps made mote relevant by the presence of Jean rangai’s oops in Havana. On the other hand,ea Freedom's Miror Aponte's insistence oa the alliance between the blk and white aces inthe picture might have been an attempt at deflection, an attempt 0 explain away che image of 2 black army defeating the aroy of the white «colonize. That, ofcourse, would have constiued an easy vis nso ‘on ofthe Haitian Revlutan, pezhaps especially ofthe fil anicolenial stage ofthe revolution in which the black aries hated the French for independence and fresiom. lis uncleae whether Aponte thought these things when he deew the pitaes, Bathe companions, like Nereyhirself «ould have easly een in the image a staighslorward representation of & black amy defeating a white one, (Other pictures in Aponte's Hook een» more direct comparison of how Aponte described the images to authorities and how be described ‘thea to his companions. In most cases, when his companions were quce tioned about the images i the book, they denied knowing thet meaning, svering either tha Aponte showed them widhout explanation, o ying Simply that they didnot understand or could no emember what Aponte had sid. Shown te image of the blac azmy defeating white one or example, Chacbo iasisted that Aponte had nt explained i and chat the image was beyond his own understanding Bue occasionally he and the others elaborated, allowing uo liste ~ifimpertectly ~ta how Aponte himself might have talked about che images wid fellow travelers. And itis precisely in che diference between the wo modes of description — to authors in the context ofan investigation and to companions in the course of organizing the movement ~ that we gai insight into the possible conacetons benteen the book an che conspiracy, and basen the conspiracy and history. “Take forexample, Image 57. Accordingto Aponte’ description ifea- tured black ecclesiastical figures in Rome and two ves, one cat had Ioughe the black priests to Rome, and the other that had taneported limpisoned Moors. Aponte rested thatthe images presented were hie torical he ead about them in history hooks, and hey were wht he sid ‘hey were pictures of real black men in positions of spiiual pow. “Thsis vee likely the mage Chaci cussed in hs testimony when he was ded aboue the meaning ofa picture (authorise did noe prove the number that showed two vessels, some blac men dresed as ecclesia ties, perhaps an archbishop, and "2 Black man with signs af superior.” ‘While Chacom insisted tht he didnot understand the image, he volun ‘eered an important deal that contradicted Aponte’ insistence that the picture was Rome, or only Rome, Chacén, in fac, ese that Hen ‘Christophe appeared i the picture, “signaling with bie eft hand, a siber A Black Kingdom of Tis World as in his sight, nd sign a is fece that said: Glimplase fo mandado,” ot “Enscute whit i ordered." “Ciamplase lo mandado” o° "Cia lo manda was standaed phrase added ae the closing of Spit royal {ind ministerial orders. Given that Aponte pasted images and wstings nto his book, he might have cut and pasted the prase from some unknown Teen fon a Sn Sel nor de il Poe isp” yy ser, BAC, SRLS hg ses Eata6 Freedom's Mivvor fered by his companions, sgges that authorities may in fact have been ‘on to something. This was clay the cae withthe image ia which x portato backs in Rome fused witha potato a contemporary black king issuing fcedons orders that had tobe obeyed But there at other Important examples a well. Aponte’ book contains sevecal pictures representing he fice black batalion of Havana, of whic his grandlaher, fathers end he heat had been members. The images numbered 28 and 19, for example, por trayed Aponte's randtates, Caeain Joaquin de Apoate, and Havens ‘black battalion dfensing six bundeed English oops wo catered the city st Marianao daring che 1763 Bish atack on Havana, ln the picture, the black troops estore white prisoners, and two black oldies sand ‘over a dead white officer, described by Aponte asa nilor, milond ‘Eagish nobleman, Here, an the othe image, asic hstrial reading ‘s possible. In ths wen, the pictre of blcksbatling whites sesighton, ‘warily represents historia epsodein which che solored mils were ‘deployed in defense of Havana and Spa. Bat Aponte’ fellow consis 10 would have seen he image as something move ~ as an emblem of back heroism as che basis ofa demand for black right inthe present, and perhaps a& an indication that thet own black army might be up 6 ‘he challenge of defeating a white one in he proximate tte “Another image ofthe black micas makes cle the layers of meaning ‘hae Aponte and his co-conspirators might have attached co the pictures Image 82-53 again portrayed the black militia defending the city against. ‘the British in 1763. Bot the picture isnot so taighforward, Fist tne ‘nd history are collapsed: Jost Ovando, ue frst Hack captain when the rulia was established in 170, is igure infront ofall the troops, Yee sharing the page are the Hack relia member of 76 asf ehey were ll ‘rotagonists ina single history. Neue the Panta, ot Campo de Zamor, 4 woman appears, representing ch city of Havana and acknowledging the back troops who defended hee. Authorities focused in pasculae on Aponte’s depiction and placement ofthe bask troup inthe pictuse, Why, they queried, had Aponte pained miliary camps belonging only tothe ANG Ase om exp. 17 4-46 Serve cen Jn Ae ASD, pT na» tka Maras ae 2, we eek Ss ‘ppc ave en plese Ce Car Pi La To Fe ot [eens sect vn Cc Saal pen Soe oe Getto aan Ont anise ai cee ones ok MCh Tees Aponte ebm ss A Black Kingdom of Tis Word a black forcing oth nny and cra cap? Apne eld tha the inne sop ws that off grande and lack. ia “spain, Jong Agony the oer was the cavalry carp of she wie trope ar tone exits for Hacks” Bt, as sthorite quik noted, ‘ont’ escrito di noc seam to match th imap een, They pened on, pot oot» ging incomiteny tee were no wes Inthe camp tat be sail was the whe evaly camp. Inded he oly ‘onl thre were tne Hack fcr on honebac ada fw sen ‘Sho back How exactly wath the whit vay cn Whacye the convadtory image may have portayed about the black (and white) lias n 1762 pent aed ae ia anche conext vse what sows happenin 1a. Burn the panning of the eben, Apone showed th pares ager ee of ik co-conspirator Cleese Chaci, Savor Terre, racic Xavier ache, al Francico Mart, Fthps we he id so esi some thing abou he amp of 76 Bun wht sak in the minds oF bit Companions was someting che ie Aponte showed em he imag ts thy dacamed he det of how so orgie tr caret ebelon, ‘hing the ptr to lsrate how tay camp ould npanized od how cack shod bare lg nd gen Int moment the, iis rd eo sy wither he men wet coscouyvcnng al repecnntion of anion even of meh hy theses were Aout md or bts "There rr iags tha gett Aponte’ Bok, whatever elie irnay bar dove seed 54 Kind of peri representation ofthe mes ‘ren efor or example, Aponte ook conned seve images of Campari, oe bl ser. he restmony frm he rblion on the lito coninesy makes rene othe adr ping stds {he campanavost preven peopl from ringing the el for lp? SOANC AD eg seep nb Ta gus afte id Apr nigh chad one eae thet cont Havant is fesonng ee Mon i hon inset ‘ikon i pes peer BSc ‘oun shen oo. Se te pec wl et wore ce eae of fencing sherman sa rel oon res nd iseentesl ep Tage id dese ANG, A, ett, 36 3 Freon ‘ewig eur he ale nan Aas ua Cand caa8 Freedom's Maror Did Aponte us those images co impress on his eerste importance of that paclar ation? Authorities dd a ask. They did as cepenedly, bout te book's many maps and drawings ofthe cy: why dd he draw this particslar structure, ofthe route from x toy, oF the earances into and out of the city, and on, tis felt not wo notice, as authorities ‘rely did the great ovesap betwen the places depicted in Aponte’ book and the places mentioned as targets in the testimony of the conspirators. ‘The conspirators testimony, for example, mentioned plans to atack the ‘breaks andthe Carll de Atarés all of which were figured in Aponte’ rawings, shown very procs ia relation to other buildings ad roads, “The overlap might have Been withost meaning or purpose. Aponte him sel, whan asked why he had drawn those ching, replied simply, "with the ides of anarnghimeel.. thos any other intesion a al” And it ‘natural afer all hae dere would be overlap bere saps ofthe city tne the plans ofthe rebel to atack i” Sill the fac that Aponte ured ‘other images to explain he planaing forthe rebellion suggossthatbemay Inve done the same for she maps. Also petred longsde the foreeser, seme, and baztacks were other significant noamilitar landazks: the ‘meeting house of the Real Consulado, Francisco Arango’s residence the Gunes House and so on. Whether these were included as orci targets or simply as part ofthe cityscape, we cannot know ‘Other images inthe book suggest histories and messages even more Dorie and much ese discernible to the investigator's naked eye. Aponte mentioned Faypt and Ethiopia, Rome and Havana, yt sometimes what the sai seemed to function as 4 cover for what e dit noc say, When be described the scene tht looked Hie race wae (Image 6-7) he fied 0 ‘ote thatthe victorious amy he deew was black one; he admitted that ‘only win asked dzesy by he ineragator. Sorel the interrogator did sot pick up on every potently intzesting connection or ebseeacion, nd Aponte would not have volunteered poenillymbversve comace ‘ions and readings. Yee tei aces are there. ee ale i mary fh ein on Eine alin ANG A, deers fenton ris Tae ded te St cout woh wo oe wi ho ‘ecanrofterheuo See Teron) fhe nd Loam pre [pious oy nb show dod lon hap Gunter ‘emg thom Caan. Wout he age he Dok Se ‘Bw ue ast nen yl hye he lato te oaks ‘Sct nite testo sac Se etn of Etsy Sig, Mah 35, Siem ANG Ale sepa re A Black Kingdom of This World a Image 16-27, for example, was atypically insertable picture, In appeared the hick Pre ob, te black queen Candace, the evangelist Philip bapiing a gure known a the Fehioian eunuch (thes eniianing the African Catholic Church}, King Solomon, the Queen of Sheba hei son, anda statue with no arms representing Justice. Justice had no arm, Aponte explained, “so as nat to recive anything” Authorities could not have Kowa what to make ofthe image, nor of Aponte’s seemingly ‘convoluted dessription of. They did mot cven bother 10 ask what it tmesng; it did not seem significant enough to them and certainly not a+ interesting as oer images of Back armies “Yet the pictre feared the Ethiopian eunuch seated in a carriage reading « book, Aponte Mentfed the book asthe biblical prophesies of [bala Aponte didnot volunteer that Isiah’ prophesies incued four poems, ater known as the Songs of the Servant that were powesul ‘editions on justice forthe dowentzodden. The fist poem reads in part Hee i ny servant, whom {uphold wil pt ey Spit on him ad he wll ‘bine tr oer: He wl i shat cry Oo ake is oie a he ‘ees based ed hell a Bea and soldering wick he wil oe su ‘ur In ities be wil ring oth joi; he il eer be dsconrage ‘She etbisis justice on cath. nf ahi ee lads wl pe hope” Justice i invoked thre times in close succession inthe biblical passage. “Theda of asice tus represented nots in the gure of the statue, ‘or inthe blak Prester John, as one cic as sugested bat also in the ‘unspoken subject ofthe open book thar Aponte chose to picture in his ‘oven Aesming that Aponte vas aware of those verses, he might have ‘dence ceaily with te Rgute of the servant binging justice ~ and faith ~ to the islands. Yet this potential visual representation of black struggle for justice and redemption appears to have gone undeweted by ‘Aponte’ inguisitoner nage ar is based on more recent local itor. I depicts the blessing cof Havane's det new cemetery, the Campo Santo or Espada Cemesery, ‘which was inaugurated in 1806, at about the Gime Aponte claims to brave started working on the book, The image shows two coffins, one fof a Havana governor who died in 1766, the ater of a Havana bishop ‘who die in 1801. Both coins were exhumed in 1806, and transfered dd rebuied in the new cemetery wih a solemn ceremony and blessing, eth 4-4 The il ny i en $63) Mp age okojae Freedom's Mirror which Aponte hms may well have wimessed and certainly would have heard about, Aponte’ description makes 0 mention ofthe fac that both men had ded of yellow fever. People in Havana, of course, knew Allabourt yellow fers, and they knew also of che ole had played in the aii Revolution, They had read the seguar asounts inthe Gaceta de Madrid ofthe decimation ofthe French army in r8o2~o1, in part by Jellow fever They ha sen the arial of many sick Frenck voldies and {eoops, sme of whom were house ad died ia the San Lazaro hospital, prured fa several of Aponte’ maps! In this particlar image, she, ‘Aponte represented the death by yellow fever of two power white men from Havana. The llasion ote disease may have been coincidental. Or the pcre may have served o sugges tha the would-be rebel, ike their tealercouitesparts in Suit Domingue, bad 2 potenti! ally a nature, fone they might se tratpialy and when the time came to do so. Tage 8-9 is a surprising and complex allegory abou greed ad com- merce, Aponte tested that che pictre depicted the planet "Mercury of ‘Gemini in a carage pulled by two large, eapacions birds. There was a green sir and a cadaceo, tal signing the progres of eramerce. In the picture, a guand attempts to sop contraband and instead encounters eath either because he is pesonally usable eo stop it, or Because con- traband cannot be stopped generally. A launch rom the skip approaches; varce jmp on the dock snd also meets death “The story 40 far is general it could be an alleoey about colonial, indeed maritime, commence anywhere. But Aponte clearly se the scene in Havana harbor in 1807-08. The eariage,smportanly had a picture ‘of Manuel Godoy, Spain's controversial prime minister, forte ofthe ing, lover af the queen enemy ofthe hei He was pictured, said Aponte, se the bight of his power. While some have takes tis o mean after he rectved the ile of Principe de Paz in 1795, ics clear chat te picture alluded to his 1807 elevation tothe newly created position of Admiral ‘of Spain and the Indies and Protecr of Marine Commerce In 1807, Godoy had established the Almcantazg, or Admiralty, 2 reform aimed at cevitalizing the Spanish Navy afters defeat against che British ‘Tafulgie in t805 ond following Brith atacks on Spanish sipping in the Rio de la Pata in 1808. With the refozm Godoy, gained supreme ANG AF a7 ge Os Gat Ma cn a he vo ANCE Ate sep Hl sa A Black Kingdom of Tis World sr contol ofthe Navy andthe authority to provide “passports roll ships Sing Spanish flags anal foreign ships isting Spanish pores "News of the reform aerived in Havana in Mach 187, and Aponte explcidyreferred to sts arrival in his description of the age, noting thatthe vessel shown in the picrute was the one thar brought the news ofthe Almicantazgo to Havans. In honor of Goo and the reform, the Real Consulado pid forthe Alameda, the cis maritime boulevard, ro be lean decorated. In September, an opers tiled Apolo y América ~ ‘with Apollo smbolizing Godoy ~ opened in Havana, Lace that month, a grand party was organized inthe Real Factora de Tabacos. The bulding nd is surroundings were festooned for the ecssion, complete with nowy commissioned frescoes by an Ttaban artist. The Real Consalado also published color engzavng forthe occasion, depicting some ofthe ‘exebratons in Havans. Though no copies appear have suvied, i ‘was said to include an image of the hovse of Conde O'Reilly, lavishly ecorated with light and the caduceo.™ Aponte would have sen the house, centrally located within the cy wal, jus ashe woul have seen fe heaed about the fas atthe Real Factosia de Tabacos,noecoo far fom his own home. With no surviving images from Apont's book or the ‘uebrations, uo dzet comparison is possible. Sil, even om the basis of ‘the shore descriptions avaable, Aponte's image emerpes as ertel ‘eagagemens wit the nes and visual representations den Geeuating ia Havana “Apont’s pice, he insisted ro authorities, lauded the progress of «commerce, Yet his ova description ofr suggested otherwise. The picture, ‘hetstied, included fling feather to symbolize the fal of Godoy from power, presumably duting the ess of 1808, In Aponte’ vision, then, the author of commerce’ imputed progress mec his dowal. Based on this and eer elements ofthe nage, author were openly sepia! of ‘Aponte’ claim that the picure celebrated commerce. Haw, they asked, could she pictare be abou che progres of commerce when deaths gud ‘0 prominently and even hod the caduceo ints hand? Death, Aponte ‘countered, destoys ony avarice, ot commerce, Authorities appeatt0 Ihave taker him a is word falling to note othe inconsistencies. Death “Kr be Ao, emo os ma Ma 3 ‘Sea Sgndo Vinqun Cenargan Almira Expl ie cre de Mame! Gey Hap anak es Ss Sensing Cafe “Oma Vito Fer oho Se Coby oe ikea onto Aer Pen oy Seppe ay) 9a Freedom's Miror appesredi the pictureswce, od tines associated with Spanish shipping ‘oF Spish commerce. The st time it deleted the grata del comtercio in charge of sopping contraband; the second sme (wit the commerce Staff ines hand), death met “avarice” as the later landed onthe dock Foor Spansh vessel Did Aponte mean to dep the dem of Spanish commer, echaps| ota pariclar Spanish commerce? Important, pont’ picture iced “wr negro” pictured near the Spanish ship. That ial he says about the figuce, and authorities did noe ae him about it. Was he a slo, alae, {itis member? We cansot know. Bu ti pechap importne hat the figuze i the only one associated ich the Spanish ship who di not ‘encounter death. Whether deth killed avarice or commerce, he spared the Black man, Te allegory, then, was perhaps es about conto in ‘general than about the commerce nblack men and women: the commerce sas destroyed, the people not ~ a iting image forthe age that =a he hegining of Eagland’s naval eampugn agains the slave rade ‘Bur te story takes an even more historical rurn with the ielsion| in che same picture of a secoad large vessel, the wacship Sax Lorenzo, albu which Aponte was not asked and did not elaborate. The real San Lorenzo had a long history i che Caribbean. During che war between Spain and France in 1795-5, 1 had boen pare ofthe Spanish sqoadon that led the naval sige on Ssint Domingues ForeDauphin, which gave Spanish forces contol of Bayaj. Ae the siege the Som Lorenzo was ‘ne ofthe vessel thar transported French peisners fall colors to Cuba In Desember 2795, it transported the cemsins of Christopher Colm tous t9 Havana. On tha same ep, it carted the former slave and then general Georges Bias and other back auiiares and their fies 0 Havana alter Sains destin Sango Domingo, Indeed, Aponte dew the vessel near Casa Blane, wher he black asics had seayed i 1795-6 nd agai in 812-12. Late, as news of the Alirancazgo arived and fs Aponte began his hook, the Sax Lorenzo was normally a Hlvan hathor raising within sigh ofthe por. In 1810, twas in Cz, rans porting French prisoners, and brily under consideration as the mode bf teasportton for black ausaries returning to Santo Domingo via Havana, The Sor Lorenz, then, ceed a ch history known 10 many in Havana.» A Black Kingdom of This World sa Indeed, for some ofthe men iavolred in Aponts's movement, the con ection tothe San Lorenzo was much more pesonal. Ir was on that ‘ery veel that some inter of the blak mia who conspired with [Aponte bad done guard duy. The erole back mitaman Jost del Car ‘men Pealve, who was centrally involved inthe planning ofthe caspir fscy and who oot the forged passe that Barbie and Tisundia used to {0 the countryside on March 14 o begin the rebellion, had served onthe ‘Son Lorenzo when it was in Havana. Anothe ee blade militia member, ilo Santa Cruz, who played an unknown role in she conspiracy but served 3 fouryear sentence a5 a result ofthe investigation, also esifed that he had served aboard the Sam Lorenzo, ‘With this history and association ia mind, the picture chat Aponte escribed as an allegory about the progres of commerce emerges 38 something much more complex. Death mer chose associated with Span- in commerce, perhaps including the slave trade, while in anodher part lof the pictace, the Sam Lorenzo ~ a ship cat ha spent stein revolu- tionary Saint-Domingu, that had brovght decorated Back heroes fom the Haitian Revolaion to Havana, and on which some of Aponte's own sompanions had served ~ stood impervious to harm. Her, then, 2s 2 trace of an alternative allegory. Aponte’ testimony to authorities ren ‘dered that lent ofthe drawing fin and lst, busied ke So many ‘other pltues in the vou noe just bythe subsequent Toe ofthe book but also by Aponte himsel by hi strategie evasons and deletions, by the disavow he himalé was forced to effec inthe couroom."? But in another context, before a diferent audience, ce pctare would easly have recalled the mea's own memories and experiences aboard a vessel seth much history elvane to thei ova, Sih cocamyr Ha sun Havana 79-17 as Com ‘ie dela er ym 79 A ye yes. 09 {i pale exw nn Foe Nos de Maas See ed Pa a aa pd sn RD et ‘© Sener ear ‘naan and ponies wee suproedPae of eka oe roc ‘ould aw coop whch pepe ah a Ape ween fer ‘lens ori ero pope Suro by Evi dy Oto enh Fri ape a sri Ths Fs elton He! nd ig Supa Amrebe“Disovl texome prec get re ‘sce her mes td ove ha which iso een Far, Mode Bsa 3.ov Freedont's Mirror “This particular porwatis but one example of many, for other pictures, 2s well undoubeedly contained elements that would have been obscre to [Newey but thatevoked diferent histories, memories and resources for the conspiators, Ths, the glorious back history pictured in Aponte’ book ands Wsble othe ees of all who saw it~ of Back kings and eaedinals and generals and emperors in Ehiopa, Egypt, Rome, of Spin = we accompanied by another back history, more suberranean and pote sally more saversive Ie ncladed a Spanish warship hat inked Cuban ‘conspirators to Haitian fighters 1762 military camp that as a model for what the men planed in 18125 a glorious back man in Rome who ‘wasalso Henri Christophe. This history wonld have been bey, fatal, sb co Nery, and Aponte did nothing to bring i into focus for him. ‘Burto Aponte and his companions whe shared history as black iia members in Havana daring the era of the Haitan Revoluion = this other history was easily called forth by elling, looking atthe piceuresy and Plowing how to make themselves mates of thi history and the fotare they though it pointed 0 [Nerey, the jucge Juan Ignacio Renda, and the sate they repeseated hha, ofcourse, no iatezet i that history and no desire ose tha ature ‘While iis posible albeie unlikely thr the government destroyed the book tat inl occupied so nach ofits atention, ice certain cht authorities did not hesitate to destroy the man who created it, On April 7 jn one of his lst acts a8 governor of Havana an capa general of Cua, Somerusos issued a statement announcing the publi execton of the bes and ploeters ewo dys late. “The ate of Someruelos's rule as govern was perfectly emblematic of ‘the complex history of Caba ia the Age ofthe Hasan Revolution. He aucved in Havana by wayof onc of the most impuessive sugar plamations inthe world a he te, Niolis Calva’s Nuc Holanda, Hele having just violey defeated men who sought to ally with the enslaved on plantations sach as that one to make an asislavery revolution “The public declaeation tha Somerlos issued to ance Aponte’s sentence was profoundly iolent. It described the phyieal punishment thar awaited the convicts, and it disnased the project as “a miserable and ridiculous farce” with origins oaly inthe “istwoge and heated brain, ofthe black man José Antonio Aponte." With the executions, Someea «los announced the danger was ove: “the contagion that might ave been caused by revolutionary ides, which are embraced by a vexy A Black Kingdom of Tis World ms small cumber of people, will dsappeat.” Any surviving sympathizers, Ihe announced, would understand "tbe fate har awaits them If they ty Tike (de accuse) to disturb the the public order. fo he resources that the government can eto ania in sngle moment the eckes fools se incaleulable"=* Someruelos was wrong about the origins ofthe plot. However much he mught atibue to Apont'sfancifl thinking, the plot was very much a prodact ofits ine and place. While clearly bearing the imprint ‘of Apoate’s imagination, it bu on and made connections between the Desseat and history, between Cuba and Hat Africa and Eorope Ie Scoured the history of Ethiopia for models, and it engaged conerpo- rary realities, from the eeconquest of Santo Domingo by Spain, the teslavery potential ofthe Cores of Cadi, to the escalation of the slave teade to Cuba in the context of British slave trade abolition, tothe pres ‘ence of back heroes fom the Haitian Revolution ia ei very own city, to the coronation of King Hensi Tin Haiti, Apone’s plot read all these evelopment im ight of his own world and sought to build on chem co waite a mare expansive and immdige history of freedom in the Black Alans ‘About osher things, however, Someruclos was core. The danger seemed contained. On the morning of Apel 9, 1812, exactly cree weeks after Aponte’s artes the purishment was meted ovtbefre an applaning ‘ov. Aponte was hanged his head severed from his body, attached to ' pole, apd placed inside a steel exge. The cape was then steaegically located in his neighborhood on the comer of whats uow Belasoain and Carles I. That morning his closet companion i the movement met she same fae, hough thei had were paced elsewhere: Joan Barber ax Jean-Frangis Clemente Chacon, ais so Joan Basta Lisundia.°™ ‘Though the mea did indeed eae history, it was not the history they had chosen Several weeks ater Jost Antonio Aponte and his companions were hanged from the gallows ip Havana, rwo other black men ~ their names omit in the document thae brie ly record thee exibence ~ were ‘marched into pablic plaza in Havana fr execution. Governoe Somecue~ Tosh already cured 0 Spain, hs trea the san’ supreme com ‘mander ots Ir was his successor, Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, who continued 1 Sumer npes Ae, AG, Stem Domi 1384 o> ANC AR le ap. iseas Freedom's Mivror the investigation into Aponte’s movement and who oversaw the exe ution ofthese two supposed accomplices. Many had gathered for the public ritual, not only because of che general sate of apiation chat the plot hed produce, bu also because this particular execution would put ‘on display te efficent and modem power of the sate, The iberl g- cxnment in Spain had jase outlawed the ase of gallows for hanging and ordered tha anew, more humane and modera system, he garrte ake its place. In Cuba it was to be wed the frst time on these owo men, 1nd many thought they wanted to see iis action. But citer the new machine was faulty, ofthe executioner misjudged how co work i for when he finshed the operation, te fst condemned man was not dead bur rather slowly and painfully suffocating, The governon, aware of the ‘unusually large cred and the tension in the aie ordered tha he ran be shor whi seated on the beach of the garrote. The sme thing was then done with the second man." Pacing unforeseen circumstances, the new foveror did as his predecessors had done. He improvised to assure the ‘supremacy ofthe order he was charged with guseding, Whatewer world the executed men had imagined they might bring ito being, in Cua slavery and coloaalis would arive the Age of Revolution, “The same was not true everywhere. As Aponte hanged and others ‘were suffocated and she, Spin’ once-new world was convuled in Wi leaes In Mexio, the Spanish army besieged the roven of Caula agains the fores of independence leader Jose Maria Moscls. His predecessor, Miguel Hidalgo, had been gruesomey exceed in mich the sme manner 5 Aponte. In Caracas, clashes berween royalist and pation forces would sou kill more than 86,000 residents, ov almost 20 perce of the por lation, the majority inthe period hetween #813 and rg. The land ‘of Cuba was spared that volene, its peace bil preciaelyon the kind of tector vised upon Apoate that April morning, andthe cocrion visited cvery day on thousinds of African arriving att pots and laboring on its plamations, Instead of facitating upheaval in Cabs, the crucible of ‘evolusion and independence in Hai, Spainy and Latin America bce, in che political arguments ofthe coloaial elite reason one more re Son to intensify whit coatrl and dsspin, chat "principal defense of "spac toga ems May 2,84 AGL na, 30d “Rl One de {Senda de Dog de Gr Jae pau tan wD [Gane qe dipon stall del pom deter lea prin pes [FN om 336 05 4 A Black Kingdom of This World a7 the exsence of whites that ive among so many blacks...in the solrade oF their] estates" ‘Throughout the period of che Haitian Revolion ~ and later amidst the threat posed by Aponte and his colleagues in 1812 and the wave of ‘olen confrontations in Spain's mainland colonies ~ the planer elie in Cuba remained confident in thet bility ro contol their fate. As Spain's teszris in the hemisphere became independent ations, Cas scomomie leaders grew fern tater than timorous. Ac tha crossroads tha understood several things. Fins Spain's loses eowhere made eit ‘own project more important and more worthy of concesions from 2 eleaguered metropole Second thee projet, atecomer inthe interns tional busines of supe and slavery, remained dependent on slave rade increasingly under attack by England. Aad so Cuban planters did as they ‘were wont to do. They calculated, and they improvised. They didnot ‘ever tes with Spain, whose leaders were now oblgaed by geopolitical Grcumstanes to imintain the save trade in order to retin Cuba. Noe ‘Se they alter their course of making Cuba acoloay worth a kingdom, and of peoting handsomely as resale Baty as Arango himself had aid in £7915 everything hung by athresd, ‘veryhing depended on the shaky subserience of enslaved labors, something few would ea take for granted after 1791. So the survival ‘oftheir system reguited violence and represons t eguited chat the tate Get quichy a any credible hint of potential subversion. For thei pat, ‘aslaved men and women continned to labor, imagining other posible words in Alcea, in Hai athe sovereign space of a mountain in east ‘xa Cuba, or even in new black tate to be erected on the rman of ‘colonial orressesin Havana, Maay among them seed often to talk of those ache worlds, and somesimes that alk egat something furthest a ‘more heated conversation, a melancholy that became silence or suicide, {resolute deferral, and occasionally the beginings of a real pot. ill very plot uncovered in Cubs in the era and afermath ofthe Haitian Revokcion failed, and certainly none resulted inthe end of slavery. The accused, the plocers, the insurgents were hanged shot, ogged, and ban- ished nts, he plo ofa post Hai Cuba were not that eiferene than the ones discovered before 279 In Caba, very and colonialism would stand, Hai orwidhsandingat Freedom's Miror “The stores old hore however, make ese shat they would stand a if haunted not by the specter of Hae, but by the posses chat areal ‘aii ~ with, amang othe tings, areal navy and a real blak King — thad made urgently thinkable for real people like Aponte or Lisundia oF the creole Francisco Fuerter or he Hain Estanisao, or he undated ‘man he asa slave by Francisco Rodger, one af many who claimed his freedom on the basis of revolutionary emaacipaion in Saint Domingue, te even the marvelous Tt Nod Epilogue Haiti, Cuba, and History: Antislavery and the Afterlives of Revolution ‘On Christmas Day 1817, the brig Des Unidos, which also went bythe ‘nanne Yay, lef the pore of Ci, Spain. By then the project of the ‘Cortes that had convened in that city bad been defeated, and Ferdinand VII, whose restoration had been so fervently awaited, had returned co the throne, Aloe immediately, he abolished the hberal Constitution ‘of x8za, Sovereignty once more rented exchisively i che person of the king, The Corte’ brief experiment with national soveceanty ad not ‘radiated the practice of racking in hur beings. So the Das Unidos ‘et sl or she cost of Alia o engage previsely i hat ead Ie intial suthorzation for the journey wa signed and date he sume weeky and by the same inser, ae che eaty with England that obligated Spinco ‘end itsslave trade. Nether the treaty nor eis paticlar voyage, however, produced thei intended outcome Fortysght days afer leaving Cz, che Dos Unidas arrived atthe pots of Bonny on te Bight of Bir. By March #3, 2838, dhe captain had loaded 297 captive men, women, and chide, and five days late, the sessel set sal for Ca, where, caleulated the captain, his human cargo nigh fetch upwards of one hundeed thousand pesos furtes. On she way, however, seer illness among the crew and capes forced along stop at Sie Tomé. Oa Apel 2, they set sal again, planing to enter Caribbean waters athe passage between the islands of Martinique and Dominica find then ake their way norehwest to Havana, Baton Jane 17-18, neae ‘he port of Les Cayes, Hai ich only x71 ofthe orignal 297 capsives tsllalive on board), ship named the Wilberforce approached and Bed “Though the vesel'sname was leary Eglsh, the corvee belonged othe Republic of Haiti one of several similarly named vesel: the Abolition