IAMCR CRI Abstracts 2017

IAMCR 2017
Crisis, Security and Conflict Communication

Working Group
Abstracts of papers accepted for presentation

at the annual conference of the
International Association for Media and Communication Research
IAMCR
Cartagena, Colombia
16-20 July 2017
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Id: 14539
Title: Blind spots and tensions between authorities, emergency management experts and journalists
during catastrophe coverage: qualitative analysis on perceptions and expectations of those responsi-
ble in the case of Chile
Session Type: Individual submission
Authors:
Name: Soledad Puente
Email: spuente -hrr- uc.cl
Country: CL (Chile)
Affiliation: Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile
Name: Daniela Grassau

Email: dgrassau -hrr- uc.cl
Country: CL (Chile)
Affiliation: Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile
Abstract: Because of their nature, disasters hinder the ability of the authorities and the population
to directly obtain and disseminate vital information (Potter & Ricchiardi, 2009). The media become
the first channel of data, thus journalists are often considered as part of first responders (Dart Center
for Journalism & Trauma, 2014; Ulmer et al., 2007; UNISDR 2014; Veil, 2012).
However, the audience, experts and authorities are highly dissatisfied with the work of journalists
and accuse the media of obstructing their work, being sensationalists, generating panic, reproducing
rumors, and portraying those responsible as guilty of crises (Scanlon, 2009; Swindell & Hertog,
2012; Garnett & Kouzmin, 2007). Journalists criticize restrictions on access to information and are
wary of the veracity of official data (Netzley & Banning, 2011; Strömbäck & Karlsson, 2011;
Freimuth, 2006; Lowrey et al., 2007).
This paper proposes to test from a qualitative approach the hypothesis that, in Chile, these criticisms
are due to blind spots between authorities, emergency management experts and journalists, particu-
larly about what they define as appropriate journalistic coverage and their respective roles. During
2016, we conducted 49 in-depth group interviews using a semi-structured questionnaire in four re-
gions of the country affected by catastrophes (earthquakes, forest fires and floods) in the last five
years. We chose this technique (Wimmer & Dominick, 1996) since it is the most appropriate to ob-
serve the interaction between the prominent members of these groups and to show, collectively,
their agreement and disagreement points.
The conclusions point to the fact that the main blind spots refer to the deadlines for the delivery of
information, the sources of such information and the processes of channeling and delivery of data.
The most critical moments occur in the first hours of the catastrophe, when the population demands
information, the media have the need to broadcast it immediately and the experts and official
sources delay its delivery, as they must process the data accurately both for the audience and for the
authorities and spokespersons. In addition, they all point out the need to collect information quickly
and to coordinate the different actors, but there is no clarity on the content of that information (they
have questions and seek different answers, but do not communicate it to the other groups) or the rel-
evance of the different sources to deliver data. The agreement points are the need to get to their
workplaces as soon as possible, to immediately start collecting information, order it and broadcast
it, and, at the same time, initiate their action protocols. Personal and family security, damage assess-
ment, stabilization of communications, and supporting the recovery of the normality of the popula-
tion are also mentioned as challenges.
The detection of these blind spots and tensions allowed us to develop the questionnaire of a survey
that, during 2017, will evaluate in a quantitative and statistically representative way the opinion of
these groups.
Id: 14546
Title: News depictions of radicalization and violent extremism: An analysis of the main frames,
causes and solutions to radicalization and violent extremism present in news reports, and its poten-
tial political implications
Authors:
Name: Anna Grøndahl Larsen
Email: anna.larsen -hrr- hioa.no
Country: NO (Norway)
Affiliation: Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences
Abstract: The issue of young Westerners travelling to Syria and Iraq to join the Salafi-jihadist
group the Islamic State (IS) has, in recent years, been high on the public agenda in a number of
countries, including Norway. The phenomena of so-called foreign fighters have generated renewed
interest in radicalization and why young people who have grown up in Western, democratic coun-
tries come to accept and engage in political and religious violence.
The aim of the present paper is to explore how issues concerning ‘foreign fighters’ are presented in
the news media, and discuss the possible understandings, causes and political solutions to radical-
ization and violent extremism implicated in these depictions. To illuminate these issues, the paper
draws on framing theory (Entman, 1993). It takes as its starting point that news media reporting
matters in the sense that depictions open up for specific understandings of and policy solutions to
counter radicalization and violent extremism. For instance, defining ‘radicalized’ individuals as
criminals implicitly or explicitly foreground legal sanctioning as a solution, whereas defining radi-
calized individuals as marginalized members of society tends to imply ‘softer’ preventive measures
(Fangen and Kolås, 2016).
Methodologically, the paper combines quantitative and qualitative analysis of news texts. The main
part of the analysis is based on a content analysis of 741 articles concerning ‘jihadist foreign fight-
ers’, published in the online version of the four largest Norwegian news outlets – Aftenposten,
NRK, TV2, and VG – in 2014 and 2015. The content analysis examines the sources present in the
coverage, as well as the main themes within which issues concerning ‘foreign fighters’ are pre-
sented. For instance, whether ‘foreign fighters’ mainly are depicted as a security threat, as criminals,
or as ‘regular citizens’ having made ‘deviant’ life choices. In addition, a qualitative textual analysis
of a selection of news texts is conducted, exploring more in-depth various ways of presenting the is-
sue of ‘foreign fighters, and the implicit and explicit causes and solutions to radicalization brought
forth.
Preliminary analysis reveals that the majority (sixty percent) of the analyzed news items focuses on
political, legal and civic measures to prevent radicalization and extremism. Forty-two percent of the
articles concerns indictments and court cases, thus indicating the dominance of a crime frame that
foregrounds legal sanctioning. Twelve percent of the articles emphasize ‘foreign fighters’ as a secu-
rity threat, whereas twenty-seven percent focus on ‘extremism as a phenomena’ (i.e. focusing on
‘extremist’ groups, individuals and viewpoints without foregrounding them as a threat or highlight-
ing counter measures). The above findings will be further elaborated on and discussed, focusing on
potential political implications of news reporting, and the role of journalism in political discourses
on radicalization and violent extremism.
Id: 14563
Title: Methodological innovation in impact evaluation of journalism projects. The case of the im-
pact study on Studio Tamani in Mali
Authors:
Name: Guido Keel
Email: kegu -hrr- zhaw.ch
Country: CH (Switzerland)
Affiliation: Zurich University of Applied Sciences
Name: Christoph Spurk

Email: skcp -hrr- zhaw.ch
Country: CH (Switzerland)
Affiliation: Zurich University of Applied Sciences
Abstract: For several decades, international donors and media development organisations have
supported independent media and professional journalism as a way to enhance democratization
(Gonzalez/Khalathil 2015, Arsenault/Powers 2010). High ambitions by both donors and media de-
velopers are in stark contrast to both the current state of media effects theory and to empirical evi-
dence gathered all over the world so far (Nosske-Turner 2014). An overview by Schoemaker and
Stremlau (2014) shows that the evidence of media interventions’ effects on violent conflicts (knowl-
edge, behaviour or practice) is scarce at best, especially with regard to professional news journal-
ism; this is mainly due to a lack of studies focussing on media effects, and secondly on weak
methodologies applied within those studies.
Providing evidence on those effects is often difficult, partly because randomization often cannot be
applied in media development initiatives, and self-selection (Olsen 2008) becomes a major issue,
because media exposure cannot be randomized and thus cannot be controlled by the researchers,
making it impossible to find out whether differences in the audience are related to media use. Fur-
thermore, a lack of baseline studies makes it impossible to measure before-after effects.
As a result, there is very little sound evidence as to whether and how professional journalism as part
of media programmes in (post)conflict contexts actually has an impact on people exposed to these
programmes. Systematic media effects research, based on a sound research design, would be re-
quired, but is often lacking.
With this in mind, a study to identify effects of a radio station in Mali was carried out. The station
was part of a media development programme, with clear hypotheses stipulated as the programme’s
objective. The goal of the evaluation was to first measure media effects to test the programme’s hy-
potheses, and second to develop a methodological approach that could be replicated to evaluate me-
dia programmes in other countries.
The researchers chose a multi-method approach (Bruhn-Jensen 2002: 271f), using qualitative and
quantitative methods from communication science and conversation analysis (Sacks/Schlegoff/Jef-
ferson 1974), and carrying out four different studies on the quality and the effect of the programme
to be evaluated. Concerning the self-selection problem, a new design to identify treatment and con-
trol groups was developed.
The findings from the four studies were brought together in a synthesis, complementing, validating
and deepening the findings from the four individual studies. For example, the speech act analysis
confirmed impressions gathered through qualitative interviews with participants of the discussions
and through standardized surveys with listeners. The content analysis of news corroborated the re-
sults from listener surveys about audience perceptions on the conflict.
Overall, the study showed that even in cases where a baseline study is lacking, this challenge can
partially be overcome by working with a treatment / control group design which simulates a random
distribution of a specific treatment in a population, in order to measure possible effects.
Id: 14712
Title: Picturing the "refugee crisis'. Visual patterns in the German TV coverage of the refugee and
immigration issue
Authors:
Name: Sünje Paasch-Colberg
Email: s.colberg -hrr- fu-berlin.de
Country: DE (Germany)
Affiliation: Freie Universität Berlin
Abstract: The role of media in the context of migration gained new relevance due to the increasing
number of refugees in the last few years. Even though (forced) displacement is a global issue, in
2015, international attention focused on Europe and Germany in particular: Due to the Syrian Civil
War and the unstable situation in Iraq and Afghanistan, more than 470.000 asylum claims were filed
in Germany in 2015, more than in any other country (UNHCR Global Trends 2015). This situation
– often called the “refugee crisis” – still causes heated political discussions and a devided public
opinion in Germany, but also serious tension in EU politics. We analyzed visual patterns in the Ger-
man television coverage of the refugee and migratory movements in 2015 and 2016.
It can be claimed that public perception and political discourse of the immigration issue were
shaped by visuals in particular: In the communication process, images have an argument function,
they influence the public agenda and the framing of issues. But, above all, visuals – and especially
images in motion – can uniquely communicate emotions and indicate emotional reactions to view-
ers in times of crisis (Schill, 2012). Referring to social-psychological findings, Bleiker et al. (2013)
argue that visual patterns in the portrayal of asylum seekers and refugees influence the degree of the
viewers compassion and – in doing so – also shape the political discourse. Their analysis of the
newspaper coverage in Australia shows that asylum seekers were dominantly portrayed in large
groups. The authors claim that this dominant visual pattern favours, among other factors, asylum
policy to be framed primarily as a security issue.
However, visuals are still understudied in communication research. When it comes to mass commu-
nication related to immigration and asylum policy, specifically, the few existing studies have fo-
cused on newspaper pictures so far.
Our study analyzes the visuals in the coverage of two public and two private television stations in
Germany whose programs were recorded for one week in April 2015, October 2015 and April 2016
respectively. Our analysis thus covers three crucial moments during the evolution of the immigra-
tion issue: 1) The phase when refugees arrived mostly in Italy and Greece; 2) the phase when the
number of refugees arriving in Germany peaked; 3) the phase when the numbers of refugees arriv-
ing in Germany dropped significantly.
Following a qualitative approach, we analysed 18 broadcasts that were selected consciously in order
to grasp central news pieces and to cover a broad range of genres, topics and visuals. The single
scenes of the news pieces were identified and systematically described regarding their possible
emotional impact; a characteristic screen shot was taken for each scene. The coding focused on the
manifest object level of the visuals, differentiating between three main categories (individuals,
groups, landscapes/objects). We will present a typology of visual patterns used in the coverage of
the immigration issue, providing information on typical motives and how they are depicted as well
as possible emotional reactions of the visual patterns.
Id: 14733
Title: Narratives on the Brazilian crisis in Exame magazine: state of mind and emotions for living
though curremt evemts
Authors:
Name: Geilson Fernandes de Oliveira
Email: geilson_fernandes -hrr- hotmail.com
Country: BR (Brazil)
Affiliation: Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN)
Name: Maria das Graças Pinto Coelho

Email: gpcoelho8 -hrr- gmail.com
Affiliation: Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN)
Name: Marcília Luzia Gomes da Costa Mendes

Email: marciliamendes -hrr- uol.com.br
Affiliation: Universidade do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte (UERN)
Abstract: How can we consider the media narrative today? And what about the Brazilian media
discourse regarding the current national political and economic crisis here? Critics have identified
the current crisis as anchored in discourse, dominated and managed by given visibility regimes
which have made it possible to produce other senses and sociabilities of what is Brazilian and
Brazilians themselves. Those do not always meet the collective desire for justice and equality,
which were present in the discourses built to express theories in the XXI Century. The present anal-
ysis is based mainly on descriptions and interpretations announced by Exame journalists as seen in
an empirical study of the covers Exame, a Brazilian bi-monthly publication on business and econ-
omy, during 2015. The theoretical and methodological presumptions of Foucault`s archeology and
genealogy, approaches with direct relations to the concept of discourse as a social and historical,
which also considers power relationships and aspects of knowledge inherent to such practices. This
perspective makes it possible to observe the conditions that favored irruption of the crisis from the
viewpoint of the media. Such an analytical logic also maps the network of micro-powers on which
the media discourses find support, especially through the will for truth which elevates the current
crisis to even more critical levels, producing a sense of disorder in social practices and senses. The
debate proposed in the un-contextualized narratives that are observed in the current national atmos-
phere in relationship to factors of a foreign nature. In that respect, analysis points to a discourse by
Exame on the Brazilian crisis liberal (rightist) tendencies that support regimes based on riches and
power, sometimes using a self-made man to guarantee the marketing success of those chosen to cre-
ate the narrative. Facts are not contextualized, which would offer a way to ponder their causes. On
the contrary, they are presented isolatedly, in a strictly local way, which makes contextualization im-
possible. The narrative builds a social image that pictures risk of unrest and fear of the future. A fu-
ture the magazine paints as being filled with periodic uncertainties. In that sense, the narrative is
strongly tied to the culture of emotions and sentiments, in order to create subjective states of mind
for living with the crisis. That, in turn, leads to subjective construction, expression and delimitation
of the crisis.
Key Words: Brazilian Crisis. Media and Discursive Practices. Exame Magazine. Relations of
Power.
Id: 14734
Title: Television coverage of catastrophes in Chile: lessons learned between the earthquakes of
2010 and 2014
Authors:
Name: Pablo Miguel Flores
Email: pm.flores -hrr- uc.cl
Country: CL (Chile)
Affiliation: Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile
Name: Soledad Puente

Email: spuente -hrr- uc.cl
Country: CL (Chile)
Affiliation: Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile
Abstract: In 2010, and after 25 years without earthquakes of magnitude higher than 8.0 Mw, Chile
experienced an earthquake of 8.8 Mw and later a tsunami, the first in 60 years. This was a unique
experience for journalism, including television; due to the great social significance and the com-
plexity in the dissemination of information, its routines were put to the test (Puente, Pellegrini and
Grassau, 2013). The same happened with the work of the authorities of the country. In 2014, Chile
experienced another earthquake higher than 8Mw (Iquique, 8.2 Mw).
At present, Chile is mired into another tragedy: the greatest wildfire in its history, and television is,
once again, an important protagonist (Equipo Mira, 2017). This endless series of catastrophes is a
demonstration of the worldwide trend that says these phenomena will become the norm (Altay and
Green, 2006; Bouwer, 2011; Coumou and Rahmstorf, 2012). The problem, as pointed out by Potter
and Ricciardi (2009), is that the information is difficult to collect and, consequently, its broadcasting
becomes complicated, since it is unexpected, unique and inexplicable (Lozano 2006). Therefore,
these situations have forced the review of emergency policies (Quarantelli, 1992; UNISDR, 2014).
The aim of this work was to comparatively analyze the information generated by television in the
earthquake and tsunami of 2010 and in the earthquake of 2014, in order to evaluate the changes in
the journalistic coverage of the main newscasts of the country and to determine which type of learn-
ing was there between the two events.
For the analysis, we coded the main issues and the extension of 2518 news stories (units delimited
in time, comprehendible in themselves and normally preceded by the introduction of the informa-
tion made by an anchorperson (Puente, Pellegrini and Grassau, 2013)). These units corresponded to
the television coverage of the two earthquakes during the seven days following the catastrophes. In
the case of the 2010, we examined 1612 news stories; 902 composed the universe analyzed for the
earthquake of 2014. To establish if there was a significant difference in the average duration of the
coverage given to each of the main issues, we conducted a comparison of independent samples us-
ing student’s t-test.
According to the time dedicated to each one of the subjects, the results indicated a variation in the
following issues: tsunami; infrastructure; security; victims, damaged people and missing persons;
and political activities. This suggests that there was a significant evolution in covering the threat of
a tsunami, the value of security and the state of the infrastructure, as well as relevant learning re-
garding the time dedicated to victims, damaged people and missing persons, which was replaced by
an increase in information on political activities. On the other hand, one of the issues that did not
have a significant change in its coverage time and maintained its average was rescue and volunteer-
ing: the literature on catastrophe management indicates that actions relating to this subject have
clear protocols and actions that should be activated immediately after a catastrophic event (Red
Cross, 2016).
Id: 14795
Title: The Syrian Conflict and the Quest of Hegemony: A Comparative Study of the BBC and RT in
Reporting Aleppo.
Authors:
Name: Irfan Raja
Email: u0873739 -hrr- hud.ac.uk
Country: GB (United Kingdom)
Affiliation: University of Huddersfield
Abstract: Irfan Raja and Nasser N. Alotaibi

Once again, during the festive season of Christmas, the world has witnessed yet another genocide in
Aleppo akin to that of the Gaza massacre which occurred in December 2008. In an ever-conflicting
world, the Middle East has emerged as a flashpoint and an arena where international and regional
powers are competing for regional and international hegemony whether it be Russia, Iran, America,
Britain, Israel, Turkey or the Saudi Arabia (Miller, 2016; Raja, 2017). A few commentators such as
Raja (2017) have warned that Aleppo “is an eye-opening episode of a slow genocide that sooner or
later may spread to neighbouring countries” (Raja, 2017). Of course, in this worrying situation, it
seems that all key players in the conflict have learned little of their recent experience of turning the
whole Middle East into a political, social, ethnic and religious cataclysm.
This study encompasses reporting of the Aleppo crisis over a period of five weeks (November 15 to
December 22, 2016) by two major broadcasters namely the BBC and Russian International Televi-
sion Network (RT) that are of a different political orientation. It asks significant questions: what
role has the BBC and RT played in reporting the Aleppo crisis in the wake of Syrian conflict? In
what ways, these broadcasters reporting has been different? Has the suffering of the people of
Aleppo been overshadowed by political actors dominating media outlets aiming to serve their own
personal interests?
In this chaotic state of affairs, and to a certain extent, both broadcasters have manifestly seen and
presented the crisis of Aleppo through the lens of their own and their government’s perspective of
the issue. On one hand, in most of its reports, RT described the civilian resistance as “armed mili-
tants” and “terrorists” and branded the crisis as a “Russian fight against the terrorism”. In compari-
son, the BBC reported the Aleppo crisis as a “siege” and presented the forces of resistance as “Syr-
ian rebels” whilst questioning the indiscriminate killings of civilians mired in the raging conflict.
Key Words: Humanity, Middle East, Syria, Aleppo, Conflict, BBC, Russian Television.
Id: 14958
Title: Radio, Conflict and Land Grabbing in Sierra Leone. Communicating rights and preventing
violence through drama
Authors:
Name: Valentina Baú
Email: v.bau -hrr- unsw.edu.au
Country: AU (Australia)
Affiliation: University of New South Wales
Abstract: Within a framework of Communication for Development in Peacebuilding, this article

sheds light on the effects of radio drama in addressing conflict over land governance. The discus-
sion is built around the use of radio during the recent land acquisition process that has taken place in
Sierra Leone. In 2012, the Sierra Leonean government invited agricultural companies to invest in
land in the country. However, the allocation of the land for sale to multinational corporations was
not carried out in consideration of people’s rights over their land, negatively affecting farmers’
livelihood and causing strong tensions between local communities and authorities.
The literature on the role of the media in conflict is vast. Through the Rwandan example, Thompson
(2007) looked at the different ways in which the media manipulate the masses. Others have ana-
lysed the issue from a journalistic perspective and considered the role that media reporting plays in
the escalation – or conclusion – of conflict (Allen and Seaton, 1999; Terzis, 2003; Frère, 2007;
Terzis and Vassiliadou, 2008; Baú, 2010). Authors such as Lynch and McGoldrick (2005), Hackett
(2006), Keeble et al. (2010) and Tehranian (2002) have engaged in the debate surrounding the new
role of ‘peace journalism’, discussing media ethics with an emphasis on pluralism, tolerance and
human rights. More recently, a number of scholars (Staub et al., 2010; Paluck, 2012; Tufte, 2012)
have emphasised how also entertainment education can contribute to the creation of communication
environments that are apt to mediate conflict and prevent violence.
Bush Wahala is a radio drama from NGO Search for Common Ground (SFCG) that promotes popu-
lar education to land rights with specific reference to land grabbing by agro-business. The goal of
the programme is to strengthen the capacity of communities to negotiate fair land deals without vio-
lent confrontation, raising awareness among farming communities of their rights and facilitating a
more informed decision-making.
This paper discusses the effects that the storyline of SFCG’s radio programme Bush Wahala - in-
cluding its characters, the problems they faced, the solutions shown and the information provided to
the audience – has had on its listeners in relation to the choices they have made or the actions they
have taken in their daily lives on the issue of land acquisition. Through the analysis of semi-struc-
tured interviews conducted by the author with rural farmers in Sierra Leone, on the one hand, this
work generates reflections on the role of radio drama in providing farmers with alternative options
to the use of violence and confrontation with the authorities in order to claim land rights; on the
other hand, it represents an important contribution to the literature of edutainment in contexts of
conflict, with specific focus on the increasingly complex issue of land grabbing in the developing
world.
Id: 15391
Title: The moderating effect of response and sources on the relationship between sadness and repu-
tation
Authors:
Name: Minqin MA
Email: 1017288092 -hrr- qq.com
Country: HK (Hong Kong)
Affiliation: School of Communication, Hong Kong Baptist University
Name: Song AO
Email: 16482735 -hrr- life.hkbu.edu.hk
Country: HK (Hong Kong)
Affiliation: School of Communication, Hong Kong Baptist University
Abstract: This paper attempts to understand crisis communication as an information process from a
social psychology perspective, specifically, the elaboration likelihood model and affect priming the-
ory. The effectiveness of response strategies on social media will be explored through the impact of
how the audiences process the information with a perception toward organizational reputation as
well as attention to how emotions relate to this process. The effect priming theory illustrated the re-
lationship between emotion and judgment, while based on the elaborate likelihood model, the as-
sumption lies on multiple sources with multiple arguments, the same as personal relevance that will
exert different impacts on the degree of elaboration thereby forming different perceptions toward
reputation.
By employing a real case in Mainland China, happened on April 2016, as a sample case to test the
elaboration likelihood model – young lady attacked in HEYI hotel, this paper intends to detect the
relationship between stakeholders’ sadness and their perception of reputation or organization and to
explore the moderation effect of single/multiple sources and emotional/non-emotional response on
the relationship between sadness and reputation.
An experiment was employed of 140 undergraduate students from Mainland China and Hong Kong,
for understanding how the response strategy and multiple sources influence public perception of or-
ganizational reputation. This experiment followed a 2 (response strategy) X 2 (multiple sources) de-
sign; all participants were randomly assigned to four conditions (three experimental groups and one
control group). PROCESS was adopted in data analysis of this research.
We find that there is no direct relationship between sadness and perceived reputation (β=-.10, t=-
1.1, p=. 29). But most importantly, after interacting with the emotional/non-emotional response and
single/multiple resources, stakeholders’ sadness turns to be negatively related to the perception of
organization’s reputation. In other words, there is a three-ways interaction effect, which is interacted
by sadness, response strategy and multiple sources on predicting people’s perceptions on corporate
reputation (F (1,131) =4.00, p=. 048, R²=. 01). Under the condition of a single source and unemo-
tional response from the company, the higher level of sadness respondents report, the lower level of
perception of reputation toward the company they evaluate (B=-.18, SE=. 09, t (131)=-2.06, p=.
045).
This finding has theoretical as well as practical implications. A theoretical implication is that future
researchers should consider the affective and cognitive perspectives of reputation. Also this is a sup-
plement on crisis communication since understanding crisis communication from the relationship
between stakeholders’ negative emotions and their perception toward company’s reputation and
moderation effect based on the elaboration likelihood model are not often seen on this field. A prac-
tical application is that the awareness of stakeholders’ negative emotion and exploring specific
strategies to relieve this negative emotion are essential regarding rebuilding company’s reputation.
Not only emotional/non-emotional response strategy and single/multiple resources exert moderation
effect on the relationship between stakeholders’ sadness and their perception of company’s reputa-
tion, but also, these three factors have an impact on reputation respectively. However, the effective
and moderate strategies of editing and delivering emotional messages should be identified accord-
ing to different negative emotions: sadness, fright, anger, and anxiety. A future study could distin-
guish message strategies/persuasion techniques specifically by different negative emotions.
Id: 15650
Title: Digital dynamics of accountability and public legitimacy ' Finnish Immigration Service dur-
ing the "European refugee crisis'
Authors:
Name: Mervi Pantti
Email: mervi.pantti -hrr- helsinki.fi
Country: FI (Finland)
Affiliation: University of Helsinki
Name: Markus Ojala

Email: markus.ojala -hrr- helsinki.fi
Name: Salla-Maaria Laaksonen

Email: salla.laaksonen -hrr- helsinki.fi
Abstract: In the contemporary hybrid media system, civil society organisations, groups and net-
worked individuals (the Fifth Estate, see Dutton 2009) join the press (the Fourth Estate) in efforts to
hold authorities accountable. As a result, social accountability can be approached as a dynamic, in-
teractive process in which a public authority is obliged to publicly explain and justify its conduct
(Bonner 2009). In this process, the legitimacy of a particular actor is maintained or eroded through
socially constructed discourses (Van Leeuwen 2007). This paper examines these digital dynamics of
accountability by focusing on the Finnish Immigration Service which came under heavy public
scrutiny during the so-called “European refugee crisis”. Following the publicity and online discus-
sion around an investigative media report that revealed a heightened political pressure on the
agency and deteriorated working conditions endangering due processing of asylum applications, we
examine the role of the legacy media and various citizen online groups promoting the interests of
asylum seekers for activation of social accountability. Using hyperlink tracing and big data sets col-
lected from various social media platforms we focus on the negotiation of the Finnish Immigration
Service’s institutional legitimacy. This is done by, first, examining the interaction between the Im-
migration Service and its critics, assessing the capacity of both news media and citizen actors to
force the Immigration Service to account for its performance to the public. Second, a more detailed
analysis using Discourse Network Analysis is carried out to explore the legitimation claims pre-
sented by different actors. We conclude, on one hand, that networked actors can take advantage of
social media affordances and successfully hold public authorities accountable in crisis situations.
On the other hand, we argue that social media functions as an important forum for public agencies
to inform the public about their conduct and gain social legitimacy.
Bonner M.D. (2009). Media as social accountability: the case of police violence in Argentina. Inter-
national Journal of Press/Politics 14(3), 296–312.
Dutton, W. H. (2009). The Fifth Estate Emerging through the Network of Networks. Prometheus,
27(1), 1–15. http://doi.org/10.1080/08109020802657453Suddaby, R., & Greenwood, R. (2005).
Rhetorical strategies of legitimacy. Administrative Science Quarterly, 50, 35–67.
Van Leeuwen, T. (2007). Legitimation in discourse and communication. Discourse & Communica-
tion, 1, 91–112.
Id: 16013
Title: Public Sphere along the Balkan Route: How Serbian, Hungarian and German Newspapers
discuss the Migration Crisis
Authors:
Name: Corinne Schweizer
Email: c.schweizer -hrr- lse.ac.uk
Affiliation: London School of Economics and Political Science
Name: Sanja Vico

Email: s.vico -hrr- gold.ac.uk
Affiliation: Goldsmiths, University of London
Name: Tijana Stolic

Email: t.stolic -hrr- lse.ac.uk
Name: Gyorgyi Horvath

Email: g.horvath -hrr- lse.ac.uk
Abstract: Europe is in the midst of what many call the migration crisis: People are fleeing from the
war in Syria, and are seeking refuge in the European countries. After reaching the borderland in
South-Eastern Europe, they often travel along the “Balkan route” towards Germany or other desti-
nations. Being confronted with this stream of migrants, the countries alongside and at the end of the
route are constantly evaluating the situation, taking into account both the refugees’ needs, and the
countries own interests. The news media play an important role in mediating this public discourse.
In our paper, we address this evaluation processes from the perspective of three countries located
along the Balkan route: Serbia, Hungary and Germany. We show how the stream of migrants is de-
picted in two of their broadsheet newspapers – a right wing and a left wing oriented one. Our find-
ings stem from a comparative content analysis that was conducted at London School of Economics
and Political Science in 2015 and 2016. Our analysis is based on a shared codebook and covers
three two-week-periods, which allows us to trace changes in news coverage over time.
The findings were analysed using a binary that guided the whole project: humanitarianism vs. secu-
rity. The struggle between the two concepts can be observed in two ways: On the one hand by
analysing how the refugees travelling along the Balkan route are represented (e.g. how they are ad-
dressed, and whether they are considered “illegitimate”), and how the effects on the country are per-
ceived. On the other hand, it can be tackled by analysing the measures that are suggested for taking
action, like offering asylum or closing national borders.
Aside from each countries’ internal discussion, our paper specifically focuses on the question how
the newspapers discuss the actions planned or taken by other European countries or on the EU level.
Seoane Pérez (2013) is one of many authors discussing the structural and cultural limits of a Euro-
pean Public Sphere (see e.g. also Trenz 2004, Koopmans/Erbe 2004). The pan-European character
of the migration crisis does however challenge the news media to look across borders. Furthermore,
other than most studies in this field, we also take into account that our countries different stance to-
wards the EU influences the newspapers reporting.
Id: 16033
Title: Media Management in the Israeli army: Trends Processes and Patterns
Authors:
Name: Ori Meir Malkin
Email: tikshoretbiu -hrr- gmail.com
Country: IL (Israel)
Affiliation: Bar Ilan University (Israel)
Abstract: This research will explore media management in the Israeli army (IDF), during military
operations.
It will construct, present and apply new models that will assist media researchers to understand me-
dia management strategies, tools and techniques. It will also explain the connections between strat-
egy and tools.
The integrated model will be based on the media management the IDF employed in selected opera-
tions from the Six Day War (1967) to Operation Pillar of Defense (2012).
Previous studies primarily focused on specific historical events, and have dealt mainly with commu-
nications output (media Framing, priming or agenda setting). Most of them have not approached the
issue from the perspective of army media managers. The main objective of this study is to fill this
gap.
Theory of the research will be based on public relations models (eg. Grunig , 2001; Limor, Leshem
and Mendelzis, 2014; Paul, 2011; Seitel, 2007; Theaker and Yaxley, 2013 ; Toledano and Mckie,
2013; Wilcox and Cameron, 2007), public diplomacy theories (Gilboa, 2008; Wang, 2006), Com-
parison with similar case studies from other western armies (Calhoun, 2011; Maltby, 2012; Rid,
2007; Robinson, Goddard and Murray, 2009) and relevant crisis and strategic communication mod-
els (Avraham and Ketter, 2008; Coombs, 2011; Fearn-Banks, 2007; Seeger, Sellnow and Ulmer,
2003)
Methodologies include: in- depth interviews with commanders of the IDF Spokesman Unit, military
affairs editors, reporters and commentators; qualitative content analysis of military and civilian me-
dia outlets; discourse analysis of professional publications dealing with the media in Israel; trials
and verdicts handed down by the Israeli courts and the Israeli press council; archived materials and
biographies.
This study will focus on IDF's media management during selected representative major wars and
military campaigns which occurred every decade from the 1960s, including the Six Day War
(1967), the Yom Kippur War (1973), the First War in Lebanon (1982 - 1983) the Gulf War (1990 -
1991), the Second War in Lebanon (2006) and Operation Pillar of Defense (2012). IDF's media
management will be investigated at two levels: strategy and techniques. A new military media man-
agement model will be constructed based on the main finding and the integration of strategies and
techniques.
Id: 16151
Title: Anti-austerity movement in Greece: Cyberconflict, networks and discourse
Authors:
Name: Ioanna Ferra
Email: if43 -hrr- le.ac.uk
Affiliation: University of Leicester
Abstract: The anti-austerity movement in Greece not only strongly expressed the necessity for po-
litical and social change but indicated the potentiality of digital media into the development of so-
cial movements and resistance, suggesting areas/themes of conflict (e.g. political, social) and a po-
tential association between online conflict (cyberconflict) and the offline world.
Based on the theoretical framework of cyberconflict, the study of the anti-austerity movement con-
centrated on the examination of two significant moments of the movement and the examination of
two different social media platforms. Starting with the first wave of the anti-austerity mobilizations
in Greece, the examination of the Greek Indignados (Aganaktismenoi) developed through the un-
derstanding of online networks as developed online (Facebook) and offline. Then, the study focused
on the Greek referendum mobilizations and the usage of Twitter (#thisisacoup), examining the con-
tribution of social media to the development of collective action and discourse.
The study developed through the analysis of online data (Facebook, Twitter) which collected during
the period January 2015 to January 2016. The analysis of Facebook data created an insight into the
online networks, pointing out online coalitions, communities and dominant actors (SNA), while the
Twitter data supported the investigation of the hashtags evolution and discourse (Semantic analy-
sis). The collection and visualization of the data completed using NodeXL and Gephi, whereas the
analysis of the data developed having based on the cyberconflict theory, indicating the contribution
of digital media in socio-political conflict and the development of collective actions and social
movements.
This study developed an insight on the Greek anti-austerity movement, while at the same time it sit-
uates the case of Greece into the contemporary consideration/debate on the digital media and the
linkage to social movement, collective actions and resistance.
Id: 16159
Title: Social media and the environmental movement in Greece, the case of #Skouries
Authors:
Name: Ioanna Ferra
Email: if43 -hrr- le.ac.uk
Affiliation: University of Leicester
Name: Charis Gerosideris

Email: c.gerosideris -hrr- keele.ac.uk
Country:
Affiliation: Keele University
Abstract: The mobilizations against wildfires in Greece (2007) re-identified the concept of envi-
ronmentalism in Greece, while, at the same time, this was one of the first examples which indicated
the potentiality of digital media in activism, social movements and resistance, in the Greek context.
Later on, the global recession strongly affected the environmental politics and policies applied in
Greece, indicating threats, risks and areas of conflict, which should be understood focusing on the
socio-political dimension of the issue (e.g. privatization of recourses and water, etc.).
The study of the Greek environmental movement developed focusing on the case of Skouries forest
in Halkidiki and the mobilizations against the mining activities of the Canadian Eldorado Gold.
This case is considered to be as one of the most contemporary and indicative examples of the Greek
environmental movement, which highlighted the contribution of in the emerge of collective actions
and activism in the Greek crisis context, and at the same time, it pointed out the limitations and the
vulnerabilities of the traditional/offline mass media too.
Focusing on these two points, the study developed through the analysis of online data (Twitter),
which collected during the period March 2015 to March 2016 (#skouries). The analysis of the data
concentrated on the investigation of online networks, pointing out online coalitions, communities
and dominant actors (SNA), as well as on the examination of the hashtag #skouries, developing an
insight on the evolution of hashtag and discourse (Semantic analysis). The collection and visualiza-
tion of the data completed using NodeXL and Gephi, whereas the analysis of the data developed
having based on the theoretical framework of Cyberconflict, indicating the contribution of digital
media in the emerge of collective action, social movements and the socio-political conflict.
At the same time, a major consideration of the study is to understand the linkages between the
Greek environmental movement and the contemporary wave of protests and movements, as raised
both during the Greek crisis era (e.g. anti-austerity protests, etc.) and the global recession (e.g.
OWS, Standing Rock Protest, etc.).
Id: 16163
Title: "PANEL:" Crisis, Security, & War Narratives"-New Media-Transforming Battle front
Session Type: Panel Submission
Authors:
Name: Mariam shaikh
Email: shaikhmariam -hrr- gmail.com
Country: PK (Pakistan)
Affiliation: Florida state University, Tallahassee, FL
Abstract: Panel Description:

This Panel discussion offers a unique insight into the complex dynamics of crisis, security, & War
narratives that are transforming the way current battles are fought. This panel seeks to focus on
three diverse yet unified points of discussion: First, in times of incidental crisis, such as an aviation
disaster that concerns national politics, how digital discourses provides a forum to relay conflicting
opinions; Second, in times of war, how varied media discourses shape public opinion on security
and conflict; Third, is the arena of ideological front in which media wars are fought, how new me-
dia wars have set in; Fourth, is the security aspect on cyber front that poses another battle front that
demand deliberation.
The ways in which we communicate have been evolved significantly and so are the audiences and
the nature of crisis surrounding them. The virtual avenues of communicating have created new me-
dia spaces having virtual audiences of its own kind. This panel is diversely unified in approach and
includes not only cross-national research frameworks but also touch upon the cross-media aspects
to see how war and crisis narratives shape the message and are impacted to make an impact. In the
world full of disasters, and stories full of tragedies, messages full of queries, and settings full of
complexities demand comprehension of the degree to which contemporary communicative practices
facilitate bringing the vital communication opportunities and transforming politics, culture, and so-
ciety thereby.
Panel Papers:
Author: Dr. Mariam Shaikh (Pakistan)
Title: Crisis, Crashes, & Communication: A discourse Analysis of new media narratives
Author: Ms. Samina Farzin
Title:"Drone Narratives" An analysis of the narratives originating from conflict-ridden societies &
media vague
Author: Mr. Muqarab Mkhtar (Pakistan)
Title: New Battle Territories" An Analysis of New Media Wars Within and Outside borders
Panel Chair: Dr. Mariam Shaikh

Discussant: Ms. Samina Farzin
Id: 16173
Title: "PANEL:" Crisis, Security, & War Narratives"-New Media-Transforming Battle fronts
Authors:
Name: Mariam shaikh
Email: shaikhmariam -hrr- gmail.com
Affiliation: Florida state University, Tallahassee, FL
Abstract: Title: Crisis, Crashes, & Communication: A discourse Analysis of new media narratives
This study illustrates the dynamics of crisis following air crashes and the communication that di-
rects the public opinion. political considerations are a significant factor in the preparation for, re-
sponse to, recovery from and mitigation of disaster and crisis-related events. Aviation disasters of-
ten attract overwhelming public interest, particularly if they involve national carrier and notable fa-
talities. One such incident is the recent air crash of Pakistan International Airline (PK-661), where
all 48 passengers including crew were killed. Moreover, a famous religious figure was also one of
the victims. The examination of the events and issues surrounding such a crisis of political and pub-
lic significance, seeing politics as an integral element of the disaster is important. This study fo-
cuses on the discourses in social media to see to what extent the element of politics along with other
crisis-related elements has any impact.
If we are to adequately discuss this principle, it is necessary to look into why disasters are naturally
so fraught with political considerations and to consider the factors which determine how political
these discourses might become. If the cause of an event is such as to involve potential blame, the
politicization of the event is significantly increased. The study analyses the new media platforms on
which these political battles have been transformed following a crisis event.
Id: 16176
Authors:
Name: Muqarab Mukhtar
Email: muqarrab.uol -hrr- gmail.com
Affiliation: Information Service Academy
Abstract: Title: New Battle Territories" An Analysis of New Media Wars Within and Outside bor-
ders
All the nations of the world are determined to keep their identity as part of the global community
and strength of their ideological frontiers is the key factor that will play a pivotal role in the de-
fense. The new battlefront, according to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, “is the increasingly
crowded field of state-financed satellite television news”. The emergence of the international global
broadcaster, engaged in an information war and almost all the nations have felt the pinch of this
war. The third world countries, like Pakistan, are facing a tin border due to the multidimensional
flow of the culture inflow without matching the corresponding out- flow. An image portraying
funded by the states is turning into a real border-less war with the nonstate actor as the pawns in the
hands of state actors. Monopolist position of English language as a tool of communication for the
international broadcaster is being weakened due to the love of the lingua franca that has put the
state interest at stakes internally more than externally.
The question that will be discussed in the paper as for how to attenuate the emerging danger for the
society and what will be the strong areas of the society to be able to transfer the same inherited cul-
ture to the forthcoming generations. A comparative case study is a significant approach to conceptu-
alizing whether the new war has been leashed and dynamics of the war are more of the minds than
fields. Narratives are building around a specific idea and the selling is more sophisticated than the
normal means of marketing. In Pakistan’s case where the film industry is at nascent stages and fac-
ing the challenges of Indian media onslaught on regular basis is making the state run media at re-
ceiving end. The more challenging position that is going to emerge will be after the start of the
China-Pakistan economic corridor that is bound to change the basic fabric of Pakistani society in a
decade or two. It will not only affect the language of the society but also new technology is likely to
shape the new communities in the society. New dynamics of media are changing the dimensions of
the theories as self-generated sources of information are making ingress in the society to which no
theory enables to incorporate. Segmented approach to explaining a single phenomenon is taking
precedence instead of the motley of social, political and economic theories which are required to de-
termine the new change agent in the politics and society.
Id: 16177
Title: Diplomatic disputes over media strategies in post-conflict countries: explaining the trans-At-
lantic divide
Authors:
Name: Simon Thibault
Email: simon.thibault -hrr- gmail.com
Country: CA (Canada)
Affiliation: Universite de Montreal
Abstract: During the interventions that followed the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–
1995) and in Kosovo (1998–1999), international organizations and governments engaged signifi-
cant resources to reform the Bosnian and Kosovan media space. These reforms aimed to depoliti-
cize the media environment by establishing media regulatory bodies and transforming the broad-
casting sector, which was a cause for concern due to the presence of propagandist media that incited
ethnic and religious hatred.
These reforms, especially in the broadcasting sector, caused heated debates among American and
European diplomatic actors. In Bosnia, a law developed in 2001–2002 targeting the public broad-
casting system spawned an acrimonious debate between the American embassy and European offi-
cials at the Office of the High Representative (then the highest civil authority in Bosnia). American
diplomats felt that the High Representative (an Austrian diplomat) and his team unfairly favoured
public broadcasters over private ones in their strategy to reform the Bosnian media space. In the
early stages of Kosovo’s reconstruction, a similar debate took place between European officials at
the OSCE mission, in charge of broadcasting reform, and their American counterparts at the U.S.
Office in Pristina.
How can we explain these debates, which reveal contrasting intervention philosophies toward me-
dia reforms in post-conflict countries? In the literature, a few authors have alluded to – without fur-
ther elaboration – the “ideological” battles among international actors involved in broadcasting re-
forms in Bosnia and Kosovo (Price and Thompson, 2002; Putzel and van der Zwan, 2006; Hase-
lock, 2010). However, no study to date has sought to explain the causes of these disagreements.
By analyzing the work of communication scholars (Christians, Glasser, McQuail, Nordenstreng,

and White, 2009; Nerone, 1995; Raboy, 2002, 2011; etc.) and data collected from interviews with
50 stakeholders (diplomats, policy makers, etc.), I will examine these debates. I will argue that the
typology of media systems proposed by Hallin and Mancini (2004) – the characteristics of their lib-
eral and democratic corporatist models in particular – can shed light on the media strategies and di-
vergences of American and European officials in Bosnia and Kosovo.
This research is an important step toward furthering our understanding of the normative agendas of
international actors involved in media reform in post-conflict countries – an overlooked problem
that intersects the disciplines of communication and political science, and the field of international
relations.
Id: 16179
Authors:
Name: Samina Farzin
Email: farzinsheikh -hrr- yahoo.com
Affiliation: Press Information Department
Abstract: Title:"Drone Narratives" An analysis of the narratives originating from conflict-ridden

societies & media vague
People process events around narratives that resonate on an emotional level. Effective strategic
communications efforts understand this and ground messages within existing, accepted narratives A
comparative case study is a significant approach to conceptualizing whether the narratives originat-
ing from conflict-ridden societies & media tend to be vague, conflicting and lacking in impact with
a focus on Drone Narratives as a case study. In Pakistan’s case, there has been limited efficacy in
presenting narratives of conflicts & disasters. The narratives originating from the other side,
whether the terrorists or extremists, or western media, US or the neighboring India had been more
impressive and have created the better impact.
According to scholar Steven Corman, narratives help provide “an alternative way of thinking about
the world.” Whereas rationality is seen as dependent on facts and logic, narrative rationality de-
pends on an audiences’ desire to align their own values to a depiction of an event. The continuous
state of conflict in Pakistan has promoted media distortion, which has created fissures within the
media. These fissures have reflected through the narratives, thus producing a vague and discrete
narrative, which has mostly did not hit the audience. This is true for all kind of narratives channeled
through multiple media including the social & web media, blogs etc.
These narratives build around terror-related incidents seem to be inflicting more terror and may dis-
tort the audiences’ capability to process events positively. The multi-dimensional and multi-pronged
narratives on Drone attacks originating from a broad range of sources are perceived to be controlled
by various stakeholders & are put forward to achieve the desired results & to twist the course of
events strategically. This study aims to analyze why the state narrative on Drone attacks by Pakistan
have been either defective or mistargeted and have failed in strategically communicating the coun-
try's standpoint on the issue. A comparative analysis of the multiple Drone narratives originating
from varied media sources would be made to establish the reasons behind the weak narrative mak-
ing.
Id: 16201
Title: #iProtest: The case of the Colourful Revolution in FYRMacedonia
Authors:
Name: Dimitra Dimitrakopoulou
Email: dimitrakopouloud -hrr- jour.auth.gr
Country: GR (Greece)
Affiliation: School of Journalism & Mass Communication, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki,
Greece
Name: Sergios Lenis

Email: sergioslenis -hrr- gmail.com
Country: GR (Greece)
Affiliation: Hellenic Open University
Abstract: Social media are transforming how people transmit and share information, while at the
same time providing tools for building innovative structures and the organization and mobilization
of different actors. These major shifts have intensified the discussion of their actual role in contem-
porary conflict-burdened societies, especially after their role in Iran (2009), Tunisia (2010) and
Egypt (2011), as well as the subsequent so-called ‘Arab Spring’ movements. The changing dynam-
ics between political actors, journalists and citizens, mainly through Web 2.0 platforms, has
prompted several claims for the transformation of their relations as well as for the facilitation of
new forms of political participation. While their actual impact on the transformation of politics re-
mains very debatable, the unquestionable massive popularity of social networks in conflict-ridden
societies and the profound changes in flows of information via online social media are challenging
the timeliness of mediated political participation in a contemporary globalized world.
In our analysis, we highlight a series of technological, communication and organizational shifts that
have influenced information and communication flows and structures, as well as the interrelations
and interactions between the different actors (politicians and political groups, journalists, users/au-
diences, NGOs) who were, until recently, heavily reliant on the mediating role of journalists and the
media. In this paper, we focus on social media and networks and their role in conflict-ridden soci-
eties by examining the Colourful Revolution, a social movement that was sparked during the ongo-
ing political crisis in FYROMacedonia that has swept through the country since 2015. The case of
the 2016 Macedonian protests has been chosen as an example of a manifestation of a social protest
that engaged a large number of active citizens and was extensively mediated and remediated
through social media. The Colourful Revolution belongs to the category of so-called ‘colour revolu-
tions’ that have mostly used non-violence, also called civil resistance, employing protest methods
such as demonstrations, strikes and urban interventions. They strongly oppose corrupt or authoritar-
ian governments and strive to advocate democracy and the need for change.
For the purposes of our analysis, we will employ a typology of social media and networks that fo-
cuses on their roles as a. direct and interactive communication channels, b. alternative information
providers/ sources and c. self-organized participatory networks for mobilization purposes. Using
content and network analysis, we aim to capture the various discursive and interactive shades/ flows
of the Colourful Revolution and to investigate how the movement operated within the broader polit-
ical crisis that has been fuelling national/ interethnic conflict since 2015. We put particular emphasis
on the prominent actors that led and lead the Twitter debate, as well as on unfolding patterns of
communication to understand the different political and social narratives that evolve online.
Id: 16226
Title: War reporting from above: has the use of drones to cover the Syrian civil war provided more
than just spectacular images'
Authors:
Name: Phil Chamberlain
Email: phillip.chamberlain -hrr- uwe.ac.uk
Affiliation: University of the West of England
Abstract: The civil war in Syria is the first major conflict to see drones deployed not just by com-
batants but also by civilians and media workers on a regular basis to record and disseminate infor-
mation for propaganda or information purposes.
Unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, were initially developed by the military during World War
One and have been primarily associated with their use as a method of surveillance or weapons de-
livery. In the last five years they have increasingly been adopted by non-military industries as a
cost-effective and portable way of gathering information. Journalists have made use of them to
gather footage; particular in disasters and conflicts where they offer a cheap and less dangerous al-
ternative to meet the desire for spectacular footage. (Goldberg et al 2013, Tremayne and Clark
2014, Deuze 2012)
This paper draws together research conducted for the author’s book Drones and Journalists: How
the media is using unmanned aerial vehicles (Routledge 2017), by looking at the use of drones for
news and propaganda purposes in the Syrian civil war. This paper will present findings from a rig-
orous content analyses of the type of drone footage generated by this conflict for news broadcast.
There is an established body of literature on the media coverage of conflicts (eg Robinson 2002).
The literature on the media use of drones in general, and in conflicts in particular, is far less devel-
oped. The dominant discourse in media reports of civilian drones is one of awe for the technology
and either anticipation of its promise of a social good or fear over its misuse. This is supported by a
manufacturing industry which sees a huge profits opportunity in a civilian drone market (Rothstein
2015). This paper will critically analyse the coverage in the light of this discourse.
Further, it is common for those writing about drone journalism to suggest that it isn’t only cheap
and safe but also offers a new and original perspective (Gynnild 2014). There is also a long tradition
of critically analysing aerial views (Dorrian, and Pousin 2013). Using the product of the content
analysis the paper will consider to what degree the drone footage of this conflict offers a new view
from above.
References
Deuze, Mark (2012) Media Life Cambridge: Polity
Goldberg, D., M. Corcoran, and R. G. Picard (2013) Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems & Journal-
ism Opportunities and Challenges of Drones in News Gathering. Reuters Institute for the Study of
Journalism https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/fileadmin/documents/Publications/Working_Pa-
pers/Remotely_Piloted_Aircraft_and_Journalism.pdf
Gynnild, A (2014) The Robot Eye Witness: extending visual journalism though drone surveillance.
Digital Journalism. Vol 2, No 3, 334-343
Dorrian, M and Pousin, F ed (2013) Seeing from above: the aerial view in visual culture IB Taurus:
London
Robinson, P (2002) The CNN Effect: The myth of news, foreign policy and intervention London:
Routledge
Rothstein, A (2015) Drone London: Bloomsbury
Tremayne, Mark & Clark, Andrew (2014) New Perspectives from The Sky. Digital Journalism Vol
2(2) 232-246.
Id: 16374
Title: Peace or war frames used in the coverage of Syrian conflict by Indian newspapers
Authors:
Name: Sweta Singh
Email: swetasingh2000 -hrr- gmail.com
Country: IN (India)
Affiliation: University School of Mass Communication, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha Univer-
sity, Kashmere Gate, Delhi
Abstract: Several studies have shown that the western media use War journalism strategies in the
reporting of Syrian conflict and that Indian media reflected the dominant western discourse. But
there is not much empirical data to study whether Indian media uses Peace or War frames in cover-
age of international conflicts. Based on Galtung’s War and Peace journalism framework, previous
studies have claimed use of Peace framework by Indian newspapers in covering Iraq War (Lee,
Seow Ting. and Maslog, Crispin) . Taking Syria as a case in point, this paper examines the news
coverage of the Syrian conflict by two leading English newspapers of India, The Hindu and The
Times of India in order to study the framing of the conflict by the two newspapers. This study ex-
plores if Peace framework is used in the coverage of Syrian conflicts by the newspapers. A triangu-
lation approach using quantitative and qualitative content analysis of Syrian conflict over a period
of one year by the two newspapers will be done. The main objective of this study is to assess treat-
ment of Syrian conflict by Indian media (English newspapers) and measure the importance given to
the conflict . The second purpose is to examine if the Indian media was biased in its coverage and
reflected the dominant narratives of the Western media. In the process, a typology of news stories
will be created to assess the frames used in the coverage of the conflict. Similarities and differences
in the coverage by the two newspapers will also be studied to assess their approaches towards con-
flict coverage. Additionally, in-depth interviews with journalists covering West Asia will be done
for an assessment of the quality of coverage by the two newspapers. The study eventually attempts
to build a case for Peace Journalism in coverage of international conflicts by Indian media through
this empirical contribution.
Id: 16385
Title: "This is the duty of our work': post-earthquake challenges faced by Nepali journalists
Authors:
Name: Einar Thorsen
Email: ethorsen -hrr- bournemouth.ac.uk
Affiliation: Bournemouth University, UK
Name: Chindu Sreedharan

Email: csreedharan -hrr- bournemouth.ac.uk
Affiliation: Bournemouth University
Abstract: This paper explores challenges faced by Nepali journalists in the aftermath of the 25
April 2015 earthquake. Building on existing work that documents the impact of natural disasters on
news organisations and journalistic practice (e.g. Olsson 2010, Veil 2012), we analyse how such
devastating events leads to both a transformation of their routinised practices (e.g. Quarantelli 1996,
Matthews 2017) and challenges their professional roles due to their dual role as victims and journal-
ists (e.g. Richards and Rees 2011, Usher 2009).
This research draws on in-depth semi-structured interviews with 46 journalists, editors and other of-
ficials responsible for news reporting during the aftermath of the Nepal earthquake. Interviewees
were from the main city areas of Kathmandu and Patan, as well as regional areas affected by the
earthquake: Sindhupalchok, Nuwakot and Gorkha. We conducted an inductive content analysis of
the interviews, grounded in theoretical thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006). The analysis
was therefore guided by both the research questions and themes that evolved during the analytical
process.
The paper will focus on four main areas that highlight the challenges experienced by journalists in
the aftermath of the Nepal earthquake. Firstly, practical challenges that are typical of post-disaster
environments, where the destruction of buildings and infrastructure, including loss of electricity and
communications channels, hinders not just relief work but complicates news gathering and publish-
ing. Secondly, despite Nepal being particularly earthquake prone, journalists we interviewed de-
scribed a lack of preparedness for the disaster (both personally and in terms of infrastructure). We
find the effect of both of these areas were exacerbated by the lack of structured information man-
agement systems in Nepal, the lack of backup systems or procedures for dealing with the crisis, and
the subsequent Government failure to effectively distribute relief.
Thirdly, we explore the tension between journalists’ professional identity and their emotive response
to experiencing the disaster first-hand, as victims. Respondents revealed tensions between traumatic
experience of themselves and their family, and their perceived professional duty to report. Finally,
we explore the impact of challenges that were culturally specific, including the cohabitation of large
family units and ‘afno manche’ family support system. In many cases this delayed journalists re-
turning to work, and aggravated the capital centric reporting by limiting their ability to travel to re-
port from regions near the epicentre. The cultural tradition for maintaining face and avoiding con-
tradiction, meanwhile, meant several journalists struggled to interview victims. Echoing previous
research (Usher 2009), we also find a clear commitment to advocacy of their national identity and
resilience. We conclude by examining the journalist's own reflections on lessons learned, and con-
textualise these in the broader theoretical framework of disaster journalism.
Id: 16614
Title: Violence and Human Rights in the Brazilian Press: spectacle, statistics and recognition
Authors:
Name: Vitor Souza Lima Blotta
Email: vitor.blotta -hrr- gmail.com
Affiliation: School of Communications and Arts. University of São Paulo
Name: Bruno Paes Manso

Email: mansobruno -hrr- yahoo.com.br
Affiliation: University of São Paulo
Abstract: Crime, violence and public security are a topics that have always been present in the
Brazilian press, even though the coverage have undergone important changes. In the 1950s and
1960s, large teams of up to 40 people were formed to keep up with these topics. In São Paulo, po-
lice sectorists from different media outlets sat together in a police room, waiting for cases that were
registered in police stations. Passionate critics, serial killers and famous criminals - such as the Red
Light Bandit in the 1960s - were the protagonists of these stories, which aroused popular interest.
Over the years and with the sophistication of the criminal scene - especially after the expansion of
the drug trade and more sophisticated crimes such as car theft, which depend on the building of a
wide network of contacts -, as well as of the police apparatus, public security and justice, new chal-
lenges have been set to address these issues. Problems arising from this new scenario, such as police
corruption, violence, militias, mass incarceration, and other issues have also increased. The press
has been struggling to escape the classic model of police coverage - especially popular television
programs - and little progress has been made in covering this more complex reality. Given this his-
torical background, the study will provide a qualitative and comparative analysis of news on crimes
and human rights violations selected from the database of the Center for the Study of Violence,
which monitors 30 years of press violence, and from the Vladimir Herzog Journalism, Amnesty and
Human Rights Prize, with is given yearly since the end of the 1970s to the best news stories on the
topics. The proposal is to identify distinctions between the news materials and changes in the narra-
tives and characterizations of the facts and subjects involved over the last three decades (80, 90,
2000 ), as well as in the technical and ethical aspects of the reports. We start from the hypothesis,
oriented by criminological studies (Foucault) and critical theories of the "media effect" (Julian Pet-
ley), that in order to understand society's and the institution's perceptions of violence, crime and hu-
man rights, it is paramount to understand how the press covers these matters. In normative terms,
we use the Habermasian presupposition that human rights are internal norms of journalism, and
therefore can serve as both a criterion for analyzing editorial guidelines of newspapers, and as a
normative parameter for evaluating news. Our hypothesis is that the materials found in the two
banks will not distinguish very much from each other, even though the Herzog Prize is given to the
best news stories, and that the interpretive keys that seem to best explain these news and their
changes over time are dislocations between the notions of spectacle (Debord), statistics (Sergio
Adorno) and recognition (Axel Honneth).
Id: 16634
Title: Local journalism in war: Experience from Latin America
Authors:
Name: Yennué Zárate Valderrama
Email: y.zaratevalderrama -hrr- gmail.com
Country: MX (Mexico)
Affiliation: Universidad Iberoamericana
Abstract: This paper will examine the world of conflict local journalists’ praxis and rationale re-
porting on ‘their’ war. By using Colombia as a case study—the oldest conflict in Latin America, in-
terwoven with drug trafficking, guerrillas and paramilitary groups—this paper examines six dimen-
sions of journalism: war journalist education, professional ethos and the construction of a concept
of ‘responsible’ journalism that answers their informational, societal and professional needs. The
methodology is media ethnography, namely in-depth interviews to journalists and editors.
Academic discussions of journalism and war have centred on international correspondents—from

the ‘West’—and international wars; however, there is little ethnographic research on professional
practices of local journalists covering war or conflict, particularly from the Global South. Therein
lies one of the challenges of this study: to observe and closely examine these dynamics and to offer
a new analysis of unseen reporters from the periphery, helping to decentralise journalism studies.
The importance of this case study is that it allows us to analyse a phenomenon with unique charac-
teristics that questions traditional concepts of war reporting, thus allowing us to understand journal-
ists’ professionalism as they work to improve their practise, as agreed upon in their ‘interpretative
communities’ and professional conflict-specialised guilds. This understanding sheds light onto the
important role they play in society in the midst of war.
The paper concludes with a broader discussion of the role of the journalist in conflicts, focusing on
the Global South and countries with weak democratic states and particularly on journalists covering
conflict in their own countries. By addressing the flaws, limitations and successful constructions of
journalism in conflict, we can develop tools to be used in any context of intricate war and weak
democracy.
Id: 16867
Title: Fake News, Social Media and Trump's Immigration Policies
Authors:
Name: Robin Andersen
Email: andersen -hrr- fordham.edu
Country: US (United States)
Affiliation: Fordham University, Bronx, NY
Abstract: Fake News—false or misleading news stories—were widely circulated over social media
during the 2016 Presidential campaign. Many of the fake news stories were carefully constructed
and share repeated themes and tropes—they were racially based, anti-immigrant narratives. Such
stories revolve around fear of the “other,” and often claimed that allowing migrants into the country
will results in “disease,” “white genocide,” “rape,” “drug abuse” and “terrorist” attacks. Such sto-
ries were widely disseminated and mirrored the themes repeated by Donald Trump at his campaign
rallies. In addition, Trump’s use of social media helped spread fake news and augmented his numer-
ous false claims about immigrants, Muslims and Islamic terrorism. This paper details the ways in
which fake news and Trump’s rhetoric dove-tailed in theme and content, and argues that both were
designed to demonize non-whites and Muslims, and instill fear of immigration and terrorism among
the American public.
Though the term fake news has been widely employed since the 2016 election, and is considered a
somewhat new and dangerous phenomenon, the historical use of false information about immi-
grants, enemies, and other sub-groups, designed to exploit public fears of an imagined “other,” is
not new. This paper traces the historical origins of false information that demonize the “other,” and
promote white supremacy, Islamophobia, fear of immigrants and “white genocide.” It draws out the
historical uses of false information in political and propaganda discourses for promoting and sus-
taining conflict, and for pushing security-based anti-immigration foreign and domestic policies.
Such fake news narratives are familiar tropes, used to garner public support for political exclusion,
security policies and political scapegoating. The novel aspects, and the reason that “fake news” may
be a meaningful term for the twenty-first century, are the changing historical modes of disseminat-
ing false information and lies, and the current consequences of the efficacy of deliberate and suc-
cessful fake news as the major justifications for new Executive Branch policies.
A week after his inauguration, Trump signed an executive order placing a travel ban on visitors and
refugees from seven predominantly Muslim countries, claiming it was needed to keep Americans
safe. A judge blocked the order arguing that the administration had no evidence that visitors from
these countries posed a terrorist threat. I argue that the use of the internet and social media are key
to understanding the current rhetorical power of the resurrection of old hates over new media now
used to justify policy. Online hate groups from “alt-right” activists together with other political ac-
tors adept at the creation of online propagandized fake news such as Stephen Bannon of Breitbart,
were key in spreading xenophobia and white supremacy over social media platforms, most notably
Twitter and Facebook. As this new administration takes shape, with Steve Bannon now a member of
the National Security Council in the Trump administration, I argue that the fake news of the Trump
campaign laid the rhetorical foundations to justify Trump Administration policies now being carried
out.
Id: 16947
Title: A Semiotic-Discursive Analysis on news regarding the murders of social leaders in Colom-
bian between August 2016 and January 2017: A case of study
Authors:
Name: Emy Paola Osorio Matorel
Email: eosoriom -hrr- unicartagena.edu.co
Country: CO (Colombia)
Affiliation: Ms.
Abstract: This paper aims to expose the final results of a semiotic-discourse analysis on news re-
garding the assassination of social leaders in Colombia, after Colombian government and FARC-EP
guerrilla reached a peace agreement. Just between August 2016 and January 2017, more than a hun-
dred social leaders were murdered in different regions of the country.
The political-related murders are not new in Colombia. Back in the 1990s, paramilitary groups and
some members of the far-right wing Colombian political scene, killed most members of the political
party of FARC, known as Unión Patriótica. So that, the recent phenomenon has turn on the alarms
of the possible come back of an old tradition: silencing the difference.
To do the analysis, the phenomenon will be explored as a case of study, using tools from both dis-
course and semiotic analysis –this, aiming not only to understand the words on speeches but also
images, colors in letters and locations in pages. Some of the theoretical framework will be taken
from the work of theorist such as Ernesto Laclau, David Howarth, Emmanuel Levinas, Jacques Der-
rida, Jonathan Bignell, and Johan Galtung.
The data will be taken from the news of the two most read newspapers in Colombia, El Espectador
and El Tiempo; the two most watched TV news channels, RCN Noticias and Caracol Noticias, and
the news site La Silla Vacía. The timeline will go from August 2016 to January 2017.
What is the context of those assassinations? How has been the mainstream media coverage of the
phenomenon so far? How different has it been different on television, newspapers and Internet plat-
forms? What kinds of words were used? How are they referring to the victims? Is there any victim
blaming? Are they making pressure on the State to protect the leaders in risk? Are the sending
voices of concern to the Colombian people? Those are some of the questions that will be answer in
this paper.
By doing so, it will be possible to draw some concluding remarks in regard to how proper has been
media response to this phenomenon; how close is Colombian mainstream media to produce peace
journalism, in the midst of the current intricate context; and what can they do to make good journal-
ism for the new Colombia.
Keywords: Colombian peace process, discourse analysis, semiotic-analysis, post-war societies,

peace journalism.
Id: 16995
Title: Terrorism and the Politics of Sentiment in Kenya
Authors:
Name: Nicholas Peter Benequista
Email: n.p.benequista -hrr- lse.ac.uk
Affiliation: London School of Economics and Political Science/Center for International Media As-
sistance
Abstract: This paper presents the results of a content analysis of Kenya newspaper coverage of
three attacks on civilians that took place between the years 2013 – 2015. The research drew on Luc
Boltanski’s theories on distant suffering to examine the question of how news coverage of these
events evolves over the course of a news cycle, particularly in regard to how culpability for the suf-
fering caused by the event are portrayed. The project is a response to concern in Kenya that the out-
pouring of grief and indignation expressed in the wake of recent terror events subsides as the media
and citizens “move on,” quickly allaying pressure for meaningful changes and reforms in the secu-
rity sector. As such, the research provides a fresh perspective on coverage of terror events in two
ways. While several scholars have looked at the changing portrayals of terrorism and security over
time, none have sought to observe patterns in the narrative arc that evolves course of a news cycle,
i.e. over the three weeks in which the event is gradually relegated to the inside pages. Second, no
study has focused, as this one has, on the issue of government accountability in the framing of ter-
rorism events, and certainly not with regard to how the media may or may not prompt citizen action
for accountability. By and large, studies on the coverage of terrorism have instead focused on how
the rhetoric of terrorism and framings of terrorist events have implied particular causes, and hence
particular kinds of political or military responses, to root out terrorism – a related but distinct issue.
The paper lends support to the importance of incorporating some notion of emotion or sentiment
into studies of “framing” and offers a view into why the outpouring of public grief in these cases
was not channeled into sustained citizen action for reform. By presenting this paper at IAMCR, I
hope also to solicit input on how this study might be broadened to include an analysis of social me-
dia posts with the same framework.
Id: 17014
Title: Not what does Bollywood mean, but what does Bollywood do: A Critical Peace Journalism
Appraisal
Authors:
Name: Muhammad Tarique
Email: mtariqmian -hrr- gmail.com
Affiliation: Institute of Communication Studies (ICS), University of the Punjab, Lahore-Pakistan
Name: Hafiz Sanaullah

Email: hafiz.sanaullah07 -hrr- gmail.com
Affiliation: Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore-Pakistan
Abstract: Bollywood, the Indian film industry has established its niche as global cinema and is try-
ing to position itself against the hegemony of Hollywood on the silver screen. Due to this competi-
tive spirit Bollywood has set up its presence starting from the Gulf States, the Americas and East
Africa, to South as well as Southeast Asia and Europe. Pakistan, being a neighbor and 2nd largest
Muslim state as well as the SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) leader, has
been the largest consumer of these films at the widely spread Pakistani national cable and has been
relaying many of these ‘blockbusters’ on its national channels over the past few years. Despite sixty
nine years chronic rivalry on the Kashmir issue between India and Pakistan, this kind of cultural
trade is unprecedented. This research is the exploration of the films as well as contents from Bolly-
wood cinema in order to see if these Bollywood movies are contributing to mitigate or further ag-
gravate the existing rivalry through these movies. The purposive sample has been taken from
movies focusing Kashmir Conflict, i.e., ‘Mission Kashmir’, and ‘Lamhaa (Moment)’. The research
has been conducted by critically observing and evaluating these films and applying the Peace Jour-
nalism theory on the themes and discourses exhibited, dialogues delivered, and events portrayed.
Peace Journalism theory is value-explicit which is aimed at creating opportunities for society at
large to consider and assess nonviolent responses to conflict and a ‘challenger paradigm’ to the
hegemonic ‘objectivity regime’. Several socio-cultural variables such as; character role, occupation,
religious practices, social status and attire used by the characters, symbolic phrases and sentences
uttered, background and foreground images and alike have been seen along with the Peace-War
Journalism discourses and indicators adopted by Wilhem Kempf (1999b); like key questions, identi-
fication offer, truth orientation, motivation logic, and conflict portrayal. It has been observed that
Indian cinema promotes war journalism especially when the Indian producers vying for the hot
Kashmir topic. If this trend goes on, such productions would cause further bitterness and straining
of relations between India and Pakistan which bring more hatred in the region and possibly be
ended up another war. The research underpins the ethical realization upon such production to stop
sowing the seeds of hatred.
Keywords: pictures/films, peace journalism theory, peace/war discourses, identity formation, social
norms, content analysis
Researchers’ Profile:
*Muhammad Tarique, Principal Author, Doctoral Scholar, Communication Studies, Institute of
Communication Studies, University of the Punjab Lahore 54000, Pakistan
E-Reach: mtariqmian -hrr- gmail.com
*Dr Lubna Shaheen, PhD., Assistant Professor, Communication Studies, Institute of Communica-
tion Studies, University of the Punjab Lahore 54000, Pakistan; E-Reach: lubna.g786 -hrr- gmail.-
com
*Hafiz Sanaullah, Doctoral Scholar, Communication Studies, Institute of Communication Studies,

University of the Punjab Lahore 54000, Pakistan
E-Reach: hafiz.sanaullah07 -hrr- gmail.com

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IAMCR 2017

Crisis, Security and Conflict Communication

Abstracts of papers accepted for presentation

International Association for Media and Communication Research

Report any problems with this document to support2017@iamcr.org

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Daniela Grassau

Session Type: Individual submission

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Christoph Spurk

Session Type: Individual submission

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Maria das Graças Pinto Coelho

Name: Marcília Luzia Gomes da Costa Mendes

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Soledad Puente

Session Type: Individual submission

Abstract: Irfan Raja and Nasser N. Alotaibi

Session Type: Individual submission

Abstract: Within a framework of Communication for Development in Peacebuilding, this article

Session Type: Individual submission

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Markus Ojala

Name: Salla-Maaria Laaksonen

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Sanja Vico

Name: Tijana Stolic

Name: Gyorgyi Horvath

Session Type: Individual submission

Title: Anti-austerity movement in Greece: Cyberconflict, networks and discourse

Session Type: Individual submission

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Charis Gerosideris

Session Type: Panel Submission

Abstract: Panel Description:

Panel Chair: Dr. Mariam Shaikh

Session Type: Panel Submission

Session Type: Panel Submission

Session Type: Individual submission

By analyzing the work of communication scholars (Christians, Glasser, McQuail, Nordenstreng,

Session Type: Panel Submission

Abstract: Title:"Drone Narratives" An analysis of the narratives originating from conflict-ridden

Title: #iProtest: The case of the Colourful Revolution in FYRMacedonia

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Sergios Lenis

Session Type: Individual submission

Session Type: Individual submission

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Chindu Sreedharan

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Bruno Paes Manso

Title: Local journalism in war: Experience from Latin America

Session Type: Individual submission

Academic discussions of journalism and war have centred on international correspondents—from

Title: Fake News, Social Media and Trump's Immigration Policies

Session Type: Individual submission

Session Type: Individual submission

Keywords: Colombian peace process, discourse analysis, semiotic-analysis, post-war societies,

Title: Terrorism and the Politics of Sentiment in Kenya

Session Type: Individual submission

Session Type: Individual submission

Name: Hafiz Sanaullah

*Hafiz Sanaullah, Doctoral Scholar, Communication Studies, Institute of Communication Studies,

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