The Historical Construction of the Filipino Woman BMH any consider feminism in the Philippines to be a foreign “ide- ology,” imported from the west and espoused by strident, middle-class women whose behavi those of aggressive western femini feminism has no place in national life and culture, The problem is, this view is usually held by those who have no sympathy for women, Quite Possibly, they have neither stud- ied the women's movement nor the history and development of fore well to start here—in the ideology Women in History The reconstruction of women in Philippine history challenges us at present. If one grounds this study on the books written by our historians, it would be difficult to see clearly the flow and the stages of development in the experience of women in the context Of the formation of Philippine society and culture26 In the Name of the Mother The reasons for women's invisibility in books on Philippine history have been put forward by Dr. Maria Luisa Camagay. In her paper entitled “Women in Philippine History” (1988), she noted that most of our historians are male and look at history from a male perspective.’ In addition, she noted, the historians probably believe that men’s experience in history is no different from that of women. For this reason, not much attention is given to writing the history of women. The assumption that men’s and women’s experiences are the same is problematic because men and women themselves affirm that men and women have distinct experiences in history. To map out in detail the development of women in history needs further research and investigation. For now, it is possible only to speculate on major experiences of women in Philippine social history. It is possible to put together several valuable notes regarding women in order to come up with a history that will clarify the roles that women have played in Philippine culture and society. Obviously, a new formulation of the history of women will throw more light on the factors that led to the dominant con- cepts of woman and womanhood. Historians and sociologists are agreed that women in a num- ber of selected ethno-linguistic groups before the coming of the Spaniards held a respected position in the community, one that they could be proud of. In those places which had not yet come under the sway of Islam, women, if not equal to men, had an even higher status. Apart from the fact that they were eligible to become chief of the community, their children bore their names; they had a right to the family property and lineage and they were free to choose their spouses or to divorce them, if this should be nec- essary? In the notes of the anthropologist Robert Fox, for instance, he observed that according to the chronicles of Spaniards who trav- eled to the Philippines, the ancient native family was not "patricentric” [sic]. Women, when they were married, stayed The Historical Construction of the Filipino Woman 2s close to their families of origin as did the men. Their two fami- lies remained close and lineage was reckoned not only Patrilineally but matrilineally as well. Similarly, in determining kinship, not only the descendants of the male line but that of the female line were equally important One can understand the relatively higher status of women before Islam and Christianity took over if one examines the social order of native communities during that time. Many of these were based on self-sufficient, agricultural economies. The land, the river or the sea from which they derived their livelihood could be said to have been owned by all; the family was the basic unit of production. And because the entire community was involved in producing the basic necessities of life, it seemed likely that there was no marked division of labor among males and females. Women could fish and hunt, as could the men. They also plowed the land as did the men. In truth, domestic work was the work of both men and women. Thus, there was no clear division of labor based on gender. Women participated in all fields of productive work. There was as yet no private property; the limits of the private and public were not clear so the division of labor was not a problem. This explains the possibility of a woman becoming the political leader of the tribe. Thus, whether history or legend, Princess Urduja of Pangasinan and Sima of Cotabato were women or concepts of women who were products of such a social order. The continued prevalence of their history among the ranks of women show clearly the insistence on the free status of women in early times. Under the old order, therefore, it was possible that women were not necessarily urider the power of men. They had sufficient opportunity to become equal with men in community affairs. It could also be said that they wielded some influence on decisions regarding social and political matters. That being the course of affairs, it would not have been diffi- cult for women to shoulder the responsibility of being the spiritual26 In the Name of the Mother and cultural leader of the community. Giving women the task of taking charge of religion and culture similarly resulted from the agricultural environment. Because woman was perceived as bear- ing the young in the same way that plants came to fruition, she was looked upon as the repository of knowledge about life and the environment; her ability to probe into nature's mysterious and oracular depths was recognized; she it was who could deci- pher the myths and legends that originated from nature. For in communities such as these, the season of new growth coming to life was considered a matter for celebration. And this celebration gave birth to thanksgiving rituals for blessings re- ceived in close association with nature for, according, to histori- ans, the indigenous religion at the time of the coming of the Span- iards was animistic. It is not surprising that such rituals and cel- ebrations were centered on woman. She was considered the guardian of the secrets of life and nature. In caring for and nurtur- ing life, she was privy to special knowledge which was not within the reach of man. This is why in almost all Philippine ethnic communities, one finds the equivalent of the babaylan and the catalonan. They are called babaylan in the Visayas, catalonan among the Tagalogs, baglan among the Hocanos, mangaalisig among the Kalingas, manga- anito in Pangasinan, anitera among the Gaddang, baliana in Bicol, mabalian among the Bagobo, almono in B'laan and doronakit among the Isneg. Undoubtedly, different terms with the same meaning as babaylan may be found among the other ethnolinguistic groups. ‘One cannot take exception to the valuable role of the babaylan in indigenous society. Nevertheless, it is necessary to look more closely into the implications of such a role. If one examines Salazar's® division of the socioeconomic struc- ture during ancient times, into the following domains — the politi- cal which was the domain of the datu, the technological which was the domain of the panday and the cultural, which was the domain of the babaylan, one finds two important implications. First, the ‘The Historical Construction of the Filipino Woman 27 power of the babaylan is irreversible in the realm of culture or folk wisdom, particularly in the fields of healing, religion and lit- erature. But this may well be because of the existing conditions of harmony or oneness in social governance. That is to say, there was unity among the datu, panday and babaylan on how the over-all life of the community should be conducted. But what if they had fundamental differences or diverse perspectives on how the com- munity should function? Secondly, in this division of labor, could we be sure that the men made no intervention in the realm of culture? There is a re- sounding silence on this matter in our historical texts, save for the observation that there was some form of “intervention” in the form of male babaylan or catalonan who nevertheless had female characteristics. Moreover, if woman was powerful only in the realm of cul- ture and not in the other domains as implied in Salazar's research, it is likely that her high status could easily be brought down if both the political and the technological, key factors in maintaining, the life of the community, were to fall into the hands of opposing forces, men or women, particularly if these forces were those of conquerors, as actually happened. In other words, any change in the political dispensation and in matters of technology could affect the domain of culture. If the new political order were to decree policies which were against the grain of community life and tradi- tion, and similarly, if technology were to change direction, there would surely be a different outcome in the forms of expression and styles of life on which culture and learning are based. Hence, when the ancient indigenous order and culture were infiltrated by Christianity and/or Islam, the power of the babaylan was swiftly eroded. When the Spanish conquerors arrived, they found no clear- cut division of gender roles. A clear indication of this is the lack of sexual bifurcation in language, particularly in the case of nouns and pronouns. If the indigenous language is seen as a bearer of” InbeName ofthe Hear indigenous culture, it appears that it doesnot particularly matter whether a particular object o a paticulr labor is specific to men or women. ‘The Spanish conquerors wrested politcal power from the datus and replaced it withthe power of the King of Spain. His representatives, in the person ofthe governor general, the mili tary and the Spanish friars, humbled the datus who formerly ruled the barangays, making them in effect mere followers, implementors of decrees issued from Spain. Similarly, the con- querors brought in new technology to replace the old style of agriculture in the community. Most important, the Spanish priests and missionaries insisted on the hegemony of Western doctrine centered on the Roman Catholic religion, They forcibly imposed foreign ways of worship among the indigenous people, burnt all symbols ofthe old worship and outlawed indigenous rites and rituals This downgrading ofthe indigenous poitical-sienifccul- tural order wrought a deep form of subjugation on women's ex- petiences and the expression of these experiences Fer, along with the spread of Spanish colonization came the ‘complex ramifications of patriarchy over the whole archipelago Gone were the powers ofthe babaylans to become the mediator between God and humans, and to be guardians of folk knowl- edge. The ony thing left to them was their power to heal but even this suffered alos of prestige because they were considered herb doctors (terbalario) or midwives it) or worse, witches (rua or manga) ® ‘The lands that were previously owned communally were made private property, first through the encomienda system and later, through the hacienda system. Inthe middle ofthe 17h cen- tury, the feudal system of production was reinforced due to the transformation of huge tracts of lands into haciendas where the landless indigenous peoples became tenant farmers (asana). The land of smal farmers were similarly confiscated by means ofthe ‘The Harel Conran oe pa Woman » pct dereroventa, Under this system, lands mortgaged by small farmers who could not redeem them because of ther difcltes inking outa living, were forcibly seized by the big hacendas Towards the lst part of the 18th century, the religious orders be- ‘came hacenderos and owned large tracts of lands throughout the archipelago. Under this order, women were subjected to layers of oppres- sion, Because the feudal system of family relations had become prevalent as a esl ofthe missionaries teachings on te need for humility and virginity among women, womers turned out to be the lowest in the hierarchy of creatures on earth They served a hierarchy of masters: first, God; second, the priest who was God's representative; thitd, the aiferez or gobetadorilo; fourth the landlord and the landlord's wife or mistress and filth, her own father ot husband, In this hierarchy of power, it thus came about that the woman bore the brunt of livelihood birdens. His- torical research has shown that women have often been used to pay enyd-uting) debi incurred by her father or husband twas the women who sufered the effects of the small wars launched by the colonial government agains its enemies. When the men were conscripted into the army or forced into labor on the construction of boats, railways and roads it was the women ‘who worked in the fields to make these productive When the planting of products for export such as sugar, cof fee, and copra made the country a vast plantation economy, women to had to work, When cigar and dress factories were es: tablished inthe ast haf ofthe 1th century, many women went to work as “igaeas" and ‘ustrea." Although they still played a role in livelihood activities, ‘women no longer had a central role in the fie of culture. It was no longer they who ld i the rituals of worship but the Spanish priests: Women who conformed to the wishes of the priests be ‘came blind followers (apres) of the Spaniards in carrying out church tasks decorating the alta, lading prayers and litanies as30 In the Name of the Mother taught by the priests, and sponsoring (hermana) of fiestas. This state of affairs did not change radically until women in- volved themselves in the national movement for independence that began in the last half of the 18th century. At this time, the women who were affiliated with the masonic movement played a key role in organizing a woman's branch of the Katipunan. Simi- larly, the 20 women of Malolos who launched a movement for the meaningful education of women played a key role in this chapter of Philippine history. In the first decade of the 20th century, two women’s organi- zations were formed by women who called themselves “femi- nist.” This was the Asociacion Feminista Filipina (1905) headed by Concepcion Felix and the Asociacion Feminista Iongga (1906) headed by Pura Villanueva Kalaw. In these organizations sprang the desire for equal political rights among men and women which led to the suffragist or women’s right to vote movement. In the 1930s, the woman question became even more promi- nent because of the widespread campaign for women’s suffrage. In the midst of the debate on women's right to vote, a lawyer, Perfecto E. Laguio, wrote a book, Our Modern Woman: A National Problem (1932) which set forth a list of arguments against women's suffrage. His stand was that the rightful place of women was in the home and in the family. Laguio appealed to the innate qualities of the Filipina as a wife and mother and considered the entry of women into politics by means of the vote as a new form of bribery whereby the modern woman might use her body in exchange for political favors.” In his letter to women before the Philippine Legislative As- sembly voted on the proposed referendum on women’s suffrage, he summed up the feudal view of women in the context of Philip- Pine society in the first half of the 20th century. He wrote:8 Now that the Legislature has closed without having decided on the proposed bill on women's right to vote, I The Historical Construction of the Filipino Woman am addressing this open letter to Tagalog women in my country, specially the poor and the ordinary to let them know the great danger attendant to the implementation of the right to vote by women in the archipelago. ai The Filipina woman has ever been considered by Fili- pino man as having a high position and eminently worthy of respect. He places her upon a high pedestal. His love for her is the purest that can be given by any created be- ing. Looking around him, he sees the difference between Filipina women and women of other lands. Her splendor immediately comes to mind: her dewy eyes, her raven hair, her demure smile, her soft hands, her attractive ne ure—he looks up to these in admiration and worships her tore with the widespread occurrence of women's right to vote, all these will change. The leader of the women in this movement aims to be on an equal footing with men, to have the same rights and responsibilities. If these are obtained, the Filipino woman will no longer experience the same high regard that Filipino men have for her. She will be lowering herself from the shrine where she is “lord of all she surveys” only to be placed on the level of men among whom the spirit of honor and valor are no longer to be found. She will undergo suffering to lose the po- tency of all that men have conferred on her over many centuries and the splendor that goes hand in hand with her history will completely fade from her womb. And this only to gain the vote that was never her heart's desire. Analyzing the text of Laguio’s letter, we find inscribed the view of women which seemingly places them on a pedestal when in real life they are no better than slaves. The argument © Laguio is that the right to vote is only for males who are human, “ 9 not for women who are “goddesses.a In the Name of the Mother The view of woman as a goddess to be worshipped is usually put forward as an argument that in reality woman is not op- pressed but is placed on a pedestal, particularly in the case of the Filipina. Laguio believes that a man’s love for a woman would be reduced if she were equal to him. In other words, what gives woman a high status is man’s love and admiration for her. One may ask in turn: what if a woman is not worshipped and adored. What then is her status? What is more, Laguio adds, the demand for equality among men and women will pave the way for a man to no longer entrust his salary to his wife:!° As a consequence of this, man will no longer entrust his pay envelope to his wife. At present, everything that the man earns is entrusted to the woman who disburses it according to her judgment. No questions are asked of her. She is greatly trusted. But this practice will appear out- dated, once women get the right to vote ... The power of a woman over her husband and children will likewise be reduced, and she will be placed in a situation where she will be at pains to earn her living or obtain funds. Holding the purse strings is considered to be the basis of women's power in the home which is seen as a measure of her strength vis-a-vis men. This is the observation of many historians and sociologists, male or female, who have studied the unusual strength and creativity of the Filipina. According to Gelia Castillo, Philippine society has a tendency towards matriarchy because of the “entrepreneurial” cast of its women. Apart from’ Castillo, many other researchers, both local and foreign, praise the Filipina for this quality. But if one really looks at it, this holding of the purse strings is not a real basis for the power of a woman. What if the salary is not enough? Is it not precisely because the salary handed over to “The Historical Construction of the Filipino Woman a them by their husband is insufficient that women are forced to be entrepreneurial? There is no doubt that more often than not among Filipino households, the economic power of woman is meaningless in the context of a society where a majority of the population do not earn enough to enable their families to live comfortably. However, there is an incontrovertible aspect regarding, the entrepreneurial quality and unusual strength of the Filipina, as even Encarnacion Alzona emphasizes.!? Camagay also suggests that during Spanish times, even though many rights and powers were lost to women, they never lost their firmness and endur- ance and continued to do work in and outside of the home. Only those women who were contaminated with the “Intramuros ide- ology.” according to her, were tamed by the Spaniards to accept the concept of woman as weak, modest, obedient, a wife who belonged only to the home." f In the history and texts of the campaign of the suffragist movement, one can see in what direction several well-known suf- fragists steered the woman question on the qualities specific to women. The idea of equality between men and women stood out in the writings of Dr. Paz Mendoza Guazon collected in a book of essays entitled My Ideal Filipino Girl (1931). But if this book were to be analyzed at the present time, many would surely say that this is one more contribution to the idealization of woman. Guazon places emphasis on what is the ideal Filipina, abstracting from the views of famous personalities regarding what constitutes the ideal Filipina and outlining mores and manners for women as if these standards were valid for all time. What Guazon clearly holds on to is the idea of equality be- tween men and women; this is the same idea fought for by suf- fragists such as Pilar Hidalgo Lim, Sofia de Veyra, and others. In an article responding to criticisms of the suffragist movement, they pointed out that all beings, male or female, were created equal in the eyes of God, an assertion that drew a response from34 In the Name of the Mother Laguio who said that this equality is meant for heaven and not on earth.™¢ The suffragist movement won in the referendum of May 1937 and, of course, this reinforced the adherence of women to the ideas behind the campaign, particularly the principal idea of equality between men and women. If one were to analyze these ideas now, several idealistic formulations regarding the gender issue may be observed. First, the lack of understanding of the situation of women in a colonial dispensation and second the strong, foreign influence of similar movements, particularly of the west, which were used as models by the leaders of the movement. Nevertheless, this was a movement that Filipino women can well be proud of, for they were the first women in Asia to win the right to vote. Looking at Philippine society from 1937 onwards, it may be seen that the equality of men and women remains an illusion. For it is not just in the domination of politics by men that we see the lack of genuine equality between men and women. It may be said that this inequality is firmly linked to many systems of domi- nation. According to the latest statistics on labor, for instance, women receive forty centavos compared to one peso received by men for equal work." Similarly, it may be seen that many fields have continued to be dominated by men since 1937. The power to formulate policy, the structures of power in many fields, remain in the hands of a majority of men. This is true, in spite of the fact that two women have actually held the highest political position of political power in the country. Did Corazon Cojuangco Aquing achieve freedom, rights, and justice for the ordinary women in the nation? Does Gloria Macapagal Arroyo look at the woman's issue from a significant, “woman's perspective?” Is there hc pe for women’s lives to im- prove when two women have becorae Presidents of the country? These questions can be answered vériously but in the end we ar- “The Historical Conscruction of the Filipino Woman as rive at one conclusion: the lives of women in this country have not improved in quality. They remain poor, poorer than men. They remain oppressed, more oppressed than men. In measuring the strength and power that obtains between men and women, men are still more powerful, in spite of what may be said to have been gained by women in terms of rights, education, and other posi- tions and privileges. For in truth, there has been no qualitative change and Philip- pine society remains patriarchal. This is the beginning and the end, the reason, the ultimate cause why there are feminists and why there is feminism in the Philippines. Women may or may not have read Virginia Woolf, Simone de Beauvoir, Mary Wollen- stonecraft, Michelle Barrett, and many other feminists in various parts of the world. But whether or not the thought of these women help in the shaping of Philippine feminism, the important thing is to accept that reason may be found in our history, in our culture and our life for the existence of feminism and feminists in the Philippines. Jose Rizal and the Filipino Worm Jose Rizal, the national hero was one of those who first started discourse on the women's movement in the country. On February 22, 1889, encouraged by Marcelo H. del Pilar, then edi- tor of the La Solidaridad, Rizal wrote a letter to women of Malolos. Del Pilar thought then that there was a need to rekindle and in- spire the waning reformist movement in Spain by narrating the courage of these women in the native land The women of Malolos at this time were demanding the estab- lishment of a night school for women so they can have a chance to learn the Spanish language and be conscious of the value of educa- tion. Enlightenment through education is hoped to engender and spread the belief that enslavement by and total submission to the friar is degrading not only to men, but more so, to women.36 In the Name of the Mother According to historians, among the women of Malolos who were part of this move were Alberta Witangcoy, Teresa Tantoco, Maria Tantoco, and the Tiongson cousins—Merced Tiongson, Agapita Tiongson, Basilia Tiongson, Feliciana Tiongson and oth. In this letter, Rizal claimed that he was not just “praising” the women, he was also suggesting some basic principles that should guide their actions as women. In the introduction, Rizal declares that he has been bothered over the years by the seeming passivity and ignorance of the women of the country — they seemed like “wilted plants sown and grown in darkness who grow flowers without fragrance and fruits without juice." However, when he learned of the move by the women of Malolos, Rizal proudly declared:1” Now that you have responded to our first appeal, in the interest and welfare of the people; now that you have set an example to those who like you, long to have their eyes opened and be delivered from servitude, new hopes are awakened in us and we now even dare to face adver- sity because we have you for our allies and are confident of victory. No longer does the Filipina stand with her head bowed nor does she spend her time on her knees because she is quickened by hope in the future; no longer will the mother contribute to keeping her children in darkness and rear them in contempt and moral degradation. The text of the entire letter contains an admonition and en- couragement to women to be models of a life that is clean, forth- right, and nurturing; a lifé full of love for fellow countryfolks and Patriotic. He suggests that the first kind of “blessedness” (kaba- nalan) is to follow the way of justice and right, whatever the con- sequences. The letter contains seven principles that should guide women in their actions:1* ‘The Historical Construction of the Filipino Woman, First, that the tyranny of some is possible only through the cowardice and negligence of others. Second, that what makes one contemptible is lack of dignity and abject fear of him who holds one in con- tempt; Third, that ignorance is servitude, because as a per- son thinks, so she becomes and, a person who dces not think for herself and allows to be guided by another is like the beast led by a halter. Fourth, that whoever loves her independence must first aid her fellow men and women, because whoever refuses protection to others will find herself without it One stick of the buri palm is easily broken but a whole bunch tied as broom cannot be easily broken; Fifth, that should the Filipina refuse to change her mode of being, she should no longer be allowed to rear her own children; she should merely give birth to them. She must cease to be a housewife for otherwise, she could betray husband, child, native land and all; Sixth, all persons are born equal, without chains. God did not create woman to be a slave; nor did he endow her with intelligence so she could be hoodwinked nor did he adorn her with reason to just be deceived by others. It is not fatuous to refuse to worship one's equal, to cultivate one's interest, and to make use of reason in all things. Fatuous is s/he who makes a god of him; who makes brutes of others and who strives to submit to his whims all that is reasonable and just. $ Seventh, that (she) consider well what kind of reli- gion they are teaching. See whether it is the will of God, or according to the teachings of Christ that the poor be succored and those who suffer alleviatec. Think about what they are preaching, the object of the sermon, what is a7” Inthe Name ofthe Mother behind the mass, novenas, rosaries, sapularies, images, miracles, candles, belts, et. which they daily keep before the minds, ears and eyes; sling shouting and coaxing; investigate whence they came and whither they go and then compare that religion with the pure religion of Chist and see whether the pretended observance ofthe life of (Christ does not remind you ofthe fat milked cow or the fattened pig, which s encouraged to grow ft not through love ofthe animal but for grossly mercenary motives, ‘Two significant conclusions may be drawn fom this eter of Rizal tothe women of Malolos. (One, the letter underscores the need for women to be edu- cated so they may also educate their children. [is important for women to be enlightened and to acquire knowledge so thatthe ‘country can progress. Rizal explicitly states that a woman's dspo- sition directly affects the country’s well-being, Ths is because itis woman who fist opens the minds of her children; women ae the cones who should instil patriotism and love of country to the chil. dren. They are decisive in moulding the minds ofthe youth who become the lading force in the county’ growth and develop ment. ‘Two, the leter recognizes the principle of equality of men, women and children. While itis true that Rizal’ advocacy here of the equality between men and women stems from the egalitarian ism articulated inthe ideology of liberalism, he has also implanted some ideas that would be pursued by the women’s movement in the next century —the equality of persons regardless of gender, and the principle of equal opportunites for men and women to pursue ther falls potential in society. Aside from these ideas, Riza’ text also has other implica- tions forthe country’s women’s mavement. For one, the text could be a guide to collective action. What the women of Malolos did was one collective ation. In petition The Hira Coren te ip Waray ” ing governor general Weylr to put upa schoo! for women, they ‘were abl to collectively advocate the need for education for all women. Secondly, the text could serve as material evidence of the sup- pot that women get fom the men Rizal is aman, and in writing about his support forthe women and thei liberation from tyr- anny, he also provides concrete proof that in Philippine society, ren and women are magkqpoa (fellow human beings) and there should be neither hierarchy nor subordination in thei relation- ship. Thirdly, the text asserts the value of education which is a ‘woman's final and primary weapon to gain freedom and prosper- ity, Perhaps, thet sa need to review Rizal's models for woman- hood, especially at a time when through education, there are more and more women who do not become mothers, who pursue ‘carers, remain unmarried and set aside motherhood Yet now it can be understood why Rizal chose to portray the conditions of women of his times through his two novel, Noli Me Tangere and El Filibuster He created the characters inthe per- son ofthe hernara who kowtowed tothe wishes of the friars, and in the persons of Dona Consolacon, the wicked wife of the Span- {sh alferez, Dota Victorina, the quintessential clonal, and Doha Pia Alba, the silenced mistress of Padre Damaso. Through these omen characters Rizal was able to illustate the subjection of ‘women during the Spanish period and at the same time satirize women's values. He did have other women characters whose dis- postion were not stereotypes thus there was Salome, the sexu- ally liberated sweetheart of Elias; Kapitana Maria, the brave mother whose wish was for her sos to be brave and fight in battle even fit meant their coming home dead, and Pepay, “the the dancer-mistress of Don Custodio, who 1 administrators and the mujer vagamundt succeeded as liaison between the color progressive students,40 In the Name of the Mather these two nov- ns of the all, Rizal had nineteen women characters els and through them, he inscribed the dejected cond women of the colony and vividly portrayed their oppression as women. That is why, he was one of the first to give praise to the women of Malolos because he knew that their move could help put an end to the oppression of women in the country. But, a few decades after Rizal, a serious misreading of his women characters occurred. Sisa, the martyred mother, became the model of the ideal mother and wife, and Maria Clara, Donia Pia Alba’s bastard daughter was elevated to a pedestal and re- vered as the icon of Filipino womanhood — modest, demure, and mestisa. Carmen Guerrero Nakpil does an inc fects of the Maria Clara syndrome among Filipinas. The problem, according to Nakpil, is not in Rizal, but in the generations after him who constructed the ideal of womanhood or femaleness in the image of Maria Clara."? According to her, “Maria Clara is the greatest tragedy” that has befallen the Filipina in the last 100 years.” Because of her, thousands of Filipinas emulated her physical looks and even her predisposition to being weak and vul- nerable. Nakpil says that because Rizal called her nose the “correct profile,” everything else became “incorrect” for the Filipina.?" The entire process which created Maria Clara as icon and symbol of Filipino womanhood shows the dynamics of the con- struction of femininity in Philippine society. She is a character of fiction whose qualities are not exactly positive, but which has been enhanced because of the adulation for her creator—Jose Rizal, the national hero. Apparently, the generation who came after Rizal had construed women, or engendered values of wom- anhood that matched those of Rizal's character, thus, Maria Clara as the ideal Filipina. This reception of the powerful image of Maria Clara as the ideal Filipina is reproduced in social discourse as well as in the texts of various writers. Her image has seeped into the conscious ive analysis of the ef- The Historical Construction of the Filipino Woman ness of many Filipinas so that the manner and mode of action of Maria Clara has become a standard for Filipinas to measure up to Because she has become the symbol of Filipino womanhood, many other literary characters, equally interesting in their con- struction and reception, have been been relegated to the back- ground. For instance, there is La Loba Negra by Jose E. Marco.” The narrative, which is based on a historical incident, is about a mother and wife who seeks vengeance for her martyred hus- band—the governor general. The narrative neither portrays an jeal mother nor a virgin, but a woman who is a victim of injus- tice and therefore seeks justice through an alliance with those who have been oppressed like her, by the colonial order.? There are also the interesting women characters in Francisco Balagtas’ Florante at Laura. Laura is the sweetheart of Florante, and Flerida is the sweetheart of Aladin. Both prove to be strong, trustworthy, and are able to save their sweethearts from death, and forge a kind of bonding between women and men of differ- ent faiths. In fact, Laura and Flerida’s story could be an enduring narrative of sisterhood for Filipino women—one that shows that women of different sociopolitical persuasions, religious belief and social standing can act as one in defending themselves from ag- gressors and oppressors. There are of course many other literary characters who may be more positive symbols of womanhood and femininity, but they are all faint images compared to the powerful image of Maria Clara, The Construction’of Women as an Ideological Issue It may be asked: if the patriarchal society were to be dis- mantled, if equalit’ among the Sexes were to obtain in all fields of life, would the oppression of women be solved? Yes and no. Yes, if at the same time, the structures that maintain the superiority- In the Name of the Mother and privileged position of men are dismantled, including that in the valuable realm of the imagination. Up to now, the construction of the image of women, both in literature and other media, remains a disturbing phenomenon. In the study of Penny Azarcon* of the images of women projected by commercials, the traditional roles of women remain imbed- ded: keeping an orderly household, being faithful and sweet, being pretty, with a smooth, porcelain-like skin, having a sweet breath, being loving and caring, being charming and alluring, in effect, a sex symbol, thus the use of images of women in ads for liquor because they, too, go to your head. These images are all over radio, television, and magazines and are further reinforced by stories, particularly in films. In truth, these negative and stereotyped roles of women have been around for a century. Rizal, by virtue of his women characters in his two novels, started us off with the stereotypes of Maria Clara and Sisa, the martyred maiden and the martyred mother. It may be said that these stereotypes are gradually being shattered but it is still difficult to go beyond the Maria Clara and Sisa syndrome. Among the attempts to overcome or change the image of women in culture, we find attempts in other fields where women are involved. For instance, a song which was widespread before the Japanese Occupation was entitled “Silent Woman," (Babaing Walang Kibo) alluding to woman's meekness and silence, and urg- ing her to turn against her poverty and her sufferings. Neverthe- less, the lyrics of the song are still in accord with the traditional role of woman as mother: Osilent woman Think and reflect Long have you been oppressed Long have you been subjugated Your children are hungry The Historical Construction of the Filipina Woman a Your infant is crying Can you suffer these hardships? Why don't you rise up Ifyou are a mother Who feels and cares Inscribed in the text is still the idealization of the role of mother who cares because of her crying infant, although it does urge her to rebel. It is quite true that woman needs to take on the roles of wife and mother, but women today emphasize the fact that, first, do- mestic work is not for the woman alone and second, that the life of woman does not center only on her being a mother or a faith- ful wife. One can discern the resistance to traditional images of women in several songs that have gained popularity as for ex- ample, in the song “You Are a Woman” by Ananias Montano which has the following lyrics:2° You are woman Desired, adored Defended, yet you are not free The door to progress is open Face it, open it, uplift yourself Alternatively, we have another song that is widespread in the feminist movement, entitled “Woman” Are youa Maria Clara, A Huli and a Sisa Who does not know how to fight Why do you cry at your oppression Women, are you innately weak Are you a Cinderella, Whose only hope is a man“ In the Name of the Mother Are you a Nena Who earns a living as a whore? Women, are you only good in bed? Letus open our minds And study our society How your thought has been shaped And accept that you are just playthings ‘Women, is this your fate? Why then are there Gal Veresa and Tandang Sora Who did not depend (On pity and tears They strove, weapon in hand. Women who aimed to be free Why is there a Liza, A Liliosa and Lorena Who were not afraid to fight You now have many comrades Women, with weapons in hand. But it might be noted that these songs use the second person: nd on further analysis, itis as if ing or making a command for “You are a woman,” “are you... the writer of the lyrics were orde women to take on this role and that. This is understandable if we two songs are men, realize that the writers of the: However these songs point to a changing story of women’s lives and struggles and that it will not be very long before the dis- rmantling of the symbolic order in which Maria Clara has been ensconced as the principal model for the Filipina By way of summary, the following points may be discerned in the construction of women in Philippine soc 1) It is possible that the concept of womanhood changed with the change in the history of women after the coming of the ‘Tha Hitorel Construction of the Flpina Woman 45 Spanish colonizers, Because of the imposition of a foreign culture, the formerly high status of woman as cultural leader of ancient society was overlain. Nevertheless, something remained of the original strength, firmness, and creativity [initiative] of women that became the basis of their resistance to the concept of woman imposed by the conquerors 2) Although women were able to win equal political rights by means of the right to vote, the subordinate position of women in many aspects of national life prevails. This is further rein- forced by the idealization of motherhood and virginity and ste: reotyped images of women 3) In popular culture, the old concepts of woman and wom- anhood remain entrenched and the common images of women as. fit only for the bedroom, the kitchen, and the home prevail, al- though the women’s movement and other movements for change are starting to dismantle these concepts. . Enpnomes suisa Camagay, “Ang Pilipina sa Kasaysayan ng Pilipinas” 1. Mai tar 2: Women in Development and the (The Filipina in Philippine History) in Sem Teaching of the Socal Sciences and Humanities: Proceedings (MaryKnoll Colle Foundation; Women’s Resource and Research Center, February 1988), pp. Al AG, o and 2, ‘This is narrated in several history books, e.g Teodoro Agon Milagros Guerrero, History ofthe Filipino People (Quezon City: RLP- Garcia Pub- lishing Co,, 1973), p. 41. 3. Robert Fox, “The Philippines in Pre-H pine History (Mareit-December), passim. 4. How Do We literate Ourselves? Mimeographed manuscript. Council for Women’s Resources, 1985, azar, Lvomen’s Role in Philippine History, p36 imerrero. Women’s Role m Philippine History, pp 6-47, 7. Perfecto P, Laguio, Our Madern Woman (Manila torke Tienes,” Journ of Pilip46 In the Name of the Mother 1932), p. 45. 8. Ibid., pp. 236-41. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. ‘1, Gelia Tagumpay Castillo and Sylvia Homena Guerrero, “The Filipino Women: A Study in Multiple Roles,” Journal of Asian and African Studies, vol. 4, no. 1 (1968), pp. 18-29. 12. Encarnacion Alzona, The Filipino Woman: Her Social, Economic and Po- litical Status (1565-1933) (Manila: 1934), 13. Maria Luisa Camagay, “Women are Barely Part of History.” Empow- ering Women Through Research Networking (Manila: Council for Women's Re- sources, n.d), pp. 7-9. 14. Laguio, Our Modern Women, pp. 183-84. 15, Interview with Carol Anonuevo, Solidaridad 11 (1988), 16. See Romeo Cruz, Women's Role in Philippine History, p. 59. 17. The text of the letter that was used in the Tagalog version of this book is taken from Mga Akdang Paripulitika at Pangkasaysayan mi Jose Rizal: 1872 -1896 (Maynila: Pambansang Komisyon sa Tkasandaang Taon ni Jose Rizal Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission)), p. 64. The translation used for this English version however is culled from the translation of Gregorio Zaide of the same essay by Rizal, See Gregorio Zaide, Jose Rizal: Life Works and Writings (Metro Manila: National Bookstore, 1992), pp. 229-30. 18. Ibid, pp.236-37, 19. Carmen Guerrero Nakpil, Woman Enough and Other Essays (Manila: Vidal Publishing, 1964). 20. Thid, p30, 21. Thiet 22. This work was previously attributed to Father Jose Burgos but histo- rians still cannot ascertain authorship by the martyred priest 23. This character is Dona Luisa Bustamante, wife of Governor General Bustamante, who according to historical accounts, has been murdered by the friars. E. San Juan Jr. asserts that she could be one symbol of a Filipina feminist as literary character, but her reception in Philippine literary history is not as powerful as that of Maria Clara, See E. San Juan Jr., Only by Struggle (Quezon City: Kalikasan Press, 1988), pp. 137-54 24. Pennie A. Azarcon, “Images of Women in Philippine Media” in Sr. Mary John Mananzan, Ma. Asuncion Azcuna, and Fe Mangahas, Sarilaya (Ma- “The Historical Construction of the Filipino Woman, ay nila: St Scholastica Women's Studies Institute, 1989), Pp. 77-85. ne ssa tt quervila in Cental Luzon during Seen song nibuted fo the gu eee Cmenen Maced gs Ting Mua Ib (Quezon : UP Press, 1996). we “Babae Ka” by Ananias Montano won first prize in the Metro Manila Popular Music Festival in 1985. 27. Textand music by Ramon Ayco.