The Jews of Spanish North Africa

The Jews of Spanish North Africa, 1600—1669
Author(s): JONATHAN ISRAEL

Source: Transactions & Miscellanies (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 26 (1974-1978),
pp. 71-86
Published by: Jewish Historical Society of England
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29778869 .
Accessed: 25/06/2014 11:00
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Jewish Historical Society of England is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Transactions &Miscellanies (Jewish Historical Society of England).
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Thejews of Spanish North Africa, 1600-1669*
JONATHAN ISRAEL, M.A., D.Phil.
'The question whether it is advisable that Jews should 1669, the year of the expulsion, there were more than a
reside in those places [Oran and Mers-el-Kebir] is hundred houses in theOran juderi'a, with a total popu?
and there are weighty considerations for and lation of either 466 or 476, depending on which of two
arguable
against, but even deciding affirmatively, it should not contemporary reports is correct.2 Of this number,
be permitted that so many should live there, for the over a hundred were adult males, with about
ninety
fewer of such enemies the better.'1 This statement by capable of bearing arms.3 Apparently, the community
Pedro Cantero Vaca, Vicario-General or head of the had grown appreciably during the century, for a
Catholic Church at Oran in the years 1631-1636, well report of 1624 mentions the figure of only about forty
reflects the conflict of
impulses that characterised houses in the juderi'a with a Jewish population of some
Spanish official attitudes, civil and ecclesiastical, to? 350.4 At Oran and the other plazas, numerous Muslim
wards the Jewish communities that were tolerated in slaves of Jews also lived in the juderias, though in 1660
at least five, and possibly more, of the or thereabouts the Governor of Oran
Spanish North compelled the
African coastal strongholds?Oran, Ceuta, Tangiers, Jews to dispose of their slaves.5 The report of 1624
Larache (Al-Araish), and Mazagan?during the indicates that there were then several hundred slaves in
seventeenth century. In general, governors and other the ghetto, apparently exceeding in number thejews
officials accepted that the presence of Jews in these themselves. As the total Christian community of
fronteras de Africa' was, in several respects, useful to Oran, Spanish and Moorish, numbered about 1,500 in
Spain; yet, at the same time, there was an almost the 1630s6 and the Muslim inhabitants were very
constant pressure that Jewish life in the strongholds much fewer, being mainly slaves or temporary resi?
should be restricted more tightly and the never distant dents, it can be seen that by 1669 thejews composed a
threat of pressure for their expulsion. Thejews dwell? large proportion of the population of the city, perhaps
ing within this somewhat precarious framework nearly 20%. No precise figures are available for Jewish
formed a distinct element or sector in the Sephardi population at the other plazas fuertes, but in all cases,
diaspora of the seventeenth century, a sector which even Larache, a tiny fortress town with fewer than 200
was, despite close connections, essentially separate families in all,7 there was a full-fledged ghetto with at
from themain body of Maghreb Jewry with its great least several dozens of Jews forming a sizeable propor?
centres at Fez, Tetuan, Tlemcen, Algiers, Meknes, and tion of the town's inhabitants. At Mazagan, in the
Marakesh. Thejews of the Spanish plazasfuertes had to early seventeenth century, total population was fewer
live within an elaborate ghetto system, modelled on than 2,000 but again with a substantial minority of
that of those parts of Catholic Europe where Jews Jews.8 At Tangiers and Ceuta, the communities
were tolerated, a context very different from the within the well-regulated juderias were probably
general pattern of North African Jewish life. More? somewhat larger than has sometimes been suggested.9
over, rather than being of Maghreb In all, itmay safely be assumed that the total Jewish
representative
Jewry as a whole, the Jews of thefronteras consisted population of the Spanish strongholds was in excess of
mainly,
or entirely, of descendants of refugees from 1,000 but probably not greatly so.
to Spain, and conversely
Spain, who were as familiar with Spanish and Spanish The value of thejews the
ways as Arabic, and by the nature of their relationship importance of the plazas fuertes to the Jews, derived
with the Spanish Crown were in some respects more essentially from the particular purposes and needs of
closely connected with European Sephardi Jewry than the strongholds themselves. Originally, in the early
other North African Jews. Itwas the Spanish Crown, and mid-sixteenth century, when Spain occupied
perhaps more than any other factor, which deter? North African coastal fortress towns only from
mined that the future history of the leading and most Melilla eastwards, including several to the east of
of the other Jewish families of the plazas fuertes would the Spanish Crown was
Oran,10 relatively uninter?
He not in the Islamic world, but in Italy, Holland, ested in the Atlantic side of the coast. Ceuta, Tangiers,
England, and Gibraltar. Mazagan, and other Atlantic plazas had been in Portu?
Almost certainly, the largest of the Jewish com? guese possession since the fifteenth century and, by
munities under Spanish rule was that of Oran. By treaties with Portugal, Spain had agreed not to inter?
fere in what it accepted as a Portuguese
sphere of
* on 9 February 1977. on
Paper delivered to the Society influence. Ferdinand and Isabella had concentrated
71

72 Jonathan Israel
the African coast opposite the realm of Granada, foe of Muley Sidan and ruler of Northern Morocco,
was and to seek to expand
which strategically important in relation to south? along the coast. In November
east Spain, offering several good ports less than a 1610, with the consent of Muley-el-Sheikh,
day's Spanish
sailing from Malaga and Cartagena.11 Under Charles forces finally occupied Larache and in 1614, observed
V (1516-1555), the Spanish cordon spread eastwards by a Dutch naval squadron, seized La Marnora.16
and was mainly intended as a barrier to Turkish power In this evolution of relations between
Spain and the
then advancing westwards from Egypt; in particular, Moroccan rulers and the extension of the string of
itwas thought essential to prevent the Turks capturing Spanish plazas fuertes westwards, certain individual
a viable base for their formidable fleets anywhere in Jews played a considerable role. Partly this was due to
theMaghreb. Charles's African policy, however, was the use traditionally made of Jews in
diplomacy by the
largely a failure. The attack on Algiers, in 1541, which Sa'adian sultans, being less distrustful of Jews, whom
he ledin person, and in which the celebrated con? they deemed resourceful but powerless, than of their
quistador, Hernan Cortes, lost much of his Mexican relatives and other Moorish nobles. Partly, Jews were
was unsuccessful, while Tunis, in needed because or at least those of Iberian
jewellery, captured they, origin,
1535, was soon lost again. Little
by little, during the offered the best available bridge between the wholly
century, the Spaniards were dislodged by the Turks different and antagonistic cultures of Spain and the
from all strongholds east of Oran, which thus became Maghreb. The Spanish Jews were the only group at
the eastern bulwark of the Spanish cordon. Philip II hand with access to the sultans and Moroccan nobles,
(1555-1598) was forced, in his African policy, to adopt who were proficient in Spanish as well as Arabic and
an
increasingly westerly stance.12 From the 1550s, had some knowledge of the procedures of Spanish
Spain entered into virtual alliance with the Sultans of officialdom. Among the most prominent of these
who were as much threatened by the Tur? intermediaries was the elder,
Morocco, Jewish Jacob Cansino
kish gains as was Philip, and who, anxious for Spanish whose family had left Seville in 1492 and settled in
help, conspicuously failed to help the moriscos of Oran in 1512, shortly after the Spanish
occupation.
Granada in their desperate revolt against Spanish rule Jacob Cansino was sent from Oran to theMoroccan
in 1567. As the Spanish cordon began to develop Court and played an important part in the forging of
westwards, there was a good deal of communication closer Spanish-Moroccan relations during the
between Oran, the centre of Spanish power inNorth 1550s.17 His son, Isaac, also held the official post of
Africa, and the Moroccan Court. In 1564, the royal interpreter in Arabic at Oran and likewise per?
Spaniards reoccupied Velez de la Gomara with the formed various special services for the Spanish
tacit collaboration of Sultan Moulay Abdallah. Crown, notably in 1580, at the time of Philip IPs
Fears of Turkish penetration to the Straits of Gibral? acquisition of Ceuta and Tangiers, when he was sum?
tar that would threaten Spain's most vital sea-lanes,13 moned toMadrid and spent some months conferring
to the west Andalusian ports, gradually gave way, with ministers.18 Isaac's son, Haim (Hayen), who in
after the Spanish victory at Lepanto, to turn succeeded to the royal interpreter ship, spent
apprehension
that the area might be entered seven months at San Lucar de Barrameda, inAndalu?
by the English and, still
more, from the 1590s, to fears of the Dutch. In 1580, sia, at the royal command, in 1608, with the Duke of
Philip II acquired the throne of Portugal and thereby Medina Sidonia, who was then engaged in the laying
gained possession of the three remaining of plans for the occupation of Larache and La
Portuguese
plazas inNorth
Africa?Ceuta, and Maza Marnora. A second key family were the ?aportas, or,
Tangiers,
as
gan. Acquisition of Ceuta and Tangiers gave Spain they later became known in Europe, the Sasportas.
control of both sides of the Straits, but still left four This family, probably descended from the Qaportas
serviceable ports inMuslim hands in north-west Mor? who were prominent at Barcelona in the fourteenth
occo
lying close to the Straits?Larache, La M?mora, century,19 apparently settled inOran somewhat later
Fedala, and Sale. Philip II accordingly showed interest in the sixteenth century than the Cansinos. Yaho
in annexing at least Larache,14 the closest of these to the elder, while was a
Qaportas living at Tlemcen,
the Straits, and after the succession of Philip III principal contact of the Governor of Oran during the
(1598-1621), Spanish involvement in the area became 1550s, supplying valued information on the move?
intense.15 The signing, in 1610, of a treaty between the ments of the Turks.20 His descendants were rewarded
United Provinces and the Sultan Muley Sidan, who for his and their various services to the Crown
by
then ruled in Southern Morocco, and the extraordi? being assigned the xequi'a 'of their nation', the secular
nary increase in Dutch activity in the area, often by headship of the Oran Jewish community. Another
means of Jewish intermediaries, such family of notables were the Par
spurred Philip III to Spanish-Jewish
form closer links with Muley-el-Sheikh, brother and ientes. Solomon Pariente the elder, an intermediary in

Thejews of Spanish North Africa, 1600-1669 73
the negotiations concerning Larache, settled in that intriguingly, itwas the Spanish ambassador, Gondo
town with his family shortly after its occupation mar, who had him released, hoping
by thereby to win
the Spaniards. The Parientes refused to live with the him back into the Spanish service. Itwas alleged by the
other Jews at Larache but insisted on forming a curious Dutch Jew Duarte Fernandez that just before he died,
sub-ghetto of some twenty persons at some distance in 1616, Samuel did in fact decide to resume contact
from the main juderta.21 Like the Cansinos, they held with Spanish Ministers, and certainly, after his death,
an official the his nephew, Moseh Pallache, visited Brussels in the
royal interpretership. Subsequently,
family moved to Tangiers, where Abraham Pariente of Fernandez and was interviewed
company by the
continued to serve first the Spanish Crown and, after de Guadaleste and Ambrosio the
Marques Spinola,
the loss of Tangiers by Spain to Portugal in 1643, that commander of the Spanish army of Flanders.26 Moseh
of Portugal. Following the ceding of the town to Pallache offered, for a Spanish pension of 200 escudos
Charles II of England, in 1661, Abraham and his son, and a down-payment of 2,000 escudos, to
monthly
the younger Solomon, continued to act as agents of prevent a pending agreement between Mulay Sidan
the Portuguese king at the same time as collaborating and the English and to arrange the annexation by
with the English.22 Another Jewish notable who par? Spain, with the help of thejews dwelling there, of Sale
ticipated in the Spanish annexation of Larache was and Fedala. Guadaleste to
reported enthusiastically
Nathan Ulet, who was sent by
Mulay-el-Sheikh to Madrid, emphasising the value of the services of a
Gibraltar in 1610 to represent him with the such as the Pallaches;
Marques family Spinola and the Archduke
de San Roman, commander of the forces involved, Albert himself, on the other hand, were much less
and was with him during the occupation of the town. favourably impressed.
Possibly the best known of theNorth African Jew? The deliberations inMadrid and Brussels concern?
ish families in the Spanish service in the
engaged ing Sale and Fedala, during the last years of the reign of
seventeenth century, however, was a family with no
Philip III, were characteristic of the bold and confident
direct connection with the plazasfuertes, the Pallaches. in North Africa of the period
Spanish imperialism
This family is of course chiefly noted for its role in the between the seizure of Larache in 1610 and the
development of Dutch-Moroccan relations and its resumption of the great Spanish-Dutch war in 1621.
activity, after 1608, inHolland. But Samuel Pallache, In those years, Spain was at the height of its power
the founder of the family's fortunes in Holland, had and involved in ambitious schemes in
internationally
evidently spent several years inMadrid in the later Italy, Germany, and the Low Countries as well as in
1560s and
the 1570s, representing Mulay Abdallah, theMaghreb. The occupation of Sale by Spain was a
and he and his brother, Joseph, were again inMadrid real possibility for a period of years and the scheme
between 1605 and 1608 and were frequent visitors to was shelved in 1621 because the Council of State
only
the Escorial.23 In 1607, during the deliberations over in Madrid could not the cost that it
contemplate
Larache, it was actually envisaged that Samuel and would involve at a time of renewed hostilities with the
Joseph would assist in the operation.24 It may have Dutch.27 Thus the ambition of forming a complete
been they who were behind the request made to Philip North African coastal barrier between Islam and
III, in 1607, by Mulay-el-Sheikh that steps be taken to Spain, and between Islam and the Protestant Powers,
alleviate the lot of the 'Jews of Tangiers and Lisbon', was never to be completed.
an occurrence that indicates that at least However, the end of Spanish expansion in North
extraordinary
some of the Jews close to theMoroccan Court took Africa, by 1621, did not yet involve any reduction in
more than a passing interest in the fate of the Iberian the role in the Spanish service, or of the privileges, of
conuersos.25 For a reason but conceivably itwas to be one
unknown, thejews of the plazas fuertes. Although
because of contacts with conversos, the Pallaches' posi? of the main arguments put forward during the seven?
tion in Spain became suddenly insecure, in 1608, and teenth century in favour of expulsion of thejews from
they took refuge with the French ambassador. Soon thefronteras, that they gradually lost their usefulness to
after leaving Spain, Samuel undertook his first jour? the Spanish Crown, in that their services
particularly
ney toHolland. Subsequently, the Pallaches appear on in interpreting ceased to be indispensable, as the
the European scene as foes rather than friends of of the plazas became more in
Spain, Spaniards proficient
as the agents of Sidan at The Hague. In 1615, Arabic,28 considerable evidence would seem to tell
Mulay
Samuel Pallache appeared in the Admiralty Court in against this claim, although, at Oran, there was a
London confronted by agents of Philip III and charged Christian of Arabic as well as the
interpreter Jewish
with acts of piracy against
Spanish shipping condoned interpreter. Cantero Vaca, who, despite his strong
by the Dutch States-General. Samuel was briefly im? religious objections to the Jews, was in many ways
prisoned in England, due to Spanish pressure; but, towards them, frankly

remarkably unprejudiced

74 Jonathan Israel
admitted whencomparing the services of the Jewish peninsula with the right to live openly as
and Christian interpreters that 'because they [thejews] intriguing to compare this statement with an impor?
go into the hinterland and have much communication tant reference in Cantero Vaca's account of the Oran
and correspondence with the Moors, they receive Jews: 'recently some of them, with no little effrontery,
more information from them than does the Chris? petitioned for no less than to be able to move to
tian.'29 And indeed, communication between the Madrid and in fact the matter proceeded quite far.'33
Spanish strongholds and the hinterland was in general Cantero Vaca was here doubtless referring to one of
it is the negotiations of Jacob Cansino 'el sabio' during the
tightly controlled by the governors, and while
true that thejews could not, any more than the Chris? 1630s, the period which marks the high point of royal
tians, leave and re-enter the plazas without acceptance of thejews as an integral component in the
special
licences, and although Spaniards did occasionally Spanish imperial structure and which produced some
travel into the interior with such licences,30 it is clear major concessions to the Jews of the North African
that the Jews were much more involved in trade and plazas such as can almost be said to have pointed the
contact with the Moors than were the Spaniards. way to a measure of Jewish resettlement in Spain.
Moreover, licensed Muslim merchants like? One reason for Jacob Cansino's toMadrid
although journey
wise entered and left the plazas in some numbers, in 1633 was his desire to extricate himself from the
they
did not reside in them and the Crown made little use disfavour of theMarques de Flores D?vila, then .Gov?
of them, even for minor commercial transactions, as it ernor of Oran, who had
imprisoned him briefly and
considered that it had no hold over them. The Jews on the death, in battle, of his elder brother Aaron, in
were in fact the only available regular intermediaries 1633, transferred the interpretership in Arabic not, as
between and hinterland. custom demanded, to Jacob, but to his rival for the
plazas
The continued value
of the Jewish presence in the leadership of the Oran community, its entretenido or
fronteras to the Spanish Crown, after 1621, is further xeque (sheikh), Yaho Qaportas the younger.34 The
demonstrated Council of War in Madrid of Flores
by the general strengthening of their disapproved
position during the ascendancy in Spain of Philip IV's Davila's action, but the permission given to Cansino
first favourite, the Conde-Duque de Olivares, in to come toMadrid and resume his presence near the
1621?1643. Olivares, of course, has long been consi? Court where he had already been in 1625 arose from
dered something of a philosemite. His preponderance various considerations apart from that of the interpre?
was at Madrid
characterised by some effort, and stillmore plans, tership. Cansino succeeded in having the
on the post reversed and
to revive the vitality of Spain and its empire and governor's decision by a
weaken its enemies, especially the Dutch, by various cedula of November 1636 the title and accompanying
means. Among the innumerable proposals deliberated salary of 25 escudos monthly was transferred from
in Madrid, the 1620s and 1630s, were to Cansino. But since it is clear that the
during Qaportas
was
embryonic schemes for the resettlement of the Dutch Crown ready to do this from the first, it is plain
Sephardim in the Iberian
peninsula, using economic thatmost of his activity during his more than five-year
incentives and restraining the Inquisition, provided stay atMadrid, where he lived, for at least part of the
that they would live outwardly at least as Catholics, time, in the Calle del Olivo, opposite the residence of
plans for the establishment of organised Jewish com? theMarques de Valparaiso,35 had nothing to do with
munities in the Asiatic possessions of the Crown of the question of his status at Oran. There are strong
so as to undermine the trade of the Dutch indications that he became a confidant of the Conde
Portugal,
East India Company, and suggestions that the Dutch Duque, undertook various services on his behalf, and
be resettled in the North African was probably also received by the King. It is a fair
Sephardim plazas
came of any of surmise that the burden of many of his conferences
fuertes in 'liberty and security'.31 Little
this, for resistance to such proposals in Spain was with Olivares and other Ministers was the question of
strong, but Olivares, mobilising the resources of sections ofMaghreb Jewry

by influencing appointments
in the service of Philip IV in return for closer links,
within the Inquisition, and other means, evidently did
restrain the Inquisition during these years so that per? commercial and otherwise, with Spain. While Can?
secution of conversos was relatively sporadic and their sino lived inMadrid, during 1634,Philip IV issued a
in commerce and finance 'permision general' enabling the Jews of Oran to visit
importance Spanish
increased. Yet another attributed to Spain for temporary stays without any formal resolu?
markedly plan
tion on the part of the Consejo de Guerra, with simply a
Olivares by the nineteenth-century Spanish historian
Adolfo de Castro, who, gave no licence from the governor.36 This permision general of
unfortunately,
source,32 was that of intending to resettle certain 1634 was of great significance, for itmeant that visits
Sephardim from the Mediterranean countries in the by Jews to Spain were no longer exclusively matters of

State that could be decided on

only inMadrid, but of Inquisition persecution of the Portuguese conversos,
so to
became, speak, matters of routine. The sort of during the 1640s and 1650s, with many more autos deJe
lengthy procedure, as for that gone through and Jewish victims than formany decades. At the same
example
in 1623-1624 by Jacob Cansino when applying for time, the secession of Portugal from Spain in 1640, and
permission for a four-month stay inMadrid,37 was no the long conflict between Spain and that then
Portugal
longer necessary. The annual visits of two Jews to began, led in Castile to a wave of political suspicion
Malaga to supervise the preparation of ritually pure the Portuguese conversos who had settled in the
against
wine for the Oran community, mentioned by Can country during the previous half-century and against
tero Vaca in 1637,38 was almost certainly a recent those in Tangiers and Ceuta. The breaking away of
innovation under the permision general. The issuing of in 1643, when after months of desperate
Tangiers
this order in 1634 suggests that for most of his long shortages the Spaniards lost control of the town and it
stay inMadrid Cansino was in fact involved in discuss? reverted to Portugal, added to the general
naturally
that would have given at distrust of the contractors
ing possible arrangements (asentistas) who were re?
least theOran Jews more than just rights of temporary
sponsible for supplying the North African plazas on
residence in Spain. But how could the Crown go behalf of the Crown. In the midst of dangerous shor?
the step of 1634 without in some sense abro?
beyond tages at Ceuta in 1646, the governor warned that the
gating the general expulsion from Spain of 1492? Thus contractor Francisco Lopez Capodocia was
failing to
it seems likely that Olivares did indeed contemplate at his as he
discharge responsibilities should, causing
least a limited measure of Jewish resettlement in Spain. discontent in the town, the
alarming reminding
The publication of Cansino's Spanish rendering of Council of Finance that the 'man is Portuguese and a
Moses Almosnino's Grandezas de Constantinopla at New Christian and in his hand lies the fate of
this
Madrid in 1638, theonly book published inSpain by a place, which may be lost, as was Tangiers, through
professing Jew between 1492 and the abolition of the lack of was then
supplies'.39 Lopez Capodocia
is by any standard a remarkable occur? but such was the irony of the
Inquisition, dropped by the Crown,
rence in both
Jewish and Spanish history and is yet situation created by Olivares that the only two alter?
another sign that the Conde-Duque was native asentistas who could be found to bid for the
considering
some great the Grandezas itselfwas contract to
change. Although supply Ceuta were likewise Portuguese
irrelevant to the question of Spain and the
Jews, the conversos, Fernando Montezinos and Gaspar Rodri?
publication was prefaced with a fulsome dedication to guez Cardoso, and Montezinos, who like Capodocia
Olivares, complete with his portrait, and an account of was a
crypto-Jew,40 was in fact entrusted with the
supplyingofCeuta. InOctober 1647,Philip IV issued
the services of the Cansino
family to the Spanish
Crown. Of course, all Spanish monarchs since 1492 instructions to his councils inMadrid to go so far as to
had Jews in North Africa in their service,
employed accept less advantageous terms in themaking of con?
but with Cansino's which can tracts in order to reduce the number
publication, only have of Portuguese
been possible with very firm support from the Conde conversos involved.
Duque himself, itwas being proclaimed to the entire The withdrawal of the permision general of 1634
world that the Spanish Crown made use of the services took place on the occasion of the arrival of Solomon
of Jews, that Philip IV and Olivares valued such ser? and a Jewish companion inValencia in 1645,
Qaportas
vice, and both had rewarded and intended to go on for the visit from the Governor of
having permission
it. Indeed, everything about the publica? Oran only, and was connected with the
rewarding general drive
tion suggests that itwas intended to the to reduce the role of conversos and
help prepare Jews within the
Spanish public for some change in its view of thejews. empire at the time. Qaportas' presence at Valencia was
Even the certificate of ecclesiastical declared, by royal cedula dated 31 December
approval, by Fray 1645,41
Jeronimo de laCruz, visitador-general of thejeronimite to be 'in virtue of a permision general of the year 1634,
friars, seems to be laying down a new guide line: 'the issued when there were not the problems with
religion
book has no other considerable fault than that it comes in Spain which the wars have introduced by
causing a
from the hands of persons who profess a faith different mixture of nations, to which we must now attend,
from our holy Catholic religion; but this is no obstacle the
religion being principal pillar of thisMonarchy'.42
since we are permitted to read the Targum and rab? The Governor at Oran was instructed that the reasons
binical authorities and many pagan authors and even for Qaportas' being in Spain would have to be con?
Tacitus, who speaks so impiously of the Christians'. siderable to outweigh 'the drawbacks that are evident
After the fall of Olivares in 1643, the in the presence of Jews in Spain' and that, in any case,
strengthening
of thepositionof thejewswithin theSpanish empire would have to return directly to Oran and,
Qaportas
was reversed. In Spain, there was a resurgence should the governor still consider the visit desirable,
quickly

76 Jonathan Israel
application would have to be made, in the old manner, interior or in Spain, at times when the royal coffers in
inMadrid. However, this formal return to the status the strongholds were empty. In some cases, Oran
Jews
quo ante really implied not a return to the circum? advanced not cash but
goods, notably hides, coloured
stances of the early seventeenth century, when and slaves, so that these could be sold at
Spain plumage,
was an in North Africa, or Alicante and provisions
expanding imperial power Cartagena purchased.47
but a deterioration for the Jews to a weaker Such advances were paid back
position exceedingly slowly and
than at any time since the Spanish capture of Oran. at times not at all. It would seem that there was no
After the fall of the Conde-Duque and loss of Tan? inmaking
profit whatever these advances, which did
giers, Spain was very evidently a declining power in not even bear a nominal interest and that they were
North Africa as elsewhere. While the Jews of the made only to secure honours, non-pecuniary rewards,
fronteras continued to fulfd functions valuable to the and increased security for the community. Even so,
Crown, in the atmosphere of intensifying antagonism there were cases of governors
applying heavy pressure
to conversos and Jews, after 1643, itwas considerably on in times of grave shortage, as in 1632 at
thejews
easier than previously to mount pressure against the Oran the governorship of the Marques de
during
Jews in the plazas, pressure both for tighter restriction Flores Davila, and yet obtaining no advances.48 The
of Jewish life and for outright expulsion. largest loans made during the reign of Philip III would
In addition to their interpreting and what seem to be those made
might be 'free of interest' by Yaho
called their political and
diplomatic role, thejews also Qaportas, who was owed 20,771 escudos by the Crown
performed highly important functions in the econo? in May 1621,49 the bulk of which, as late as 1634,
mic life of the plazas, in the specific sphere of from the creditor to the
supply? despite repeated petitions
ing the garrisons with grain, meat, and horses and in Consejo de Guerra, had still not been repaid, an experi?
commerce the most difficult ence which was doubtless one reason for the com?
generally.43 Normally,
task of the governors of thefronteras was
simply to feed munity's refusal to lend in 1632. Cantero Vaca
the soldiery and populace in their charge. In remarks of Yaho in 1637, that 'he has been
theory, (âportas,
grain was substantially cheaper inNorth Africa than in very rich, but is no longer so, as his liberality has not
the peninsula and, in the main, except at times of resulted in his remaining such'.50 The sums lent
by
emergency, the Crown preferred to provide the Qaportas in his earlier years, however, would seem to
strongholds with ready cash rather than supplies. have been exceptional. Most for repay?
applications
However, themoney frequently tended to arrive late, ment received in Madrid were for small amounts,
so that the governors were in arrang? this did not hasten reimbursement.
greatly impeded though evidently
ing grain purchases at the most time, In July 1634, Isaac Qaportas Cansino the
advantageous petitioned
after the harvest.44 Moreover, even in cases where de Guerra that 650 escudos that he had lent to
Consejo
Madrid did undertake to forward Andalusian or Sici? the Crown for the purchase of grain ten years pre?
lian grain, after harvest failure or other difficulties in viously should be repaid to him by the usual method
North Africa, provisions often took so long to arrive in such cases, out of the returns on customs duties
that governors were forced into collected at Oran.51 The
costly stopgap pur? extremely large figure of
chases locally. In this connection,
thejews of the plazas 800,000 ducats mentioned in the avisos of Jer?nimo de
served two main functions: when cash was available in Barrionuevo as the amount that Jacob Cansino
the royal coffers, governors would entrust sums to offered, inMadrid, on behalf of theOran
community,
specific Jews so that they might journey to Muslim to lend to the Crown in 1656 should be treated with
townships in the sierra to buy grain; in thisway, wheat considerable caution.52
and barley could be more traders came to the plazas
cheaply bought than would Although Muslim and
have been the case in in the
receiving grain dealers though Iberian merchants, often conversos, were like?
plazas themselves. At Oran, during the governorship wise active in them, thejews also played a prominent
of the Marques de San Roman a time
(1652-1660), part in the general commerce of thefronteras and there
when the Qaportas were in some disfavour, it was are various statements by observers to the effect that
especially Jacob Cansino, and his sons Aaron and 'they have all the trade such that they inflate food
Haim, who undertook such commissions,45 travelling prices'53 and referring to the 'bad dealings, usury,
to Canastel, with which the Cansinos had a thefts, and other practices with which
usually they have con?
traditional or to La Zafina trived to harm Christians'.54
connection, de Jafa. A As long as it was the
certain David el Bahar was
similarly employed in the policy of Madrid to prevent Spaniards entering the
procurement of cattle.46 The other main economic interior, except in highly exceptional circumstances,
service of the Jews to the Crown was that of advancing and there was strong resistance in Spain to the notion
money for the purchase of provisions, either in the of opening up the trade of the plazas so that
Spaniards

could deal directly with the Muslim centres of the Besides there were
permits for trade with Spain,
hinterland,55 itwas probably inevitable that thejews, several other privileges to which Jews of the plazas
with their greater freedom of movement and facility might aspire. Two major such honours were exemp?
in Arabic, should dominate many sections of trade, tion from the special alcabala of the Jews, a tax
paid
including the provision of foodstuffs for the city as a annually by the community, and places among the
whole. Moreover, since supplies were frequently of the garrisons. The alcabala of thejews was a
cavalry
scarce, it was hardly avoidable that much animosity fixed lump sum which was not lowered when indivi?
should fall upon as a result of high food prices. duals were exempted, nor
thejews apparently did the burden
Besides procuring grain and cattle, thejews dealt in a fall more heavily
on those who were not exempt,
variety of wares obtained from the interior which which suggests that the tax was paid from the com?
were re-exported from the plazas to Spain, especially chest to which the contributions of the syna?
munity
hides, Saharan plumage, and slaves. Since silver was gogue members, whether or not exempt from the
scarce and of high value at such centres as Fez,
Algiers, alcabala, remained constant.61 The tax was in any case
and Tlemcen, itwas highly lucrative to export cash remarkably low, amounting at Oran, after deduction
from the strongholds into the interior and buy goods of salaries, to less than one-third of the 1,200 escudos
and supplies for sale in the plazas and Spain. It was paid by the Crown annually to Oran Jews in stipends
even sometimes said that the rulers of Algiers and much less than the 600 escudos of Solomon Par
only
the Spaniards to retain Oran for the sake of iente's as interpreter in Arabic at Larache alone.
permitted salary
the silver that they gained thereby.56 Jews resident in The privilege of exemption was desired for the
purely
Muslim towns could enter the plazas for business honour it secured, for in Castilian law tax exemption
purposes, licences permitting them to stay was a fundamental attribute of noble status, so that
obtaining
for periods of a month or more; at times, there were Jews thus elevated could claim quasi-noble status
probably quite a number of such temporarily resident within the Jewish community. The Cansinos,
Jews in the strongholds. Qaportas, and Parientes were in this sense quasi-nobles
Thejews of thefronteras were also active in import? from a relatively early date. A family that received the
ing from Spain, especially manufactures, wine, olive privilege at a later stage was that of Saida el Haique
oil, fish, and, perhaps most profitable of all, tobacco, and his son Xixa el Haique, who, with their heirs,
which was into the interior or were from the alcabala in 1644 in recogni?
frequently re-exported exempted
by coast-to-coast trade to Algiers.57 Permission to tion of their services to the Crown.62 Probably the last
trade with Spain without setting foot there in person applicant to the Council of War for exemption at
required a special royal licence, a highly prized privi? Oran, before the expulsion of 1669, was Solomon el
lege and one of the chief rewards to be obtained Hatat, who applied in 1667 and was refused when the
through service to the Crown. Such licences could be Council gathered from the Governor that neither he
nor his
acquired only by application to the Council ofWar in family had in fact advanced any money to the
Madrid. In 1656, for instance, Isaac Ballestero, son of Crown.63 A cavalry place procured both honour and
a of the 540 escudos paid yearly to Oran
Joseph Ballestero and grandson of Jacob Ballestero, stipend. Most
descendant of one of the so-called siete casas, the sup? Jews over and above the two major salaries, the 30
seven to settle in escudos monthly to the xeque and the 25
posedly original Jewish families escudos
Oran, requested a licence the monthly for the interpreter ship, was of
Spanish reminding composed
Council of the services of his family, so that he could was
military stipends. Jacob Cansino assigned his
trade with Malaga and other ports 'from the city of cavalry place by royal cedula in 1627; his father, Haim,
Oran without leaving it',58 while in the same year, had received his in 1597.64 At any one time, quite a
Haim Albo, descendant of another of the siete casas, number of Oran Jews held posts in the garrison and
which had on various occasions lent money to the until 1660, or thereabouts, when itwas ordered that
Crown, likewise sought permission to trade with the Jews must surrender all arms, a stock of weapons
was
Spain as had 'been done with others of his nation'.59 In kept, with the Governor's sanction, in the
no means
addition to importing, exporting, and shop tending, juderta.65 Such cavalry places were by
thejews of the strongholds engaged inmoneylending merely honorary but involved their incumbents in
at interest. Cantero Vaca remarks, in this connection, active service with the governor and his soldiery.
that the Jews, 'despite being to their
such lovers of money, Owing familiarity with the interior and the
refuse to accept it on the Sabbath, so that it secure hold that the Crown had over them, the Jews
happens
often that soldiers come to the juderia on that day to represented the best-qualified military guides avail?
repay loans, knowing that this is a means of delaying able to the governors. During the sixteenth century,
several of the Cansinos were killed in skirmishes with
repayment'.60

78 Jonathan Israel
hostile Moors, and, in the seventeenth, Haim was shot had many of its best houses.71 A Spanish functionary
in the arm, while Jacob's elder brother Aaron was known as the alcaide de la juderta was responsible for
killed in a clash between the Spaniards and the Beni locking and unlocking the ghetto each evening and
Raxas.66 morning, for itwas
strictly forbidden for any Jew to
The Jews also played a key role in the slaving emerge the
from juderta, or any non-Jew to enter, at
expeditions organised by the Governors of Oran, and night. At Larache, the sub-ghetto consisting of the 20
was
possibly of the other plazas, into hostile districts. members of Solomon Pariente's family, which
Slavery
was a central feature of life in the Maghreb located well away from the juderta, likewise had just
and throughout the Islamic world, and it was the one external entrance and was locked at night, at the
in reply to the enslavement of thou? same time as the juderta, by the alcaide;72 presumably,
policy of Spain,
sands of Christians taken by theMuslims at sea and on the same held true when the Parientes moved to
on sorties and again established a family sub-ghetto
land, to enslave hostile Moors captured Tangiers
made from the plazas. These slaves could be sold in outside thejuderta.1'3 At Larache, where there had been
and were a major source of the large profits an organised
Jewish community but no juderta on the
Spain
customarily made by the governors in the exercise of pattern of Catholic Europe before the Spanish occupa?
their offices and therefore a major reason for the tion, some 8,000 escudos was reportedly spent in the
of North African with the decade from 1610 on the construction of a walled
popularity governorships
Castilian aristocracy. But to carry out slaving raids ghetto.
skilful planning and guidance As a separate nation, the nacion hebrea, as they were
successfully required
and this was a task of the Jews. During themid-seven? known in Spanish, the Jews had, by law, to dress
teenth century, governors drew up slaving contracts distinctively from Spaniards and Moors and though
with Yaho and Jacob Cansino whereby the Crown did not attempt to regulate dress, apart
Qaportas
whichever the expedition received 7 doblas per from a brief attempt at Ceuta, Tangiers, and Mazag?n
guided
slave67 and four slaves if a hundred or more were to attire themen in blue bonnets,74 itwas anxious that
or horses in the matter of costume be maintained.
taken, together with a share of any cattle separateness
seized. The Jews were also prominent in the slave Jewish dress in the plazas was typical of that of the
market at Oran and other plazas. Besides serving the Maghreb generally, the men wearing turbans and
on their slaving expeditions, the Jews also smocks and the women, who greatly impressed Can?
governors
acted as intermediaries for them in other economic tero Vaca, elaborate cloth or silk dresses,
wearing
in which silken belts, finely worked silk and gold embroidery
activities Spanish officials engaged, notably
the selling of tobacco to theMuslims.68 The Marques across the bosom, embroidered caps often with pearls,
de los Velez, who expelled the Jews from Oran in and white capes for wear in the streets. In general,
de Humada and others, was costume would seem to have underlined the fact that
1669, like Fernandez
the Jews were a considerably more prosperous
notably critical of earlier governors of Oran for being group
too disposed to favour thejews and enabling them to than most of the rest of the population.
accumulate weapons and slaves, and it would seem In each of the five juderias there was, by royal
clear that the predominantly relations that decree, only one synagogue and a prohibition against
good
existed between governors and Jewish leaders in the any extension or alteration of itwithout special royal
was not simply was not readily given. The
plazas during the seventeenth century permission, which, clearly,
a function of Jewish usefulness to the Crown but Oran synagogue during the seventeenth century was
to the governors in their and it seems that women were not
evidently also of their value very cramped
admitted, because it lacked a second
private dealings.69 presumably
The juderias of Oran, Ceuta, Tangiers, Larache, and storey or secluded section. 'The synagogue is smaller
inmany ways resembled European than they would like,' observed Cantero Vaca,
Mazagan ghettoes
of the time. The same ghetto regulations were in force 'because are forbidden to extend or rebuild it. It
they
in all five plazas70 and were with those has a small patio and some corridors by which one
comparable
applying in Catholic countries such as Italy and Aus? passes into a room in which there is no image of any
were tolerated. Each kind except some in which, with great
tria, where Jewish communities cupboards
was walled off from the rest of the town and estimation, they keep enclosed the "Zefe y tora de su
juderia
was one entrance. However, the ley" [sic]written
on a large parchment wound round a
permitted only
North African ghettoes, though cramped, were by no and covered with cloth of Holland or
piece of wood
means so unattractive and unhealthy as many Euro? Cambrai. From
the ceiling, hang by cords many glass
must have been. The juderia of Oran the glass without other adornment, and
pean counterparts lamps, just
the pleasantest part of the city and these burn night and day at the expense of the com
evidently occupied

muni try.They pray with voice somewhat raised and Spanish authorities of the presence of Portuguese con?
face turned to the wall and with more attention and versos in thefronteras and that too open a
spectacle of
devotion, itwould seem, than we do.'75 organised Jewish life might place too great a temp?
As regards Jewish religious practice in the plazas, tation in their path. This was especially so at Tangiers
the chief concern of Crown and Inquisition was that it and Ceuta, where there were long-established com?
should be as inconspicuous as possible. Officially, the munities of New Christians living in some degree of
Christian laity was forbidden to discuss religion with separateness from the Old Christians, just as inmany
in general, were more towns of
thejews, who, highly educated Portugal. At the time of the establishment of
and articulate than
the Christians, since all Jewish the Inquisition in Portugal, during the 1530s, Tangiers
males were schooled by the community in the reading had been one of the main escape-routes open to con?
versos
of Hebrew scriptures and liturgy. Christians were also seeking to reach theMuslim interior of North
forbidden to attend Jewish ceremonies, including Africa, where they could openly revert to Judaism.80
or eat with Jews or enter Jewish homes on At the same time, other conversos, unwilling to aban?
weddings,
the Sabbath.76 Nor might Christians be involved in don their links with the peninsula and new style of life,
Jewish observance in any other way, such as providing preferred to remain in the strongholds without this
bread or candles for ritual use or matzot for Passover. necessarily meaning any strong commitment to Cath?
The Vicario-General of Oran imposed fines on Jews olicism. Moulay-el-Sheikh's intervention, in 1607, on
who prayed too loudly in the synagogue and, on the behalf of the Jews of Tangiers and Lisbon' is likely to
seder nights, toured the juderia checking that Christians refer to the conversos rather than those living in the
were not
present at table. Vigilance was shown to juderta. That crypto-Judaism persisted outside the
ensure that burials, the only Jewish ceremonies con? juderias in the plazas is further suggested by the fact
ducted outside the ghetto walls, were performed with that a number of victims seized by the Inquisition for
a minimum of noise and display and that on the judaising, during the seventeenth century, were from
Sabbath, their customary walks around the this background, such as the Diego Mendez Merino
during
who was
city walls,thejews did not utter cries, calling upon the excepted from the expulsion of the Portu?
Messiah.77 Yet, whatever the regulations, there was guese from Veracruz, in Mexico, in 1642, on the
a that he was from Tangiers, then still loyal to
undoubtedly good deal of social contact between ground
Jews and Catholics in reality, and not only did some Spain, only to be seized subsequently by theMexican
in Jewish homes but, at for judaising.81 At Oran, where at least
Catholics partake of meals Inquisition
least in the time of Cantero Vaca, itwas not uncom? one brother of theDutch writer Daniel Levi
Sephardi
mon for them to attend weddings and other cere? de Barrios, who was from a Portuguese converso
monies. Fernandez de Humada of the family settled in Andalusia, was a soldier of the
complained garri?
excessive contact between Jews and Christians in 1661, son during the 1660s,82 and at Larache, there was a
that 'in this matter the remedy is very rootless smattering of conversos, rather than established
considering
difficult, though, by the mercy of God, it has never converso communities, yet the Inquisition was still
been heard or even suspected that any licentiousness aware of a risk. In a report of 1621 on the juderta of
between Christian and Jewess has ever occurred or v ice Larache, the supreme Inquisition council inMadrid
versa.''78 Jewish women emerged rarely from the ghet? reminded Philip IV of the 'inconveniences' that follow
toes, other than for Sabbath walks, and although from not separating Jews from Christians strictly
they
'for it understood that several persons had
did visit the homes of Christians they did so, it is enough,
in twos. Cantero Vaca affirms that as a result of the insufficient constraint with
reported, always judaized
themselves on their continence and which thejews conduct themselves there and, fearing
Jewesses prided
that he never heard, during his six years in Oran, punishment, had fled into the interior'.83
The African
fronteras, apart from their strategic
anything that could be said against their virtue, which,
he was more than he could say for the significance, had always been regarded in Spain as an
regretted,
Christian women of the city.79 outpost of an Church to make
expanding poised
there were numerous reasons why further inroads into Islam. If the plazas were seen as a
Assuredly,
should seek to cover and restrict were
Crown and Church necessary barrier between Spain and Islam, they
in the strongholds as far as also a spiritual bridgehead from which conversion of
Jewish practice possible.
The fact is that Christians and Jews found each others' Moors and
Jews could proceed. The latter were
and observances and, even as being more resistant to the Church's
beliefs highly offensive regarded
aminimum of contact, ugly incidents were liable were also thought to be
with teachings, however. Thejews
to occur. There determined to dissuade their Moorish slaves from
is, however, justification for including
the reasons awareness on the part of the converting to Christianity, inwhich, admittedly, they
among

80 Jonathan Israel
had an interest but which was also a remarkable feat, to news of a scandalous brawl between members of
since slaves of Jews, once were the two families in themain square at Oran, in 1657, a
baptised, immediately
set free. 'For no Moor living among them ever dispute inwhich sticks were used, causing such uproar
became Christian', complained Fernandez de that the Governor, who inclined towards the Can?
Humada, 'while those who live among Catholics ask sinos, took unprecedentedly firm action against their
daily for baptism.'84 This lack of conversions among opponents. Yaho Qaportas the
younger, Muxi
the slaves of Jews was indeed one of themost persistent (âportas, and the latter's sons,. Aaron and Arbi, who
were were
allegations made by those who pressed for the expul? in the thick of the commotion, per?
sion of thejews from the fronteras. Thejews them? manently exiled by San Roman, who was cautious not
selves, under the regulations that applied in the plazas, to send such important Jews into theMuslim interior,
were to attend sermons put on for to the juderta of Ceuta.90 Moscoso
obliged special openly displayed
them in various churches were fined his anger inMadrid at the Governor's action against
by the clergy and
when they failed to attend.85 There was also regular his relatives, and was in turn banished by the Council
in the synagogue. ofWar to Burgos.91 Later Moscoso became an impor?
preaching by Catholic priests
a Christian tant merchant at Alicante.
'Whenever preacher addresses them in the
synagogue,' recalled Cantero Vaca, 'they cease pray? Jewish?Christian relations in the strongholds were
no regard for references tense and some
ing and listen, but they have always though calm disputation
to saints but only to scripture,' adding that 'those who between learned Jews and
priests took place, and
convert in our times are rare, inmine there were only although the Jews were naturally anxious to avoid
six.'86 giving offence, ugly occurrences could not be entirely
that six avoided. to the friaries',
The Catholic clergy may have considered 'Their rabbis go frequently
converts in as many years were few, but in a com? recalled Cantero Vaca, 'to debate with the priests the
munity of little more than a hundred adult males this meaning of passages in Holy Scripture and thus it is
was a substantial defection. Converts to Christianity essential that the friars have there some very learned
were forced to sever all links with their families and persons who are "Old Christians" to deal with them
lives but also acquired some claim on the and teach the true path to salvation.'92 There are
previous
Crown and one which was generally acknowledged. repeated references in the sources to donations given
A Jew who converted in the 1630s and took the name by the Cansinos and Qaportas to the friaries and other
Antonio Josepe petitioned the Council of War, in churches in Oran, to their contributions towards the
1634, that conversion and departure from his family ransoming of priests captured by theMoors, and for
had left him impoverished, claiming a place among the saying ofMass after the death of Christian friends.
the infantry at Oran 'as is usually conceded to con?
Jacob Cansino, who, evidently, was rather admired by
verts';87 Ministers inMadrid that this was just Cantero Vaca, as was Yaho assured him
agreed Qaportas,
and worthy of the greatness of the King and assigned 'many times' that the Cansinos had not participated in
him an infantry stipend of 2 escudos monthly at Oran. the crucifixion of Jesus, having been residing at the
Another 'hebreo de nation' who appears to have con? time in Toledo.93 Yet in the nature of things such
verted, Felipe Xorxe, of Oran, represented before the assiduous efforts to maintain good relations with the
Council, in 1623, that he and his father had several Christians could not be successful. Cantero
entirely
times advanced to the Governor and jour? Vaca himself clashed with
money thejews when he attempted
to buy horses for the garrison, to convert an elderly Jew who was dying and from
neyed into the interior
but that he had since been impoverished; he was whom the other Jews kept him away virtually by
assigned a place in the garrison at 4 escudos monthly.88 force. He claims that in the end thejews actually stifled
The two conversions that probably most shook Oran the man to prevent his conversion, so that he after?
were those of a
Jewry during the seventeenth century wards raised the matter with the utmost vigour with
son of Jacob Qaportas,89 who converted apparently in the Inquisition tribunal ofMurcia, which had jurisdic?
the 1650s, and who subsequently lived in Madrid tion over Oran. On another occasion, in 1656, itwas
under the name Don Felipe de Moscoso, and that of alleged by the Dominican prior that, on walking
Isaac Cansino, a of Jacob el sabio, who the juderta one day to preach at the syna?
nephew through
accepted baptism in 1669 at the time of the expulsion. gogue, he found before the entrance to the house of
The defection of Jacob Qaportas's son seems to have a wooden cross placed in such a way
Jacob ben Qagua
lent additional
bitterness to the already that whoever enter or leave should step upon
seriously might
strained relationship between the two leading Jewish it.94 This too met with an angry reaction among the
families at Oran, a and was
relationship which deteriorated clergy raised with the Inquisitors at Murcia.
further in subsequent years. Moscoso reacted strongly the worst incident that occurred in the years
Possibly

preceding the expulsion from Oran was that which Velez himself subsequently looked back on the event
took place on the eve of Easter Friday, 1663, while in these terms:
church services were in progress, when, according to
are the reasons why Your
'Many
the highly hostile Sotomayor the Jews Majesty [the
y Valenzuela,
Queen Regent] should take pride in this action, for
seized a Jewish girl named Miriam, their equivalent of
are the ills remedied
carried her around the juderia, which was then many by it; for there was no
Mary, evil by which this perverse people did not manifest
locked and devoid of Christians, mocking her, and
the poison in their hearts, nor any misconduct,
then threw her down, spitting on her and declaring
usury, thievery, and suchlike with which they have
that thus, if they could, would they treat the one the not sought to harm Christians; and it ismiraculous
Christians call 'Mother of God'.95 When word got that they have not caused them to waver in their
out, a tumult began, with many Catholics demanding
faith, for their ascendancy reached such a peak that
that thejews be killed. The mob was only quietened
they were taken by everyone for oracles; itwould
by the priests with the promise that the affair would be
not have been easy to know the
examined In things which have
very thoroughly by the Inquisition. now been discovered had not the day come when
general, the Catholic clergy stressed that the Jews these roots were torn out.'99
looked upon the cross with loathing, and made much
of adverse reports collected from former slaves of Jews The to the ascendancy
reference of thejews reach?
who had converted and been freed and from the a and their
ing peak being taken for oracles by Chris?
occasional Jewish convert.96 'It is known from some tians is of course vague and may be variously
Moors, former slaves of Jews', reported Sotomayor y interpreted. But conceivably this is a reference to the
Valenzuela, 'and from a [Jewish] convert. . . that Shabbatean movement at Oran, for undoubtedly one
they
mock our true faith and utter curses when of the distinctive features of these years was that in
they pass by
churches.' some countries, some gentiles
including Holland,
In this tense atmosphere, with the insistence of were affected
by the agitation and came to look upon
Crown and Church that Jewish practice be kept as thejews as oracles. 'It is strange', reported the Oxford
hidden away as possible, it is obvious that the Shabba Gazette from Holland in December 1665, 'that not
tean agitation that spread through North Africa as it only the Jews here, but some hundreds that own the
did through Europe and theMiddle East in 1665-1666 name of Christians among us think themselves con?
must have caused, if it any outward cerned in it, thewiser sort of people sufficiently under?
produced sign of
exuberance in the plazas whatever, a negative reaction stand the cheat.'100
on the part of the authorities. Furthermore, Another reason for linking the expulsion
Spanish possible
since theMarques de los Velez commenced his drive with the Shabbatean movement lies in certain specific
to persuade Madrid that the Jews should be expelled circumstances at Oran, in 1666, immediately preced?
from Oran in 1666,97 shortly after Shabbatai Zevi's los Velez's decision to press for Soto
ing expulsion.
apostasy inConstantinople, but while the commotion mayor y Valenzuela states that the start of the entire
among the Jews of Europe and North Africa was still process was the death on 17 September 1666 (two days
at a height, itwould seem
primafacie quite conceivable after the apostasy of Shabbatai Zevi) of
Jacob Cansino,
that there is a link between the messianic movement which
the Jewish community, instead of
following
and the expulsion from Oran. Soto? as it had
Admittedly, automatically agreeing, always previously
mayor y Valenzuela makes no reference that could be done, that his successor to the royal
interpretership
construed as that los Velez was reacting to should be the next in line of the Cansino
meaning family,
some religious within the Jewish com? commenced an commotion over the
development unprecedented
munity, but then he offers no explanation whatever succession.101 The chronicler calls this the
Spanish
other than declaring that the Governor became sud? 'cuchillo de su degollacion' and relates that the Jews,
denly imbued with the pious scheme of driving the unable to resolve their differences, asked the Governor
Jews out. The reference in the London Gazette account to submit to Madrid the names of three candidates,
of 19-22July 1669 to thejews being banished from who had backing for the post, so that the Consejo de
Oran 'upon suspicion of their want of fidelity' pro? Guerra should decide. It was this, according to Soto
vides no clue either, for any alleged lack of fidelity mayor y Valenzuela, that prompted the marquis to
would certainly have been made much of in Soto? consider whether there was any need to appoint any
y Valenzuela's and the Governor's own mis?
mayor Jew to the position and to propose that a Christian
sives to theQueen Regent. The account that appears in successor be this was an extra?
appointed. Certainly,
the Dutch the Hollantsche Mercurius
paper gives no ordinary occurrence such that there can be no doubt
hint at all of the reason for the Spanish decision.98 Los that something had produced a greater of dis
degree

82 Jonathan Israel
in the community than practically ever before. other details were left to theMarquis's discretion. Los
unity
it be that the Cansinos were in fact Shabba was
Could Velez somewhat worried by the presence of Jacob
taians and had some support, but that their rivals, the Qaportas at Cartagena, whither he had journeyed,
(âportas, who presumably opposed the movement, presumably, from Italy, desirous of restoring himself
and other opponents too strong? and his family to royal favour, to obtain
proved hoping
to proceed to Madrid.103
Los Velez, having begun his campaign for expul? permission The Governor
sion in October 1666, despite the support of Juan urged that (Japortas should not be allowed to proceed
Everardo, and confessor to the and took steps to prevent, should he learn of anything
Inquisitor-General
Queen Regent, no immediate success. The at Cartagena, warning reaching Oran. It is actually
gained
matter proceeded slowly and it was not until April possible that Jacob Qaportas did dispatch warnings to
1668 that the Governor received a tentative sanction his brother Samuel and son Solomon, for the Gover?
for the project from Madrid, or rather a royal inquiry nor intercepted letters to them, which he could not
on and read, written in Hebrew
how expulsion might be speedily safely by Jacob. To make doubly
effected without involving any risks to the stronghold. sure, theMarquis imprisoned Samuel and Solomon in
the number of Jewish adult males was con? separate towers of the fortress with orders that no one
Although
was to have access to them. At this time,
siderably outnumbered by the troops of the garrison, Jacob died at
itwas not thought that the operation could be carried Cartagena and Samuel succeeded to the xequta of the
out safely without bringing in additional troops. Oran Jews, being the last holder of the office before
Moreover, it had
long been royal policy that Jews the expulsion.
expelled from the plazas should in no case be permit? The proclamation of expulsion was read out in the
ted to pass into the interior, where they could place was
plaza mayor of Oran, which heavily lined with
at the
their knowledge of the plazas and assistance guards, on 31 March 1669, evidently much to the
of the Muslim foes of Los Velez ans? contentment of the non-Jewish
disposal Spain. populace.104 Eight
wered that the action should be prepared with the were given thejews to prepare their departure
days
utmost secrecy so as to prevent thejews learning of it and they were permitted to elect two representatives
beforehand and taking any measures, and that at least to remain behind for a period to settle outstanding
300 additional troops should be brought over from business between Jews and non-Jews. The following
on hearing the decree of expulsion,
Spain lest thejews, day, the dejected menfolk of the community gathered
should attempt any collusion with theMoors. Finally, to deliberate the place and manner of exile and elected
he recommended that the Jews should be removed Saadia el Haique and Samuel Zemerro to remain.
own for a third representa?
entirely from North Africa and shipped, at their They also requested permission
expense, either to Italy or the Levant. The Council of tive, to which the Marquis agreed, but afterwards
War to these suggestions, but resolved that not one of their number should stay, but
responded favourably
before finally authorising expulsion instructed the would all depart together, leaving unsettled matters in
Governor to search the city archive of Oran to deter? the hands of Christians. As regards place of exile,
mine precisely what was the documentary basis for which los Velez left entirely to them, provided that it
Jewish residence inOran. Itwas thought important to was nowhere inNorth Africa or in any Spanish terri?
know what guarantees or promises King Ferdinand tory, itwas decided to sail to the port of Villafranca de
might have given the first generation of Jewish settlers Niza (Nice), where the Duke of Savoy was encourag?
in the stronghold. Having done so, the Marquis ing the settlement of Jews of substance so as to enhance
assured the Council that he found only one cedula of trade. Bad weather prevented departure within the
Ferdinand of residence to Jews time and itwas only on 16 April that the
King granting rights stipulated
two families, the Cansinos
and that specifying only community finally filed out of the juderta for the last
family at its head, and boarded
and Ibn Zemerros; another Jewish family, that of Rubi time, the Cansino a
Satorra, had already been allowed to settle, since he large Genoese vessel which they had chartered.
then held the interpretership in Arabic.102 He could According to the Dutch and English press, they took
find no legal evidence, he claimed, that rights had ever considerable wealth with them such as to assure a
been granted by King Ferdinand to seven Jewish fami? favourable reception at Nice. The embarkation of the
lies, let alone that there was any basis for the residence Jews in the port of Oran was accompanied by popular
inOran of a community of nearly 500 persons. applause and a salvo of all the guns of the fortress.
At was on at Within a brief space of time from their sailing, the
length, expulsion finally decided
was dispatched to los Velez were
Madrid and authorisation ghetto walls pulled down and the former houses
by cedula dated 31 October 1668. The timing was to of thejews sold off and occupied by Christians.105
on the arrival of the reinforcements, while the The synagogue, which los Velez had purchased from
depend

the community, was converted into a Catholic 8. Rabbi Avraham Cansino (d.1709), younger brother
chapel,
which he designated that of 'Santo Christo de la of Isaac the convert, already held the title of rabbi at
Paciencia', after the cult which had arisen inMadrid in Oran before 1657; after 1669, he became one of the
the early years of Philip IV's reign after the seizure of rabbis at Livorno.
some Portuguese conversos alleged to have whipped an 9. Isaac ben Avraham Cansino, son of the above; in 1685
of Also, a glittering religious procession he was a printer in Amsterdam.
image Jesus.
through the former juderta
was
arranged as a symbol
10. Yaho Qaportas (Sasportas) (d. c. 1655), head of the
of its submission to the Church. In his letter of congra? Qaportas family, xeque or entretenido of thejews of
tulations to the Queen Regent, the Governor urged Oran, royal interpreter in Arabic, 1633-1636.
the issuing of a ce'dula to the effect that no future 11. Yaho Qaportas the younger, relationship to the
governor should have sufficient authority, without a above unclear, exiled to the juderia of Ceuta in 1657.
resolution of the Council of State inMadrid, to permit 12. Jacob Qaportas (d. 1668 at Cartagena), son of Yaho
any Jews to enter Oran on the pretext of trade or any the elder, not to be confused with Rabbi Jacob
other. 'And I do not move to ask this without good Sasportas, Haham in London and Hamburg, suc?
reason,' he wrote, 'for I know that when I leave this ceeded his father as xeque inOran but was banished
post, one of my successors will make this proposal, for to Northern Italy around 1657.
there were many who presumed to assert that itwas 13. Samuel ben Yaho Qaportas, brother of the above; on
necessary that there should be Jews in this city, yet in Jacob's death he served in 1668-1669 as the last
so short a time as has gone by since the expulsion, xeque of the Oran Jews before the expulsion.
experience has shown the contrary, for the shops have 14. Solomon ben Isaac Qaportas was rabbi atNice in the
not diminished now that Christians occupy the ones 1690s and author of the work Zekher Rav, pub?
that they had and provisions have now become lished in Spanish as theMemoria de los 613 preceptos
at Amsterdam in 1727.
cheaper.'106
15. Isaac Qaportas, father of the above, relationship to
Known Members of the Jewish Community of the others unclear.
Oran the 1650s 16. Avraham Qaportas.

during
17. Muxi Qaportas, exiled to the juderia of Ceuta in
1.Jacob benHaim Cansino (c. 1600-1666), known as 'el 1657.
sabio', head of the Cansino family, royal interpreter 18. Aaron Qaportas, son of Muxi, exiled to Ceuta in
in Arabic (1636-66), had spent several years in 1657.
Madrid as a confidant of the Conde-Duque de 19. Arbi Qaportas, son of Muxi, exiled to Ceuta in
Olivares. 1657.
2. Isaac ben Haim Cansino, an older brother of 20. Zahara to others unclear.
Jacob Qaportas, relationship
and a liturgical poet a number of whose works are 21. Samuel Zemerro (Samiro), descendant of one of the
included in theOran Mahzor; he also wrote a poem siete casas, head of what was acknowledged as one of
of mourning after the death of his brother Aaron in the leading Jewish families of Oran after the Can?
a skirmish with hostile Moors in 1633. sinos and (Japortas.
3. Yuna (Jonah) Cansino (b. 1575) was still flourishing 22. Isaac Ballestero, descendant of one of the siete casas,
at the age of 78 in 1653; his to the other a merchant licensed to trade with Malaga and Car?
relationship
Cansinos is unclear; he had six children. tagena without going there in person.
4. Haim (Ay en) benJacob Cansino, son el sabio, 23. Haim Albo, merchant, descendant of one of the
ofjacob
named after his grandfather, Haim, who died in siete casas.
1621. 24. Saida elHaique,honoured by the Spanish Crown
5. Aaron Cansinothe younger, possibly another son of with from thejewish tax, head of one of
exemption
Jacob el sabio, was still young when recommended their leading Jewish families at Oran.
for a place in the cavalry in 1656. 25. Xixa elHaique, son and heir of Saida.
6. Isaac benJacob Cansino was a cousin Isaac, 26. Avraham Maique.
ofjacob,
and Aaron, son of an older brother of the father of 27. David el Bahar, merchant and cattle dealer.
these three; it is known that he was poor and that he 28. Jacob ben Uasi.
converted to Christianity at the time of the 29. David elHatat, in Ceuta on a mission
expul? temporarily
sion from Oran in 1669, being the only Jew to do so for the Governor of Oran in 1652.
on that occasion. 30. Jacob ben Cagua, head of a household at Oran.
7. Faharon Cansino, of the Aaron killed in 31. Far Fandilla.
daughter
1633 and therefore a niece ofjacob el sabio. 32. David el S?he.

84 Jonathan Israel
33. Dihidi benJahaya. dans les fonctions militaires duquel on recompensoit les gen
tilhommes les plus illustres . . . lesquels predecesseurs exer
34. Mordechai.
coient, temps de paix, la charge d'interprete, office de tres
35. Chanto.
grande importance, et dans les fonctions duquel ils se sont
conduits avec tant d'aprobation, qu'on leur a confere la
charge de secretaire du general de cette cite.,
23 J. Caille, 'Ambassades et missions marocaines aux
NOTES
Pays-Bas a l'epoque des sultans saadiens', Hesperis-Tamuda, iv
1 Pedro Cantero Vaca, 'Relacion de Oran' (c. 1637), ed. (Rabat, 1963), 9-11.
Fernando Jimenez de Gregorio inHispania. Revista Espanola 24 CDIHN, lxxxi, pp.474-8.
deHistoria, xxii (1962) p.102. 25 Ibid., p.291.
2 Archivo General de Simancas (hereafter AGS) Estado 26 AGS Estado 2300, Albert to Philip III, Brussels, 28May
4128. Marques de los Velez to Queen Regent, Oran, 5May 1616; see also my forthcoming article 'Spain and theDutch
1669, gives 476; Luis Joseph de Sotomayor y Valenzuela, Sephardim, 1609-1640', in Studia Rosenthaliana, 4-5, 7-8.
Breve Relacion y compendioso epitome de lageneral Expvlsion de 27 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.10,262, fo.299. consulta of consejo
losHebreos de la Iuderia de laCiudad deOran (n.p., n.d. but c. de Estado, Madrid, 17 Jan. 1624.
28 Certainly, this was one of the main points of the
1670), fo.20, gives 466.
3 Ibid., ?o.9v. Marques de losVelez in arguing for the expulsion; see Soto?
4 AGS Guerra 899. undated memorandum of 1624 of mayor y Valenzuela, Relation, fos.3,4v.
29 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 102.
Philip IV toMateo de Arostegui.
5 Relazion que hizo al sr Inquisidor General Don Diego de 30 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,440, fos.lOv, 12v-13; Dias Far
Arce Reynoso, el doctor Don Diego Fernandez de Humada inha, 'Historia de Mazag?o', p.305.
31 AGS Estado 2847, 'Discurso sobre abrir y introducir
vicario-general de Oran' (1661), Brit. Lib. MS.Add.10,262,
fo.203. contratacion y comercio con Berberia'; see also the discussion
6 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 91, 'losmas dellos mui pobres'. of this subject inmy article 'Spain and theDutch Sephardim,
7 Luis Cabrera de Cordoba, Relacion de las cosas sucedidas en 1609-1660' in Studia Rosenthaliana, XII (1978), p. 14.
la cortede Espana (1599-1614) (Madrid, 1857), p.424. 32 Adolfo de Castro, Historia de los Judios en Espana
8 Antonio Dias Farinha, 'Historia de Mazag?o durante o (Cadiz, 1847), pp.219-220.
33 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 102: 'y no ha mucho
periodo Filipino', Studia. Centro de Estudos Histo'ricos Ultra que
marinos (Lisbon), xxvi (Apr. 1969), pp.218, 226. algunos dellos con no poco desahogo pretendian trasladarse
9 See, for instance, A. I. Laredo, 'Las l?pidas sepulcrales no menos a
que Madrid y estuvo muy adelante la pretension
donde si la consiguen haran mas dano que provecho. Dios sea
antropomorfas de los cementerios israelitas de Alcazarquivir
con nosotros'.
y Tanger,' Sefarad ix (1949), 1-2.
10 H. Z. Hirschberg, A History of theJews inNorth Africa, 34 Jacob Cansino, Relation; AGS Guerra 1073. Junta de
2 vols. (Leiden, 1974-1978), i, 439-445. visita de Oran con consulta de Guerra, 21 Sep. 1633.
11 Fernandez de Humada, Relazion, Brit. Lib. 35 Several references to hisMadrid years agree that,while
MS.Add.10,262, fo.201. there, he continued to dress in the costume of a North
12 Henri Terrasse, Histoire duMaroc, 2 vols. (Casablanca, African Jew; see Julio Caro Baroja, Los Judws en la Espana
1949-1950), i, 170-171, 181, 200. Moderna y Contempordnea, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1962), ii, 111;
13 Coleccio'n de documentos ineditospara laHistoria de Espana there are also reports thatCansino became an enemy of the
(hereafter CDIHN), 112 vols. (Madrid, 1842-1895), cxii, great converso financier Manuel Cortizos and tried to ruin
487-491, 505-512. him by having him denounced before the Inquisition as a
14 CDIHN, lxxxi, 529, Philip III to Duke of Medina judaiser, an allegation which, if true, places him in a rather
Sidonia, 4 Nov. 1607: 'he entendido que en tiempo del reymi unsavoury light; Caro Baroja states thatCansino sought to
senor, mi padre, se trato con el xarife, padre de estos, de que ruin Cortizos in 1637, at the bidding of Olivares himself; see
diese a Larache en trueque deMazag?n y que la platica estuvo Julio Caro Baroja, La Sociedad criptojudia en la cortede Felipe
IV (Madrid, 1963), pp.47, 68.
muy adelante
15 Ibid., pp.339, 478, 529, 542-543. 36 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,442, fos.251v-252. Philip IV to
16 Cabrera de Cordoba, op. cit., 424-425, 440, 476. Marques de Viana, 31 Dec. 1645.
17 See Jacob Cansino's 'Relacion de los servicios de Iacob 37 AGS Guerra 891, consulta 18Dec. 1623.
Cansino y los de su padre', published as a preface to the 38 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 100: 'Bino si esta hecho por sus
Extremos y Grandezas de Constantinopla compuesto por Rabi manos y con sus ceremonias lo beben y no de otra manera.
Suelen enviar a dos judios aMalaga y a otra parte de la costa a
Moysen Almosnino (Madrid, 1638).
18 Ibid. que lo hagan y remitan, en falta suya beben agua y aguar?
19 See Isidore Loeb, 'Liste nominative des Juifs de Barce diente que lo hacen de ygos y muy hi en.'
lone en 1392', Revue des Etudes Juives, iv (1882), 62, 71. 39 AGS Hacienda 894, junta de inteligencias, 7 Sep. 1646.
20 Les Sources Inedites de I'Histoire du Maroc, 1st ser. 40 Lopez Capodocia died in an Inquisition cell at Toledo
Archives et Bibliotheques d'Espagne, ed. H. de Castries et al. 2 in 1666, Caro Baroja, Los Judios, ii, 94.
vols. (Paris-Madrid, 1921-1956), ii, 125-126. 41 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,442, fos.251v-252.
21 AGS Guerra 888, consulta de parte (Solomon Par? 42 Ibid.: 'en virtud de una permision general del ano de
iente), 19 Sep. 1623. 634 [sic] en tiempo que no havia en Espana los yncon
22 Public Record Office, London (hereafter PRO), venientes de relixion que las guerras han yntroducido por la
CO .279/2, fo.10 and fo.107, where it is stated of the younger concurrencia de naciones a que se deve atender como la
Solomon that 'parce que ses predecesseurs se sont conduits principal columna de esta monarquia'.
dans le service des seigneurs roys de Portugal et d'Espagne 43 Jacob Cansino, Relation; Dias Farinha, Historia de
avec grand soign et fidelite, ils les ont honores et gratifies Mazag?o, 241, 247.
44 AGS Guerra consultas for the period include innumer
d'emplois et authorite specialement de celuy de encubertados

able instances of this; see also Fernandez de Humada, Rela? 70 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit.,96,99; Dias Farinha, 'Historia de
zion, Brit. Lib. MS.Add.10,262, fo.201. Mazag?o,' 247-248; the regulations governing theMazagan
45 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,440, fos.40v, 41, 41v, 42, 43v, ghetto were regularised with those of Ceuta and Tangiers
44, 46, 60v, 129, 132, 145; however, some possibly non-Jews during the visita to the town by the Bishop of Ceuta in
also engaged in these commissions, notably a certain Agustin 1607-1609.
Suazo and 'Jafalben (Ibn?) Unzar, xeque de Hamayan'. 71 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 96.
46 Ibid., fo.41, order of governor to pagador, 'entregue a 72 AGS Guerra 888 consulta de parte (Solomon Pariente)
David el Bahar 480 reales para con ellos baya a laZafina y los 19 Sep. 1623.
emplee en comprar de ganado para el sustento de la ynfan 73 PRO.CO.279/2, fo.107, where it is stated that the
teria'. Parientes at Tangiers lived 'toujours separes des autres per
47 Ibid., fosA3, 180. sonnes de leur croyance'.
48 AGS Guerra 1075 consulta, 29 Dec. 1632: 'se avia 74 Dias Farinha,'Historia de Mazag?o,' 247.
hecho esfuerco con el comun de los hebreos para que pres 75 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 96-97.
tasen alguna partida de dinero usando de algun rigor . . .y 76 Ibid., 98; Dias Farinha, 'Historia de Mazag?o,'
hasta aquel dia no se avia conseguido'. 247-248; Fernandez de Humada, 'Relazion,' Brit. Lib.
49 AGS Guerra 864, consulta 14May 1621, states, '20,771 MS.Add. 10,262, fo.203v.
escudos', but AGS Guerra 1097, consulta de parte 28 Aug. 77 Ibid.
1634, refers to the royal debt toQaportas as being of'22,020 78 Ibid.; Cantero Vaca says, 'los soldados viven con alguna
reales'. licencia contra el sexto mandamiento tratando no solo con
50 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 98. Christianas sino con moras', but significantly omits mention
51 AGS Guerra 1097, consulta 14July 1634. of Jewesses.
52 Caro Baroja, Los Judios, ii, 81: 'Un judio de Oran, 79 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 97.
llamado Cansino, viene aMadrid en nombre de los demas, y 80 Les Sources Inedites de l'Histoire duMaroc, 1st ser.Portu?
se dice presta al rey 800,000 ducados de
plata con sus intereses, gal. 5 vols. (Paris, 1934-1953), ed. P. de Cenival et al., iv,
que es una grande ayuda de costa. Es muy aficionado a Espana 55-58.
y hombre poderosfsimo de dinero.' 81 J. I. Israel. Race, Class and Politics inColonial Mexico,
53 AGS Guerra 899, undated memorandum of Philip IV 1610-1670 (Oxford, 1975), p.213.
toMateo de Arostegui: 'tienen todo el trato con que encar 82 Meyer Kayserling, 'Une histoire de la litterature juive
ecen la provision de aquella ciudad'. de Daniel Levi de Barrios', Revue des Etudes Juives, xviii
54 AGS Estado 4128, losVelez toQueen Regent, Oran, 5 (1889), p. 277, states that two brothers, Juan and Francisco,
May 1669, fo.3. enlisted atOran, the latter subsequently being poisoned by a
55 AGS Estado 2847, consulta, 28 Apr. 1625. woman.
56 Fernandez de Humada, Relazion, Brit. Lib. 83 AGS Guerra 888, consulta de parte, 19 Sep. 1623.
MS.Add.10,262, fo.201v. 84 Fernandez de Humada, 'Relazion,' Brit. Lib.
57 In 1652, it was estimated that Oran consumed MS.Add. 10,262, fo.203: 'Pues ningun moro en su casa se
annually, in provisions imported from Spain, 2,400 arrobas bolbio xptiano, y en la de los catholicos piden cada dia el
(251b. to the arrobd) of olive oil, 4,000 as of wine, 1,800 as of bauptismo'.
aguardiente, 1,600 as of figs, 500 as of dried cod, 400 of rice, 85 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 100.
200 miliares of sardines, and 1,200 as of raisins; see Brit. Lib. 86 Ibid.
MS.Add.28,440, fo.27. 87 AGS Guerra 1097, consulta de parte, 18 Jun. 1634:
58 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,442, fo.41. 'suppa a VMagd lemande ocupar en su servicio haciendole
59 Ibid.,fos.7S, 152. alguna mrd entre la gente de guerra de Oran como acustum
60 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 99. bra hacerla a semejantes conbertidos'.
61 Sotomayor y Valenzuela, Breve Relacion, fo.5; Brit. 88 AGS Guerra 888, consulta de parte, 22 Sep. 1623.
Lib. MS.Add.28,442, fo.155. 89 Jacob Qaportas, son of Yaho, has sometimes been
62 Ibid.: 'se les excusasse del pecho y alcavala que pagan los confused with Rabbi Jacob Sasportas, a relative from Oran,
de su nacion, esto en consideracion de lo que ellos y sus though the precise relationship remains unclear, who was
passados me havian servido en esas placas y de que la renta no Haham in London in 1664 and subsequently in Hamburg,
bajaria con esto gracia por no seguirseles beneficio sino el where he was to be a fierce opponent of the Shabbateans.
honor.' [acob ben Yaho Qaportas succeeded his father as xeque of the
63 AGS Guerra 2157, los Velez toQueen Regent, Oran, Oran community in the 1650s, but shortly afterwards, prob?
25 Nov. 1667. ably in 1657, after a spell of imprisonment at Oran and
64 Jacob Cansino, Relacion. confiscation of his slaves, was exiled by theMarques de San
65 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 102: 'algunos judios son sol Roman to somewhere inNorthern Italy, according to Soto?
dados y gozan sueldo del rey y salen con el exercito a la mayor y Valenzuela toGenoa. Itwas he, not the other Jacob,
campaha'; Fernandez de Humada, 'Relazion,' Brit. Lib. who was inCartagena in 1668.
MS.Add.10,262, fo.203. 90 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,442, fo.113.
66 Jacob Cansino, Relacion; Isaac ben Haim Cansino, 91 Ibid., fo.123, refers to 'D. Phelipe deMoscoso residente
brother of Jacob and Aaron, and a notable Hebrew poet of m esta corte, recien convertido, hijo de
Jacob Caportas'.
seventeenth-century Oran, composed a funerary poem on 92 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 100; therewere three friaries in
his death, Encyclopaedia Judaica (Berlin, 1928-1934), v, 23. ?eventeenth-centuryOran, those of theDominicans, Francis?
67 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,440, fos.58v, 66, 71v; Cantero cans, and Order ofMercy.
Vaca, loc. cit., 107, \\\;doblas were theMoorish equivalent of 93 Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 98.
reales de a ocho. 94 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,440, fo.l29v.
68 Brit. Lib. MS.Add.28,488, fos.7-9, 11. 95 Sotomayor y Valenzuela, Breve Relation, fos.3v-4.
69 Fernandez de Humada, 'Relazion', Brit. Lib. 96 Ibid., fo.4; Cantero Vaca, loc. cit., 101.
MS.Add.10,262, fo.203. 97 Itwould seem that Los Velez first formally proposed

86 Jonathan Israel
103 Ibid., fos.10-11; AGS Estado 4128, Queen Regent to

expulsion to ministers inMadrid in October 1666, which
at Los Velez, Madrid, 31 Aug. 1668, mentions that on the
implies that the project had been evolving in his mind for
least some time, Sotomayor y Valenzuela, Breve Relation, Marquis's advice, Qaportas had been refused permission to
fo.l; Shabbatai Zevi's apostasy inConstantinople took place come toMadrid.
on 15 September 1666. 104 AGS Estado 4128, 'Vando que en 31 Marzo 1669 se
98 Hollantsche Mercvrius, Vervatende de voornaemste Ges? publico en Oran sobre la expulson de losHebreos'.
chiedenissen voor-gevallen in denjaere 1669 binnenChristenryck 105 Ibid., Los Velez toQueen Regent, Oran, 5May 1669,
(Haarlem), p. 122. fo.4.
99 AGS Estado 4128. Los Velez toQueen Regent, Oran, 5 106 Ibid.; after the expulsion from Oran, there remained
May 1669, fo.3: 'ymilagrosamente no les han hecho prevari fewish communities, it would seem, only at Larache and
car en la fee, pues llego su dominio a tanto que de todos eran Ceuta; the first of these plazas was lost to theMuslims in
tenidos por oraculos'. 1689, and from the latter, thejews, who included the families
100 The Oxford Gazette, No.8, 7-11 Dec. 1665. Hassan, Pardo, Mozeen, Monzon, Escudero, Levi, and Israel,
101 Sotomayor y Valenzuela, Breve Relation, fos.I?v. were expelled by the Spanish Crown in 1707.
102 Sotomayor y Valenzuela, Breve Relation, fos.8-f.


The Jews of Spanish North Africa

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Jews of Spanish North Africa

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Jews of Spanish North Africa, 1600—1669

Author(s): JONATHAN ISRAEL

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

prisoned in England, due to Spanish pressure; but, towards them, frankly

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

strong, but Olivares, mobilising the resources of sections ofMaghreb Jewry

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

State that could be decided on

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

Known Members of the Jewish Community of the others unclear.

Oran the 1650s 16. Avraham Qaportas.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

103 Ibid., fos.10-11; AGS Estado 4128, Queen Regent to

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.228 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 11:00:30 AM

You might also like