A NOTE ON PRONOMINAL RESUMPTION IN
EARLIER EGYPTIAN RELATIVE CLAUSES*
By SAMI ULJAS
‘This article presents a reassessment of the evidence of pronominal resumption in Old and Middle
Egyptian relative clauses in which a transitive relative form appears with a similarly transitive event
complement, It is shown that, contrary to what has been argued before, there is a simple rule condi-
tioning the use of resumptive pronouns to express the object of the complement, provided the latter is
infinitival, However, in the case of finite complements, the resumption appears not to be rule governed.
and it is suggested that such instances may represent the only true exception to the otherwise very
strict rules of resumption in Earlier Egyptian relative clauses,
LANGUAGES are never ‘systematic’ in the absolute sense of the word. Instead, they can
be seen as occupying a space somewhere between an idealised (and fictional) lingua
geometrica and total chaos. In concrete terms, grammatical systems, such as e.g. the
organisation of a given type of constructions that appear well regulated by rules,
are radial and often include a peripheral ‘fringe’ where these are not as meticulously
observed as in the ‘core’. Such ‘grey areas’ may be almost completely overshadowed
by the regularity of the larger systems to which they belong, but they are nevertheless
a near-constant feature of the latter.
‘The purpose of the present paper is to discuss one particular area of Earlier (Old
and Middle) Egyptian grammar seemingly partly free from explicit rules: namely the
use of resumptive pronouns in one particular type of verbal relative clause involving
the so-called ‘relative forms’. Although it will be shown that the irregularity here is
much more limited than has been assumed hitherto, there still exists a small subset of
constructions where the efforts of the grammarian seem thwarted, and which perhaps
represents a true example of grammatical irregularity at its most blatant.
Overall, the rules for pronominal resumption in Earlier Egyptian relative clause
constructions are well understood.' The appearance or non-appearance of a resum-
ptive pronoun in ‘real’ (as opposed to ‘virtual’) relative clauses depends on the nature
of semantic coreference between participants in the main and relative clause, as well
as on considerations of locality. In brief, actors of participles and objects of relative
forms remain unexpressed if they are local to (roughly ‘immediately following’,
or ‘governed by’) the relative clause-marking expression—the relative verb or the
element nty in its different forms. If this is not the case, they are resumed in the form
of a resumptive pronoun. Yet, when a relative form of a transitive verb appears with
a similarly transitive finite or non-finite complement clause, these rules seem to be
somewhat irregularly observed, as in the locus classicus:
‘= My thanks are due to Matthias Miller for his comments om draft version of this paper.
" For example, M. A. Collier, “The Relative Clause and the Verb in Middle Egyptian’ JEA 77 (1991), 23-42.
‘The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 98 (2006), 141-8
ISSN 030: 142 SAMI ULJAS JEA 95
(2) Sin. Br4g-s: Sinuhe says concerning his victory over the Goliath of Retenu:
hut.nef rt st rel iri.nci st ref
What he had planned to do to me, I did it to him,
Here the relative form Ait.n=f ‘what he had planned’ has the transitive verb iri ‘to do"
as its infinitival object complement, whose own object is expressed as the resumptive
pronoun st. The appearance of the latter here conforms fully to the rules noted above:
st refers to the object of the complement infinitive rather than the relative form Ast.1-
and it is also non-local to the latter. However, sometimes the object of the complement
clause following the relative form is, contrary to expectation, not expressed, although
the syntactic and referential properties in the clausal complex seem identical to (1)
above. The examples below, the first of which has a finite complement, are the most
widely cited instances of this phenomenon?
(2) Berlin 1204, 3-4: Senwosret III tells his reason for sending his envoy to Abydos:
iw wd.n fomei di.t(w?)> fintek v th-tor... x smnh bs=f sts m dem di.nzf int @ hmzi m-hnt
testy
My majesty has ordered that you be made to sail south to Abydos... to embellish his
(Osiris') secret image with the electrum, which he caused my majesty to bring back
from testy.
(3) Urk. IV, 750.2: Thuthmosis III stresses his loyalty to Amun:
[n mh.n=i hr] wdt.nef int 9
Thave not neglected what he has ordered to be done.
This variance has mostly been taken as not being governed by any explicit rule(s).
According to Gardiner, in instances where the ‘direct object* of the relative form is
a dependent verb (sdm.f or infinitive)’ whose object is identical with the antecedent,
a ‘resumptive pronoun is sometimes used for the sake of clearness’.* Yet, and as can
already be seen from the word ‘sometimes’ in the above quote, Gardiner noted that
the latter could also be absent. According to Collier, object resumptive pronouns
“beyond the local scope of agreement... tend to be overt’ 5 whereas Allen has argued
that ‘there are no hard and fast rules that determine when Egyptian expresses the
coreferent [of the antecedent—SU] in a dependent clause and when it omits it’.’
However, these interpretations have been recently disputed by Landgrifova, who
maintains that the expression and omission of the resumptive pronoun is indeed
at least partly rule governed.” According to her, resumption is obligatory if the
complement is a finite verb form; in case of infinitival complements, no resumptive
pronoun need appear, although this may happen occasionally. However, the first of
* In what follows, the omirted/covert resumptive pronoun is indicated by bold texto in the transliteration.
5 eis unclear whether one should understand dit as an infinitive or a sgntefdi.(o). However, the writing rit
is more common in the first instance.
1A.H, Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar (3rd rev edn; Oxtord, 1957), §385- The superscript * in ‘direct object?
stands for ‘semantic object
* Collies, JEA 77, 39. However, noting the omission of the resumptive pronoun in the passage cited as example
(2) above, Collier suggests that this may bea lexical-semantic matter characteristic of causatives with ri. CE. also
LFF Borghouts, ‘Some Remarks on Relativization in Late Egyptian’, GM 31 (2970), 15 fora similar propostl
© LP Allen, Middle Beypeian: An Introduction tothe Language and Culture of Hlieroglyphs (Cambridge, 2090),
382.
7 R, Landgrifovd, ‘Resumptive Pronouns in Middle Egyptian: A Means of Avoiding Non-projective Con-
structions?, Ling leg 10 (2002), 269-82, 2009 A NOTE ON PRONOMINAL RI
SUMPTION 143
these arguments is clearly incorrect. Even if int in (2) above were to be analysed, pace
Landgrafova, as an infinitive (which is most questionable), the Coffin Texts provide
a number of examples like the following, where the complement is clearly a sdm=f
form, but there is no resumptive pronoun:*
(4) CT V, 66e-h: The deceased says to a malevolent spirit:
ti.nzi hak seit nin=i mdswt=k hr nnn mrmr dd.nzk iryk @ r=i ler iste
Thave come to you that I may break your pens and tear up your books because of this
double ill, which you said that you would do to me for the sake of my property.
In the following example, the form is an indisputable sdm.nzf, but again the resumptive
pronoun is absent:
(5) CT VII, 232m: The deceased says to gods:
irinci gmt.nciirhnstine
Thave done what I found that you had done.
Nevertheless, Landgrafova’s im that resumption in the constructions discussed
is partly subject to rules is indeed correct, but the true state of affairs here is in
fact exactly the reverse from that suggested by her. It is actually in the domain of
infinitival complements of the relative form where resumption is completely regular
and follows a simple rule, whereas with the suffix-conjugation forms this does not
seem to be the case,
With the infinitive, the rule governing the use of resumptive pronouns is based,
unsurprisingly, on the referential links between the participants involved in the
situation described. However, the determining link is perhaps not quite what one
might have expected. Below are some further (seemingly)? infinitival examples
without resumptive pronouns:"?
(6) _Urk. 1, 59.15: Snedjemib boasts of the special recognition of his work:
sk haf hes[f toi) hr] kit nb wwdt.n hmef int @
His majesty used to praise me for every work that his majesty had ordered to be done.
(7) Urk. 1, 195.5: Kagemni characterises his conduct in his majesty’s service:
sk nt ib m hme fr bt nb codt.n him=f int @
His majesty’s mind was confident in respect of every work that his majesty had ordered
to be done,
(8) Urk. 1, 283.12-13 A new section in a royal decree begins:
sk gr sr nb imy-st- nb nfr-n irraf ht hft mdt nt cod pn sip r sco-hr m-bt nn wd.n hm(=i)
ine
Now, any official or functionary who does not carry out matters according to the words
of this decree, accepted in the Hall of Horus and in relation to these things which my
majesty has ordered to be done.
* For further examples see below: For the pragmatics of sentences such as this, see S. Uljas, The Modal System
of BarierExypion Complement Clases: A Stuy in Pragmatics na Dend Language (PAX 26; Leiden, 2007)
© Here a note must be made of a problem pointed out by an anonymous referee, Unless the complement verb is
of a rooteclass other than ult. inf, its well-nigh impossible to distinguish between the infinitive and the passive
‘written it). However, the present hypothesis may provide some distinguishing criteria here; see n. 21 below.
°° In Berlin Leather Roll I, 5 one reads r shpr eed.nef iri @, where iri seemingly stands for it ("to ereate what he
had ordered to be done’) 144 SAMI ULJAS JEA 95
(©) CTI, 4o2d-4o3a: The deceased triumphs over his enemies:
sn me ndt ston mi wodt.n hpredsef ire @ r hfteost
1 allot them to be chattel slaves in accordance to what the Self-created ordered to be
done to my enemies,
(10) CT IV, 91a: Thoth says to Osiris:"*
ico [rdi].n=t mrwot-h m ite nsrsr mi tedt.n 1 irt n= @
T have set the love for you in the Island of the Flame, in accordance with what Ra
ordered to be done to you.
(11) CTVIL, 38g: The deceased is addressed:
ico.nct iry(si) n=k ht wort todt.n gb irt nek @
T have come so that I may prepare for you the great meal, which Geb ordered to be
prepared for you.
(12) Urk. I, 59.13-14: Snedjemib tells of his exalted status in the court:
sk coli) Spss.k(i) fir é22i x [mit(y=i) nb m] hir(y)-sétt n maf m im(y)-ib n hi
mort hm=f int
I was more valuable before Izezi than any peer of mine in the position of master of
secrets of his majesty and the confidant of his majesty over whatever matter his majesty
would desire to be carried out.
=f m bt nb
Further examples of infinitival complements, but with a resumptive pronoun, are:
(13) Urk. 1, 82.4-6: Sabu describes himself in glowing terms:
Spss fir mate r bik nb m hr(y)-sitn kit nbé mrrt hm-f irtes
One nobler before the king than any servant in (the position of) overseer of secrets of
every work, which his majesty wanted to accomplish.'?
(14) Hatnub 17, 6: One of the epithets of Diehutynakht:
meric dletoty mi=f m hrt-hrw nt rnb
One whom Thoth desires to see in the course of every day:
(15) CVI, 3310: Ina prayer, a wish is uttered for the deceased:
pro nb mry=f irtef
May he make every transformation that he may desire to make.
(26) Ptahhotep 265-7: Ptabhotep gives advice on how to treat petitioners:
ir wnnzh m simy hr sdm=k mdto spree
im gfn sto r skt lit=f m kit nef dd nef (sic) st
If you are a leader, be calm when you hear a petitioner speak
Do not prevent him from purging his body from what he had planned to say to you
(it. him’)
© rt nck @is followed immediately by in dlacty, which looks as if ie might introduce the agent of irl. However,
since the speaker is Thoth, translation of the passage as “I have set the love for you at the Island of the Flame, a¢
[Ra ordered to be done to you by Thoth” seems inappropriate. R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Bgyptian Coffin Texts,
1: Spells 1-354 (Warminster, 1973), 234, understood in dlwoty 38 a vocative ‘O Thoth’, which, given that what
follows is a speech of Horus to Thoth, may’ he cortect. Nevertheless, elsewhere inthis spell the vocative is written
asi (eg. CTIY, 884: dlecty ‘O Thoth’)
“= Exactly parallel in Link 1 s2.12~13, However, there has been some disagreement as tothe correct rendering of
the relative clause here. N, C, Strudwick, Tests from the Pyramid Age (WAW 16; Adanta, 2005), 304 and 307, has
‘which the king desires/desired to be done’ for chese two passages. For Sabu's text, J. Breasted, Ancient Records of
Exypt (Chicago, 1905), 133 has “which his majesty desired should be done’ but (p. 118) ‘which his majesty desired
to do’ for Peahshepses. Por the letter, E. Edel, “Inschriften des Alten Reichs, Il: Die Biographie des Kij-gmnj
(Kegemniy’, MIO + (1953), 223, has “jede Sache, die (mir) Seine Majestit 2u tan befohlen hatte’ and P. Dorman,
"The Biographical Inscription of Ptahshepses from Sagqara: A Newly Identified Fragment’, JEA 88 (2002), 102,
“that his majesty would desire to accomplish’. This latter rendering appears to be correct. 2009 A NOT
— ON PRONOMINAL RI
SUMPTION 145
Looking at the data above, a clear difference emerges between the two groups of
constructions. In examples (6)-(12) and (2)-(3), which show no resumptive pronoun,
the actors of the relative clauses (the individuals ‘ordering’ or ‘desiring’ something)
are not coreferential with (or ‘the same as’) the complement clause actors. Instead, in
all these instances the latter are generic and referentially opaque. However, in (13)-
(16) as well as in example (1), where resumptive pronouns do appear, the relative
clause actors are coreferential with the actor of the complement, and a resumptive
pronoun appears. On the basis of this correlation, it would seem that the following
rule holds: if the complement clause actor is referentially bound to, or controlled by,
the relative clause actor, the object of the complement is resumed as a pronoun; if
this is not the case, no pronoun occurs. However, the following example shows that
this rule is not yet quite general enough:
(17) CT LV, 97n: The deceased is welcomed to the realm beyond:
ito rdi.nei mrtotzk m deort m-m slew mi wdt.n nei rit nok st
Thave set the love for you in the netherworld among the spirits, according as Ra ordered,
me to do for you.
Here the actor of the relative clause is r° ‘Ra’, and although it is not coreferential
with the actor of the complement clause irt n-k st, a resumptive pronoun occurs
regardless. However, the relative clause actor is coreferential with the recipient of the
order, which appears in the governing clause in the dative =i ‘to me’. From this it
may be concluded that the rule conditioning the occurrence and non-accurrence of
resumption here should be formulated as follows: if the complement clause actor is
controlled by any of the participants of the relative clause, a resumptive pronoun is
used in the complement. This more generalised rule holds for all the examples above
In addition, it is clear that the use of the resumptive pronoun here is not conditioned
by eg. lexical matters, seeing that the same v
complement clause objects. Similarly, the position of the resumptive element does
not seem to be the determining factor either. For example, in (10) and (11), where no
resumptive pronouns occur, the datives =z are strictly local to (follow immediately)
the infinitive. Precisely the same locality conditions pertain also to (16) and (17), but
here resumptive pronouns are used."? What differentiates (10) and (11) from (16)
and (17), however, is the semantically unbound versus bound (or controlled versus
uncontrolled) character of the complement clause actor. Corroborative evidence for
this analysis comes also from instances with passive participles followed by infinitival
subject complement clauses. As can be seen from the following examples, the same
rules posited above also seem applicable here:
‘bs occur with and without resumed
(18) PT 657d/M: The king receives his monthly and half-monthly offerings:
im twddt art nk @ in itok gb
Being what was ordered to be done to you by your father Geb,
(19) Urk. I, 282.15-17: The king overrules previous decrees:'*
tr nf ddce hr him(=t) cont him cedeo nav nee rime v irt hs m het nt naw m fare St hst nb eedt
irt om im pn
® This shows that the relative clause and its complement do not constitute a unit in terms of agreement
“Crk. 1, 286.25 has similarly sede irrtm Bmpr what has been ordered to be done in this Upper Egypt’, where
irre is clearly an ereor for it 146 SAMI ULJAS JEA 95
As for it being said to my majesty that royal decrees have been issued concerning
Upper Egypt, namely about performing tasks of royal work, carrying and digging and
whatever work ordered to be done in this Upper Egypt..
Accordingly, the choice between the use or non-use of a resumptive pronoun after
the infinitive is not free, but depends on the semantic relations within the clausal
complex. If the actor of the infinitival complement shares a semantic coreference
relation with a relative clause participant, a resumptive pronoun is used in the former.
This regularity gives rise to the expectation that the same might hold also when the
complement of the relative form is not an infinitive but a finite sdm=f or sdm.n=f
verb form.'S Yet this prediction is, strangely, not borne out by the evidence. In some
examples with the sdmzf, such as (20)-(22) below, the resumption seems to fall neatly
in line with that seen in infinitival complements:
6
(20) CT V1, 92p-o3a: The deceased appeals to divine beings:
hisftn pr sdb {7} deo m rn ntr nb ntvt nbt dew rmt ntrw slew meotee ivizsn swe rei
‘May you prevent evil opposition, which men, gods, spirits, and the dead say that they
will do to me, from issuing from the mouth(s) of every god and goddess.
(21) CT VI, 93d-e: The deceased expresses his faith in the protection by Atum:
nhm=f wo(i) m-© & quot dedeo rmt ntreo shico mevteo irizsn sw r bia
He will save me from the evil slaughter, which men, gods, spirits, and the dead say that
they will do against my soul.
(22) P. Ebers, 1.9-10: A medical incantation states of the god Thoth:
icf rh rhw-t n stonte tmeo-htef v wh? mrre ntr sinlief sav ink pro mrrw ntr stnbef wi
He gives useful things for experts and doctors who are in his following, in order to
release (from illness) the one whom god wants to preserve alive. I am the one whom.
god wants to preserve alive.
Here the actors of the complement are coreferential with the relative clause
actors, and a resumptive pronoun appears."? In the following examples no such
interrelationship obtains, and, as might be expected, there is no resumptive pronoun
after the complement verb:
(23) PT 967¢: Osiris is told of the king:
ME iiref nck nto tod.n gh i.iry n=k ® M
Nz iny nek N mw wd.n gb Lin;
He/King N will do for you these things, which Geb ordered King M/him to do for you.
(24) Urk. IV, 1268.9-14 The king is characterised:
nich tofef rv mrvaf nn hsf tof mi wdt.n itef imn nb nowt troy iri nef @ st m ht=f mrsf imn=
tp hks-tonw-nir(y)
He sets his boundary as he pleases without opposition, according to what his father
Amun, lord of the thrones of the Two Lands, ordered his beloved bodily son Amenhotep
Heka-Yunu-Netjeru to do for him.
'S Besides (5) above, no further examples with the sdon.nsf seem to be forthcoming.
6 dao clearly refers back to sdb here; the exceptional placing of the phrase m + nfr nb irl bt seems to have
bbeen motivated by the length of the relative clause.
" However, in H. Deines, H. Grapow, and W. Westendorf, Grundviss der Medizin der aler alten Agypter, IV)
Oberetsung der Medizinischen Texte (Berlin, 1958), 308, the first relative clause of the last exemple above is
translated as “
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