Herter i Don't be rude when you answer. Don't have guns on you. Don'thave drags on you. Don’ crss with an obviously False passport. Don’ cross through the desertby yourslFor through the mountains during Don‘ drive through really fst in an armored car trying to avoid the gunf Don't threaten the agents with Don't enter na light aircraft without authorisation to cross into the airspace ofthe United stats, Bemaried toan Amerie Bean American on your way home. Katinge Kepnak Globalization in Tijuana Maquiladoras Using Historical Antecedents and Migration to TestGlobalization Models eis conomy i undergng a sting wasfoenation. Fv yas fier te launch ofthe North American Fee Wade AsementWArTA i fst txporerofsophascated products... "Tiss a carpe diet eon ony than Mewco ha a decade go" ste clit ederco Rays Heres | [NAETA *has given Mexicans a new vision of the world” says Clemente i tui buen se an ns, os ek 9850) | The “poly ofan”... which cetsd when the Congres passed the Colonization lw of #83, asthe most dangers pai to Meso Toe ‘lade immigration or tolerate italy under ntaerabe contin, fc fo crntan schemes of amnenation an rvlioary eparatin To fo nae diff andere the entry of apt and labor fom wthoat, nga both scare kes tase er ena alles, anaes he in [esas meta inant bo ge northern border in the 768 and grew quickly in the interior in the 19905, is often thought to be part of globalization. The later is and leva fo lundetstoad asthe transtegional connection of social polit cconomic activities, making decisions taken in one plc people elsewhere, Several theoretical ideas recently put forward by byper flows and theirlints ate used in this chapter to assess te extent 10 Jobalists,transformationalist, and skeptics about global which maguladora industtalization in Tijana can be considered flobalization the kin of globalization t might represent, andlor to wat extentitmay be part ofa mot regionally based economic form (eld eta. 1900:Kathryn Kopin By economic reorganisation of human actin, driven by technology and com- erglobaliss conceive of globalization as totally ew and primarily parative advantage. Transformationalists understand globalization trends 22 historically unprecedented reordering of iteregional relations, and see them as exused nat only by technology, butalso by eonjunetral and political factors which make i difficult to predict theie final character. On the other hand che skeptical sehool of thought tend to view the turn of the rwentith centuty a the period of greatest world economic integration and current slobalzation as highly exaggerated. To the degree that skeptics acknow!- ‘edge contemporary Forces of globalization, they tend toseethem asa distne denationaliation and homogeneity of world cultures. Similarly they think that goveraments wil be forced o curt state spending in on to be competitive, and that his wil ead to the demise of estibuive mea sutes characteristic ofthe wei state. Transl mationalists disagree and point to examples of cultural hybridization, and show thatin some cass, ni ‘ional governments which ae open to globalization can mediate ts negative impacts on thee populations, depending on the strategies they adopt and thie relative power in the world, Skeptics, onthe other hand, are convinced ‘that social movements which oppose globalization canbe effective in imiting its scope, and argue that globalization can be successfully comestd Thetwo quotations above, published ro years apart, reflec ren post tions on when one of he word's most successful export processing regimes actually began. The fst one, heard most often today, indicates that maquils dora industralization i 2 totally new econom ‘phenomenon for Meco. The second ian ech from the past which indicates that at least at the wes «em tip ofthe border between Mexico and the United States, this process has This chaper investigates the exten to which magi tion atthe head ofthe Baja California peninsulas a totally new phenomenon inthe context of the thee schools of thought regaeding globalization pat forward above. tee often thought tha Baja California has litle history ofits wn because ofits adacency tothe very populous region of Southern Califor nia, the fifth largest market in the world in the US, state of California. This chapter investigates the background of curren globalization trends a sauiladora industries Previous research has focused on the flow of goods such as supplies finished products as indicators ofthe extent to which area form of globalization (Kopinak, 998, 2003). Using the spatiotemporal dimensions of globalization—extensity (stretching), intensity, velociy, and impact—put forwaed by Held etal. 199616, ito ght a the border fom Tijuana, Bafa California, to San Luis jaded thatthe kinescope corridor located RC, Sonora, repeesented thick globalization because ic was high onal of the spatiocemporal dimensions, However, te rest ofthe Bsja California pen isula was more representative ofthin globalization, since mach ofthe rapid and intense exchange of goods between Mexico and the United States and ‘many Asian countries limited tothe aearightatthe border near the ocean Finally, there is strong support fr the iea that much trade activity asoct: ated with maquiladoras isnot global at al, but tightly linked to Southern California, especialy San Diego Tn contzast tothe focus onthe flow of goods across distances, there has beealittl attention by researchers to how maguilizatonisreated tothe’ regional flow of people, even though, 25 Held eta. (1999: 283) indicate, fnoman migration is y other. Mexican maguilado here than preexisting labor markets could supply because they represent the largest economy ever to rise up in chis terior. Inthe second half ofthe chhapeer, the extent to which migration has been responsible fr filling these ions this has for consolidation of form of globalization that is more ubiquitous than equired mone employees jobs is examined, a8 well s the the new economy based on production for export. We use the same spatio temporal dimensions as previously applied to analyze the flow of goods— cntensity, intensity, velocity, and impact. The focus ‘one ofthe areas onthe border that was transformed eaiest and tothe great this chapters on the Baja California peninsula because itis st extent by production for export. Tijuana has more maquiladoras than any tothe city in Mexico, and is second only to Cidad Jurez in numbers of peo 19908, tnd i home to two-thirds ofthe state's maguiladora industries. Ouse of employed by them. Iebecame Mexico's fifth-largest city inthe mid siuana, there are two agroindustral corrdors—one between the cities of Jenada and San Quint, andthe othe inthe Valley of Mexicali (Map 4.) These agroindustral corridors produce tomatoes and other vegetables and feui for export to the United States with labor Forces made up of migrants feom southern Mexican states such as Oaxaca Historical Roots of Export Processing in Baja California gan inthe late nineteenth century, but the obscuring of borders that i so characteristic of current Capitalist expansion inthis part ofthe word beaia J a ENON? California eee Hef many ere” t Sonora Baja California ae (seein stainy CALIFORNIA — globalization tends began inthis part ofthe world long before that, will show in his section thatthe current Mexican promotion ofexporeled devel ‘opment via magulladors is sometimes undertaken ina national 3 spit oF rebalancing the effects of previous territorial losses. This is not a poe= Columbian kind of Montezuma's revenge, which might be predicted as the orientation of Miteco families compelled by economic a politeal forces to migrate from Oaxaca mipas to tol ove exported designer fruits and vets onfidantS,sepuede” orientation held blesin Sen Quintin. instead ite ae by existence with gringos tthe bore fs, who tace their ancestry to Buropean root, ater long years of co Boj Californians cannot easily Forget thatthe US, state of California was lostto them inthe Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ending the Mexican Ameri an Wain 1848, since it meant thatthe peninsula was ext off from the Mexican mainland and they would have to be documented to travel 0 other pars of thelr counry overland through the United States. Aer the war, the ‘only ain connecting Bai California to other parts of Mexico went through the United States. 1 take all of Me stant schemes of annexation” ands war was provoked by some US, nationals wanting to ico after the conflict ended, as implied in the phrases “eo inst the integety of er ters tory" inthe Nordoff quotation athe beginning of the chapter. The US. state of California used to be the Mexican state of Alta Califor vided from Baia California a litle tothe south ofthe current municipio of Rosarito (See Map 4.0. The aja Peninsula was oocupied by Americans during which was d the Mexican American War, and many Mexicans who favored anneastion te tuned 0 the United States with its troops, of lef forthe California Gold Rush soon afer. Like other northern areas of Mexico, Baja California was sparsely inhab fier the Mexican American war In order to sete it the federal govern ment passed the Colonization Law in 188, which allowed foreigners and nonnative Mexicans to own, develop, and settle Mexican and, Passed ori nally under President Gonzalez, it was subsequently promoted by President Porftio Diaz, who integrated tito his broader opening of Mexicoo foreign capital Aguilar (2001) argues that under Daas policies to attract US. cai ma ranch toan urban setlement due tothe tal, Tijuana vas transformed ‘economic boom in Southern California athe end ofthe nineteenth centuy. Colonists were granted many privlges, including exemption fom militar servic, all taxes, import and domestic duties on provisions, tools, equ ment, and soon, and from duties on exporction of fruit for a decade. One US-based railroad company had special ownership and ad son the and feom San Quintin northward tothe US. border, whi preclude ownership by individual colonists (Nordho, 188). iy take offin the northwest un didnot lowever, development dd note these polices. y the time the Mexican Revolution began in 19, Tijana, Teat, ‘Mexicali, and Ensenada together were inited by less tha 2,00 ‘ost of whotn lived inthe then-cpital of Ensenada, and relied on San Diego for their provisioning (Melo de Remes, 1964). After the revolution, Tijuana casinos, bars, and race 0 peopl, ew as ¢ tourist center with the attractions be racks, whose owners and patrons wet all US, nationals. The clientele was motivated by US. laws prohibiting the sale of alcoho, and transformed Ti juanainto a “gilded gambling spa fr the Los Angeles movie colony” accor ingto Davis (2000; 26) The social distance between those patronizing tourist atractions and thelocal Mexican population was immense, and the economy whieh a auiladoras have heen so categorized because they include fe local inputs Excluded from most jobs, Mericans were employed only as construction ose around turism was an economic enc ‘workers, waters, and street sweepers, When the racetrack outgrew it ori nal quarters and expanded to bigger faci, the unionized Mexican workers ction, revoationary employed in is con ns in many cases, invadedKatey Kopi the old stables and renovated them for fly housing, since these was no infastructate forthe population (Bustamente, 1990. Inthe Valley of Mexicll, the Colorado River Land Company, owned by U.S. nationals, com trolled agriculture. I hieed only Chinese, Japanese, and Kast Indian workers (Walenta, 991 63. ‘Between 1935 and 1937, President Crdenas closed the casinos and out lawed gambling, nationalizing some foreign- and Mexican-owned and for the unemployed, as partofhiscanresin of the exported development state- gies ofthe Poririato to import substitution. He also declared this area fre trade zone orestmulate the economy. In Baa California, this meant geting the same kinds of revolutionary veterans wito had invaded the sable for hovsing, now mobilized bythe ruling party's unions, to use their constit sion to reclaim national teretoy previously dominated by foreigners. The 1980 reversal of Menican government policies fom impor subsition bac, sspor-led development by making maquiladoras one ofthe main corner: stones ofthe Mexican econonty was called reonersin 0) has shown how a transnationalist capitalist class throughout the border has been a important causa factor promoting global ization. We ad here that theres lsoa group of intellectual in Ba California xcampsing to assis the link of mauils industries kets, Alegria etal (997: 197-199), for example, have suggested tha the eon temporary maguladora boom isnot without lol roots, arguing that local entrepreneurs in Mexico's norcher border cites wit had imported commer cial products from the United State since the 1930s contributed to maguila Sklale 098, dora growth by negotiating border developmen poi, and transfering sur pluses from one sector to another in their wa investnent portfolios, An illsteative example we suggest i this chapter is Coneado Acevedo (Cirdenas, a well Anown Baja California businessman and cotural promote, responsible for bullng a Historical and Cukural Centre in Calafia, eouth of Rosarito, and also Nuewa Tuana-Ciuded Industri juan, providing about 10,000 jobs, and building housing 000 employees (Arcs, 1999). The historical center in Calafia is a the first large, modern indasti nearby for profitable ote built on the supposed site of the boundary line between Ala ind Baa California drawn in Mesicoin 3, witha museum ofersteafacts hharkening back to Baja California's colonization by missionaries The indus: ‘wal park and its housing foe employees integrates Tijuana into the global ores Ti omy snc ithouses some ofthe arget maguiladora Acevedo Cirdenass stated goal t Calafia ithe ereation of cultural pace on che Mexican side ofthe border in which both native aja Californians and GLOBALIZATION 19 MAQUILADORAS migrants from the interior can strengthen thelt sense ofbelonging to the na ion He is representative of those who insist that promoting globaliation oes not have to mean the loss of sovereignty orth adoption of a homoge neous global eultuee, s the hyperglobalists would suggest. Castill-Curty (1998, 2000 argues thatthe recreation of sites lacking historieal integrity isa way of preserving alization and socal change. Tn this chapter, inarpret the products this developer has create of cultural hybridisation, as predicted by the tzansformationalsts (Held el ollective memory of identity inthe face of rapid ndsti- form 1999: 374. Its not an oppositional recovery of local knowledge, suchas the cosmopolitan localism ofthe apatistas in Chiapas which the skeptics might predict (MeMichae, 2000: 273). Instead, the ersatz artifacts at the Calafia hotel ate a pasive display of museum culture reinforcing national myths. They eep resent recreation aflocal exitate that gives evidence ofan ear histo the popular and globally homogeneous mass culkure produced by « magus ora locate only afew kilometers up che coast, Estudios de a Playa, owned by Southern California, The stadiowas builtin 1996 to shoot the weter parts of Tonic and was ater used for Psa Harker and oth Cenruty Fox in Bevel Hil other seascape films. Italo has a museum displaying pops and niques used in making the films (Ellingwood, 201). The Calafia hotel and aoth Cee tury Fox's maquila are neighboring businesses which display local and global culture side by sie, offering them both up for mass consumption. and Kenney (997) have documented the new Aecision, making foes played by Mexican engineers and administrators in part ofthe process they cll exdgeseizacién. They ‘ound some Tian maguladorss managed by young Mexican northerners ‘educated in local postsecondary institutions. They argue that by the 19908 mediating mult guirements. Their professional de ‘Contreas, Alonso-Estad ‘the maguiladoe indus sonnel wee acting a social agen national corporate policy and its lcal velopment a a group has contributed local dimension to industrial exp sion which enhances the attractiveness ofthe northwest coener of Mexico foreign investment. They have risen professionally inthe larger companies ‘hat nat only assemble but also manufacture, and in afew cases do some de sign. The electronic magulladora cluster, particulaty the As owned sub This is in contest to 20th Century Fox's maquiladore which employed ‘only fifty Mexicans in 1998 and imported theres ofits personnel from Loe ‘Angeles, a shor three-hour dive away. Aspiring Mexican actors coniplainedthat they got the smallest parts as exes inthe filming of Titi, such a jumping into the cold ocean at night, because they didnot lok suficiently ‘Buropean to fit the sri, This maguila was appavently not st up to access cheap Mexican labor, since Fox persuades its Los Angeles mechaniesto rel cate to Rosarito forthe temporary period i takes to shoot a film by paying thom substantially extra for working “off shore.” Fox may have relocated not only forthe seascape on the Baja California coast but also to reduce its env ronmental costs. Local fishermen in the nearby village of Popota have ae cused the studio of endangering thet livelihoods by pollting local waters. 1m some ways, the Fox maquila harkens bak tothe tourist economy of the 19208 and 1930 in its enclave character and strong connection with the en tertainment industry. Although “big gamblers and thei Hollywood frends" ‘movedo Las Vegas, Nevada, after Tijuana’ casinos were closed (Davis, 2000: 20), there ia tendency to recreate the lnk because of eographie proximity, This section suggests that while the growth of ioernationally connected rmaquiladora industries has been precipitated by the technological advances (eg, microelectronics) and comparative advantage (eg, low wages) emph- sized bythe hyperglobalist mode, ithas roots tha go back before even the be ginning ofthe twentieth centoy, which is the important turning point which che specs idem, Whats novel abo earrent industrial groweh is rapid boom since che 180s and the weight of non-North American capa, which has consolidated here mainly duet conjunetural and politica actors empha sized by che ransfrmationalist and skeptics, such a rade agreement, ad connections to large U.S. markets. Asian firms have to transfer more than simple assembly to North Ametica, and make highly skilled jobs available to technically tained Mexicans, who have the resources to organize, protect, and pethaps cven expand their class interests. The addition to the stratification system of what Max Weber woul call nonmanual middle cass which main tains ts cultural eadions is not dissimilr tothe groweh in the state mide ‘lass and managerial classes in French Canada eatlerin the twentieth century, when English-speaking multinational capital penetrate the northeastern ptt ofthe continent Miller, 1978). The longevity of the endogeneizacién one: national capzalin this par of Mexico depends not only onthe talents of new cecupational groups such as Mexican engineers and managers, butalsoon the future course of globalization, since the Canadian example indicates thar such clasts can be quickly “hollowed ou” even aftr several decades of prom Maquiladora industrialization has undoubtedly contributed to the unprece enced rise oF juts and San Diego toa position of greater prominence inthe hierarchy of cits in this region and inthe larger continent. This can be ex plained via the application of the newest model articulating the relationship between time and space known as spaialtemporalsimultanety This model highlights te far thar technological innovation has permitted interconnected ‘Phenomena to occur on diferent parts ofthe erthssurfice atthe sme tm (Giernanx, 999:15). Thus, differen parts of shared production, carried out by maqulladoa industries end the companies from which they subcontract, ‘occurring in more than one place at the same time. For example, an order placed foracomputerin the United States aa stienlae the simultaneous pro Alction of computer parts in several locations ofthe continent, and the fn ished productcan besstembled and delivered to the customerin a week oro, We would argue, however, chac this is nota totally new phenomenoa, bit ery similar to earlier attempts to develop the ate’ economy va colonization inthe ninetenth century and tourism inthe 208 nd 930s, Different artic: ations of space with time can coexist, anda recognition of che historical roots ofthe curreatexporeled maguiladors economy illuminates the existence ofthe circular model ofthe relationship betven time and space whichis characte ized by repetition and reconstruction, This mel has certain permanence in ‘hat spaces remain, although noc always in the same form. Time may be mes- sured ina particular space by the layers of efferent reconstruction, as with the pee-Hispanie pyramids of Mesoamerica, which archaeologist have found to have been reconstructed on top ofeach other om the same site by diffrent ‘generations whose cneeption ofthe divine vated (Hiernaus, 199918) Distributional Impacts Migrant Workers Absorb the Social Costs of Maquilization ‘he incredibly rapid growth of Tijuans’s population is par ofthe norehward ‘movement of Mexicans in search of work within Mexico and the United States. Tijuana frst became an important destintion for imternal migrants when th Braceo Program began in 192 tallow Mexican male agricultural workers to work for pat ofeach year in U.S agricukue. This program was Iniated because U.S. farm labo was engaged in the war effort, nd in South «California twas expecially employed inthe establishment of San Diego as he main port for natal operations. Br2cros familie sometimes accmpaniedath Kopin ‘them as far as the border and set up households in Tijuana to wai for thie return, Aguila (2000 says that inthe postwar ea, the atration of migrant to this part of the Border continued to grow until Tijuana was inexpable of providing enough obs, leading othe formation ofan enormous sector ofthe population which was por, living marginally in irregular settlements. When the Bracero Program was unilaterally cancelled in 1965 bythe United States, the Merican government took advantage of U.S tax laws to set up export processing operations in the form of maquiladoras. Mexicans contin ved to migrate to Tijuana to take these new jobs, but often considered thie ‘work as transitional, while they waited to cross the border or find a better job in Mexico, Historically, Tiana has been one ofthe main crossing points fat ‘undocumented migration to the United States. The boom in maquiladora em ployment beginning inthe 180s supplied more jobs, which were very badly needed by Mesicans who had lived inthe imserior and been displaced by the ‘economic opening of Mesco. In 1g8o, Tjuana had a population of 4, growing by 62 percent to reach a population of 4738: in 1990 (Mend 2003)’ By 2000, i had grown by 70.5 percent ro reach a total of 374,240 people These statistics and othe findings reflective ofthe spatiotemporal dimen sions of globalization suggest that migration to this area is reflective of thik slobalization. First, thsi avery intense and rapid fow of people also has high extensty, since the Tijuana ara is known to attrac grants From far ther away than other maquiladra cities with migrant labor forces such as Nogales and Sonora, which tend to recruit workers from within their own regions (Kopinak, 1996: 10). Or, in some cases, the presence of migrants feom very fie away atracted maquiladoras, This was the case with the Best raguiladoras inthe clothing sector which set up shop in Ensenada, which came to hire the femal relatives of male Mixteco agricultural workers ho havea reptation for exellent sewing. In Tijuana, Mixteco women may be sostvisibleas set vendors, but Lestge (1988) reported that chey also often work in maguiladora factories temporarily or permanently to supplement or double hei husbands’ income, when a family neds to build a house, o¢ pay ‘unusual expenses, Although this migration is transegional, most of it oecues within the Mexican nation-state. There ae no data on the numbers of international mi {grants coming t Mexico to work in maquiladoras, but they eanallbe consi cred elites, working in managerial positions. Mexican migrants are much ‘more numerous and make upall ofthe labor* This phenomenon is reflected in the quotation at the beginning ofthis section by Aguilar, which notes thatthe Americaniation of the Mexican side of the border is mainly eco nomic, whereas the Hispanicizaton of US. cites i demographic. This dit fers from the early colonization period, when foreign labor was a impor tank par of the attempted setlement, as che quotation trom Nordho at th beginning ofthe chapter indicates. It is partof the greater mobility of ap tal in the modern period, in comparison to the mobility of labor. In the past industries imported labor if there was not sufficient available loall whetess now they ate mot likey to move tothe location where that labor ‘saailable Although there has not ben much research on the relationship between maguiladora employment and migration, there is no doubt about the new. ness of much of he population which has come to take up maquiladora jobs. “The findings of studies using varying sampling techniques a differen points in time show that high proportion of Tijuana maquiladora workers were Dorn outside of the state of Baja California. Casillo and Santibétex (1993) found that 75 percent were born out of state; Quintero (197) found that 83 percent were; Contreras (2000) found from 60 to 64 percent; and Coubés's (aoa) results were 72 percent. The situation a the eastern end of Mexico's border with the United tates is quite differen in terme of migration, with -Matamoros having only 24 pereent ofits maguiladora workers bora ouside the stare in 1990 (Quintero, 1997 Approximately Bo percent of thoxe employed in maguildoras are direct workers and 20 percent indirect. Only bout x percent of the labor force is made up of managers Since Tiana does not have a history oFindustial en teepreneuralism, there have Ben shortages of bath direct and indict per sont and migrants who work in maguiladoras ean be considered o sep sent both elite and mass migration. Carcillo, Mortimer, and Alonso (1990) show that inthe north of Mexico, inthe rv and autopart sectors of maquila- dora industis, Asiatic companies would expecially prefer to have ocl sup- pliers in order to take advantage of economies of scale. Their main recom ‘mendation is that apprenticeship be internalized, with Mexicans with proven entrepreneurial ability in other parts ofthe country moved ta the northern regions without entrepreneurial cultural trations. The alternative, foreign ‘managers are also migrants since they usually donot lve in Tana. Most rmaquiladora companies prefer to have nor-Mexican managers living on the US. side ofthe border for security reasons, and most managers themselves refer to locate their fimilis there as well Maguiladora managers who com ‘mute each day from their U.S. homes to work in Mexican plants have be come @ newest component of the borderlander population, which is theKato epic name Martine (1988, 994) has given to people living in the immediate re gion ofthe international line. Although Held etal. gg: 31) note that tis difficult co assess the eco nomi impact of migration on the labor market and wage rates, there ae very specie examples of migration being used by maquiladora employers in ‘Tijuana to prevent independent unioniation and keep down wages. In the Famous ease of the maquiladora Han Young, a subcontractor for Hyundai, new workers were brought all the way from Veracruz in 1998 to replace workers fred for supporting an independent wnion which hed been legally recognized (Bandy forehcoming). Simonelli (2002 64) found tac between (990 and 2002, Veracruz had displace Jalisco asthe second mast frequent place of origin of migrants to Tijuana, but the workers brought fom Vee cua to Tijuana by Han Young had signed very specific contacts agreeing to have travel and other expenses deducted feom their pay. Many ofthe workers supporting the independent union were longtime residents of Tijuana who liven coloia eat is wellknown for its high level of community organiza ‘ion, Some years before the unionization deve, they had defended thee neigh borhoods land tights against government efforts to assist Hyundal's expan sion. The wracazans supported the CROC, a union subordinated to a lege central union which, unlike the independent union, was no interested in bargaining with the company fr safer working conditions and higher pay. he company’ efforts to defeat the independent union failed andthe magui Iadora closed, ‘The remainder of this section suggests that one of the most important distributional impacts of maquiladoraindustralization in Tijuana has been to pass many ofthe costs associted with constructing a competitive labor force oto workers and their communities, especially migrant workers and theie families, Ther absorption ofthese socal costs hs impeded thelt st tlement in maguiladra cities where they work and has compromised their upward mobility This often leaves them socaly excluded and marginalized in Mexican border cities whete they make up the malorty ofthe population and likely tory to take advantage of beter employment opportunities within Mexico ot north ofthe border ithey are asallable. ‘As Hualde Forthcoming) has indicated, aithough maquiladoras have cteated jobs that require various skills in some professional and technical sectors, an important segment of diet ‘workers continues tobe devoted to simple routine asks... Profession als and technicians are a very minor par ofa labor market characterized by low educational levels with stagnated wages and skill throughout the nineties, Data also indicate thatthe labor make is increasingly polar ized, Highly educated people and professionals improved thei incomes in the nineties in contrasto theless educazed, The poor quality ofthe average maguiladora jabs quite clea the popular lasses who comprise the vast majority of its maquiladors labor markt, since they avoid maguladora jobs if they can Find other types of employment. n a study ofthe labor trajectories oflow-skilled, low-paid workers inthe services and maguiladora sectors ofthe economy, s well asthe self-employed, Coubés {2oot: 215) Found two distinguishable groups of people following different paths within the Tiana labor market: migrants from rural locations with lw education, who worked exclusively in maquildoras, and the better educoted natives who were able to avd work in maguiladoras and had taken only ser vice obs. The latter were moe likely to have an urban social background and wereableto usethei familia nrworksto get jobs in the servic sector, whereas migrants were more likely to have found their maquil jos themselves, byan- swering a newspaper a, or responding toa “help wanted sign ouside a fic tory. Coubés (2oot: 255) characterizes the differences between these #0 gr0ups, both of which at low-sage workers, by saying that maquiladras play the role of edad gio for migrants arsiving in Tana, while the naive born more easly void working in magulladors akogether. For those maquilador Tijuana eather than returning home or migrating to the United States, the workers who stayin maguiladora centers suchas ‘quality of ies often marginal at best. Ward (i999) dedicated hie book on selEconstructed housing withthe following words: “or cloie residents in Texas and Mexico, who with or without publie-ector support have had to bear brunt ofthe socal costs of housing themselves.” This is powecful way of ecognizing that when thre are insuficient or nonexistent public Funds For essential services such as housing, and lite support rom the private sector or anions, socal costs are often absorbed by individuals and families, While ecognizing the resilience ofthe who construc ther own housing, and a ‘ging that Texas has lotto learn on this issue fom the Mexican side ofthe order, Ward (3999120 ictal ofthe selEhelp house-bullding proces be- cause itis a manifestation ofthe “high ates of poverty and lack of develop rent resources." Ina study of eFeonstructed housing in Tvana, Hiernanx (ug86; 13a) is more specific about the role ofthe maguiladora industry in 8displacing poorer residents arch demonstrated that even the proba bility that U.S, companies would locate maguladoras inthe city moved specu latoesto buy up the best land, causing pices to rite wo levels which averageti- juanenses could not ford, Novonly do low wages make it dificult to afford adequate housing, but the eat stock of housing means thateren those with higher wages may not ret their needs fr shelter, Snches (1999: 59 eitinga sty by Browning and Zeteneno, argues tat “few maguiladora workers with less than thee years of residence in Tjuans have acces to adequate housing or basic public services Wii acess ineeases with thei term of residency inthe cy, the proportion ‘of maguiladora workers with such acces remains below the comparable fg ures fr workers in non-maguiladora sectors” Sénchez notes that while ma uiladrainduscies are no legally responsible for peoviding housing, govern ment suggestions that new taxes be levied to help provide housing have been resisted by industry organizations There are many dangers associated with the precarious, often selbuile housing, n which maguiladora workers often invest grea deal of thee cme and resources in order eo supply themselves with shelter. Land imvasions, ‘squatting on unetaimed land, isa common way of geting aces to property on ‘which migrant wockers build thelr own dwellings. The Regional Work Consortium, which inches university personnel, government agencies, and private businessesin the San Diego-Iivana region, has projectto bring pub licand private resources together in a community-based planning program to provide basic services such as lighting to one such ate in Tijuana, the Colonia ro de mayo (see www.egionalworkbench org). This neighborhood is located a litle othe east ofthe industrial par. Ciudad Indust, which was built by Acevedo Cérdenas as noted above, and many ofits househois ae headed by single women who work in maguladors, Innovative attempts to improve the walt fife, such s those ofthe Regional Workbench Consortium, are nec essary because maguladoras have historically paid almost no taxes. Tax re farm in 2001, which levied a special tax on slaves, was recenty struck down bythe Cort de Justicia de la Nac as unconsiationsl The tax was perceived tabe acting asa profound disincentive for new investmentsin the maguiladora sector ofthe economy Gourcemex, 2003). Nevertheless, the single women heads of households have organized themselves well and have lobbied their maguiladora employers to build school in the Colonia 1 de may. Tit next goals park, but maquiladora managers have been reluetant to donate funds for such projec fr far that the park would nt be adequately maintained. Inthe summer of 2002, the Tijuana municipal government cari outa very controversial program of actually desroyng subst hich it jadged to be in overly precarious actions, and wich would lead to disasters wen te nex heavy suis tell. Acconding to Betanzos(20¢28), rom 2500 300 houses inthe Colonia Puerta al Futuro were demolished in August 2008 wich did not have building permis and would be Rode in te coming rainy season. Only eighty to ninety ofthese dvellings were inhabited, but 500 persons were left homeless by the demoliions. Unlike the Puerto al Futuro de- ‘moltons which simpy left people homeless and did noc consult them ahead of time, later plans by the municipality to relocate 6oo families living om the washes ofthe Arroyo Alamarand 300 families which lived inthe Cain Las Torres included relocation (Salinas, 20e2). The Pe alderman Carlos Barbosa, soho decried the demolitions, said thaifthiwas to bethe way in which the ty government was going to deal with al of Tijusnas ieregular settlements, the should begin with te rich neighborhoods which were responsible for an i mense number of irregularities (Setan2os, 2002) While poorer esdents have been displaced to the periphery by higher land prices, as noted above, many newcomers arriving inthe cy and taking up ma uiladorajobs often invadeland very neat to thet workplace and builé housing there. The Arroyo lamar, referred to above, ile to the south of Ciudad Industral and much oF he area around ie seted by migrants to Tiana who wor in maguiladoras (Kopinak and Barajas, 2002: 237. Tijuana maquiladora workers who are migrants aee mare likely ro ive inthe same colonia as the plan hat employs them, ot an adjacent colonia, than are workers born in T Juana. This ea be problematic, since they ar likely to be living very close to sites where the highesttisk hazardous wastes generated (Kopina and Bara jas, 2002:235, 237 In the ease of families ving downstream from the most dangerous brown 1d ste oF abandoned hazardous waste on the border, the former Mealesy Deriados factory located on the southwest sie of Ciudad Indust, migrants invaded this Land because they did not hae the resources to purchase land, and ‘hey have dug shallow wells even though the groundwater is contaminate, This area has one of the highest concentrations of children under fourteen years of age inthe cy. Those living elosesto thelr workplace tend to have mi rated fom the aeas of Mexico which ve expetienced the deinduetralza- tion andjoc economic recession in the 1980s nd have sent large numbers of ‘hei inhabitants elsewhere: ental Mexico, the sates oF Aguascalientes, najuato, Hidalgo, Mexico, Morelos, Queréaro, and the Distrito FedeKat Kopi A tate example ofa grassroots organization mobilizing loeal people to petition government and indastry to clan up brownfield sites such as Met aes y Deriados isthe Colectvo Chipancingo Pro Justicia Ambiental, an Flite of the Environmental Heath Coalition in San Diego, whichis sup ported financially by & grant ftom the North American Commission fo Environmental Cooperation. Activists tend to be lng-trm eden. In pub i specches, members of the Coleetivo talk about the face that their comme ity existed before industry came to Ciudad Industrial in the 1970, and they can remember when the Artoyo Alamar, now very polluted by industzal con ‘taminants, vas clean enough to wash and swim in. Is their observation ‘hat health problems within ther community have skyrocketed since he rial of industry, and especialy since the abandonment of lad and other toxic heavy metals and the failure to contain much oft tthe Metalesy De rivado site People who are more recent migrants, however, donot have long-term memos of their current communities on which they ean draw, which conttibites to their sacial exclusion. The Report on Environmental Conditions and Naarl Resources on Mesias Northern Border says tha anther Factor that contributes to these problems infrastructure deficien clea is that many ofthe people who migrate othe border don’ establish 0018 there or adopt 2 “border” identity. They fel that cei stay on the borderis only temporary and that one day they will etura to their place of origin, This attitude erates an obstacle other contributing in a eal way to solving the problems of thee cites. (12s and IfoMenus, 20062) Nevertheless, the caste of maquiladors pollation in terms of human health have been estimated tobe high. In study of the health damages at tributableo particulate emissions from two sample maquiladorasin Ciudad Jusres, Blackman (forthcoming) estimates the cos to be $25 million per year, and tobe incurred much more on the Mexican side of the border. He argues that although the vale of health damages frm noa-maguiladora i The latest use of the term ranted observed by this author refers to foreign investors actualy leaving Mexico in response tothe latest U.S recession, Fr esto O Fail, resident of Bursametrca Management, partner of Standard and Poor, said, “A la industria maguiladora se lecaen los pedis, espe ‘gent, cera plancasinluso companies globes aprovechan ess citcunstan- ‘as de comtracein para realizar lo que aman su reconvetsén, que n0 es ota cosa que cambiae sus plantas de pas” (Frnt, April 7, 2000 After this statement was made, the tightening of security tthe border in tesponse 10 terrorist attacks andthe war in Iraq plunged maquiladora industries even further ino dectne, This suggests that thick globalization, which was found to be present in the kinescope corridot right atthe border, will be limited toCom the other hand, some of che biggest maqulladors in Tjuana have an nounced new investments, hich weakens suppor for an interpretation ofthis area which would coincide with skeptical orientation to globalization. Atthe beginning of 003, Samsung announced thatthey would invests muchas they had in Tijuana ($30 milion) ina new Factory in Querzaro making refrigerators and air conditioners (ower, January 19,2003) Their Tijuana factories have moved some production to China, but alo added new employees. At eat time they also sai they had plans fr another electronics factory in 2004 and still another in 2005, Their goal isto sell more oftheir product in the Mexi- can market, Lkewise, Toyota is building a large plant a the eastern end of Held etal. 699g 17) do noc take a skeptical point of view, but suggest that, lbaliation may differ between historical eras” whichis much closer toa tranfocmationalist understanding o globalization, seeing it as eatingent on conjunctural forces and eontadictory. We suggest here that magulladora in dustrialization consteutesa paricula historical form of globalization, which Held etal. (1999: 17) define as *thespato-emporal and organiational at butes of global interconnectedness in discrete historical epochs.” Spatotem- poral sil Which only recently came into existence allowing fr diferent parts of pro- aneity has been made possible by communications technology Auction process taking place in different locations a the same time. Avery unique part of the organization ofthis historical form of globalization a the hea ofthe Bat California peninsula i the construcion of labor force made up by very high levels of migrants from othe parts of Mexico. Moreover, argue below that most ofthese migrants wil probably notretuen to thelr places ‘oF origin, evenf rates of tnemployment continue to ise within maguiladoras litle i known about ow migrant maquiladora workers respond ‘unemployment since there has been no research onthe topic. However, there ae several reasons to believe that workers would not retuen to thei places of gin 1 Unemployment rates are probably stil higher in their places of orig than at the border, Most have acquired material goods necessary frie (eg refrigerator, land, dwellings) which ie ther to the city in whieh ey aequited maquiladora work 2 Leaving their place of origin was based ona formal or informal under standing that chey would bring back economic support when the returned, and if they are unemployed they probably do not have the wheteithal to mcet thei fails’ expectations inthis regard 3 Maquiladora workers are quite young, nd probably search for other ‘workin the formal andlor informal economies of maquiladora cities, as wellas taking advancage of workin the United States ifthey havea pos- sibility of erossing and contacts onthe + side. Operation Guadia by which che US. government as invested millions of dollars into new surveillance equipment and Border Patrol personnel, makes it unlkel 0 migrate othe United States will do iin the Ti jana area, but farther tothe east where the risks ofinury and death ae very high that those inten Having conclude that maquildora indusrialzation represents a patio lar historical form of globalization inthis are, further research needs to be done to understand in what form it willbe consolidated in the tut, Alonso Carlo, and Conteras (2002) have identified several kinds oflearningtajecto- Fis in Tijuana maguiladrss, many of them very advanced and highly skill, However, they conclude that these trajectories could be interupted by the owner in maqulladora industries caused by the weak U.S. economy and Aight of some production to China, ual rehcoming), on the other hand finds Baja California's magulladora regime w eto train the vast majority of workers in highly skilled techniques. The low ened fiom within by the fall skilled character of most ofthe maquiladora labor force will make i dificult for them to compete with other areas of the word where the mulled a pect of lean production models has been implemented more thoroughly. As demonstrated inthis chaper, the migratory status of many maquiladora work- es compounds this situation, since they are too burdened with absorbing the social costs of this new form of globalization to invest in thei own human capital, One ofthe clearest examples ofthis isthe lack of adequate housing, leading migrants to invade unoccupied land and build their own dbellngs This has been a constant across different historical forms of globalization in Tijuana, with workers inthe tourist economy ofthe 19308 taking over aba ned stables to renovate as housing, and maguiladora workers in te 19808 and 1990s often using materials discards by maguilador industri ing supplies isa bil Notes Pareofthis caper was presented the conference on Economie Integration and Migration, Mexico andthe US, Sponsored by Migration Dialogue in ola, Cal 80+ uke reported that in March 2005, aj California had 957 magulladoras oot (oft total of 3258 nll of Mexico In Mare 200, Ba California had 238.882 peop exployed in maquiladors out ofa total of ago inthe county (nd Fin magatladora de exporctn, i. 2 scevedoCirdenasis noon asiccefu businessman, buthas worked 23 pub ic administrator and published several book about the area. One example ic anh Toone, cendeaos nara ena (ican Tpograa Mecan 163), whih defends Thuan eptation agaist th stereotype that ils only {center ofvce soci. 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