Filipino Youth in Local Governance: The Sangguniang Kabataan1 in Crisis

By Claudine Claridad Tanvir

1. Introduction

It has been recognised in several literatures and studies that the youth has an
indispensable role in nation building (UNESCO; UNICEF, 2007). Comprising 1.8
billion of the world’s population, adolescents and youth2 have been the objects of and
subjects for change. Social policies, for example on human development, underscore
the need to be sensitive to the needs of the youth in terms of education and health
provisioning to maximise the impact to the sector (UNDP). In the political sphere,
electoral campaigns are being designed to draw the attention and support of the youth
by highlighting youth-focused provisions in the candidates’ or political parties’
platform of governance and optimising youth-friendly modes of campaign
communication through the use of popular technologies (e.g. mass media) in the hope
to swing the majority of the youth’s vote to their advantage. Youth power was also
evident in political uprisings across the world where dissatisfied youth demand for
social justice, for example, regarding workers’ wages and corruption in governments.
The People Power Revolution in the Philippines in 1986 showed massive youth
involvement in the restoration of freedom and democracy of the people from a
dictatorship government led by the deposed President Ferdinand Marcos3.

In the Philippines where children and youth comprise one third of the population, the
institutionalisation of youth participation in local governance in the Philippines has
put the country in the higher ground as it is the only one in the world that has
established a system that allows youth to govern themselves. The Sangguniang
Kabataan or SK as a youth council is an elected position and functions in each
barangay (village) in the country to provide platform for youth participation. It has

1
Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) or the Village Youth Council is a community based youth organisation
comprising of a set of officials duly elected by youth with ages 15-17 years old in every village. It is
part of the barangay (village) which is the smallest political unit in the governance structure of the
Philippines under the mandate of the Local Government Code which institutionalised youth
participation in nation-building.
2
For the purpose of the paper, global statistics that account for youth population will use UNFPA’s age
grouping of young people which is 10-24.
3
Ferdinand Marcos served from 1965 to 1986, the longest running presidency of 21 years.
been serving the youth since the passage of the Local Government Code in 19914,
notably a few years after the end of Martial Law in the Philippines, through
implementing development projects that directly benefit its constituencies. It has been
a landmark policy that harnesses the youth’s voice and action until it was suspended
in 2013 due to allegations of corruption and political patronage. To be able to
understand the whole politics within the SK system, it is necessary to look into its
history as well as its socio-political underpinnings that make up (and unmake) the
policy of youth participation in local governance in the Philippines.

2. History of Youth Policy: From Kabataang Barangay to Sangguniang

Kabataan

As slightly mentioned in the previous section, the policy formulation and

institutionalisation of the youth policy is heavily drawn from its political history on
democratisation processes in the Philippines. The youth involvement in local
governance can be traced as early as in the 1970s. The Kabataang Barangay (KB or
Village Youth) was created in 1975 by virtue of Presidential Decree 684 that
mandated the organisation of KB units in 42,000 barangays across the country with
the purpose of providing the youth (15-21years old) a definite role in local affairs and
opportunities to express and be heard as part of the community development and
governance processes. The passage of Presidential Decree 603 or the Child and Youth
Welfare Code in 1975 as well recognised the right of children and young people to
participate in governance.

However, despite this gain for the young generation, it should be noted that this was
preceded by those trying times when democracy was a challenge in Philippine
society. The controversial declaration of Martial Law (Proclamation No. 1081) by
then President Marcos on 21 September 1972 has created dissent and protests against
the curtailment of civil and political rights particularly from the nationalist youth. It
was this political juncture that the intention for KB was highly questionable especially
when its president from 1975 to 1984 was the presidential daughter Imee Romualdez
Marcos. The nationwide formation of local youth therefore was seen as a tool to

4
Local Government Code of the Philippines 1991 or the Republic Act 7160 is a law that decentralises
the functions of the national government to the local government which gave way to the local
autonomy and development of any territorial and political subdivisions of the State.
reinforce the political legitimacy of the Marcos regime by infusing development
projects in the grassroots communities. The authoritarian style of youth governance
and the suppression of youth activism among its rank during the Marcos regime have
diminished its popularity and further pushed away young people from KB.

The restoration of Philippine democracy in 1986 propelled by the People Power and
mandated Mrs. Corazon Aquino5 as president paved the way for the 1987 Philippine
Constitution which further recognises the rights and the role of the youth in nation-
building and national development as articulated in Article 2 Sections 12 and 13. The
active engagement of civil society, political youth movements, nationalist
organisations, the academe and the public at large expanded the provisions in the
Constitution especially in the areas of human right promotion and protection of
Filipino citizens. The Bill of Rights which occupies a large section of the Constitution
is considered as the Philippine expression of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights especially after emerging from a dictatorship regime accused with various
counts of human rights violations. This in effect galvanised the further inclusion and
articulation of youth participation in the Local Government Code of 1991 (Republic
Act 7160) which repealed Marcos’ PD 684 and was enacted four years after the new
Constitution has been enforced. The law has been authored by the current senator
Aquilino Pimentel, Jr., a former political prisoner during the Marcos years. Its
constitutionally-enshrined principles of decentralisation and democratisation were
considered the most radical and far reaching compared to any other prior system used
in the Philippines (Schuchmann, 2005).

The Kabataang Barangay was then renamed as Katipunan ng Kabataan (KK or Youth
Federation) which served as the general assembly of and elects the Sangguniang
Kabataan (SK). Following this line, another law was passed under President Fidel V.
Ramos which gave more prominence to young peoples’ role in governance through
the enactment of Youth in Nation Building Act (RA 8044) in 1994 in support to RA
7160 where SK provision is articulated.

5
Corazon Aquino served as the Philippine President from 1986 to 1992.
To capture the historical progression of the youth policy in the Philippines, below is a
summary of the laws and decrees that mandate the policy and their specific objectives
in fostering youth participation in local governance.

Table 1. Laws and Decrees related to Youth Participation in Governance

Law/Decree Official Title Rationale/Objectives
PD No. 603: Child ‘The Child and Youth Welfare To promote the welfare and enhance the
and Youth Code’ opportunities of the Filipino children and
Welfare Code youth towards a useful and happy life
PD No. 684: ‘Strengthening and Defining the To providing the youth a definite role and
Kabataang Role of the Barangay Youth in affording them ample opportunity to
Barangay Every Barangay’ express their views that a complete cross-
section of the will of the populace could be
accurately determined thereby providing a
more democratic and popular basis for
legislation and/or other governmental
operations
RA 7160: The ‘An Act Providing for a Local To provide territorial and political
Local Government Government Code of 1991’ subdivisions of the State with genuine and
Code of 1991 meaningful local autonomy that will enable
them to attain their fullest development as
self-reliant communities and make them
more effective partners in the attainment of
national goals (Decentralization)
RA 8044: Youth ‘An act creating the National To enable the youth to fulfill their vital role
in Nation Building Youth Commission, establishing a in nation-building, a National
Act National Comprehensive and Comprehensive and Coordinated Program
Coordinated Program on Youth on Youth Development shall be
Development, Appropriating established; To create the structures to
Funds Therefore, and for Other implement the same and appropriate
Purposes’ adequate funds to provide support for the
program and implementing structures on a
continuing sustained basis
Sources: National Youth Commission (NYC), The LawPhil Project (Arellano Law Foundation),
Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG)

3. The Sangguniang Kabataan Experience

3.1 Agenda Setting and Policy Formulation

The institutionalisation of youth participation in local governance through the Local

Government Code (LGC) of 1991 has gone through a rigorous process where a step-
by-step but complicated stage of policy-making was endured before it eventually
became a law. Senator Aquilino Pimentel who is considered the father of the LGC
and the mayor of Cagayan de Oro at that time, began to push for reforms in
governance even at the height of the Marcos dictatorship in the 1970s to early 1980s.
Pimentel was a known relentless critic of the Marcos regime and had to contend with
various political manoeuvrings and character assassinations that discount his
credibility as a person and as a public servant, which most of times led him to prison.
His found allies with his fellow opposition leaders Benigno ‘Ninoy’ Aquino, Lorenzo
Tañada, Joker Arroyo, Raul Gonzales, among others, and with the public (especially
in his locality Cagayan de Oro) fuelled his passion to continue with his lobbying
efforts until he was elected senator in 1987 and became Minister of Local
Government. It was the newfound democracy after Marcos was ousted in 1986 and
his ministerial position that paved the way to the enactment of the LGC. In a nutshell,
Figure 1 captures the policy-making process in the Philippines which the LGC went
through.

Figure 1. How a bill becomes a law in the Philippines

4 Third Reading
1 Filing of the Bill 2 Committee 3 Second Reading (Legislators vote to
(First Reading) Report (Legislators vote) pass to House of
Reps and Senate)

Public Plenary Online

Hearing Debate version
posted

For Public 7 Presidential 6 Final Reading 5 Bicameral

comments Approval or Veto
(Enactment) (Bicameral votes) Conference
(5 Days) Meeting

Source: Author’s simplified interpretation from different sources – FOI Youth Initiative, The
Philippine Congress, Ladlad Partylist.

The active participation of the nationalist youth that emerged from the dictatorship
struggle has supported the LGC provision for youth, replacing Kabataang Barangay to
Katipunan ng Kabataan6 and Sangguniang Kabataan. The specific functions of the SK
as articulated in the LGC are:
 promulgate resolutions necessary to carry out the objectives of the youth in the
barangay;
 initiate programs designed to enhance the social, political, economic, cultural,
moral, spiritual and physical development of the members;

6
Bearing the word katipunan in the youth policy, it paid homage to the revolutionary struggle against
colonialism during the Spanish occupation and the dictatorship government under Marcos.
  conduct fundraising activities;
 consult and coordinate with all youth organizations in the barangay for policy
formulation and program implementation; and
 coordinate with the appropriate agency for the implementation of youth
development projects and programs at the national level.

3.2 Policy Implementation

3.2.1 General provision and functions

The implementation of SK since the first election in 1992 has allowed elected
officials to govern the KK in every barangay (village) in the country for a term of
three to five years7. The council is composed of a chairperson and seven councilors
(members of the council), all of which are voted by the youth in the election, and two
appointed positions namely the secretary and the treasurer. The SK chairperson
automatically sits in the Sangguniang Barangay (Village Council) as ex officio
member and also gets the position as the chair of the Committee on Youth and Sports
of the village council. All chairpersons have a chance to be elected as the SK National
Federation (SKNF) President from the provincial assembly of all SK chairs. The
elected president sits as ex-officio Commissioner of the National Youth Commission
(NYC) which acts as the SKNF secretariat. The NYC is then tasked to train youth
leaders through its organisational leadership and environmental awareness
programmes.

To function in the barangay, the SK receives 10 percent of the internal revenue

allotment (IRA) allocated to every barangay for youth development projects. Elected
SK officials enjoy privileges such as the exemption from payment of tuition and other
fees in public tertiary schools provided that they enrol in the state college or
university within or nearest their area of jurisdiction. The SK chairperson also
receives a small allowance as the head of the council.

3.2.2 Gains and challenges

According to the 2007 study of the United Nation Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the SK
system has trained young people and produced a crop of local government officials
and national legislators. Among the successes documented in the study are in relation
7
This was the case when there were amendments of the regular three-year term
to 1) involvement of KK in youth consultations and project development; 2)
implementation of projects beyond the usual sports related activities; and 3)
environmental protection regarding reforestation (UNICEF, 2007, p. 21). It was also
mentioned in the same report that there were positive effects of the SK on council
members regarding skills and knowledge gained, values and qualities acquired, and
new opportunities met (honoraria, scholarships, travel, legislative capacity
involvement, among others) (UNICEF, 2007).

However, these gains can only be manifested in barangays where SK officials are
elected based on their own will and passion to serve the youth and not by alleged
traditional politicians who control the affairs of the SK. This therefore has tainted the
credibility of the SK system as it has long been touted as training ground for
corruption and patronage politics. It is therefore not surprising to know that some SK
chairs are fielded by the barangay politicians (adults) and are even related to or
sons/daughters of the village chief8. Vote buying during elections has become a
common practice through the years to ensure that the ‘political bet’ wins in the
election. This in turn disempowered the elected youth and made them lose their
autonomy to govern along the way. Unfortunately, this led to diminished confidence
of the youth on the SK and its projects and therefore they became indifferent,
apathetic and disillusioned (UNICEF, 2007). The financial benefits mentioned above
attract the parents to push their children to run for a position in SK thus tainting their
intention to serve the youth.9 Arguably, youth participation in local governance is
reduced as a mere tokenism (Reyes & Asinas, 2011) to justify the existence of the SK.

3.3 Policy Evaluation

Having said the above gains and challenges in its 21 years of implementation under
the LGC, the Sangguniang Kabataan’s mandate has been questioned – whether the SK
has served its purpose to serving the youth. Despite of its decades of existence, there
was no formal evaluation on SK done by the government itself except in 2007 when
debates regarding the abolition of SK (House Bill 185) were surfacing. The Philippine
government through the DILG, therefore, asked UNICEF-Manila to conduct a

8
I have personal experience on this when my organisation had an interaction with SKs in Barangay
Concepcion Dos of Marikina City and in Barangay Krus na Ligas of Quezon City.
9
I found out this information from a conversation made with a parent of an SK chair candidate in the
2013 postponed election in my hometown Barangay Sisigon, Matnog, Sorsogon.
systematic, nationwide assessment of the SK’s impact on the youth to serve as a basis
for more rational and effective recommendations (UNICEF, 2007). Below are some
highlights of the evaluation regarding SK’s effectiveness based on the stipulated
objectives enshrined in the LGC as shown in Table 2.

Table 2. Evaluation on SK’s Effectiveness

General feedback
 While involvement in the SK has both positive and negative effects on young people, the youth
reported a generally positive impact (e.g. greater appreciation for country and service, improved
leadership skills) from their personal experience working with the SK.
 There is lack of knowledge among the public on the duties of the SK. This may account for the
positive perception of the SK’s relevance and contributions to the community and youth situation.
This is despite the disparity between the youth’s most pressing needs and interests, and the SK’s
projects.
 Aside from the low level of children and youth participation in the SK, there is also a low level of
understanding and appreciation for children’s rights and young people’s participation.
 Degree and quality of support, supervision, and assistance from local government officials and
organizations are extremely important to the success of the SK. Clear local and national policies on
youth participation and procedures have tremendous effect on the youth. Poor awareness and
understanding of legal frameworks affects elections and the release of funds, among other things, that
can cause SK councils to function poorly. Individual situations and roles of SK members, such as
school and work, also affect performance.
SK Objectives
a. Youth legislation : SK’s performance is weak but there is immense potential to engage in legislative
action through SK project Linggo ng Kabataan (Week of the Youth)
b. Development projects : There was a mismatch between SK projects and the actual youth needs as
most projects are on sports, environmental issues, and infrastructure despite the felt need on education
and training, health and nutrition, anti-drug abuse and livelihood.
c. Fundraising : Campaigns on youth fundraising is weak. In terms of obtaining funds from the
barangay budget, the study showed the tedious process the SK officials had to endure. Source of funds
mainly come from the LGU while technical support is derived from other government organizations and
NGOs.
d. Reporting : SKs do not submit reports, or reports fail to reach the NYC. No standard reporting
format is used.
e. Consultation and coordination with other youth organizations : There was very little consultation
with the youth in situational analysis, planning, monitoring, and evaluation.
f. Coordination with concerned national agency : Partnerships and coordination with agencies and
LGUs are linked with financial assistance sought by the SK.
Source: UNICEF, 2007, pp. 25-29 (summarised version for this paper)

Based on the evaluation, it can be concluded that the effectiveness of the SK is

influenced by the quality of youth that are elected, leadership training and
development of the SK, political support and guidance received from the NYC and
LGUs, and political dynamics within the barangay council system. While the LGC
has given power and independence for localised governance through the
decentralisation law, internal dynamics and local bureaucracy still hound the
functioning of SK in cases where funds are obtained.
3.4 Policy Change/Policy Termination

As discussed in the previous section, HB No.185 has pioneered the call for the
abolition of the SK in early 2000. But due to lack of empirical evidence, it did not
gain traction and remained a bill. In recent times, however, HB No. 3604 known as
the ‘SK Abolition Act 2010’ was filed. It was argued in the bill that by abolishing the
SK as a dysfunctional youth council, the State will not only save billions of pesos
from the conduct of its election but also eliminate a breeding ground for corruption
and patronage politics. While allegations against the credibility of SK have valid
grounding, most of legislators notably the youngest Senator elect Bam Aquino
(former chair of NYC) and civil society organisations such as Kabataan Partylist
share same arguments that reforms in SK and not abolition is the solution as this shall
somehow preserve a unique and institutionalised platform for youth participation. To
democratically and systematically address the issue, President Benigno Aquino signed
a law postponing the SK elections that should have happened on 28 October 2013.
Stakeholders especially the youth themselves will be able to assess and decide the fate
of the SK until the Commission on Elections determine the schedule of the election
between 28 October 2014 and 23 February 2015.

Another dominant change that was implemented in SK was the amendment of the age
bracket of youth that can be elected in the council. The change from 15-21 to 15-18
years old limits the scope of SK. As argued in the UNICEF report, this excluded a
crucial group of youth who in reality exhibits greater maturity and idealism in serving
the youth.

4. Conclusion and Recommendations

The enormity of issues confronting the SK implementation requires careful

assessment and action that should be done with the broader public especially the
major stakeholders which are the youth themselves. To improve the SK system, this
paper argues for the following set of recommendations which the national government
and other stakeholders can consider:

1. Carry out a follow up evaluation to validate concerns identified in the

UNICEF 2007 report to be led by the NYC,
 2. Conduct a stakeholders consultation to identify changes that can be made in
the policy and its implementation;
3. Strengthen the relationship of the NYC and the KK/SK to clarify and cohere
their functions and objectives, specifically on:
a. Project/programme planning and implementation
b. Evaluation and monitoring to ensure transparency and accountability
c. Implementation and enforcement of existing policies involving SK and
the youth in general
d. Capacity building (i.e., leadership development, education and
training, organisation planning and development
4. Reinstate age scope of SK electoral requirements to 15-21 to ensure
inclusiveness and increase participation of all youth; and
5. Strengthen SK’s partnership with other stakeholders such as government
agencies, children and youth organizations, NGOs and peoples’ organizations.

Having said all of these, this paper clearly argues that the solution to addressing the
crisis in the SK system, a massive reform process and not mere abolition will yield
better results as the mechanism for youth participation will be preserved and therefore
giving young people a chance to harness its vast potentials in local governance as well
as to be able to contribute in nation-building. # (Word Count: 2,673)

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