JOENSUUN YLIOPISTON YHTEISKUNTATIETEELLISIA JULKAISUJA UNIVERSITY OF JOENSUU PUBLICATIONS IN SOCIAL SCIENCES. N:O 9 ANSSI PAASI THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF REGIONS THEORY AND COMPARATIVE CASE STUDIES Joensuun yliopisto Joensuu 1986Julkaisija Joensuun yliopisto Publisher University of Joensuu Toimittaja FT sucka Nyblom Editor Or Vaihto Joensuun yliopiston kirjasto, PL 111, 60101 JOENSUU Exchange Joensuu University Library, P.O. Box 111, SF-80101 Joensuu Myynti Joensuun yliopisto. PL 111, 80101 JOENSUU sale University of Joensuu. P.O.Box 111, 80101 Joensuu, Finland UDK 910.1 ISSN (0781-0350 ISBN = 951-696-625-X Joensuun yliopiston keskusmonistamo Joensuu 1986ABSTRACT Paasi, Anssi The institutionalization of regions. Theory and comparative case studies. = Joensuu: University of Joensuu, 1986 - 36 pp. (University of Joensuu. Publications in Social Sciences = Joensuun yliopiston yhteis- kuntatieteellisia julkaisuja). ISSN 0781-0350 ISBN 951-696-625-x Key words: Region, regional identity, regional consciousness, regional community, institutionalization of regions. Present study summarizes the essential background, theoretical arguments and geographical context of a research project aimed at analysing the essence of the geographical concept of region from different perspectives. A conceptual framework is developed which understands the region as a concrete social category rather than as a researcher-centred mental category in spirit of traditional geographical thought. The present paper is based on the following two studies: I Paasi, Anssi (1986). The institutionalization of regions. Theory and comparative case studies. Fennia 164, i Paasi, Anssi (1986). Nelja maakuntaa. Maantieteellinen tutkimus aluetietoi- suuden kehittymisesta (Summary: Four provinces in Finland. A geographical ( study of the development of regional consciousness. University of Joensuu Publications in Social Sciences N:o 8. The’ first. study evaluates the interpretations given to the concept of region in geographical thought and presents a dynamic view of a region as a historically contingent process which gradually takes shape via institutionalization and has a specific status in the regional system of the society and social consciousness. The second study analyses the institutionalization of four Finnish provinces and their role in present-day Finnish regional, consciousness. The present suminary contains the theoretical arguments for the dual structure of the research project, an evaluation of the schema of the project and a statement of the main results.Paasi, Anssi Alueiden institutionalisoituminen. Teoria ja vertailevia tapaustutkimuksia (The institutionalization of regions. Theory and comparative case studies). Joensuu: Joensuun yliopisto, 1986. 36s. : julkaisuja = University of Joensuu. (Joensuun yliopiston yhteiskuntatieteelli Publications in Social Sciences), ISSN 0781-0350 ISBN 951-696-625-x Avainsanat: alue, alueellinen identiteetti, aluetictoisuus, alueyhteisé, alueiden insti- tutionalisoituminen. Tutkimuksessa esitetddn keskeiset léhtékohdat, teoreettinen perustelu seké oppihisto- riallinen konteksti tutkimushankkeelle, jonka péidméaréind on ollut maantieteellisen aluekdsitteen olemuksen jaljittéminen eri nékékulmista. Cdelleen tavoitteena on ollut kehittda kasitteellinen kehikko, joka huomioi alueen konkreettisena yhteiskunnallise- na kategoriana sen sijaan, ettd se kiisitettdisiin perinteisen maantieteellisen ajattelun tapaan tutkijakeskeiseksi mentaaliseksi kategoriaksi. Tutkimuksen perustana ovat seuraavat kaksi tutkimusta: T Paasi, Anssi (1986). The institutionalization of regions. Theory and comparative case studies. Fennia 164, u Paasi, Anssi (1986). Neljii maakuntaa. Maantieteellinen tutkimus maakunta- tietoisuuden kehittymisesti (Summary: Four provinces in Finland. A geographical study on the development of regional consciousness) Joensuun yliopiston yhteiskuntatieteellisia julkaisuja N:o 8. Ensiksi mainitussa tutkimuksessa analysoidsan -maantietcellisess’ ajattelussa esitet- tyj aluekdsitteen tulkintoja ja esitetdin dynaaminen kiisitys alueesta historiallisesti ehdollisena prosessina, joka institutionalisoitumisprosessin kuluessa muotoutuu vahi- tellen aluekokonaisuudeksi, jolla on tietty status yhteiskunnan aluejérjestelmassa ja yhteiskunnallisessa tajunnassa. Toisessa tutkimuksessa on tarkasteltu neljéin suomatai- sen maakunnan ingtitutionalisoitumisprosessia ja niiden esittaytymista tamén piivin suomalaisessa aluetietoisuudessa. Oheisessa tutkirnuksessa on esitetty oppihistorialli- nen ja teoreettinen perustelu tutkimusraporttien valiselle tydnjaolle, tutkimusasetel- man arviointi sek tutkimuksen keskeiset tulokset.PREFACE No one writes a doctoral thesis on his own. The research worker is integrated into both the scientific institution and his field of study in a variety of ways, and is also linked with a host of external factors which in the last resort set the limits on what he does. As this work nears completion the first names that come to mind are of those people with whom I have had the privilege of working over the years and with whom I have been able to discuss both basic philosophical and methodological questions related to geographical research and also the more concrete details of research practice. First and foremost, I should mention my supervisor Prof. Juhani Hult, since the years of joint research carried out with him have exercised a significant background influence on the investigations presented here. He has also been ready at all times to discuss problems arising from the work. I have been able to hold almost daily discussions in recent years with Dr. Pauli Karjalainen on the deep structure of the fundamental concepts of geography and of life as a geographer. I only hope that the experience of producing our doctoral theses at the same time has been as beneficial and inspiring for him as it has for me. The writings of Dr. Perttu Vartiainen in the late 1970's on the foundations of geography contained many encouraging aspects for a young student, just as the many discussions we have had in the course of my research work have similarly proved extremely fruitful, including many on specific themes taken up in this work. I have received much valuable advice on this research project as the work has advanced from Prof. Stig Jaatinen and Docent Arvo Peltonen, who served as d preliminary examiners for this thesis. I have tried to incorporate the detai comments they gave at that stage into the final version of the manuscript. Miss Kaarina Huotilainen has taken immense care over the typing of the final manuscript, numerous documents related to the same themes and various papers presented on the same subject. The English translations for this thesis were kindly provided by Mr. Malcolm Hicks, M.A. A position as research assistant with the Academy of Finland has assured me of the best possible facilities for concentrating full-time on this project, just as the financial support of the Academy and University of Joensuu has also been invaluable for the completion of the work.1 would like to express my most grateful thanks to all the people and institutions mentioned above and to all those others who have contributed to this work, Last but not least, I would like to thank Eija and Ossi, and in the later stages also Otso, for having brought into my life welcome alternatives to the often monotonous and demanding routine of the research worker. Joensuu, July 1986, Anssi PaasiLIST OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 2. INTELLECTUAL CONTEXT AND METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH 3. THEORETICAL SCHEMA FOR THE RESEARCH 4 IMPLEMENTATION AND STRUCTURE OF THE CASE STUDIES 5. ASSESSMENT OF THE RESEARCH SET-UP AND PRINCIPAL RESULTS REFERENCES1 INTRODUCTION The increasing diversity and complexity which has been introduced into geographical thinking in recent decades has meant a break-down in this discipline's exceptionalist role, by which we refer to the view that geography and history differ methodologically from the ‘systematic sciences' in that where the latter set out to describe a given object, the former approach it from a certain predetermined point of view, geography in terms of space and history in terms of time (see Schaefer 1953, Paasi 1981). This exceptionalistic way of thinking is frequently regarded as having gained ascendancy within geography some time after it became institutionalized as an independent university discipline, although searches for its historical roots often see the background to it as lying in the systematics of science proposed by the philosopher Kant and in that same scholar's own geographical thinking (Grané 1977, 1981). This approach was certainly associated with the phase during which geography was searching for an identity of its own, a point in time at which the external social factors which had been of significance for its institutionalization were beginning to lose their status at the core of the science in favour of internal factors, which were being emphasized progressively more strongly. The essential category as far as the identity of geography was concerned at the exceptionalistic stage was the region, a concept which subsequently lost some of its currency from the period 1950-1960 onwards, i.e. with the rise of the ‘spatial tradition’. In more recent times, however, it has begun to assume a new content, especially with the development of humanistic and critical geography (sce Buttimer 1979, Pred 1984, Thrift 1983). The gradual undermining of the exceptionalistic role of geography is a symptom of a change in the relation between geography and society and of the progressive shaping of geography, particularly human geography, into an applied science which has a status of its own among the social sciences (on aspects of the development of geographical thinking, see Johnston 1979, Vartiainen 1984). Few geographers today would set out to look for the crucial content or "core" of the identity of geography by limiting themselves to the tradition of their discipline and its concepts and methodology alone, as was done in particular in the days of the chorological tradition, which represented an exceptionalistic outlook. Thus the manner of thinking in regional geography which aims at major syntheses has been replaced by an accent on research problems and objects, attempts’ at the mastery of which have led geographers ever closer to the humanistic disciplines and the social sciences, particularly sociology. This is illustrated well in the claim made by the well-known10 English sociological theoretician Anthony Giddens (1984:368) that there is no logical or methodological distinction between human geography and sociology, since the complex space-time-society forms the theme of both. The last twenty years or so have seen great changes in the relations between geography and other branches of science, between geography and society and between geographical thinking and the thinking lying behind the general theory of science, The combined philosophical and methodological approaches have altered geographers attitudes towards the relations between man, the environment (and nature) and society in many ways, i.e. they have adjusted the relationship between space and society and the mechanisms which mediate these (see Johnston 1983, Harvey & Holly 1981). Approaches such as humanistic, behavioural and critical social geography and philosophical perspectives such as existentialism, phenomenology and Marxism have contributed not only theoretical and methodological starting points and backgrounds, but also new points of departure for conceptualizing phenomena and objects of study. The above trends have not necessarily led to a rejection of the discipline's traditions or fundamental concepts, however, but rather to their active, critical reproduction. Space, place, region and landseape - to mention just a few examples, still form part of the conceptual arsenal of grographical thinking, but pervaded by new. aspects of meaning. Thus the remark by Giddens (1984) on the logical and methodological inseparability of geography and sociology should not be taken mean that they are historically inseparable as scientific disciplines, since at least from the point of view of geography the development af a conceptual or logical foundation has not meant an abandonment of tradition but its critical reflection and reproduction. The new theoretical and methodological points of departure simply provide material of a new kind to enable the fundamental concepts of geography to be used for analysing the problems and phenomena of communities and societies. As has happened earlier in'the history of geographical thought, the theoretical developments which have taken place have led once again to criticism of the new approaches. The aim of the present study is to describe and evaluate a research project centred upon the traditional concept underlying geographical thinking, that of region, its significance for the history of the discipline ond its role as a concrete social category. The article is founded upon two pieces of research, discussing their content, the relations between them and the contribution which they make to the general topic investigate:ll 1 Paasi, Anssi (1986). The institutionalization of regions. A theoretical framework for understanding the emergence of regions and the constitution of regional identity. Fennia 164:1. maakuntaa. Maantieteellinen tutkimus aluetie- Il Paasi, Anssi (1986). Nelja toisuuden kehittymisesté (Summary: Four provinces in Finland. A geographical study of the development of regional consciousness). University of Joensuu Publications in Social Sciences, N:o 8. The first paper distinguishes the central meanings which have been attached to the concept of region in the course of the history of geographical thought and uses these to set up a conceptual framework which departs from the traditional definitions by emphasizing the nature of the region as a continuous process of institutionalization. This means that the region is not understood in the usual sense of regional geography; as a mental and primarily conceptual category of a researcher-centred kind, in which the researcher exploits the reality of the earth's surface in order to classify phenomena, but instead the institutionalization of a region is regarded as a process in the course of which a specific areal unit within a society gradually emerges, through the mediation of various functions, as an entity with a status of its own not only as the territorial exponent of certain functions but also as a specific part of the areal system internalized in the consciousness of the society in question. The institutionalization of a region is thus a historical process, in which the paper then recognizes four stages, (1) areal or territorial delineation, (2) conceptual or symbolic formulation, (3) institutional establishment and (4) acceptance as an areal entity. By this last stage the area may be said to possess a special regional identity of its own. The second paper examines the institutionalization processes and regional identity attached to four regions, or provinces, in Finland in terms of this theoretical framework.12 2 INTELLECTUAL CONTEXT AND METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH The point of departure for the theoretical analysis of the reserach project lay in the traditional meanings ascribed to the geographical concept of region, i.e. the methodological discussion pursued in geographical circles form time to time regarding the meaning of the concept region. The most significant discussions are those contained in the basic works of the chorolagical tradition (e.g. Hartshorne 1939, 1959) and the writings of representatives of the subsequent spatial tradition (see Grigg 1967, Harvey 1969). Particularly worth mentioning among the more recent methodological treatises on the subject are ‘those of Buttimer: (1979) in the humanistic tradition and Pred (1984) and Thrift (1983) with their influences form sociological theory. As far as the study of concrete regions within a society is concerned, an important background for the present research was provided by works belonging to the tradition of cultural geography, particularly in the U.S.A., which are concerned with the formation of ‘vernacular regions! and cultural regions (see Brownell 1960, Meinig 1972, Jordan 1978, Zelinsky 1980, Shortridge 1984; cf. Gastill 1973, Rykiel 1985). On the other hand, although the problems discussed in this type of research have raised interesting methodological questions, e.g. those concerning the nature of a regional community, the constitution of communities, or the formation of regions on the grounds of social history, for example, the papers themselves have been somewhat devoid of theory, their main emphasis being very obviously on the empirical tracing of cultural regions and regional entities es perceived by the inhabitants themselves. This research trend led to the emergence of behavioural and humanistic geography as one of the major cornerstones of this project, involving both the geographical thinking of the classic tradition of human geography and the solutions they offer to the problem of conceptualizing the region and working with it in an empirical sense. The intellectual history forming the background to this work is set out in an earlier study by the author which discusses the historical background to humanistic and behavioural geography and the emergence of these fields (Pasi 1983). Also associated with this same tradition are those earlier works by the author which examine regional identity and the nature of regional consciousness both conceptually and empirically and determine the mechanisms by which they arise (Paasi 1984a-f). The present project nevertheless does not represent typical behavioural or humanistic geography. In the first place, this solution to the problem of studying regional identity would presumably have led to the acquisition of a set of survey data once the conceptual analysis of the problem had been completed, a set of data which would13 have enabled an attempt to be made within the selected operational framework to determine how regional consciousness is manifested in the group studied. Another method of the same kind, although ‘softer! in approach, would have been the humanistic alternative, but these have the common drawback that they are individual-centred, i.e. the problem of conceptualizing spatial structure usually reduces itself in works of this school to an analysis of the regional consciousness of individuals. Some criticism has been levelled at the individualism of these approaches (Paasi 1983:412-421). The interesting point comes when we try to fit the individual's consciousness into a broad social context. In the present case an attempt is made to use the problem of regional identity or regional consciousness as an element in the make-up of each region - each region as a time and space-specific process. The examination of the constitution of a region as a part of the development of a society also provides a basis for understanding regional consciousness as a part of the consciousness of this society, and for appreciating the wider historical and structural perspectives involved. From this point of view an important approach regarding the formulation of a frame of reference for this research proved to be the theory of structuration, in which the process of social reproduction is regarded as a perpetual interaction between the actors and structures in society. The discussions of Giddens (1979, 1984) on the structuration of society offer particularly interesting starting points for analysing the role of social institutions in a field of time-space relations and as objects and foundations for individual actions and social reproduction. Geographers have also been eager to participate in discussions on the theory of structuration (Pred 1981, 1904, Gregory 1981). Pred (1964) attempts to develop a structuration point of view in the context of the 'time-geography' of Hagerstrand (1970, 1973), and at the same time to analyse the concept of place as a historically contingent. process. Geographers have followed the theoreticians of structuration in emphasizing the formation of relationships between individuals (actors) and society, relations between structures and the everyday functions of individuals, in which social integration, socialization and social reproduction are constantly becoming each other. In this sense the accent within regional consciousness is placed on the social process of which that consciousness is the product, and it is then reasonable to view the region itself also as a product of such a process. One of the major tasks in this work was to identify the social foundation for the constitution of regional consciousness and to outline the logic behind the institutions which play a prominent part in this process, the aim being to interpret the logic of socio-spatial integration as a historical and14 social process, what it is, how it expresses the time and space-specific relations! between individuals and institutions and in what way integration is realized in the case of regional communities, The process of socialization by which regional consciousness takes shape is thus viewed as a part of the process of institutionalization of a region. This latter process also ensures that regional consciousness is reproduced in a society, starting out from those factors which have served historically to determine the content of the symbolic environment. The content of this regional consciousness, like the region itself, does nat remain static as social development proceeds, but rather its meanings and their associated interpretations are historically contingent, being linked to development in the spatial structure of the society and its perpetual state of transformation. In this sense the aim in the present work has been to delve behind the ‘geography of everyday life! which is stressed by the advocates of humanistic geography, the point of departure being the idea emphasized above that one cannot examine the content of regional consciousness via the individual alone but that it should be approached via the process of which the region itself is a product. The chief mediator in the constitution, reproduction and transformation of the socio-spatial structure in a society is time (cf. Pred 1984). This fact has provided the research with an additional dimension which has broadened the perspective from that of the ‘geography of everyday life' to one which takes a historical view of the formation of regions. This is a necessary condition for understanding the relationship between the actions of individuals and the logic of institutions. It is also essential to recognize the principle of “longue durée" in the case of institutions on account of the fact that an institutionalized region frequently obscures its own origins as far as the individual outlook is concerned, i.e. it assumes the guise of an entity which, as a continual manifestation of institutional practices, is its own beginning and end from the perspective of the individual. If this is so, then the region can also be the beginning and the end from the research point of view, something which one cannot see. behind and which in itsélf holds all the answers. This has also been the case to a great extent in discussions among geographers regarding the concept of region, and the purpose of instutionalization theory is precisely to progress from a ‘thing! to a process, to look behind the region itself to the practices through which the region was finally realized and attained its status in the spatial system and the consciousness of the society. Similarly @ region is not viewed here as merely a frame or setting for social processes, but rather as possessing in itself a perpetually transforming structure which gives expression to a continuous conjunction of space, time and society. Thus ais region is one form of activity manifest in a society, the shaping of which, in terms of formulation, reproduction and transformation, is governed by various social and individual practices. Employing the traditional typology, the perspective adopted by institutionalization theory takes a region, as an object of investigation, to be a specific category, not an investigator-centred abstraction but an organically integrated part of the spatial system of the society concerned.16 3 THEORETICAL SCHEMA FOR THE RESEARCH The approach to the examination of the institutionalization of regions adopted in this research is a dual-level one in which a general attempt is made to operate from a “theoretical and methodological standpoint on the one hand and from the standpoint of conerete research on the other. The reference to theoretical research in this context implies an approach in which the aim is not to test empirical generalizations of existing regional theories (e.g. the sphere of central place theory) on Finnish material but rather to achieve a conceptual or logical analysis of the process by which regions are formed, It is then hoped that this analysis will help us to identify and comprehend the socio-spatial process whose specific historically contingent developmental stages find their manifestations in the existence of the regions selected as concrete objects of study. The fundamental idea has thus been to link the theoretical and concrete approaches together in such a way that they would not remain discrete, unrelated parts of the whole research project. Research workers at different times have been of different opinions concerning not only the significance of theory for research but also the nature and functions of theory in general. Theory is normally understood as comprising a set of ideas which are generated or have been generated as a result of rational intellectual process. This is what we know as theorizing, using the human intellect directly to explain or comprehend some phenomenon by rational means (Niiniluoto 1960:193; Pietild 1983:1). Sayer (1984:48-49) mentions three possible ways of understanding the significance of theory. Firstly it may be looked on as supplying an ordering framework which permits observational data to be employed for predicting and explaining empirical events, secondly it may be understood as an act of conceptualiz: conceptualizing something, and thirdly it is used interchangeably with 'hypothesis! or jon: to theorize means now to prescribe a specific way of ‘explanation’. If theory is looked on only as a framework for examining phenomena, concrete empirical research will frequently assume in practice the role of a means of testing existing, ‘ready-made’ theories in new situations and on the basis of unique sets of observational data. In such a case the theory can be taken as a non-problematical frame of reference for the research, which means in turn that the work will not promote any advancement in the field of theory, as the performing of the research does not even require any intervention in the content of the theory itself, i.e. theiv organizational framework for the empirical content of Une research (cf. Sayer 1904:49). If, on the other hand, theory is understood as conceptualization, its functior as a framework for the organization of facts is reduced to no more than a secondary one, while its primary function becomes that of conceptualizing the directly anc indirectly observable features of the object or objects of study. In this case ar essential part of the research consists of an attempt to identify conceptually anc rationally the various aspects of the object of study and those of their features anc dimensions which will be relevant: to the concrete description of the object. It shoulc be pointed out, though, that the equating of theory with conceptualization in no wa} reduces the importance of "empirical" observation in rescarch, for the "reality" o the observations is not a branch of reality divorced from theory - any more thar theories are someting entirely divorced from observations. According to the realis! philosophy we can claim that observations are always Lo some extent "theory-Laden' (Sayer 1984:47). Conceptualization can in fact lead Lo a genuine dialogue betweer "theory" and "observation" in concrete empirical resoarch, a dialogue which is basec ‘on a conceptual foundation derived from a specific research topic and which is no divorced from concrete, theory-laden observations. The notion of theory as o framework for organizing observations on the one hand an: as conceptualization on the other shows some affinities Lo tho views of David an: Judith Willer (1973) on the nature of theory, in which they distinguish two concepts o science, which they refer to as ‘empiricist’ and ‘scientific. The idea of th significance of theory for scientific research contained in these concepts fundamentally very much the same as that expressed in the dichotomy put forward-b; Sayer (1984). In the Willers view (1973:31) empiristic science does not attain thi level of theory, and its concepts - often referred to as theories - are in effec empirical categories which ore bound to each observed event. Theory is then made uy of a set of propositions (cf. an organizational framework) which can be tested ove and over again on new unique sets of data. In contrast, the concept which the Willer term ‘scientific! functions on a genuine theoretical plane, to employ the terminolo of Eskola (1970:203), where the basis for defining the concepts does not lie it individual empirically observable instances but in the relations which the concept themselves show one with another. In this sense theory is indeed conceptualizatio and the concepts abstractions from the (concrete) observational world and no generalizations. Arguing on the lines of Sayer (1984:49), conceptualization should als be directed at the conceptualization of features of objects of study which are no observable directly. This requirement is an essential for social research, where thi18 objects of study are frequently phenomena and relationships, which do not make themselves available to be experienced directly but are accessible only via a process of abstraction. The realization of this research project was governed very much by the above notion of theory as conceptualization, although the theoretical work was not in Itself regarded exclusively ax a process of analysing the basic terminology of the field and the socio-spatial structures of society in a logical manner, but rather both were taken as entailing a historical perspective as an integral part of them. Thus the theory fulfilled a dual function. On the one hand an attempt was made to distinquish the history and logic of geographical thinking in order to evolve the theoretical apparatus hecessary for conceptualizing the notion of region, and secondly the aim was to, direct the conceptual analysis in such a way that the conceptualization should also yield something from within the history and logic of the society which would be of assistance in understanding the shaping and reshaping of the spatial structure of that soctety. This dual role of theory in the project may also'be invoked to justify ‘the reporting of the work in the form of two papers, a conceptual analysis based on the history and logic of geography as a discipline and a conerete investigation into the history and developmental logic of the spatial structure of Finnish society. The principles governing the division of the project into these two parts are represented schematically in Fig. 1. This describes the history and conceptual development of the discipline of geography as the basis on which the conceptual foundation of the research and its analysis of the region as an institutionalization process are built up. Although the anelysis and formulation of the concepts took place through a process of distinguishing abstractions and their interrelations, the history end logic of geographical thought, or any other scientific thought, for that matter, cannot be divorced from the society, its history and its relations with its natural environment. This latter point is well illustrated in the quite different ways of understanding’ the concept of region in the geographical traditions of different countries (see Grand 1978). Although the theory of the institutionalization of regions forms an abstract conceptual system in which a given "region" is abstracted from the regional system to which it belongs, institutionalization, when looked at from the point of view of the society as a whole, is realized in the form of a regional transformation, a change in the spatial structure of the society, a process in the course of which new regions are created and the regional system adapts itself to the developments taking place in19 that society. In this way the conceptual framework for analysing the institutionalization of regions provides guidelines for isolating changes in an actual regional system. One critical abstraction undertaken here is the conceptual distinction made between region and place, in which place is understood as describing the individual's personally perceived spatial reality and the meanings associated with this. Where place is an individual category, region is a structure which manifests itself through the medium of institutional practices and which regenerates itself via the everyday routine of individuals but cannot be traced back directly to those individuals! notions of their own spatial existence. The distinction between place and region made here is expressive of a desire to emphasize the importance of individual experience as stressed by the representatives of humanistic and behavioural geography but at the same time to note the onesidedness of this way of thinking as far as any analysis of the relation between individuals and society is concerned. LOGIC AND HISTORY OF GEOGRAPHICAL THOUGHT ° CONCEPTS AND | THEORY CATEGORIES ?* INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF REGIONS: ~~~ Abstroctions REGIONAL TRANSFORMATION o SPATIAL STRUCTURE « ll REALITY (sonnet SOCIETY RESEARCH Fig.2. Dual structure of the research project and its division between the two original papers.20 4 IMPLEMENTATION AND STRUCTURE OF THE CASE STUDIES The fundamental idea underlying the institutionalization theory is that of the Interpretation of regions as manifestations of time and space-specific relations and structures in society, and it is this which forms a vital point of departure for examining institutionalization in actual regions. Methodologically, acceptance of the institutionalization theory as a point of departure requires replacement of the traditional exceptionalistic approach with a dynamic alternative; namely that a region is not merely a form distinguishable in the spatial structure here and now but a process which is an inseparable part of the historical development and structuration of the society concerned. Since space, time and society are inextricably interwoven, the view of a geographer as being a specialist in the space aspect alone is similarly unrealistic. In any case, the notion of a process of which a region is the product is particularly essential for the conceptualization of regional identity and as a basis for empirical research, It is precisely for this purpose that this project recognizes four stages in the institutionalization of regions, of which the first three, territorial delineation, conceptual or symbolic formulation and institutional establishment, provide the historical foundation for the fourth, acceptance as a recognized regional entity subject to continual regeneration (and transformation). In terms of research strategy, the conceptualization of a region as a process requires delving into material which provides clues to the nature of the regional system and social consciousness prevailing in the society concerned, in this case especially the development and manifestation of this regional consciousness. When considering the regional system in Finland, this is done firstly by distinguishing the whole emergence of the major regions of the country as one part of the process of transformation in society, and secondly by doing this separately in more detail for the institutionalization of each of the provinces chosen for study as part of that regional transformation in the society as a whole. The principal documentary evidence used in analysing this institutionalization is obtained from historical research, textbooks, cartographical material, newspapers and government committee reports (Paasi 19866). The task of describing the institutionalization of the four provinces of Finland chosen for closer examination in conerete terms, Uusimaa, Southern Ostrobothnia, Lapland and Northern Karelia, fell into two parts: (1) analysis of the process of their institutionalization as regions, and (2) analysis of the present situation (‘regional21 identity!) on the basis of this (Fig. 2). The aim of tracing the territorial and conceptual formulation of these regions and analysing the formation of various institutions and organizations was to identify those factors which had served to promote the emergence of such regions, and at the same time to identify features of the formulation process itself and the factors influencing this. As noted above, the regional identity of an established regional unit is regarded in accordance with the institutionalization perspective as a theoretical concept which has its real exponents in the functions of individuals and communities and the activities and manifestations of various institutions. One major task in the research was in fact to distinguish the various meanings attached to the concept of regional identity, since, in spite of having been common currency in geographical discussions since the mid-1970's, ne attempt has been made to date to specify it analytically (Paasi 1986a). Mastly it has been assigned a preordained general normative content which has been of a universal positive nature - as with the concept of identity as a whole (see Honko 1962). Following the practice in the author's earlier research (Paasi 1984), regional identity is divided here into two interdependent aspects. The "top downwards" notion of the identity of a region and the "bottom upwards" notion of the sense of regional identity experienced by the inhabitants, i.e. regional consciousness, and the interpretation of this and the specification of the distinction between them is one of the principal tasks in the analysis of these established regions. Essential topics from this point of view are the concrete analysis and interpretation of the history of the region's internal and external image and at the present day and the questions of the nature of regional communities and the significance of the region and of individual anc institutional (factual and ideal) senses of community for regional consciousness (Pas 1986a). The emergence of the territorial and conceptual, or symbolic, shape of each regior and the formation of institutions and organizations are traced from a variety o! documentary sources, principally of a secondary kind, the most important of whict ‘are books and research reports that set out the history of the regions, ant cartographic material. Additional significant data on the formation of regiona consciousness were also obtained from the reports of administrative organizations since these reflect well the changes taking place in the regional system within the society and tell us of the attributes attached to the ‘regions in the socia consciousness of the society, especially in administrative and political circles Particular attention is paid to attributes associated with regional consciousness o22 LAPLAND 65 65 200k Fig. 2. The location of research areas.23 the social integration of the inhabitants, and also to regionalistic elements which attempt to classify the regions in one way or another, These latter elements are especially relevant when evaluating the nature and images of regional communities, especially in the sphere of institutions. Further important material concerning the conceptual formulation of the regions is available from sources which have been significant from the historicel point of view as far as the shaping and reproduction of regional consciousness is concerned. The material used for this purpose includes geography textbooks from various periods between 1844 and 1980, school atlases from the 1870's onwards, various descriptions of the regions of Finland and the early numbers of the newspapers published in the regions concerned from the time of their first editions onwards, particular interest being derived form the way in which the regional roles of these newspapers have emerged. A further rewarding type of material consists of bibliographies, which in themselves give an idea of the spread of concepts associated with the regions in the documents of the time. Each of the above types of material serves as a manifestation of the currency achieved by the symbols for the given regions in the social consciousness of the society at large. The institutional establishment of the regions is analysed here through the medium of ions and the various books and reports describing the histories of regional organi development of the regional administration. Again particular attention is paid to attributes associated with regionality, i.e. with how the regions have served te determine the activities of the organizations and the georaphical areas in which they are active. The emergence of regional institutions is also analysed from primary sources, by examining the spatial diffusion of organizations bearing the strongest of ail territorial symbols of the region, its name. The regional identity of accepted regional entities is studied by analysing first of al the bases for the internal and external images of each region, in other words their cultures (folk culture, dialects, etc.) and the regional divisions of the countr) established on physical criteria. This analysis provides a basis for comparing the images as conceived by the present inhabitants themselves and those conveyed by the various institutions. Following the same principle, an evaluation is also obtained of the nature of factual communities and ideal communities, for which purpose ar indicator of factual communities is obtained from material depicting the diffusion o clubs and societies in the regions concerned, since free association on the part of the inhabitants can be taken as a fairly good indicator of community spirit, which is something that is very difficult to evaluate empirically. Another approach whict24 meets the same ends is an analysis of the results of a questionnaire administered to the inhabitants of the regions concerned regarding the degree to which they identified themselves with various regional communities. Ideal communities were analysed from the content of newspapers, i.e. a systematic analysis of the issues for 1955, 1965, 1975 and 1982 of that newspaper having the largest circulation in the region, with the exception of Uusimaa. A preliminary survey wes made of the status of the regions concerned within the total field of the spatial information conveyed by each of these spatially oriented newspapers, i.e. in relation to international, national and local news, after which principal attention was focused upon the regionalistic articles appearing in the papers, i.e. articles which emphasize ‘the collective characteristics of the region or its people in comparison with other regions and their inhabitants, etc. This use of newspaper data to evaluate the nature of ideal communities is justified in the case of Finland since the provincial newspaper is the most concrete and significant factor which brings the ordinary citizen face-to-face with his region every day. The importance of these newspapers as creators of a time and space-specific social reality in Finland is especially pronounced on account of the fact that they have particularly wide circulations within their own provinces, to the extent that an 80% coverage of the homes in the region is no rarity. The regional consciousness of the inhabitants of the regions was examined from the questionnaire replies, the objects of particular interest being the structure of their regional consciousness, the position of the region concerned in their hierarchy of regional consciousness, the image of the various regions in their regional consciousness and their identification with regional communities, as mentioned above. Attempts were made to analyse the content of this regional consciousness firstly by determining the nature and basis of the individuals’ own regional identification and secondly by determining the significance of the more general component of regional consciousness, that associated with the content of the individuals’ social consciousness. The respondents' patterns of identification were investigated by asking them to what extent they associated themselves with various areal units and what were the grounds for such an association. The more general social content of this regional consciousness was analysed in turn by facing the respondents with a set of propositions descriptive of the cultural homogenization of the regional system within society, regionalism itself and the position of the individual in the social division of labour, The results were analysed both individually and in terms of summative variables and a factor analysis with the aim of revealing general dimensions which would be of help in describing the structure of the25 respondents! regional consciousness in the various regions studied. Questionnaire forms were sent to the following numbers of randomly chosen persons aged over 18 years: 1000 in Uusimaa, 600 in the province of Vaasa, 500 in Lapland and 500 in Northern Karelia, The proportion of forms acceptably completed and returned was about 66% in each region. This questionnaire material occupies a critical position as far as the basic theoretical distinction made here between place and region is concerned, since each reply was first and foremost an expression of the structure of the individual's place. The whole purpose of the research, however, lay in the significance of the regions as one part of this place structure, and thus a more restricted approach and a more individual-centred method were needed in order to make the personal meaning of places accessible to investigation.26 5 ASSESSMENT OF THE RESEARCH SET-UP AND PRINCIPAL RESULTS The research project was carried through in the form of a constant interaction between the theoretical and concrete parts, which proceeded simultaneously. This allowed the theoretical perspective to be developed in time with the new points of theoretical interest raised by the practical work, which in turn gave-rise to new questions concerned with the institutionalization of regions in many cases. In spite of these clarifications made as the work progressed, the empirical investigation may still be said to have gone ahead along the broad lines set out for it initially on the basis of the institutionalization theory. Thus the main emphasis in: the theoretical part may be said to have been on the analysis and interpretation of the concept of region against the background provided by the history of the discipline and the presentation of a dynamic interpretation of region on the basis of this. There was no question of proposing an actual definition for the concept of region, but rather the conceptualization of the term was to be put forward as a process which forms an integral part of the development of society at large, Thus one of the major goals of the theoretical work proved to be the delineation of the problem of the rise and origin of a region, including questions of regional identity and the regional community. In this context some discussion was devoted to the problem of the relations operating in society between the spatial dimension of the personal actions and experiences of the individual (place) and the territorial reality which cornes about via institutional practices (region). The object of the concrete analysis performed here is the institutionalization of four of the provinces of Finland as parts of the continual process of transformation affecting the regional system. The provinces are regional units which have been of considerable importance for the regional structure embedded in the consciousness of Finnish society from the second half of the 19th century onwards, These provinces have not been assigned any specific administrative or comparable permanent significance in the country, but they are traditionally linked in the popular regional consciousness with the idea of community, which has not been the case with most administrative units, including the 1éani, which although very often coincident with the provinces in present-day Finland, are frequently regarded as manifestations of central government bureaucracy, whereas the notion of province is seen as arising, in an idealistic sense at least, out of the community formed by the inhabitants. Although the provinces of Finland go way back into history, their significance began to emerge most clearly from the 19th century onwards, when the notion gained some27 concrete content as the basis for certain institutional practices. Particularly significant factors in this sense were the rise and establishment of the provincial press, the formation of various economic, administrative and political institutions, the creation of societies and free associations of citizens at a district level and the spread of education, which lay at the root of all these. These factors combined to remind the citizen of a social reality which was broader than his own immediate surroundings and to instil in him an image of its organization. The nature of this provincial organization has varied from one region to another and the institutionalization process has been dominated by different institutional practices, s0 that the process has been characterized by economic practices in one region, administrative in another and cultural in another. The regions examined here thus differ in the nature of their institutionalization processes and in the dominant practices involved in these, although the various stages of institutionalization are clearly detectable in all of them. In spite of the fact that the institutionalization of a region is usually an interaction between economic, political, administrative and cultural factors, their domination by certain factors can provide a different starting point and content for the process in each instance. If the province arises primarily as a consequence of administrative measures, as was the case with Uusimaa, and also Lapland to a great extent, the structures of its solidarity and way of thinking, and the economic and cultural structures which are essential for its successful functioning, are frequently artificial, having been obliged to adapt themselves to an administrative regional structure imposed "from above". Cultural practices do seem to shaw same tendency to adapt to administrative structures, as seen in the gradual emergence of Northern Karelia as a cultural entity in spite of the fact that the administrative status it received in 1960 was not based on any cultural individuality but entirely on administrative considerations. Its "neocultural" role is a consequence of the realization of various interests (economic, political and cultural) in individual and even more markedly institutional practices rather than any activity on the part of the inhabitants arising out of the region's own traditions. If economic considerations are predominant in the institutionalization process, the ethos of the province will penetrate the regional consciousness of the individual in the sense of an external product which reproduces itself in the routine of people's everyday lives insofar as they act as participants (customers, shareholders, etc.) in provincial economic organizations such as banks, newspapers and the like. The various economic roles associated with provincial identity become interwoven one with another in the sphere of communication, and it is in this form that the provincial identity impinges on the life of the individual.28 Culture may play a dual role in the institutionalization of provinces. Its role may be to base itself on the historical tradition of the area, and thus on the emerging structures of expectations, in which case the provincial ethos can "make its presence felt" in peoples's everyday lives in the form of a powerful regional self-awareness. The expectations are then powerful ones too, and all the inhabitants, not just an elite, the reproduce these sctively in the routine actions of their everyday lives. This situation in Southern Ostrobothnia, where the provincial identity possesses a strong nm. A robust element of tradition is cultural content which arises out of trad naturally also reflected in the econamic and organizational structures of a province, i.e. in an efficient channelling of provincial news, the canonization of the provincial spirit in various economic activities, ete. If, on the other hand, the region is primarily an administrative and/or functional unit, its cultural image can be structured in a different way as part of the institutionalization process, as a written or constructed identity which is in a certain sense imposed "from above" (see Lénnqvist 1985, Honko 1982), a product which is realized through various institutional practices and impinges in this way on the routine actions of people's everyday lives. This means that the distinctive character of the region will not emerge from the living practices of its individual inhabitants but via an image projected by certain institutions. In such a case provincial integration is not based on structures of expectations arising out of tradition, but structures which are shaped in the institutional sphere, although the cultural element contained in these latter may stil! dominate the image of the region in the consciousness of the society concerned, or at least the institutional sphere can attempt to do this, moved by considerations of its own. The attempt to adapt "pan- Karelianism" as an image for the region of Northern Karelia is a manifestation of this trend. Northern Karelia as a pravince is an entity which had assumed a distinct shape long before it achieved any administrative status, but its integration was not originally based on any particular culture, Karelian or otherwise, but on a set of structures involving circulation areas, market areas and other spheres of influence created by various institutional practices, structures which had served gradually to disengage the region from its traditional administrative ties and eventually led it to assume an administrative status of its own, Its "neo-cultural" role is to a great extent of post-war origin, from a time when the re-location of various cultural functions raised it to the position of a surrogate for the cultural image of the areas lost to Soviet Union in the war. As in the case of the other provinces studied here, concrete social pressure towards the creation of an image composed of distinctive regional characteristics has been built up within the tourist industry during the 1970's.29 Although it is true that certain institutional practices may well have proved dominant in the institutionalization of these regions, one pertinent observation can be made as a result of the present research, namely that a region with a powerful provincial way of thinking will also have its provincial identity well canonized in various institutional practices. As far as the formation of regions and regional consciousness is concerned, this naturally implies that these practices serve to lend support to each other and are thus reproduced in progressively more diverse ways in various individual practices, i.e. they become an ever more concrete part of the process of everyday life for the inhabitants. This would seem to be a precondition for the development among the ‘inhabitants of a strong regional consciousness which is not divorced from the practices of their everyday lives and which is not merely a symbolic structure maintained by institutions. A further important requirement for the emergence of regional integration and solidarity is a significant field of communication which is felt to be common property for use in the formation of the social reality and which thrusts the region before the consciousness of the inhabitants literally every day. Of the regions studied here, it is Southern Ostrobothnia and Northern Karelia that have the most prominent provincial mass media (i.e. a provincial press), and it is also these that display the most distinct provincial consciousness and sense of identification. In Uusimaa, on the other hand, where there is no true provincial press, provincial identification is also less marked. The analysis of the institutionalization of these regions shows that the sense of provincial integration is strongest in those regions where the division of labour in society at large has not detracted from the significance of the regional identity. Uusimaa in particular has undergone vast changes in the course of the structural change which has overtaken Finnish society as a whole, and it has also experienced changes in its ethos as a province. A large proportion of the inhabitants were born elsewhere, activities on the provincial level, e.g of clubs and societies, are very much less prominent than in the other provinces studied, there is a lack of those mechanisms that maintain the social reality of the province (e.g. a provincial press), and the image of the whole region as such is founded upon the urban character of the national capital and its environments. The effects of migration are not visible in the same way in the population of the other regions, where 70-80% of the inhabitants are still natives of the region, and therefore these possess a very much better starting point for social integration than does a region which has a highly heterogeneous background. Provincial integration, solidarity, or a sense of belonging, is not a straightforward concept, however, and an attempt was made here to determine the relationship30 between the nature of the ideal community, i.e. the idealistic or constructed identity conveyed by various institutions, and that of the factual community, i.e. that which actually prevails among individuals. This distinction also provides a clue to what the provinces achieve, why we need them at all. One basis for the identity of the ideal community lies in the fact that the provinces fulfil an important role nowadays as mediators between the local authorities and the central government, so that the traditional provincial associations in various cultural spheres have now gradually developed into organizations for representing the province in dealing with the government authorities, and thus important communicators of provincial interests. It is their task to protect the common regional interest of the member communes, or local authorities, and they do this in part through the efforts of representatives elected on political grounds. In this sense the provinces provide one channel for expressing the regional interests of those participating in political, administrative or economic affairs. This aspect of the function of the provinces is likely to be strengthened still further by the forthcoming government revision of intermediate- level (provincial) administration, one aim of which is to make regional decision- making, ie. at the level of the province or Laiini, more democratic. Conerete regional interests of this kind can nevertheless look rather abstract in the eyes of the local inhabitants, and the results of the present survey suggest that the provinces do not seem to be particularly strong foci of identification, although there are differences between them in this respect, too. Almost one respondent in three had difficulties in conceiving of the province in which he lived as a specific regional entity. This perhaps surprising observation may be explained in part by the fact that the respondents conceived of their “home district", the category linked most closely with regional or areal consciousness for a Finn, most frequently in terms of a commune or some smaller area. The present local government system in Finland does indeed tend to emphasize the commune as the administrative unit which is closest to each individual, with whose organizations and functions he has to deal regularly in the routine actions of his everyday life. Although the present work did not set out to investigate the factors affecting the development of regions, this dual role of the notion of province, the province as a channel for communicating regional interests to the central government vs. the province as an element in the actions and consciousness of its inhabitants, does raise a number of interesting points. In particular, the proposed strengthening of the image of the region in administrative terms is in itself a matter of little import as far as activating the inhabitants is concerned. In fact activation and the creation of an identity is more important in the context of their everyday lives, at the local level.31 One interesting observation as far as the crucial theoretical starting point for this research, the distinction between region and place, is concerned is that the basis for regional identification is most often to be found in the respondent's own past rather than in any identification with the natural surroundings, culture or any other "collective" feature of the region in question (e.g. the reference to the inhabitants themselves as a collective insLrument for social classification). This points to an ego- centric constitution for the individual's place. Conversely, it is the collective, stereotyped features that are especially pronounced in the classification of regions and their properties, so that space preferences were usually found to be associated with the natural environment in given regions or expressions describing the mentality of the inhabitants. Similarly the images attached by the respondents to regions, both their "own" and others, refer first and foremost to physical factors, the others mentioned varying from one region to another. Thus, whereas the constitution of place for the respondents assigns principal weight to attributes connected with the their own life-history, the attributes ascribed to various locations and regions contain elements which can easily be seen to hark back to the various institutionally conveyed expressions with a certain stereotyped content, expressions which obviously belie structures of expectations which are canonized in the social consciousness, a social aspect in a certain sense. Attempts are also made to isolate the social aspect by analysing the propositions accepted by the respondents, which describe the cultural homogenization of the living space ("It is a pity that the cultural differences between the various parts of Finland are gradually disappearing", "Everyone should be allowed to speak his own dialect", etc.), the position of individual in the face of the increasing division of labour within society ("A person who wants to get on in life shouldn't think about his home district or roots", "A person should be able to feel he belongs samewhere", "You can get used to living almost anywhere in time", ete.), or regionalism ("Southerners think they are better than people from other parts of the country", "It's more important for people from different provinces to pull together than to think only of their province's interests", etc.). This analysis of the individual propositions suggests that the Finns do value their regional cultures and traditions, but the resulting summative variables and factor analysis also point to some extent to an adaption to the growing functionalism in society, since the dominant factor in every set of data was the same individualistic notion emphasizing "the need to get on in life". Thus the cultural features associated with regions and living space, features to which value is obviously attached as such, do-not "prevent" people from adapting to the division of labour within society but32 linger on as revered features (perhaps sometimes in a learnt or acquired sense) alongside notions which are more relevant to the make-up of the respondent's own life, The idea of a "learnt" value of this kind refers to the opinion of some observers that the renewed value attached to the emphasizing of “culture” and people's roots during the 1970's has begun to manifest itself in the routine actions of the lives of individuals in the form of clichés (see Nuolijurvi 1986). This does not imply, however, that people are indifferent to such matters. On the contracy, it indicates that a fair level of unanimity exists regarding the different cultural features of given-areas important. It would seem from the results obtained here that the drawing of a Clear distinction between the concepts of region and place is of assistance in understanding the relationship between the institutional sphere and individual existence. Regions have a relative independence of their own ("longue durée") which is manifested in the ty, while the notion of place refers to the structure of the institutional sphere of so individual's spatial experience. The relative independence of a region is well illustrated by the fact that emphasis tends to be laid upon the individual's own life- history within his regional identification rather than on general factors describing the natural surroundings, culture or people of the region which are mediated by the institutional sphere, whereas the stereotyped attributes mediated by this sphere play a more accentuated part in the classification of regions. 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