PERCEPTIONS OF THE "TIMAEUS": THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH IN THE EXEGETICAL

TRADITION
Author(s): LUCAS SIORVANES
Source: Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. Supplement, No. 78, ANCIENT
APPROACHES TO PLATO'S "TIMAEUS" (2003), pp. 155-174
Published by: Wiley
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 PERCEPTIONS OF THE TIMAEUS : THEMATIZATION
AND TRUTH IN THE EXEGETICAL TRADITION

LUCAS SIOR VANES

The Timaeus has attracted controversy for a very long time. In modern scholarsh
regularly in revisions of Plato's thought. How can a work that highlights th
Forms and mixes them with cosmogony, astronomy, mathematics, physics, and b
belong to a philosophically mature Plato? Yet, judgements about the true Pl
one's opinion of what kind of thinker and writer he was, or ought to have been,
the meaning and style of the work.
When we turn attention to the ancient perceptions of the Timaeus , we encoun
controversy. Questions reached to the underbelly of academic life, reliance on ma
and on others' knowledge.
Proclus' opening lines of his grand commentary on the Timaeus summarize t
opinion about its authorship and content for over five centuries.1 The Timaeus
the book 'On Nature' by the Pythagorean Timaios, whose writing, Tiļnaioyp
copied. This is said to be evidenced by the Sillographer, the writer of satiri
(Timon). Proclus promises to examine what Plato left the same, what he chan
Plato was in disagreement (ôiacpcovía) with the original Pythagorean source. T
us that the whole dialogue has just one theme: the discourse about nature ((p
What was the background to the convergence of these interpretations?
Plato's dialogues utilize fact and fiction to deliver vivid accounts of philosoph
within certain themes. For instance, in the Phaedo the eyewitness description
manner of death conforms to the ideal of the 'true philosopher' (áÀriítòç (piÀ
e) and passes over the factual grim details of poisoning by hemlock. The charac
dialogues are complex dramatic characters with the added appeal that most we

1 "Oti |ièv Tļ toû IIÀaTcoviKoû Tīļjaiou Tipóúeaiç trjç õA/pç cpuoioÀoyíaç àvtéxeTai Ka
Tiavxòç aviļKei frecopíav, éÇ àpxffë eiç teÀoç toûto 7īpay|uaTei)Oļievou, toîç ļnfļ Ttaviárcaai
Ttpòç toíjç Àóyouç évapyèç eivai ^oi Kataípaívetai. koci yàp koci aikò tò toû ûufrayopiKoû
nepi Oúoecoç tòv HuftocyopiKov ipórcov ôiccTárceToa, ëvôev à<pop|jr|úeiç , ó IIÀáTcov T
éitixeipeî Kocià tòv oiAAoypáípov, ô Kai TtpoÚTÓÇapev twv ŪTto^TļļiccTcov, ïv ' êxoipev yivc
ò IIAaTOívoç Típaioç A.éyei Tà aÚTà éKeívcp, TÍva ôè 7ipooédr|Ke, TÍva ôè Kai ôiacpcova* Kai
ÇTiTÓòpev tt)v aiTÍav jjfļ Kapépycoç Kai ó oi3ļi7ia<; outoç ôiáÀoyoç Kaů* õÀov éauTÒv Tfļv c
okotīov (Proclus, In Tim. 1 1.1-18).

Ancient approaches to Plato 's 'Timaeus '

155

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1 56 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

real people, and similarly for the settings and places. The Timaeu
is true and a probable story, but tantalizingly leaves open how to
These ambiguities generated much controversy and stimulated the
Plato's works, especially the Republic and the Atlantis myth, in th
served as prototypes for the genre of so-called 'true stories' in the
became a rhetorical technical term for the fictitious verbal exchan
the rhetorical training of the Neo-Platonists, narration was defin
event which has occurred, or as if it has occurred ', and myth 'a f
an image of truth'.5
Platonism was associated with fiction in rhetoric and literature (til
because it considered truth open to interpretation, and not reducible
Truth is more real than what appears to be to the senses an
Recognition of this deeper truth involves seeing the affairs of the
of it. Likewise, writers claim that fictionalization allows them
realities that are not evident in factual events.7

2 See Platon: Timée, Crítias , trans. L. Brisson and M. Patillon, with intro. by L. B
and L. Brisson, eds, Interpreting the Timaeus-Critias. Proceedings of the IV Sympo
1997); L. Brisson, Plato the myth maker (Platon, les mots et les mythes), trans. G.
and M. M. McCabe, eds, Form and argument in late Plato (Oxford 1996); J. E. Smi
education of philosophic man,' Phoenix 40 (1986) 20-34; W. Welliver, Charact
Timaeus-Critias , Philosophia antiqua, vol. 32 (Leiden 1977); R. Zaslavsky, Plato
(Washington DC 1981). On the interpretative tradition of the Timaeus, see now A.
Lecture du Timée de Platon par Proclus (Villeneuve d'Ascq 2001).
3 See C. Gill, 'Plato's Atlantis story and the birth of fiction,' Philosophy and Liter
T. P. Wiseman, eds, Lies and fiction in the ancient world (Exeter 1993); N. J. Low
of fiction,' in The rivals of Aristophanes, eds F. D. Harvey and J. M. Wilkins (Card
J. Lowe, The Classical plot and the invention of Western narrative (Cambridge 2000). (
two references).

4 On Quintilian (1st century AD Rome) et al., and Neo-Platonists, see G. A. Ken

rhetoric (Princeton 1994). Christian theologians often presented their doctrines i
adversaries, who were in the main formulaic and imaginary. See Averil Cameron,
empire: the development of Christian discourse (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1991).
5 Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, Rhetores Graeci 10 (H. Rabe): Aiifarma éoTiv
t) (bç yeyovoToç (10.2.14-15); coti ôè |iôúoç Àóyoç ijreuôfiç eÍKOVÍÇa)v čdiļūeiav
In Gorg. 46.3.5-10. On rhetorical, biographical, and mythological accounts, see
personification,' in Personification in the Greek world, eds E. Stafford and J. Herr

6 On the malleability of truth and characterization in Platonism, H. Tarrant, Thra

including interpretations of the Timaeus. Cf. J. Dillon, 'Tampering with the Timaeus :
with special reference to the Timaeus ,' American Journal of Philology 110 (1989)
R. Lamberton, Homer the theologian. Neoplatonist allegorical reading and the grow
and Los Angeles 1986). On the earlier links with rhetoric and mythology, K. Morga
Presocratics to Plato (Cambridge 2000).
7 C. Falck, 'Fictions and reality,' Philosophy 63 (1988) 363-71; H. P. Rickm
Metaphilosophy 21.3 (1990) 253-61; M. B. Hesse, 'The cognitive claim of me
Philosophy 2 (1988) 1-16.

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 LUCAS SIORVANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 1 57

1. Authorship.

The first question concerned authorship. How much of one's wor

or an appropriation? Plato introduced a character with a curriculum
and 27ab. Timaios from Lokris, south Italy, is a leading person in pr
occupied the highest offices in the tdóàiç, has attained the sum
philosophy, but is a specialist in astronomy and on the nature of the
the Timaeus' situation as a sequel to the Republic , he stands
representative of the ideal, from a Greek colony where the first
Pythagoreans, already existed. Timaios delivers his material in a
contrast to the dialectical discourse in other dialogues. This may sug
for challenge, which would fit with other occasions when Plato de
a similar unchallenged way, such as the legendary priests in the Men
lecturing style seems characteristic of the elder Plato, eg. the Law
not a participating interlocutor but an expert authority who is the o
rather than irony.
At some time there appeared a treatise called 'About the nature
reported to have been written by Timaios Lokros himself. It subs
and necessity), tripartite account of the world. As we now know,
Hellenistic treatises written under the names of 6-5th century B
Lokros is mentioned by Cicero (1st century BC), but as an author
attested by the Neo-Pythagorean Nicomachus of Gerasa (2nd cent
Taurus Cal venus; by Clement of Alexandria, and then mainl
Iamblichus, Syrianus, Proclus, Olympiodorus and Simplicius.8
Another work was the similarly titled 'On the nature of the uni
Lucanus, actually a 2nd century BC Neo-Pythagorean who wrote u
century BC follower of Pythagoras. The confusion persisted thro
the Renaissance. The Thesaurus Linguae Graecae Canon of Greek
edn, Oxford 1977) #1545, identifies him with the 5th century BC
the above work as spurious. 'Occelus' is attested by Philo Judaeus

8 Tinaia) AoKpâ) Ilepi cpúaioç koodoo Kai, i1ruxâç. Tí^aioç ó Aoicpòç xá

ou|i7iávTG)v, vòov pèv tg>v Kata Àóyov yiyvo(iéva)v, àváyicav ôè tgòv ßia ko
Toirreoûv ôè tò |uè v tâç Tàyaúâ) cpúoioç eípev ůeóv Te óvupaíveoůai àpxáv Te
te Kai ouvaÍTia õvta éç àváyicav àváyeoftai. Tà Ôè Çi3(í Travia xpía- iôéav, uÀa
toutécov. Kai Tàv |nèv eípev àeí, àyévvaTÓv Te Ka' àidvaTov, à|uépioTÓv Te Ka
Te Kai 7iapáôeiy|Lia tcòv yevvcopevcov, ÓKÓoa év jieTaßoXä évTi (Timaios Lokro
Baltes, Timaios Lokros: Über die Natur des Kosmos under der Seele (Leiden 1972);
De Natura Mundi etAnimae (Leiden 1972); G. J. P. O'Daly, 'Review of Timaios L
Locrus by W. Marg,' Classical Review 25 (1975) 197-99; T. H. Hobin, Timaios of Loc
and the Soul (Chico CA 1985); R. W. Sharpies, 'Counting Plato's Principles,' in Th
the transformation of Classical traditions presented to Professori. G. Kidd , ed. L.
82, especially 70 n.13.
The most bold interpretation of T. L. belongs not to a Neo-Platonist, but to the p
Gilbert Ryle, 'The Timaeus Locrus,' Phronesis 10 (1965) 174-90, who thought it wa

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 158 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO'S TIMAEUS

Empiricus, and Proclus often in conjunction with Aristotle,9 wh

author of Aristotle's physical theories.
Briefly, in the Commentary on the Timaeus Proclus looks for a
metaphysics of continuous existence. The elements must have
coordinate to ensure a knowable, coherent universe. Proclus exa
of past philosophers. He rejects those who assigned one primary
those who assigned two powers for each element, that is, hot an
to Air, moist and cold to Water and cold and dry to Earth
precursor of Timaios' for it, and deliberately omits to credit A
commented that some considered the 'On the nature of the univer
for Aristotle. Proclus adds that 'only Timaios, and those who fo
3 properties per element. Proclus sets himself to be a correct fo
not name anyone else: there is the possibility that Numenius' frie
this neo-Timaean physical theory.11
So, Timaios Lokros' was regarded as the originator of Plato's
Aristotle's. 'Archytas' and his reported anticipation of Aristot
example. Every time, the 'Pythagoreans' are not treated as philos
with peers, but are thematized as authorities who were the orig
on cosmological matters.

2. Source and Dissemination

The next cluster of themes concentrated on the transmission of knowledge. The Pythagoreans
were famous for their secrecy and the oral transmission of doctrines, yet the background
references to the Timaeus lay emphasis on writing and publication. How a philosophical
name became a writing style, timaiography , is given in the story about the perceived true
reason of the Timaeus ' transmission to Plato and the public at large.
The anecdote about the true Timaeus was that Plato was so desperate to learn that he paid
'many pieces of silver' in exchange for a book of little worth which he attempted to crib: this
was Plato's ' timaiography '. This version was attributed to the satiricist Timon of Phlius of

9 ëvioi ó' oi>K 'ApiOTOTe'Aiļv tt1ç ôóÇtiç eúpeifiv Àéyouoiv àXXà tûv Euftayopeicov Tiváç. éyà) ôè koci
'OicéAAoi) oi)YYpá|Li|iaTi, AeuKavoû ye'voç, éTnypaípopeva) "Ilepi Trjç toû ttccvtòç cpúoeax;" éve'Tuxov, év
àyévr|TÓv Te Kai. ãcpúapTOV oúk àrcecpaiveTO jlióvov àAAà Kai, ôi * àíioôeíÇecav ë KaTeoKeúaÇe tòv kóo|jov
eivai. yevr|TÒv ôè kcc' ãcpftapTÓv <paoiv imò ĪIAcctcdvck; év Tipaía) ôr|Àoûoùai ôià xfjç freoTipercoûç
¿KicA/poíac;, év Aćyetai 7tpòç toùç vearcépoix; deoòç ònò toû TtpeoßuTctTOi) kcù riyeinôvoç (Philo Judaeus, Aet.
Mund. 12.1-13.3); éic Tîévxe ôè éyévvr|oav tà Tîàvta "OkkcAxk; ò Aeuicavòç Kai ' ApiôTotéÀriç* ounTtapéÀapov
yàp toîç Téooapoi cnroixeíoiç tò tccjítitov Kai KUKA.o<popr|TiKÒv ocòpa é£ ou Àéyouoiv eivai tà oúpávia
(Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math. 10 316.1-3).
10 (bç oi Kepi "Okkbàov, tòv toû Ti^aíoi) Ttpóoôov, ôi5o ôuváiueiç èKáoTO) tcòv OTOixeícov ôiévepov, Tiupi
nèv úep|Liòv Kai ^iļpov, áépi ôè úep|nòv Kai uypóv, uôaTi ôè óypòv Kai vļruxp6v, yfj ôè i1ri)xpòv Kai ^r|pöv, Kai
TaÛTa àvaye'ypaTiTai Tiapà Toûôe toû àvôpòç év tcò Ilepi cpûoecoç (Proclus, In Tim. II 38.1-5); n<5voç ôf| ou v
ò Tífiaioc; Kai eï tiç toûto) KaTrļKoA.oi3ŪTļaev ôpùwç oÛTe ^iiav oûtc ôûo toîç OTOi^eíoiç àTiovépei ôuvápeK;,
àXXà Tpiooáç (In Tim. II 39.19-21). L. Siorvanes, Proclus. Neo-Platonic philosophy and science (Edinburgh, and
New Haven CT 1996) 224-32, 206-09. See also A. Somfai on Calcidius in this volume; Occelus Lucanus, De Universi
Natura, ed. R. Harder (Berlin, 1926) 37-8 for Proclus' citation. J. Dillon, The Middle Platonists. A study of Platonism
80 BC to AD 220 (London 1977) 156 n.l, observed that this robbing of Aristotle's originality smacks of Eudorus.
11 J. Dillon, The Middle Platonists , above n.10, 406-7, and L. Siorvanes, Proclus , above n.10, 225-29, 225n34.

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 LUCAS SIORV ANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 1 59

ca 325-235 BC.12 In the Platonic-Pythagorean tradition, the city

Plato's Phaedo, where a Pythagorean community existed. Timon f
faithful follower of the chief Skeptic Pyrrho. In this capacity Ti
satirical skills against earlier philosophers, including Plato and Arist
he poked fun at the Academy's founder by focussing on the Ti
gave credence. More likely, this dialogue was perceived as Plato at
rendered it a conspicuous target for sceptics. The head of the sce
wanted to purge the Pythagorean Timaeus , and return to his true P
questioning character.
Closer examination of the sources, however, reveals that Plato's
to a line of interpretation that is different to that about Timaio
appears in Pythagorean testimonia, but in those relating to the
Philolaus of Crotona.13 Indeed, Timon' s story may have origin
Tarentum, the 4th century BC musicologist. Aristoxenus was a p
met the last Pythagorean students of Philolaus. He wrote on Py
soul-body relation as a harmony (cf. the Phaedo ), ethics, and o
Archytas, and Plato, where he accused him of plagiarizing the R
The fuller version of the story behind Plato's acquisition of Pyt
Diogenes Laertius' Lives of the philosophers. Plato struck the d
Pythagorean books with Philolaus. In the biographical note (Vit
is credited as the first Pythagorean to have published, to have
doctrines that were normally reserved for the Pythagorean initi
Nature' (peri physeôs).
Diogenes Laertius relies here mainly on the evidence of the 3rd
who was a biographer of philosophers, including of Aristotle and Py
when Plato was in Sicily visiting its tyrant Dionysius he bought f
associates, this one published book, which he used to transcribe th
said to have paid 40 Alexandrian minas in silver. In another versio
for having saved one of Philolaus' students from prison.15 In Di
of Pythagoras (Vit. 8.1-50; cf. 8.54-55) we have another version
culprit. Until the time of Philolaus it was impossible to obtain an
alone published some of the oral, unwritten doctrines of Pythago

12 Kai o'5, nA,cĆTG)v Kai yáp ae paÚT|TeÍT|ç rcòdoç ěoxev, ttoAAwv ó' àpyu
êvûev àitapxópevoç Tipaioypatpeiv éôiôaxÛT|ç (Timon, Fragmenta 828.1-3 Llo
13 See C. A. Huffman, Philolaus of Croton Pythagorean and Presocratic. A com
testimonia with interpretive essays (Cambridge 1993).

14 See W. Burkert, Lore and science in ancient Pythagoreanism (Cambridge MA

Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 3.37, 3.57.
15 réypacpe ôè ßißAiov ěv, õ cpT|Oiv "EppiTircoç Xéyew Tivà tg>v auyypa<p
TiapayevòiLievov eiç EiKeÀíav Ttpòç Aiovúoiov ūvTļoaoūai rcapà tü)v auyy
' AÀeÇavôpivûv pvâ)v teTtapáKovia Kai evteööev jjeiayeypacpevai tòv T
IIÀáTcova Aaßeiv aikà Tiapà Aiovuaíou 7iapaiT*r|oá|jevov êk tt1<; (puÀaKfjç
<ī>iA.oA.aou ļnaūrļTcbv. Toútóv (ptļoi AīļļLiīļTpio«; év 'Oncovtíiuoiç Ttparcov éKÔ
Kai ¿7īiypaiļfai> IIcpi cpúoeax;, dav àpxT] rjôe "cpúoiç ó' év tcò Kooļjcp à
7tepaivóvTG)v Kai õA.oç <ò> kóo|lioç Kai Tà év aÚTÔ) TtávTa" (Diogenes Laerti

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 1 60 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

famous books" which Plato acquired, in this case, for 100 minas.1
Athenian minas.

All the variants have problems.17 In the D. L. 8.85 account, the mina of Alexander's era
an obvious anachronism. In the 8.15 account, the three books must be those on Education
Politics and Physics, attributed to Pythagoras. Actually they seem to have been 3rd centur
BC products, along with the 'true' letter that gave them provenance. However, Huffman give
credence to the version that Philolaus published the first Pythagorean book, 'On Nature', an
regards the story of Plato's cribbing of Philolaus as early.
At this stage Timaios Lokros does not feature. Some more detailed dating is helpful.
According to Baltes and Dillon, Timaios Lokros' seems to rely on Eudorus the Alexandrian
the first explicit Neo-Pythagorean Platonist, and commentator on the Timaeus. Therefore h
may be dated not earlier than the 1st century AD.
Timon flourished ca 279 BC, and Hermippus some seventy years later than Timon, bu
likely drawing on 4th-3rd century BC material. A recent assessment of Hermippus dates hi
as active at the Alexandrian Museum in the second half of the 3rd century BC, which woul
make him a pupil of the famous Callimachus, with legitimate access to earlier material.
Although Hermippus has been regarded in modern scholarship as unreliable, Bollansée
suggests that this is limited to Hermippus' usage of literary formulae in biographies an
descriptions of people.18 This would agree with our increasing awareness of the mixing o
fact and stylized fiction in ancient accounts, including biographies.19 The Neo-Platonist
Porphyry, a key author on the allegorical interpretation, knew of Hermippus {de Abst.
4.22.5), and at least one of his thematized biographies into 'lawgivers'. Hermippus' other
biographies were on Aristotle, Pythagoras, the seven sages, those who converted from
philosophy to the exercise of power (defections from the academy), and miscellaneous, whic
included Philolaus.

3. Price

If knowledge has worth, does it have a commercial price? If yes, how much? The formulaic
references to money reveal further cases of thematization. The cited amount of one hundred
minas was 100x100 drachmas. Because of its high silver content and purchasing power, the
drachma (and low multiples of it) was the regular coin in actual usage in Plato's time. The
mina was more of a unit of reckoning (eg. a market mina for produce, or for money). In
Plato's Cratylus (384b-c) Socrates calls Prodicus' complete course on grammar and
language, the 50 drachma course ( = 0.5 mina), and contrasts it with the one-drachma course,
which was all he could afford and taught him very little (irony). In the Apology , one drachma
is the market price of a book by Anaxagoras (26d8), and one mina the fine Socrates first

16 Méxpi ôè OiÀoÀáou oùk iļv ti yvcòvai nuůayópeiov Ôóy|ua outoç ôè n<5voç e£īļveyKe tà öiaßör|Ta tpía
ßißAia, à IUáTcov ¿TreoteiXev éicatóv |iv¿)v G)VT|ůfjvai (Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 8.15.1-3).
17 Discrepancies discussed by M. Baltes, Timaios Lokros , above n.8, 88-90, and C. A. Huffman, Philolaus , above
n.13, 12-16.
18
J. Bollansée, Hermippos of Smyrna and his biographical writings : a reappraisal, Studia hellenistica, vol. 35
(Leuven 1999).
19
Eg. G. W. Bowersock, Fiction as History: Nero to Julian , Sather Classical lectures, vol. 58 (Berkeley and Los
Angeles 1994); see also N. Lowe, and C. Gill, above n.3.

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 LUCAS SIORVANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 161

proposed to the court as his punishment (38b5). This would fit

admission in Xenophon that he had property worth only 5 minas
that a philosopher should limit his material requirements to the suf
Apology , Socrates calls the 5 minas a 'reasonable' fee (probably i
of sophistry (on Evenus, 20b9); the section 19d8-20c5 is on the t
not, on knowledge.
The amount of one hundred minas recurs in connection with m
short of extravagance. In rhetorical and biographical sources, it
generosity to the state's defence and religious functions, and to t
including dowry. Being equivalent to one myriad, 10,000 drachm
reckoned as a round decimal amount between one talent (6000 d
and thus a useful number for rhetorical purposes.21 The 'myriad' w
'numberless times'. In Aristotle's Athenian Constitution one hundred minas was the

minimum worth required of those who could hold the highest offices in the defence of
state (4.2.6) under Draco's rule, and the public expenses paid to the top Superintendents
festivals (56.5.1). For experts of high worth, in the Platonic Alcibiades I (1 19a6) this was
fee paid to the Eleatic philosopher Zeno; in Diogenes Laertius' Lives (9.52.5) this was h
much students paid the eminent sophist and Socratic adversary Protagoras; and likew
Górgias.22 In Herodotus' History , this was the salary paid by the Athenians to the phys
Democedes (3.131.8). The theme echoes in modern estimates of ancient money: in the L
translation of Alcibiades /, above passage, W. R. Lamb footnoted that this amount is 'a
£1,500-2,000, or the total expenses of three years at an English University (1964)'.

4. Ethics

The second-century AD Apamean Neo-Pythagorean Numenius, and the fourth-century

Apamean Neo-Platonist Iamblichus completed the absorption of (Neo-)Pythagoreanism
within Platonism. Numenius was master of the multilayered narrative and interpretation. His

20 koci ò KpiTÓpoDÀoç yeXáoaç circe- Ka' tióoov a Ttpòç to>v ùeûv oïei, ü) EcÓKpaxeç, ë<pr|, eùpeîv là oà
KTiļļicnra TtG)Àoi5|ueva, tïooov ôè ta èpa; 'eyoo pèv oîpai, ê(pr| ó EcoKpáiriç, ei àyaûoû cùvt|toû éTUTi5xoi|m,
eùpeîv dv ļjoi oùv xf' oíkíoc Kai ta övta Ttavta Trávu paÒíax; Tievie pvâç- Tà pévioi oà aKpißäx; oíôa õii
TtÀéov âv eùpoi f' éKaiovTaTtÀaoíova toútou. Kâia oikoíç éyvajKGx; où pèv oúx "nyfi Ttpooôeíofrai
Xpr||i<mi)v, é|iè ôè oiKxípeiç èiú Ttevía; Tà |jèv yàp è|iá, etpīļ, kavá éoxiv è'xo' Ttape'xeiv xà éjioi
àpKOÛvxa (Xenophon, Oeconomicus 2.3.1-5.1).
21
Aristotle, Politics 1280a29, on the inequality of participation in government between those who contribute one
mina' s worth, and those who contribute 100 times more; Plutarch, Lives of Ten Orators 846 A: Demosthenes paid out
of his own money one hundred minas towards the repair of city and walls, and one myriad drachmas to the festival
fund. For this generosity he was often honoured with a golden crown; Plutarch, Life of Dion (Plato's patron in
Syracuse) 31.12: the Syracusans rewarded the valour of the victorious soldiers with a hundred minas , and the soldiers
presented Dion with a crown of gold; Demosthenes, De Corona 1 18.12, contributing 100 minas towards libations and
sacrifices; Demosthenes, Orationes adv. Leptinem 1 15.4, Lysimachus' donation of a hundred minas of silver.

22 OÚtoç Tipâmx; pioùòv eioeTtpc^ocTO jjvâç ¿koctóv Kai Tîpârcoç |iépr| xpóvou ôicápioe Kai Kaipoû ôúvajiiv
éÇéftexo Kai Xóywv àyàvaç eTtoiiļoaTO Kai ooípío^ata toîç TipaypaToAoyoOoi TīpooTļyaye- Kai Tīļv
ôiávoiav àípeiç Ttpòç Toůvopa ôieÀéxúri Ka' tò vöv ¿TiiTióÀaiov yévoç twv épioTiKcàv éyévvr|oev (Diogenes
Laertius, Vit . 9.52.5-11, on Protagoras); Topyiaę ó prjicop, ôeivÓTT)Ti Àòyou tîoàÎ) Tipoe'xcov Ttávicov tô)v Kaů'
èauTÒv. outoç Kai xéxvaç pritopiKàç Tipóàtoç é^eûpe Kai Kata ttìv oocpioxeíav xoooûto toùç aAAouc;
ÜTiepeßaAev, à)OTe piodòv Aapßaveiv Tiapà tô)v |iaůr|TCÍ)v nvâç ¿Katóv (Górgias, Testimonia 4(2), p. 273.7
Diels-Kranz = Diodorus, Bibliotheca histórica 12.53.3.1)

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1 62 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

writing style shows a most sophisticated use of themes and allus

All these he employed in a polemical work, 'About the dissens
Plato',23 particularly against the leader of the sceptical Academy
and made use of the satirical silloi of Timon of Phlius (frg. 25) w
of Pyrrhonic Skepticism. Numenius promulgated the Pythagore
Plato as a mediator of Pythagoras and Socrates, much like we se
on the Timaeus. Numenius seems to have written a commentary
is limited to the Atlantis myth), which influenced that by Calcid
Fourth to sixth century Neo-Platonist education was linked to t
and virtue. (Neo)Pythagoreanism permeated the curriculum, p
mathematics (eg. Aristoxenus' Elements of Harmonics, and Nic
Arithmetic ), and of Plato (especially the Timaeus and Parmenid
Iamblichus offers clear evidence that the separate traditions abo
of Plato's Timaeus had become conflated within a moral the
Pythagoras we still see Diogenes Laertius' story. Philolaus sold
about' Pythagorean books to Plato for one hundred minas becau
Poverty and the need to earn money is the moral leitmotif for why
out of the esoteric to the public domain. Compare 18.89, that
when a Pythagorean lost all his property and was allowed to te
Pythagorean teachings to the public for a fee.
In Iamblichus' Commentary on Nicomachus ' mathematics , we f
earlier accounts. Timaios Lokros reappears and now has become a
Archytas the 'Tarantines' on the theory of harmonics (cf. Tim. 36
Timaios Lokros' book 'On the Nature of the cosmos and the sou
Timaeus , as is supported by the Sillographer's testimony that Pl
source of his timaiography.25 This is substantially the canonical

23 Ilepi TTjç tóòv ' AKaôr|1iaÏK<î)v Ttpòç IIÁáTü)va ôiaoTáoeo)ç. Toiairnļ (iév
ôiaôoxií-.. (Numenius, Fragmenta 24-28).
24 Ttávu yàp ôi1 tivéç eioiv óÀíyoi, d>v ïôia yvcopíÇeTai īmoļLiviļpaTa. ftau
(XKpißeia- év yàp Tooaúiaiç yeveaíç étwv oúfteiç oúôevi tpaíveTai tg>v
TrepiTexeux&ç rcpò Trjç OiAoÀáou r|ÀiKÍaç, à'X' outoç TípcÒTOç éÇi1vey
ßißAia, â Àéyetai Aía>v ó EupaKoúoioç ¿kcctòv pvcòv rcpiaoûai IIA.áTG>vo
peyáÀr|v te Kai ioxupàv aípiKo^évoi) toû <Î>iÀoÀàou, érceiôfi Kai aÚTÒç
nuftayopeÍGúv Kai, ôià toûto peteAaße tûv ßißA.ia)v (Iamblichus, Vit Py
E. G. Clark, Iamblichus : on the Pythagorean life , Translated texts for historian

25 àppovíav ounqxovicav xpavótata év aÚTfi 7tepie'xeoůai. cuprea ô* aŪTiļ

ôià nuůayópoi) Ttpcátoi) eiç "eÀÀT|vaç éA.ůeív. eúpíoKovxai yoûv teoA
Kexpīļ|Lievoi, â)OTîep ' ApioTaîoç ó KpoTGmárriç Kai Tí|Liaioç ó AoKpòç
Tapa vtí voi Kai ãÀXoi TiXeíouç, Kai (ietà TaÛTa ïïàcîtwv év tco Tinaia) Àéyc
118.22-119.4); Típaióç t' oúv ò AoKpòç év tcò Ilepi cpúoewç koo^io) Kai ij
HAatoíva tòv ôià toûto cpepcovuļiov Típaiov ouvTáÇai Àéyouoiv, a>v éoT
TíjlICov Àéya)v oûtcdç- tîoAAûv ó' àpyupíwv óA.íyr|v r'XXaĶaxo ßißXov ev
éTiexeípei oûtcd tccóí; (pr|Oi (Iamblichus, In Nic. 105.1 1-17).

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 LUCAS SIORVANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 163

his Commentary on the Timaeus , and is repeated in the Scholia

colleague Hermeias, head of the Neo-Platonic School at Alexandri
The thematization of the mixed origins of Plato's Timaeus
conclusion at the Alexandrian school around Olympiodorus'
Prolegomena to the Platonic Philosophy (5.27), we find the ultima
deal with the Pythagoreans. Plato was the first to teach without a fe
Pythagoras and those before him disseminated their knowledge fo
drachmas of gold. So Plato had to pay the Pythagoreans seven pi
Timaeus , in imitation of which he composed his dialogue.27
For the Prolegomena author, the reliance on money made Pythag
than a philosopher. This surprising interpretation would fit with P
in favour of Plato.28 Moreover, it develops the same moral le
Iamblichus' Life of Pythagoras, and ties in with the section in Oly
on the Górgias (In Gorg. 1.6.2-20), where he distinguishes the ph
who like pleasure, honour or money, particularly on the theme of
money. A philosopher went to a shop to buy water, and on comi
sarcastically said 'a philosopher coming out of a shop?', to which h
a market shop as if it is a holy place, but you come out of a holy
shop.'29

26 Típaioç ÈK AoKpcòv xcàv ' e7uÇe(pupÍG)v, Tfjç év 'IxaÀía TióXeax;, (piÀóocxpoç íluúayópioç, eypaijre
lnaŪTļļiatiKcž xe Ka' Tiepì cpúoecoç oi5yypa|Li|Lia tòv EuúayopiKÒv Tpórcov. evůev ó IIÀáTG)v kcc' tòv ôiáÀoyov
eiç aÚTÒv èypaijíev, Kaúà ó aiÀÀoypácpoç cpr|oi rcepi aÚTOú TtoAAûv ô * àpyupícav óÀíyr|v rjÀÀáÇaTO ßißAov,
evůev à<pop|LiT|úe'ç Tiļjaioypa<peīv éíiexeípei. ¿k TaÓTT|ę TT1Ç TróAeax; Kai ZáÀeuKOç ó vopoůéTT1<; iļv {Scholia
in Platonem on Tim. 20a. 1-14).

27 eûpev ôè Kai iļftiKa- tò yoûv pf) ¿tú |liioů<í> ôiÔáoKeiv, iļdiKov öv, rcpcjToç eúpev. à'iéXe' Eudayopaç, Kai
oi Ttpò aÛTOÛ ãrcavTeç, eKatòv ôpaxpàç xpuoíou Xapßavcov tt|v okeíav lieieôíôoi) ooípíav, KáKTiÀoç
liâÀÀov Àóycùv tuyxctvcov fļ cpiÀóoocpoç. õúev Kai tòv Tiļiaiov ¿Tita àpyupícov cbvriõánevoç arcò t¿)v
nuůayopeícův Katà (ii|iiļOiv aûtoû eypaiļiev tòv ôiáÀoyov- õúev Kai cpépetaí ti ënoç ToióvÔe- tîoAAcùv
àpyupía)v óA,íyr)v r'XXá1axo ilioAtitív, evůev à<pop|iT|úeiç Ti|iaioypacpeîv éíiexeípei. eupev ôè Kai TioÀiTiKá
{Prolégomènes à la Philosophie de Platon , eds, trans., with intro., by L. G. Westerink, J. Trouillard, and A. P. Segonds
[Paris 1990] 5.24-31, and see 53 n. 61).
Regarding the money, the amounts quoted here are not consistent with the earlier reports of around 100 minas.
First, throughout the ancient world, gold money was exchanged typically at lOx or 12x its equivalent in silver. Golden
drachmas, struck by the Athenians during the Peloponnesian war, or by the Ptolemaics, were valued at lOx or 12x
more than the Attic-standard silver drachmas. Secondly, 'pieces of silver' usually denoted the drachmas, and by Greek
writers the roughly equivalent Roman denarii. However, it could refer to minas , just as Timon's 'silver pieces' were
made to fit the minas of silver in the stories about Philolaus. So the teaching fee charged was at least 10x100 silver
drachmas (10 minas), and the amount Plato paid for the book, 7 silver drachmas. At most, the fee was 1200 silver
drachmas (equivalent 12 minas), and the book price 700 silver drachmas (7 minas). At any rate, these amounts are
heavily thematized: 'one hundred' and drachmas 'of gold' indicate high worth, as did the 'one hundred minas ' (cf.
bishop Athanasius, Life of St. Anthony , 26.869.1, comparing the physical with the spiritual life as giving up one copper
drachma to gain a hundred drachmas of gold). 'Seven' was a highly symbolical number in Neo-Pythagoreanism/
Platonismi 'silver' could indicate the sound Attic-standard, perhaps versus the profligate 'gold'. Anyway, the passage
suggests that Plato had to compromise his ethical principle.
28
See D. J. O'Meara, Pythagoras revived: mathematics and philosophy in late antiquity (Oxford 1989), and at the
end of this article.

29 àpéÀei (piÀóoocpòç tiç ôii1n1oaç eiofjÀúev eiç KaTīTļAeīov Kai êrciev uôcap- erra éÇióvTi aÚTcò à7îi1VTr|aé tiç
ànò iepoû éÇepxópevoç Kai Àéyei aÚTcò õti "(piA.óoo<poç â)v ànò Ka7rr|A.eíou é£épxn;" ò ôé (prļoiv õti "éyà)
(ièv arcò toû KarcriAeíou é£épxo|iai wç ànò iepoû, où ôè arcò toö iepoû (bç àiiò Kaur|A.eioi)" (Olympiodorus,

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1 64 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

This alludes to Protagoras on the sore point of the dependenc

needs and values, a theme we have seen pervading the exegetic
origins of the Timaeus. Poignantly, the Alexandrian philosophy s
and local city grants, and envied the financial independence of
was owed to recent endowments and rich donors. Conversel
Alexandrian who became head of the Athenian School, expressed
true philosopher's disdain for money by calling the Alexandrian
'sordid greed for gain' (aioxpoKepôi^ç) who 'sees everything in
More deeply, although Plato declared his Socratic disapproval
money (eg. in Protagoras , Górgias ) he had been accused that no
for him because he was wealthy. This links to the alleged purchas
Diogenes Laertius' biography of Plato. Plato instructed Dio
Pythagorean books from Philolaus for the large amount of 100
well-off already, having received more than 80 talents (80x60=48
This is stated by Onetor in an essay upon the theme "whether a wi

5. Authenticity

Regarding the authenticity of the Timaeus , the dependence on ant

on plagiarism. However, timaiography did not have just a pejora
theory of imitation contributed to a benign view that condoned
In Timon's stinging version, Plato is certainly portrayed pejo
knowledge. He grossly overpaid for a Pythagorean book, and p
Indeed, 'discourse-stealing' or 'word-stealing' (AoyoKÀOTtía) is
Empedocles and Plato in connection with the divulging of the eso
to the public.32

In Gorg. 1.6.14-19. See Olympiodorus (the younger, of Alexandria; 6th century)

trans, by Robin Jackson, Kimon Lycos, and Harold Tarrant, with intro. by Haro
78 [Leiden 1998]).
30 ó ôè ' Afijicóvioç aioxpoK8pôf|ç ûv Kai Travia ópcôv eiç xpT||iaTia|iòv óvT
tòv éTUOKOTTOüvTa tò TTļviKaŪTa tfļv KpaToûoav ôóÇav (Damascius, Vi
Athanassiadi, Damascius, the philosophical history (Athens 1999).
31 Aéyoixn ôe nveç, ¿>v éoti Kai EctTupoç õti Aícovi ¿TréoieiAev eiç SiK
ûuùayopiKà rcapà OiAoÀáou jivcòv ÈKatóv. Kai yàp év eťmopía, tpaoív, iļ
xá óyÔ0i1K0VTa TáÀavTa, còç Kai 'OvīļTiop (piļaiv év t<¡> e7iiypa(po|néva) "ei x
Laertius, Vit. 3.9.1-5).

32 Plato was accused of plagiarism on many occasions, see J. Geffcken, 'Antipla

and W. Burkert, Lore and Science, above n.14, 223-27.
'AKOÛoai ó' aÚTÒv Huftayopou Tí^aioç ôià Trjç évárnç ioTopeí, Àé
XoyoKÀOTría tótc, Kaúà Kai Eàcctcov, tóòv Àôycov éKCúÀóúri 'xtxé%z iv. |ue
XeyovTa • iļv òé tiç év Keívoiaiv àvfjp 7iepic5oia eiôoáç, ôç ôf) juiíkiotov Tip
ôè toûto eiç IIap|Lievíôr|v aÚTÒv Xéyeiv àvacpépovTa. <ī>r|o' ôè Neáv
'E(i7ieôoKÀéou<; ¿Koivrávouv oi HuftayopiKoi tcòv Àóycov. é7iei ó' aÚTÒç ô
ai>T<x, voļiov êúevto pr|ôevi (iexaôcóaeiv ¿tīotīoico. tò ô * aÚTÒ Kai EAcmov
KO)ÀuÚT1vai (Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 8.54.6-8.55.5). According to the Th
ÀoyoKÀonía is a hapax legomenon in Diogenes Laertius, with the variant ÀoyoKÀ
reported in doxographies of the same.

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 LUCAS SIORVANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 165

In the Life of Plotinus (17 & 18), Porphyry reports that ma

continually accused Plotinus of being supposititious or a plagiar
them Plotinus' chief spokesman Amelius wrote a treatise titl
Difference (ôiaípopá) between the doctrines of Plotinus and N
trained in literary criticism, and himself asserted that several
antique (by Zoroaster, and the Book of Daniel) were later for
Platonists admonished the supposititious. In the Republic 537
dialectic without moral principles to the upbringing of a
illegitimate parents. On learning the truth, the child will think
away from honour to flattery. The supposititious is contrary t
However, when Neo-Platonists report Timon's testimony, Plat
in a bad light at all, but in a positive one. If anything, they show
that Plato differed from the Pythagorean original. To the comm
that Plato accessed a true source of knowledge than merely hi
According to the Neo-Platonists, human conceptions have a v
derived from empirical events and abstractions of them, but
permanent realities, the hypostases and the Forms. By this order
senses: within time; pre-dating time. Things subject to time (a
'new' or 'junior', and their anterior, 'older' or 'senior'. The 'seni
of the 'junior', and are the principles of things as we normally k
of our experience, too, has a senior origin, the principl
encapsulates all that manifests. So, the 'older' are prototypical
are derivatively so.34
This metaphysical theory of time and the past encouraged
antecedent source. The two senses of 'older' were readily con
the Neo-Platonists' view of epic poets, and of themselves. Th
themselves as belonging to a 'Golden Chain' of 'Succession' wh
Proclus back through Syrianus, Iamblichus, Porphyry and Ploti
'ancient theologians' (eg. Homer), to Orpheus and the gods.35
student can at most be as good as his teacher, reference to a
validated the truth in one's conceptions and writings.
In this context, novel ideas were usually recognized in term
'master' was perceived to have omitted, correcting the interpreta

33 Hesychius, Lexicon upsilon#576: ťmopoA.i(iOUOV oí) yviļoiov, ÃÀÀà vóů

Xaiuaipiípcàv rcaiôíwv, ctrcep éauxaîç imoßixMouoiv ai yuvaÎKeç. On Pl
Porphyry, Vita Plotini 17.16-17.22. P. Kalligas, Porphyry on the life of Plotin
34 See P. C. Plass, 'Timeless Time in Neoplatonism,' Modern Schoolman
Metaphysical Aspect of Tenses in Proclus,' International Philosophical Quarter
Proclus, above n.10, 134-36, 151-54, 71-86, 92-108, ch. 3 the 'junior' (Nature) v
'Senior', 'junior' labels taken from Plato, Timaeus 34-40, Parmenides 152-55
35 Eg. Proclus, Platonic Theology book 1 preface, In Parm. 1 100.6, El. Th. prop
160 (ap. Photius), which includes the important reference that the 'Academy'
original 3 voļji opata to 1000 in Proclus' time (voļiioļia was the Greek name fo
see also L. Siorvanes, Proclus , above n.10, 22, and 22 n.24. On Homer, etc., R.
above n.6. The Neo-Platonic 'Academy', the 'Golden Chain', the 'Platonic Success
as a blend of fact and fiction.

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 1 66 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

inconsistences or disharmonies. 'Innovation' was frowned on

Commentary and exegesis were well-suited vehicles of schol
subordinated the author to a leading authority - actually, the pa
much freshness in them.

The theme of old wisdom versus new(fangled) conception underlies much of the post-
Aristotelian thinking, and has a broader social and political context.37 In philosophy, recent
studies have shown that the themes of turning to the past for the truth, and of dependency,
can be found among early to late Stoics, and Platonists. For example, Pythagoras was
considered a holder of the 'true doctrine'. Simultaneously, value was placed on ideological
agreement and harmonization. Deficiency of the truth was measured in terms of dissension,
or deviation.38 These formulae appear in the polemical works of second-century AD
Platonists, Numenius and Atticus.
'Disagreement/ difference' also distinguished the better philosophical perspective from the
more limited (eg. Plotinus vs Numenius, Plato vs Pythagoras, Plato vs Aristotle). As Proclus
says, according to 'our predecessors', disagreement (ôiacpoma) is twofold. In one sense, it
refers to those who have no knowledge fighting against themselves and each other; in another
sense, it refers to the difference between those who do not know and those who do, from the
perspective of those who do not.39 These ancient authors would happily attribute the truth in
their works to their past, though not necessarily to named individual persons. Trying to discern
what is authentic and original in such a context is, to say the least, a most complicated task.
It should be added that in the period around Cicero to Seneca, 1st century BC to 1st
century AD, Platonism was absorbing Stoic, Aristotelian and Neo-Pythagorean tenets (which
set the tone for their grand 'harmonization' within Neo-Platonism), the Timaeus became the
standard handbook on Plato, and commentaries on it were being written. Clearly, this was the
perfect time for Timaios Lokros and all that he stood for.

6. Content and readership

Regarding the content, the claim that the Timaeus has one theme, the inquiry into nature,
would seem to be a relatively transparent case. The dialogue introduces Timaios as a

36 eg. Simplicius, In Cael. 59.9, 562.16-63.1; In Phys. 92.26, 565.22, 592.6, 611.12, 625.2, 639.12, 1241.30.
37 For instance, the Jewish traditional self-government by elders in the Roman Empire, as reported by Suetonius: I
am grateful to Judith Lieu. Validating the present by reference to the past was widespread in Late Antiquity, eg. the
5th century AD military writer Vegetius describing the state of the Roman army practically in Republican terms.

38 For developments to Middle Platonism, G. R. Boys-Stones, Post-Hellenistic Philosophy: a study of its development
from the Stoics to Origen (Oxford 2001). In Neo-Platonism, D. J. O'Meara, Pythagoras revived , above n.28, esp.
conclusion.

39 A.UTÉOV ÔT) Kai TauTTļv TTļv àrcopíav Konrà ta aùxà toîç Tipo t||ig>v, ÀéyovTaç cbç ëoTiv r| ôiaqxovia ôirrrj,
Kai iļ pèv T¿)v ļnfļ eiôÓTcov npóç te éautoùç Kai rcpòç aÀÀiíÀouç |iaxo|iévo)v, r| ôè tgòv pf] eiôótoav rcpòç toùç
eiôótaç ôia<peponéva)v Kai a>ç Kaů* èairuoùç oioļjevcov àve7uori1|jovaç eivai Ttáviaç. àXX ' ei pèv Kaxà tt|v
évavuíav, |iT|ôepíav e7īioTiļ|iT|v exeiv toútgjv rcepi â Ôiacpa)voûoiv, ei ôè Katà tf) v àvuícpaoiv, où návxaç
exeiv toíx; ôiaípepojiévoix;, AÀÀà toùç ļjev, toùç ôè |itļ. rcpooeKTéov Kai laúi-p Tfļ Tīpoiaoei tò àKpipèç
éxoúori (Proclus, In Ale. 268.1-8; see the whole passage, In Ale. 267-268).

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 LUCAS SIORVANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 1 67

specialist on the 'nature of the universe', who will speak first abou
cosmos and finally about human nature.40
The terms are ambiguous. Proclus examines the different meani
Commentary on the Timaeus , 1.10-12. 'Universe' is open, and the T
to what is generated and un-generated.41 The 'un-generated' is the
is the object of nous , and is comprehended by reasoning. The 'gen
Becoming which is the object of opinion, and is grasped with the
'Cosmos' designates the heavens and all that is underneath. It is g
tangible, has a body, and consists of sense-perceived things.43
So, the dialogue starts with a preview of everything but swiftly foc
Becoming. Moreover, the account imputes to be itself about as fallib
it describes. Nonetheless, it includes important references to non
Demiurge and the World-Soul, exhaustive details of mathema
exhortations about politics and the divine life.
The Timaeus acquired the synoptic tag that it is Plato's sole p
Theophrastus, ap. Simplicius, we have some early evidence.44 Plato
in metaphysics but in the 'history of Physics' (inquiry about natu
principles to be two. Although the type of principles changed, the
selected by Theophrastus to characterize the Timaeus , fits with
Nature *5, Timaios Lokros, and with the later Neo-Platonic in
Pythagoreans had two principles for the universe.

40 êôoÇev yàp rļļiīv Tijaaiov |jév, ãxe övtcc àoTpovoiiiKoycaTov Tļļiūv Kai rcepi
fiáXioia èpyov 7ie7tovr||iévov, 7tp<Â)TOv Xéyeiv àpxópevov arcò tt1ç toû Kóofio
àvfrpcÓTiCDV cpúoiv (Plato, Tim. 27a3-6).

41 The entire section was very controversial. For Proclus' evidence, see A. Lernould
n.2,chs 2, 7 and 8.

42 rnuiâç ôè Toùç Tiepi toû TtavTÒç Àóyouç Ttoieíaůaí tit] néAAoviaç, n yéyovev t1
27c4-5); tí tò ôv àeí, yéveoiv ôè oúk êxov, Kai, ti iò yiyvópevov fièv àeí, ôv ôè
ļHETtt Àóyoi) ixepiA.T)iiTÓv, àeí Kcnrà TaÛTà õv, tò ó' au ôó£r| 1jct' aiofhļoeax;
Kai à7îoÀÀi3|Lievov, õvtgn; ôè oûôéiioTe öv (Tim. 27d6-28a4).
43 ò ôf] nàç oûpavôç fļ KÓopoç fļ Kai àAAo öti tiotè óvo|iaÇó|Lievo<; iíccà
o)vo|iáoôa) - OKETITÉOV ó' ouv rcepi aÛTOÛ 7îpâ)Tov, ÖTiep ŮTiÓKeiTai rcepi rca
7ī0Tepov iļv àeí, yevéoeax; àpXT]V ëxcov oúôe(aíav, fļ yéyovev, àn ' àpxrjc; tivoç
yàp òltí tóç Té éoTiv Kai oâ>|Lia éx<*>v, 7iàvTa ôè Tà ToiaÛTa aioůr|Tá, Tà ô ' aioú
aioůiíoeax;, yiyvóueva Kai yevvriTà éípávri (Plato, Tim. 28b2-c2).
44 ó ļjevToi úeócppaoToç toùç ãXÀouç rcpoīoTopiļoag "toútoiç cpTļoiv, ¿7riyevó|n
Kai TTļ ôuvàpei rcpÓTepoç toîç ôè xpóvoiç ûoTepoç Kai tt)v TtAeioTiļv rcpaypaT
(piAoooqríaç 7ioir|oá|ievo<;, értéôcDKev éairròv Kai toíç cpaivopévoiç àilràpevoç
év Tļ ôi5o Tàç àpxàç poúÀeTai Ttoieív tò |ièv úitOKeípevov côç 'SA.rļv ô rcpoaay
aiTiov Kai Kivoûv ô Trepiderei Trj toû ùeoû Kai tt1 toû àyaùoû ôuvápei" (Simpli
grateful to Bob Sharpies for the comment that this passage comes after Empedocles
the number of principles. It is disputed whether Theophrastus had the same orderi
Presocratics, and thus whether toútoiç in toútoiç (piļoiv, Ć7iiyevó|ievoę IIAaicov, re
or just to those with a limited number of principles.)

45 On Philolaus, Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 8.85.11-14: Toûtov (pTļoi Ar||jiļTpio<; év '0

TÔv ni)ùayopiKÔ)v <ßißAia Kai é7iiypái1;ai> Ilepi cpuoecaç, a>v àpxfi fjôe "à cpú
éÇ aTreipwv Te Kai nepaivóvTwv Kai õXoç <ò> kóo|ío<; Kai Tà év aÚTÔ) TiávTa."

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1 68 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

Theophrastus links the Agent to the divine, and the Good. The lat
the Aristotelian final cause and the Stoic good.46 The identificat
necting the good of Plato's Timaeus 29e and 'kcMAiotov ... apioT
(ojLioioxjavTa ôè zéXoç ëxeiv ... àpiOTOu ßiou) on the assimilati
On the physical reading of the dialogue, there is further supp
Sensibus , so, probably we are looking at an early classification
in Speusippus' time.47 Moreover, we have this intriguing hint of
of the Timaeus in Aristotle.48
In de Anima 1.3 Aristotle looks at the kind of movement/ change
the psyche imparts movement to body it is reasonable that it s
movement as body (De An. 406b 1). This leads Aristotle to examin
group he puts all those who gave a physical account of the
Democriteans, and the Timaeus. He explicitly uses the expressi
physical account of the psyche's moving of body'.
Aristotle often groups Platonists and Democriteans together, cr
these occasions typically concern the corpuscularist theory of th
bunching is fair: Proclus makes use of Atomist arguments to count
in this instance, Aristotle classes the Timaeus with the (puoióÀoyoi
construed to distance himself from the Democriteans. For Plato
physical principle that gives purposeful movement to the whole
Themistius, one of the commentators sympathetic to Aristotle, c
is anxious to point out that Aristotle is speaking against Timaio
circular movement can have bodily attributes. Aristotle is not spea
not think that psyche is like body, as is evident from the many

46 D. Sedley, "'Becoming like god" in the Timaeus and Aristotle,' in Interpreting

and L. Brisson, Proceedings of the IV Symposium Platonicum (Sankt Augustin 1
metaphysics at Rome,' in Metaphysics, soul and ethics. Themes from the work
(Oxford forthcoming).

47 See D. Sedley, 'Plato's Auctoritas and the rebirth of the commentary traditio
on philosophy and Roman society , eds J. Barnes and M. Griffin (Oxford 1997);
in the Greco-Roman world,' in Philosophia Togata: Essays on philosophy and Ro
Barnes (Oxford 1989); G. Reydams-Schils, Demiurge and providence: Stoic a
Timaeus (Turnhout 1999); J. Dillon, The Middle Platonists , above n. 10, 12-22; J
question of eclecticism: studies in later Greek philosophy (Berkeley and Los Ang
interpreters (London 2000); H. Baltussen, Theophrastus against the Presocratics
the De Sensibus (Leiden 2000), esp. ch. 4. ( I am grateful to Han Baltussen for th
48 Ó|joíg)ç ôe Kai ArijiÓKpiTOÇ Àéyei- Kivou|iévaç yáp (piļai xàç àôiaipéxo
(iT|ôé7ioTe péveiv, ai)ve<péÀKeiv Kai Kiveív xò aâ>|ua rcâv. ruueîç ô * ¿pa>xiļoo
aùxó- 7tâ)ç ôè Ttoiīļoei, xa^ercòv fļ Kai àÔúvaxov eirceīv. ôàoùç ô ' oùx ouxo) t
àÀÀà ôià Ttpoaipéoeajç xivoç Ka' voT1oea)ç. xòv aúxòv ôè toótiov Kai ò Tíu
Kiveîv xò oàpa- xcò yàp Kiveíaůai ai3rr|v Kai, xò oá)|ia Kiveív ôià xò ou|j7îe7i
Anima 1.3, 406b21-31, esp. 406b28).
49 Proclus ap. Simplicius, and Timaeus Commentary examined in L. Siorvanes, P
50 AoĶeie ô ' âv xòv aúxòv xpÓTiov Kai ó Tí|iaioç ArinoKpixcp cpuoioXoYeîv
Kiveíaůai xfļv iļn)xf)v tò oòpa Kiveîv à7to<paívexai. ôià yàp xò ouļi7ie7iAex^
xâ)v ¿KKei1uévG)v oxoixeÍGúv Kai pe|uepio|Li8VT)v Kaxà xoùç àppoviKoìx; àpi
oâ)|ia ounTiepiáyeiv, Kiveîoûai ôè aûxf)v Kaxà kúkàov. õxi pèv ouv nXáxw
TioÀÀaxóúev éoxi oi)|i<pavèç èk xâ)v év tcoA.àoÎ(; ôiaÀóyoiç aúxcò yeypa(i|iév

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 LUCAS SIORVANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 169

desperate justification of Aristotle, especially in the light of A

characterisation of geometrical shapes as bodies.
With the stories about the Pythagorean origin, the Timaeus bec
the subtitle, 'On Nature'. This theme we find in Philolaus, Occ
Atticus. When Diogenes Laertius reports the various classificat
the Timaeus appears consistently as the sole 'physical' dialogu
This singular meaning of the Timaeus was firmly set in theor
Iamblichus. He promulgated the 'okÓ7i;oç' in the exegesis of an
a single overall 'aicÓTroç' under which may be subordinated
mirroring the metaphysical priority of the One over the Man
Timaeus is the physical inquiry.
This theme is continued by Proclus in the Commentary on
Pythagoras-Plato show the six causes of the universe, of whi
Participation in the Good makes the cosmos perfect as an int
humans, our happy life is to be found in assimilation with this per
Nonetheless, there were alternative readings of the Timaeus.
under Plato, it seems they read it as a providential work.54 Anot
it as a political work, stemming from its situation as a sequel t
support from Diogenes Laertius, who reports on classificatio
3.50.1-51.1). The Republic , Laws , Meno , Epinomis (the o
Timaeus ), and the 'Atlantic' Crítias are classed as political wor
was the ethical.55

IIÀctTG ova (prjoiv àvTiAéyeiv, ódÀà Tipòç Típaiov, ôç eÏTe oūļua voei tòv k
a>vÒ1LiaÇev, imeúfruvóç éotiv fļ trjç ÔóÇt1ç fļ tfjç cpcovfjç imò tgòv |if] Ti
[íáXxota év ttiAikoútoiç 7tpoßAi1paaiv ãXXa |ièv voeív, ãXka ôè Àéyeiv (Th
19.14-27).
51 Où Xavůávei ó' r|pâç öti Tivèç ãXXa ôiacpépeiv toùç ôiaÀóyouç cpao
ôpaiiaTiKoúç, toùç ôè ôir|YT|paTiK0i5ç, toùç ôè peiKToúç - àXX ' ¿Keivoi p
TTļv ôiacpopàv tô)v ôiaÀóycov Ttpoocavópaoav. eioi ôè toû (ièv cpuoiKoû
Te ïïoàitikôç Kai ó KpaTÙÀoç Kai IIap|LievíÔT|ç Kai EocpioTife- toû ô ' TļūiK
Kai Oaíôcov Kai <Î>aîôpoç Ka' tò SuļiTīooiov MevéÇevóç Te Ka' KAeiTocp
"iTiTtapxoç ' AvTepaotaí- toû ôè tîoàitikoû t¡ Te IIoAiteía Kai oi Nópoi
' ATÀavTiKÓç (Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 3.50.1-51.1).
52 póvoç Ôe ó IIÀíxtcdv toîç Huftayopeioię é7io|iéva)ç 7iapaôíôo)oi p
7rpay(iáT(i)v, tò 7iavôexèç Kai tò évuÀov eíôoç, ôouÀeûovTa toîç Kupíoaç a
Tàç TtpoùToupyoùç aiTÍaç ôiepeuvâTai, tò tcoioûv, tò Tiapáôeiyjia, tò téXo
TÔ) TiavTi ÔT1|iioi)pyiKÒv Kai voTļTT)v aÍTÍav, év -p TípcÓTax; cotí tò Ttâv, K
HoioövTi 7tpoïôpi)|iévov (Proclus, In Tim. 1 2.29-3.7); Kai Ttpòç tò vot|tòv â
TTļ peToixría Tàyaûoû, Kai oûtco ôf) úeòv ëvvouv ëpijfuxov ànoteXÉoex tò
outoç, ou cpapev OTOxáÇeoúai tòv Típaiov, Kai toioûtoç, a>07iep eiTiope
53 õti KaTà tò <ni)úayopiKÒv> ëûoç èôei ouvaiļrai Tip ůecapoupéva) tòv Tie
In Tim. I 5.22-23); éôt1Àû)ae rcpòç tcò xéXex Ôiappi1Ôr|v eÍTtoáv, õti ô
é^o|ioiâ)oai tòv iiéAAovTa ttíç eûôaiiiovoç Çcof1<; éTti1poA.ov eoeodav t
ôè Kai tò r||LiĆTepov eûôaipov òfioicaúèv tcû rcavTÍ (In Tim. 1 5.26-30).
54 See Han Baltussen in this volume. Cf. Proclus, In Tim. 1 456.16-18.

55 Cf. C. Steel, 'The moral purpose of the human body : A reading of Timaeu
On politics and virtue, D. J. O'Meara, 'Plato's Republic in the School of Iam
nella tradizione antica, eds M. Vegetti and M. Abbate (Naples 1999) 193-205

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1 70 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

Proclus' commentaries on the Timaeus, and on the Parmenid

into 'ethical', 'physical', 'theological', and in the latter additi
In Tim. 1.15-17, 1.25-27; In Parm. 677, 718, 913-14, 924
divisions into 'physical', 'ethical' and 'theological' accoun
Ammonius' divisions into 'logical', 'physical', 'theological' {In
the Neo-Platonists, the grades of exegesis correspond to
curriculum, and of their perspectivai epistemology.
According to Proclus, the Timaeus is a special blend of two diff
one is Pythagorean, which is said 'to make everything depende
everything to numbers, signify realities symbolically and mysti
conceptions, and be apophantic-revelatory'. The other is Socra
demonstrative, looks at beings through images, is ethical'. The
with the demonstrative, the physical with the theological.56
That the Timaeus is a mixture of Pythagoras and Socrates tap
antecedent sources of Plato's ideas. Photius reports that Plat
physical' <discourse> from Pythagoras, the 'ethical' especi
elements of logic from the Eleatics, who were also of Pythago
we find in Numenius, and notably in Atticus.
However, the Socratic ingredient rarely surfaces again in t
commentary. In several places the ethical reading is not Socratic
1.15.26-16.20, 1.25.1-8). It was generally accepted that the Py
works, which reached to ethics, as exemplified by the fa
Platonism, besides Iamblichus and Proclus, 'Simplicius' confir
were accustomed to philosophizing symbolically via mathemat
(not transi, supernatural), the souls and physical things where P
the Pythagorean Timaios'.58 'Philoponus' adds that the Pythago

Philosophy in Iamblichus,' in The Divine Iamblichus , eds H. J. Blumenthal an

Siorvanes, Proclus, above n.10, ch. 1.2 ('the Neo-Platonic view of polities').
56 opoXoyeiTai ô' au Kai toöto rcapà tûv Kai opiKpà tô) DAcctcdvi ou
So)KpaTiKÓv éoTi Ka' <piÀávúpa)7tov Kai àíioôeiKTiKÓv. eircep ouv áA
Hufrayopeiov Kai Ea>KpaTiKf)v iôiÓTT|Ta, Káv Tâ)ôe tû ôiaÀóya) toöto
rcapà |Lièv TT1Ç nuúayopiKfjç oi)VT)úeíaç tò i>iļnļA<5vouv, tò voepóv, tò
é^áTiTov, tò év àpiúfioíç Tà õÀa àcpopi£ópevov, tò ouppoÀiKÔx; Tà Ttpáy
tò àvaycùyóv, tò Cmepaípov Tàç pepiOTàç éTUpoÀáç, tò à7io<pavTi
(piÀavdpcoTuaç tò eúouvouoíaoTov, tò rjpepov, tò àrcoôeiKTiKÓv, tò
11ŮIKÓV, TtávTa Tà ToiaÛTa. ôiò ôf| oepvòç pév éaTiv ó ôiáA,oyoç Kai ávc
KoieÎTai Tàç etuPoAck;, píyvuoi ôè tcd àrcoipavTiKCì) tò àTioôeiKTiKÓv,
àÀÀà Ka' ůeoAoyiKťÁx; voeív r|pâç TiapaoKeuáÇei (Proclus, In Tim . 1 7.21
57 "Oti tt]v pèv Ů60)pr)TiKfiv Kai (puoiKfjv IIÀáTCúvá (paoi rcapà tô>v év
ôè 11Ůikt]v páÀiOTa rcapà SwKpáTOuç. Trjç ôè A.oyiKfjç arcéppaTa KaTaßa
toùç ' eXeáxaç- Kai outoi ôè Trjç Iluůayopeíoi) iļoav ôiaTpiprjç (Photius
58 ' Simplicius '(?), In De Anima 40.1-6, on De Anima 406b25 (Timaeus gives a
body): Aià tcùv paür|p<XTG)v ouppoÀiKcòç cícoůótcdv tg>v nuůayopeícův Tá t
Trjç Kai Tà (puoiKà cpiÀooocpeîv, Kai ò IIÀáTajv Euůayópeiov àv

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 LUCAS SIORVANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 171

about the phenomena, and that they taught their ethical precepts/in
We should note that the themes about having sufficient material
purchases of Pythagorean books, charging fees for publicizing k
topics of Pythagorean ethics (and see the Anonymous Prolegome
shown that ethics occupied an important place in Neo-Pythagorean
of Psellus and Photius, it is clear that Neo-Pythagoreans used Arist
for their ethics as early as Nicomachus of Gerasa (a near contemp
Neo-Platonists usually regarded ethical cases as opportunities to
morals, or, at most, to show that ethics are grounded in more me
example, when Proclus discusses the politics in the Timaeus introd
TîoÀiireia pre-exists in the intelligibles, exists in the heavens, and las
lives. Ethics in the sense of being attached to human lives is infer
attached to the complete cosmos.61 Because the dialogue moves fro
the more comprehensive entities of the whole physical world, P
'appropriately dismisses the ethical considerations in favour of th
Whenever an ethical reading of the Timaeus does appear in the com
in Proclus' report of Porphyry. Proclus always sides with Iambli
because the latter' s interpretations were not cosmo-metaphysica
assigned okóttoç of the Timaeus. Proclus says that 'Porphyry interpr
political manner, ie., he refers to the virtues', and describes thing
ethical reading is said to be limited to the proemium, that is, 'befo
the main, proper part of the dialogue.63 Nonetheless, Iamblichus an

59 TiÀf)v (bç eicoůev àei ó ' Api0T0TéA/r|ç KàvTaûùa tò (paivópevov éA.éyxei, ïva ļ
aiviy|LiáT(ov toútüív ouviôeîv pf] ôiivapevoç pévr) péxpi T°û (paivopévou. õti y
oi Iluůayópeioi, 7tpóôr|Àov Kai 7īoAA(xki<; eipiļKapev- oůev Kai Tà iļūiKa
('Philoponus' [?], In De Anima 116.26-31).
60 D. J. O'Meara, Pythagoras revived , above n.28, 70-76.
61 T| TîoÀiteia 7ipoÜ7iápxei pèv év tcò V0T|Tcû, ťmápxei ôè Ka' év oúpavco,
àvúpcoTtívaiç Çcoaíç. wate eÏTe KpeÍTTCov ifjç <pi)oiKT¡<; ÔTunioupyíaç, cíkótcdç r
õti auTTļ pèv 11Úikóç ¿ou kóo|íoç, éKeívri ôè KoojiiKÒç Kai navTeÀT1ç, cík
ūcpeiļnevcov àvaxpéxeiv ènx Tà oe^vÓTepa (Proclus, In Tim. I 32.9-15).
62 tcò ôè cpuoiKÔ) TīpooiļKei teÀeicóoaoúai tòv rcepi toû Çcóou Àóyov. eÍKÔ
àizaXXáxxexai pèv toòv iļfriKŪv, érci ôè tt)v <puoiKf)v peůíoTaTai ôiÔaoKaÀíav
éoTiv ai tcòv i1rux¿>v Àiféciç, <a$OTepá tiotc yíyveTai> éKeívwv, <7tepi ôè d>v
aKpißeoTepov> (Proclus, In Tim . HI 353.13-18).
63 Kai oxeôòv àrcavTa Tà rcpò Trjç (pixnoÀoyíaç ô |Lièv é£r|yeÍTai TtoXiTiKayuepov
àvacpépcov Kai Tà Àeyó(jeva KafrīļKOVTa, ô ôè cpuoiKcoTepov- ôeîv yàp tcò TtpoKe
eivai- (puoiKÒç ôè ó ôiáÀoyoç, àXX ' oúk i1Ûik<5<;. TaÛTa juèv oúv oi (piÀóoocpo
(Proclus, In Tim. 1 19.24-29); ó ôé ye IIopcpupioç 11Úikòv év toútoiç àvaypáípei
Xprjvai TiávTa īmoļjeveiv év Te Àóyoiç Kai év épyoiç Kai tò évôéov ckcívo
âvevôeéç, tò éKeívo)v ava7īA.TļpoūvTa<; (Proclus, In Tim. 1 24.12-17); 'ev oíç iíú
ó nopcpúpioç,TÒ ļLieoov eipcoveíaç Te Kai àÀaÇoveíaç- oíke yàp TiávTcov è<p
ctkkà tcùv (iév, tcôv ô * ou- ÀoyiKÒv ôè tò Tipócpaoiv Tiapaoxéoůai Tfj tcòv 7ipoß
ôiaXeKTiKfiç yàp toöto peTaxeipioeax;- cpuoiKÒv ôè tò Kai toùç Àóyoix; toù
ļjeTappeīv (Proclus, In Tim. 1 27.22-28).

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1 72 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

him occurs often. Further, there are allusions to antecedents of

context of whether Plato's account of the gods is a psycholog
What were the earlier sources for a higher status of the e
Porphyry explains his strongly thematic arrangement of Plotinu
Ennead consists of works that are 'more ethical'.65 Yet, this
important texts on the metaphysics of Beauty and the Prime P
'ethical' does not have yet the status accorded in later Neo-Pla
first, easy step, which is followed by 'physics', the psyche, th
the Prime Principle as the One.
We know that Plotinus and his followers studied Middle Plat
Severus, and Atticus. Most of the Middle Platonists had com
Timaeus. The exegetical tradition can also be traced from Lo
Atticus, who flourished in the 2nd century AD at the time
establishment of Chairs in philosophy. Porphyry was expose
both through Longinus and Plotinus. Indeed, these lines of d
Proclus, and later Simplicius, draw their references on Atticus
Atticus' division of philosophy put the 'ethical' first, followe
is the 'logical' purely as a servant to the previous two. The 'eth
principles of 'beautiful & good', and gives a moral emphasis to
'physical' is about the 'knowledge of the divines, and all that
Plato named in the history about Nature', in other words, t
Atticus, Plato tells us all things by giving a physical account, a

64 Aoitîôv ôè rcepì aúioàv tûv ůeův toútcov, ü)v é(ivr||ióveuaev ó EAaioov

piļieov, ôiòii Kai ctûv 7iaA.aiâ>v> oí pèv eiç M^frouç tòv rcepi aúicòv X
TióXecov, oí ôè eiç cpuÀaK<iK>àç ôuvá|neiç, oí ôè eiç i1ÚiKàç àíioôòoeiç
'Iá|iPÀixoç> aúiápKcoç 0iiļA.ey£ev còç tt1ç te toû Eàíxtgívoç ôiavoíaç àpap
àÀT|úeíaç. piļieov ô ' ouv toûtov tòv Tpórcov, õti Euúayópeioç ¿)v ó Tí
àpxaîç (Proclus, In Tim. III 167.32-168.10).
65 ó Ôè tà ' ApioTOTéÀouç Ka' ůeoíppáoTOU eiç 7rpay|iaTeiaç ôieUe Tà
ouvayaycóv oûtcd ôf| Kai éyo) vô õvta ěx<*)v Ta toû EA-cotívou ßi
TeA.eiÓTT)Ti toû êÇ àpiùfioû Kai, Taîç évveáoiv àopévcoç ctutuxcóv, éK
ouve<p<5piļoa ôoùç Kai TáÇiv TtpcoTiļv toîç éÀacppoTe'poiç TipoßAiipaoiv
TļūiKCūTepa Táôe (Porphyry, Vita Plotini 24.9-17).
66 Tpixfj toívuv ôiaipou(jévr|ç Trjç évTeÀoûç <piÀoooq)íaç, eïç Te tòv i
(puaiKÒv Kai cti tòv ÀoyiKÓv, Kai toû ļiev TīpcoTou KaTaoKeuáÇovToç 11m
Toùç oïkouç õàouç eiç to ãpioTov ¿TtavopùoûvTOç, rjôri ôè Kai ôrjMOV oú
Kai VÓ1L101Ç TOÎÇ (XKplPeOTáTOlÇ KOG1JOÛVTOÇ, TOÛ ÓeUTĆpOU ôè TipÒÇ TT]V
aÛTcàv Te tcòv tîpîôtcùv Ka' tcdv aÍTÍa>v Kai tcòv cíAAoúv, õoa ¿k toútwv
ó EAîxtcûv à)VÓ|jaKev (Atticus, Fragmenta 2.1.1-2.10 Baudry). J. Dillon, The
Toútoiç ôè éTuyevópevoç Eàcítcúv àvf]p ¿k (púoeooç àpTiTeÀfjç Kai tcoàù
àÀT|úci)ç ck úeâ)v, iv ' óàókA.t|poç ó(půrj r| ôi ' aÛTOÛ (piÀoooqna, TtapfjKĆ
éA.A.eÍTia)v Ttpòç iò àvayKaîov Mīļie rcpòç iò āxpiļoiov éÇevexûeiç. ' enei
tcò HAaicoviKÔ) Kai (puoioA.oyoûvTi Kai Tiepi iļdā)v Xeyovn Kai ô
¿TīiaKeiļicoMeOa (Atticus, Fragmenta 2.4.1-8). I am grateful to Bob Sharpies fo
to earlier philosophers who specialised in just one area, whereas Plato, Atticus say
parts of philosophy. There is the intriguing possibility of reminiscence of The
both are recalling '¿Tteyeveio' in Aristotle, Metaph. 1.6, 987a29-31: Aristotle s
schools of philosophy and 'in most respects followed these thinkers' (Me

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 LUCAS SIORVANES: THEMATIZATION AND TRUTH 173

He concludes with a reminder of the key Timaean themes: the final

humanity is assimilation with the intellectual contents of the Demi
is, of course, a paraphrase of the historic motto of the Ac
contemporaries was Numenius, another Timaeus commentator wh
Good.69 This emphasis on the Good and ethics links with the syn
'final cause' with the Platonic 'Good' and Stoic ethics by pro-ha
Seneca's time, who brought together Platonism with Stoicism.70
However, the matter goes deeper to the division of philosoph
classification of philosophical works by character,71 which amounted
of philosophical discourse. That the main disciplines of philosoph
Logic seems to originate in the Old Academy and Xenocrates' sys
we find early Platonists writing on distinct subjects, such as 'On Na
with the Aristotelian thematic treatises.

When Stoics illustrated the divisions of philosophy, ethics was typically the most important
part: it is the yolk of the egg of philosophy, the anima of the living philosophy (cf., Seneca,
Ep. 89).73 The (Stoic) ordering Ethics-Physics-Logic was favoured by the Alexandrian
Pythagorizing Platonist Eudorus, and earlier by the leader of the new dogmatic Academy,
Antiochus, probably because they deemed it important to start with the aim of philosophical
endeavour. For Platonists, this aim is assimilation with the good as is set by the gods, a theme
encapsulated not only in Plato's Theaetetus , but in the Timaeus 90d and 29e-30b. This order
of philosophy, Ethics-Physics-Logic, we see in Atticus.
Iamblichus marked a wholesale shift towards multilayered reification, which characterizes
Neo-Platonism. They rejected Middle Platonists for having distorted or missed the true
metaphysical meaning of Plato. The Neo-Platonists' rejection of Middle Platonists was
accompanied by a reform of the divisions of philosophy. Ethics was taught with Aristotle's

EAaxcovoç éTîeyevexo Tipaypaxeía, xà pèv noXXà xoúxoiç àKOÀouûoûoa, xà ôè koci ïôia Ttapà xf|v tcòv
'IxaÀiKÛv exouoa (piA,ooo<píav).
68 Atticus, Fragmenta 13.5.1-19.
69 Kai aûxoû ôè xoû 7ti)ùay0piK0Û cpiAooocpou, xoû Noupr|vioi> Àéya), arcò xoû rcpcóxoi) Ilepi xàyaùoû xáôe
Tīapaūrjooļjai* eiç ôè xoûxo 0eiļoei eircóvxa Kai OTļ|nr|va(ievov xaîç |Liapxupíai<; xaîç IIÀáxcovoç
àvaxtopiíaaoúai Kai ouvôi1oaoftai xoîç Àóyoiç toû Hudayopou (Numenius, Fragmenta lal -5 des Places). J.
Dillon, The Middle Platonists , above n.10, 361-80.

70 D. Sedley, 'Stoic metaphysics at Rome,' above n.46.

71 H. Tarrant, Thrasyllan Platonismy above n.6: grouping of the dialogues by character is associated with giving new
characteristics to Plato and philosophy, eg. underlying vs surface meaning, philosophy as a sacred rite. R. Lamberton,
Homer the theologian , above n.6, on the multilayered meaning. Cf. also E. Schiitrumpf, 'Hermagoras of Temnos and
the classification of Aristotle's works in the Neoplatonic commentaries,' Mnemosyne 44 (1991) 96-105.

72 J. Dillon, The Middle Platonists , above n.10, 23. Cf., P. Hadot, 'Les divisions des parties de la philosophie dans
F Antiquité,' Museum Helveticum 36 (1979) 201-23.
73 oi ôè (beò (paoiv aÛTT]v eivai 7tapa7tÀr|oiov écÓKei yap xfj |ièv XeKÍůa), fļv xiveç veoxxòv ímápxeiv
Äeyouoi, xà -půiKá, tcò ôè ÀeuKÔ), ô ôf) Tpocpiļ coti Tfjç XeKÍůou, xà cpuoiKá, tô> ôè êÇoaùev ôoTpaKoiôei xà
ÀoyiKá. ó ôè Hooeiôúvioç, ércei xà pèv ļjeprļ xfjg <piÀooo<píaç àxcópiaxá éoxiv àÀÀT1Àa)v, xà ôè <puxà xâ>v
KapTtcòv èxepa ůewpeíxai Kai xà xeíxT| tô>v (puxòv Kex^pioxai, Çáxp (làÀÀov eiKáÇeiv i^íou xfiv
(piÀoootpíav, aipaxi |jèv Kai oapÇi xò (puoiKÓv, óoxé oiç ôè Kai veúpoiç xò XoyiKÓv, i(njxfi ôè xò rjůiKÓv
(Sextus Empiricus, M. 7.18.1-19.6). In this section there are lots of examples of the priorities given to the divisions
of philosophy.

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1 74 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

practical ethics and Plato's Górgias and Phaedo , where they showe
virtue gives way to the 'cathartic', purifying one. They gave the t
its representation in 'Physics': the pairing of the Parmenides with th
extols in the introduction of his Timaeus Commentary ,74 The Parm
within the Neo-Pythagorean line of interpretation, the same tha
'physical' level. For Platonists like Atticus, the Timaeus contains b
Proclus changed the relationship between Pythagoras and Plato,
the latter. Plato alone developed the dialectic, which is a sure path to
Neo-Platonic Parmenides was a convenient substitute for the perc
of the Timaeus: the causation of the ungenerated domain of Being
supreme Good, and most of all, the dialectical account.

King 's College London

74 éiteiôf) toívuv eīpTļTai, tíç f| Kata IlXatcova <pi5oiç, öti oûoia àoróiiaToç, à
exouoa ai>T¿>v, eiç èauTf)v òpâv ou ôuva|uévTi, Kai ôf1Àov arcò toútcdv, õtuoç ó ô
õàt|ç KoanoTiouaç àvaôiôáoKcov, àKÓXouúov âv evr| Tà toútoiç écpeÇrj
cpiÀoootpíaç eiç te tt)v Ttepi tcòv vot|tó>v Kai, <tt]v> Kepi tcòv éyKoojjícov freco
öti Kai ôittòç ó kóoiioç, ó pèv votitóç, ó ôè aiofrr|TÓę, (i><; épeí Kai, aúiòç Ttp
Tiepi tô>v vot|t<í>v Tipaynateíav rcepieiA/rļipev, ó ôè Típaioç tt|v tô>v ¿yKoop
TÓÇeiç 7iapaôíôa)Oiv, ô ôè àrcáoaç tcòv ¿yKoajnícav Tàç Trpoóôouç (Proclus, In
toíç ļifļ Trapépyax; évTuyxávoixn Ka' ó tt1<; Tipaynateíaç Tpórcoç ioû Ti
ôpoiÓTaTOc;- (bç yàp óTífiaioç TtávTcav tcòv év tcò KÓO|ia) Ttļv aitíav étti tòv 7ip
oütgx; ó IIap|ievíÔT|ç tûv õvtcov arcavTaw tt)v ítpóoôov éÇárcTei toö évóç
Típaioç rcpò Tfjç cpuaioÀoyíaç ttjv ôi * eÍKÓva)v TtpoTeívei ůecopíav tcòv ¿y
TT] v Tiepi tô)v eiÔûv tcòv àiUwv àvaKiveî Çi1tt|oiv rcpò tt1ç deoÀoyíaç- Kai
toîç Tiepi Trjç àpíoTTjÇ TtoAiTeíaç Àóyoiç eiç ttjv toö rcavTÒç àváyeoúai KaT
75 D. J. O'Meara, Pythagoras revived , above n.28, chs 9 and 10. Cf. the Anonymo
Philosophy , esp. parts I and n, including a biography of Plato: here he is consider
a better philosopher than Pythagoras and everyone else.

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