THE NATURE OF DAEMONS: A THEOLOGICAL APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF

GEOMETRICAL PROPORTION IN CALCIDIUS' "COMMENTARY" TO PLATO'S "TIMAEUS" (40D-

41A)
Author(s): ANNA SOMFAI
Source: Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. Supplement, No. 78, ANCIENT
APPROACHES TO PLATO'S "TIMAEUS" (2003), pp. 129-142
Published by: Wiley
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 THE NATURE OF DAEMONS:
A THEOLOGICAL APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT
OF GEOMETRICAL PROPORTION IN CALCIDIUS'
COMMENTARY TO PLATO'S TIMAEUS (40D-41A)

ANNA SOMFAI

Calcidius' Middle Platonic Commentary , written during the second half of the fourth
AD, is the only extant ancient Latin exposition of Plato's Timaeus} It acco
Calcidius' Latin rendering of Timaeus 17a-53c.2 The translation includes the intr
conversation and the mythological stories, left almost entirely uncommented by C
and the narrative of the creation and the structure of the cosmic and human body
Calcidius' exegesis of Timaeus 40d-41a, a passage that has traditionally at
comments on Plato's approach to the mythological genealogies and on the use of
centres on an exposition of the nature and function of daemons. Calcidius used P
mention of ãXXox ôocí|uoveç, 'other daemons' - the reference to the anthropomo
divinities - for exploring the cosmological and theological place of daemons. The
on daemons have been considered by modern scholars a separate treatise3 a
consequently studied as an isolated section and a specimen of Late Antique daemo
I argue that far from being an isolated treatise, the section on daemons is an inherent
the Commentary and it reveals Calcidius' methodological and conceptual approach
Calcidius' exposition on daemons presents a puzzle. Why did he, ignoring the con
immediate context of the brief mythological reference by Plato, inquire into the n
daemons, and did so in great detail and at considerable length? I propose to answ
question by looking at Calcidius' exposition against the background of the Commen
general concept that, I suggest, is itself original and unique and that has not been n
modern scholarship.

1 Timaeus a Calcidio translates commentarioque instruētus , ed. J. H. Waszink (London and Leiden 1962,
Plato Latinus IV) [TimCalc.' Comment.].
2 A briefer section of the dialogue is extant in Cicero's Latin rendering including Timaeus 27d-47b only
paragraphs omitted. The first complete Latin translation is Marsilio Ficino's work from the fifteenth centur

3 J. C. M. van Winden, Calcidius on matter. His doctrine and sources (Leiden 1959), 19.
4 J. den Boeft, Calcidius on demons ( Commentarius Ch. 127-136) (Leiden 1977). Den Boeft in his introd
notes to his English translation of the section on daemons provided useful notes on some particul
daemonology, but limited his discussion to Calcidius' possible sources and to a comparison with some oth
daemons.

Ancient approaches to Plato's 'Timaeus'

129

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 1 30 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

1. The Commentary 5

Calcidius considered the Timaeus ' reputation as a difficult read t

approach of the ancients, and proposed a proper method of in
arises in a text has to be studied through the discipline it belong
with by medicine, the motion of the stars through astronomy. T
of the Timaeus concern the sensible world and hence they h
arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy.6 The mathemat
path through which the mind ascends to the realm of higher c
Calcidius divided the translated portion of the Timaeus into t
respectively, and followed the same division in his Commenta
corresponds to Calcidius' hermeneutic project. In the first p
explored the mathematical concepts used by Plato in his creat
with his prefatory remarks on method, he proceeded within
mathematical sciences, arithmetic, geometry, music, and astrono
character is underlined by his use of twenty-five diagrams, som
inventions while others were borrowed from Greek mathematical sources. The lettered

diagrams are described in detail following the Greek diagram tradition and serve as
mathematical proofs and as tool for thought experiments. Calcidius used the diagrams for
visualising complex concepts, such as the nature of the geometrical mean (arithmetical,
geometrical, and musical diagrams) or the creation of the world soul and the concepts of
astronomy (astronomical diagrams).
Calcidius studied in particular the nature of the continuous geometrical proportion, the main
principle of the orderly universe, chosen by the Demiurge as the best bond that assures the
harmonious connection between the elements, the building blocks of the cosmic body. Fire is
needed for visibility, earth for solidity and since in the case of three-dimensional bodies, such
as the universe, two means are necessary, the Demiurge inserted air and water as means to join

5 The internal evidence of the place and date of composition and of Calcidius' Christianity provided by the Commentary
is inconclusive and there is no independent external evidence concerning any detail of his life. The content, sources
and linguistic characteristics of the Commentary and the translation suggest a fourth-century origin. The date i
supported by the introductory letter to the translation addressed to a certain Osius who was, from the eleventh century,
identified with the bishop of Cordova, active in the middle of the fourth century. Calcidius was believed to have been
his archdeacon and thus was given a Christian identity. Another Osius is known to have been an imperial officer in Italy
at the end of the fourth century and the link could possibly suggest a pagan background for Calcidius with a slightly later
date, still within the possibilities of the philosophical and philological evidence of the text.
6 Comment. 1-3; 57,1-58,17.
7 Comment. 355; 346,3-10.
8 In the prefatory letter to the translation Calcidius remarked that he would continue his work if his presen
achievement were to meet a favourable reception by his addressee. If he had ever carried on with his work, i
disappeared without any trace.

9 The emphasis on the role of mathematics was a feature of the second-century Greek Timaeus commentators, Theo
of Smyrna and Nicomachus of Gerasa, who served as Calcidius' main source. They produced mathematical textbooks
by giving an introduction to elementary mathematics that was needed for the mastering of the concepts present in the
Timaeus. See Theonis Smyrnei philosophi platonici Expositio rerum mathematicarum ad legendum Platonem utilium
ed. E. Hiller (Leipzig 1878) and Nicomachi Geraseni pythagorei Introductionis arithmeticae libri //, ed. R. Hoche
(Leipzig 1866). Adhering to the dialogue's narrative, however, Calcidius addressed philosophical puzzles and did no
include any discussion of basic mathematics, such as the definitions of the point or line.

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 ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 3 1

the two extreme elements. The chain created this way corresponds
continuous proportion, such as 2:4=4:8 etc. Calcidius also introd
neighbouring elements the system of shared properties, such as a
corpulentus , mobilis - immobilis. Each element shares two of its
of its neighbour progressing from earth through water and air to
The second part of the Commentary deals with the structure of t
forces that work therein. Calcidius examined the nature and fun
explaining their place in the universe and their relation to one
definitions and relation of fate, necessity, providence, and ma
reference in the second part of the Commentary to mathematics
opening announcement that the mathematical sciences are of p
understanding of the Timaeus becomes a puzzling one. In what w
part of the Commentary does the concept of mathematics fulfil
I suggest that Calcidius experimented with the scope of the m
àvaXoyía that he considered the key concept of the Timaeus and
axis of his own Commentary. His study of the nature and cosm
served as a paradigmatic case study through which he applied in a
the concept and terminology of the continuous geometrical pr
applying the concept of the geometrical mean outside the realm
followed Plato10 and Aristotle.11 Drawing on the Timaeus as wel
dialogues, Calcidius developed Plato's cosmos beyond its origina

2. The sources

Calcidius' account of daemons relies for many of its components on Plato's dialogues.12
Daemons were in Pre-Socratic philosophy and literature believed to be mediators between
the immortal gods and mortal human beings, sometimes equated with souls or gods. Plato in
the Symposium considered Love to be a daemon13 and described daemons as messengers and
interpreters who deliver men's prayers and offerings to the gods and convey the divine
instructions in return.14 They fill in the space between men and gods causing the universe to
be an interrelated whole.15 In the Statesman Plato attributed a caring function to the

10 See e. g. Tim. 29c, 32a-32b, also Rep. 6 508c, 509d-510b, 5 lie, 7 534a, 9 576c.
11 See esp. Nic. Eth. 5.3.
12 Calcidius left the word 'òaipcov' in its transliterated Latin form {daemon) preserving the connotations attached to
daemons in the Greek tradition. In his rendering of the Timaeus Cicero, recoursing to the Roman liturgical context,
translated 'ôaí|iOveç' with lares who were the good spirits of the dead and provided men, in exchange for their
worship, with guidance. The fact that Cicero expressed his uncertainty as to whether or not he had found the suitable
Latin equivalent indicates the problematic nature of the interpretation. 'Reliquorum autem, quos Graeci ôai'iuovaç
appellant, nostri opinor Lares, si modo hoc recte conversum videri potest, et nosse et nuntiare ortum eorum maius est
quam ut profiteri nos scire audeamus', TimCic. 11; 212,9-12.
13 Symp. 202d.

14 Symp. 202e-203a.
15 For a reference to this passage see Comment. 127; 170,13-14. Plato introduced this characterization of daemons as
means by a passage on true belief. True belief is the middle between knowledge and ignorance just as Love holds a
middle position between extremes such as being attractive or repulsive, good or bad, mortal or immortal.

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1 32 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

daemons16 and in the Laws and the Republic they are often
mythological gods and appear as guiding and protecting forces to b
Timaeus , in the passage that prompted Calcidius' account,
reference to daemons, with the meaning of 'mythological gods'.1
dialogue, not translated and commented on by Calcidius, Plato e
human soul with a man's daemon.19
Apart from Plato's genuine dialogues the only source for Calc
that can be identified with certainty is the Epinomis. The Epino
modern scholars to Philip of Opus, connects daemons to the five
water, and earth - as their abode20 and has been transmitted as
By 200 BC it was considered by the Alexandrian scholars to be a
and was referred to as such by Theon of Smyrna21 and Nicomachu
on daemons Calcidius made use of the Epinomis under the title
significantly, he regarded his source as a genuine work of Plato
expand on various points of the Timaeus , similarly to his use
especially the Symposium and the Republic , and assumed that he
Waszink and den Boeft acknowledged that the Epinomis is q
Calcidius when he discussed the parallel between the five elem
beings, and the character of the daemons.24 1 suggest, however, th
to the text, it may have provided an inspiration for Calcidius in
interpretation of the place of the quadrivium in the study of ph
author of the Epinomis , arithmetic and geometry are to be studied
as a basis for the astronomical theology that involves the contempl

16 Polit. 272e.

17 Laws 4 713d, 5 738b, 740b, 7 801e, 8 848d, 9 877a; Rep. 4 427b, 10 619c.
18 Tim. 40d-41a.

19 Tim. 90a. After the time of Plato daemons in Greek philosophy gradually ac
believed to be subject to human emotions, some of them were assumed to be evil
was doubted (Plutarch). Xenocrates drew a parallel between the hierarchy of geom
entities. God's nature is paralleled by an equilateral triangle, man's by a scalene, and
in the form of isosceles. This theory fits very well Calcidius' approach but he interr
section in which Plato introduced the regular solids and their rendering to t
preoccupation with harmony and world order brought back the more positive image
as a mean to ensure universal harmony. In order for them to function as such, they
human natures: they were immortal but subject to human passions. This new con
daemons' being subject to passion and the characteristic lost its negative connota
means for the daemons' principal function: linking the world of immortals with
daemons into two kinds, one more divine, another more human. This approach was f
and was taken up by Christian theologians as well. Calcidius' Commentary belong
20 Albinus took a similar approach in his Epitome and distinguished between vi
21 Theonis Smyrnei philosophi platonici Expo sitio, above n.9.

22 Nicomachi Geraseni pythagorei Introductions arithmeticae libri //, above n.

23 Comment. 133; 174,19. •
24 See the apparatus criticus of Waszink's edition, above n.l, and den Boeft, Demo

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 ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 33

divine beings.25 Mathematics, including the use of diagram

speculation of a higher kind, a theme that became the leitm

3. Plato's daemons and daemons in the Commentary

There are two comments concerning the nature of daemons

and impressed upon us without delay as he embarked on the
Firstly, daemons were created in order to fill in the internal
space between the two beings that exist in the spatial extrem
empty space left in the region populated by rational beings
speak about the nature of daemons with the authority of k
recourse to belief and accept the stories our ancestors left fo
The first of these statements relies not on the Timaeus
Symposium. Calcidius outlined the range of created beings s
and their nature established through sets of properties. The
filled in by the stars and planets defined as the visible and im
nature and their abode is the sky. Men and animals inhabit
nature.29 Between these two visible entities are the invisib
Plato calls daemons.30 Daemons, equated by Calcidius with an
The first, purest group lives in the ether, the second inhabits
place is a region called humecta essentia , humid essence, de
air to be breathed by man.32 His daemons are thus not mere s
hold a spatial middle position within the three-dimensional
Calcidius, both in his translation (second column below) an
Commentary for his exegesis (third column below), depar
significant points. Firstly, he left out the reference to the
emphasis to their nature.33 Secondly, by replacing the refe
reference to 'daemons', Calcidius narrowed down the allusio
divine entities, called daemons, and stripped the sentence o

25
Epinomis 991e-992ain Plato: Charmides, Alcibíades /, II, Hipparchus, The Lovers, Theages, Minos, Epinomis ,
trans. W. R. M. Lamb (Cambridge, Mass. 1964. Subsequent translations of this work are taken from this edition).

26 'interna mundi congesta sint animalibus ratione utentibus nec sit ulla eius regio deserta.' Comment. 120; 165,3-4.
27 Comment. 127; 170,6-12.

Comment. 120-26; 164-70. Planets, the instruments in the creation of time, move in a 'consonant', musically
harmonious way, associating the musical and astronomical passages in the first part of the Commentary. (Comment.
124; 167,10-1 1.) Earth assumes an anthropomorphic nature as the custos , guardian, of day and night, already pointing
to the function of care and supervision that Calcidius attributed in the subsequent passages to daemons.
29 Comment. 119; 164,4-18.

30 Comment. 119; 164,19-165,1, s eeSymp. 202e.

31 For the three-fold division of daemons see Epinomis 981c.
32 Comment. 120; 165,2-4.
33
Calcidius considered Plato's reference to the divinities as a mere consequence of his wish not to leave the work of
creation unfinished, and attributed the lack of persuasion and the role of belief in Plato's words to the insignificance
of the matter.

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1 34 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

Tucpi ôè TÔ)v aÀÀcov At vero invisibilium At vero naturae

ôai|uóvG)v eÍ7teív koci divinarum potestatum quae daemonum prestare
yvôvai TTļv yéveoiv daemones nuncupantur rationem maius esse
jueîÇov Kaô' r|jj.ćcę.34 praestare rationem maius est opus dicit quam ferre
opus quam ferre valeat valeat hominis
hominis ingenium.35 ingenium.36
In his translation Calcidius replaced the word 'daemons' with a definition: 'invisible divine
powers'.37 Vision occupies a central place in the Timaeus as it is through seeing and
observing the visible universe, first of all the movement of the celestial bodies, that man can
attain knowledge. The fundamental difference between daemons and the rest of the created
universe lies in their invisibility. Visibility belongs to the realm of sense perception, the
mundus sensilis , and hence invisibility does not fit in with the nature of the cosmos. Calcidius
concluded that daemons present a puzzle as the study of their nature goes beyond the realm
of physics38 and such matters have to be grasped by man through epoptica .39
The expression epoptica does not occur in other Latin sources and it was possibly Calcidius'
idea to use the transliterated Greek word. Its Greek etymology connects the expression with
the meaning 'insight' and denotes the initiation into mysteries. Plato used the term in this sense
in the Phaedrus where it appears within the context of the soul's recollection of ideas.40
Epoptica refers to the 'mind's eye' as opposed to physical vision to fit knowledge rather than
opinion (ôó^oc), the result of sense perception. The reference, though clearly meant to be
applicable to daemons, may have been intended to refer to the approach of the entire second
part of the Commentary. The causes within the realm of nature, in which the visible
phenomena are observed through sense perception, have been studied in the first part of the
Commentary with the aid of mathematics. The questions beyond nature, that is those related
to metaphysics, are to be addressed now in the second part. Epoptica being the kind of
contemplation that is beyond physica , Calcidius remarked, does not suit the issue that seems
to be in hand in the Timaeus , that is, the investigation of nature.41 The nature of daemons,
however, going beyond physica , can be properly explored by means of epoptica. 42

34 Tim. 40d. 'It is beyond us to speak or to know about the origin of the other daemons.'

35 TimCalc. 34,13-14. 'It is too great a task for man's talents to give an account of the invisible divine powers, called
daemons.'

36 Comment. 127; 170,6-7. 'It is too great a task for man's talents to give an account of the nature of daemons.'
37 The definition takes its terminology from the passage that directly follows the mention of daemons in the Timaeus :
the Demiurge's address to the gods.
38 'quod sit elatior et ultra naturae contemplationem', Comment. 120; 165,4-5.
39 'epoptica, altior aliquanto quam physica', Comment . 127; 170,6.
40 Plato, Phaedrus 250c (Plato also refers to daemons there).

41 '... inquisitio istius rei primariae supervectaeque contemplationis sit, quae appellator epoptica, altior aliquanto quam
physica, proptereaque nobis, qui de rerum natura nunc disputamus, nequaquam conveniens esse videatur.' Comment.
127; 170,9-12.

42 Calcidius used the expression once more in the Commentary, again to contrast it with natural philosophy and
pointing out its superiority. '... haec quippe naturalis, illa epoptica disputatio est, naturalis quidem, ut imago nutans
aliquatenus et in veri simili quadam stabilitate contenta, epoptica vero, quae ex sincerissimae rerum scientiae font
manat.' Comment. 272; 277,5-8.

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 ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 35

A new puzzle arises. What is epoptica in practice? After ha

in approach, Calcidius proceeded with his study of the na
assume that he followed his own guidance and did so thro
emerges is one that goes back to the quadrivial exagoge of the
the use of the mathematical concept of àvaÀoyía.

4. Daemons as a cosmological and theological mean

Calcidius announced that he would provide the 'real account'

having presented Plato's view, thereby allowing himself a
discussing the elements as pertaining to the five regio
contextualizing the place of daemons within the cosmologica
highest and largest, is that of fire, while the lowest and smalle
the two are the three middle regions: ether (defined as a dense
essentia or hygra usia (defined as a denser form of air).
Calcidius' direct source for the incorporation of the fifth ele
was probably the Epinomis.44 It postulates the existence of
immortal and fiery (the stars) and the other mortal and earth
located the three invisible kinds of being.45 Calcidius assum
composed of specific elements and they form a mathematic
regions connect the extreme ones according to continuous
continui competentis.46 It is not only the concept of continu
also the strict mathematical terminology that provide a concep
of the first part of the Commentary :

Utitur ergo nunc ratione ac remedio continui competenti

coniugabilis est et adunatrix distantium limitům similisque
sensilis fabricator usus est, cum extimis mundi limitibus, ig
insereret medietatem.47

43 'Haec ad praesens Plato quidem de daemonum genere disseruit, nos tarne

eorum breviter explicare rationem, quae est huius modi.' Comment. 128; 1

44 The bodies, then, being five (tīčvtc ou v oûogjv tcùv 0(0|icîtg)v), we mus
air, earth fourth, and ether fifth; and by predominance of these are each of t
Epinomis 981c.
45 'Well then, for the present let us attempt so much in treating of the gods,
creatures visible to us (xà ôúo KairiôóvTeç £â>a ópaxá), of which we call on
a mortal creation - to tell of the three middle things of the five (ià xpía
evidently, according to the probable opinion (icaià òó£av), between those t
46 Comment. 129; 172,10-11.

47 Comment. 27; 68,18-22. 'Atque ita inter ignem et terram aer et aqua de extim
constat mundi continuado. Conservatur autem hoc pacto analogia quoq
competentis; ut enim ignis adversum aera, sic aer adversum aquam et demum a
adversum aquam, sic aqua adversum aera et aer adversus ignem.' ( Commen

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 1 36 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

In connection with daemons the proportion re-appears on the m

of the cosmic infrastructure.48 The continuous geometrical pr
inhabited spheres of the universe, each sphere corresponding
hierarchy of mortal and immortal created beings. By linking the d
hierarchy to the different levels of celestial hierarchy, Calcidius
natural philosophical and the theological systems.
While in the Epinomis the discussion of elements and middle
Calcidius placed it within the cosmological system of the T
structure where elements and created beings were part of a schem
through means. Both the concept and the terminology in the port
are an indication of Calcidius' deliberate application of the geo
generally the laws of mathematics) to an instance of theological
the Commentary Calcidius described in great detail the joining o
continuous proportion and by means of the properties the neighbo
now replaced the elements and their properties with the approp
of the new context: created beings instead of the elements and
patibilis - impatibilis as the properties instead of acutus - obtun
mobilis - immobilis.

Quare cum sit divinum quidem et immortale genus animalium caeleste sidereum,
temporarium vero et occiduum passionique obnoxium terrenum, necesse est esse inter
haec duo medietatem aliquam conectentem extimos limites, sicut in harmonia videmus
et in ipso mundo. Ut enim sunt in ipsis materiis medietates, quae interpositae totius mundi
corpus continuant iugiter, suntque inter ignem et terram duae medietates aeris et aquae,
quae mediae tangunt conectuntque extimos limites, sic, cum sit immortale animal et
impatibile idemque rationabile, quod caeleste dicitur, existente item alio mortali
passionibusque obnoxio, genere nostro, necesse est aliquod genus medium fore, quod tam
caelestis quam terrenae naturae sit particeps, idque et immortale esse et obnoxium
passioni. Talis porro natura daemonum est, opinor, habens cum divinitate consortium
propter immortalitatem, habens etiam cum occiduis cognationem, quia est patibile nec
immune a passionibus, cuius affectus bonis quoque consulit.50

Following here the model he created for the description of the elements in the first part of the
Commentary , Calcidius presents the properties of the two extreme beings and joins them

48 For Plato's concept of regions coming into existence as a result of motion see Tim. 53a.
49 Comment . 20-22; 71,10-73,4.

50 'As there is a divine and immortal genus of the heavenly stars and a temporal and perishing, earthly one that is
bound by passions, it is necessary that there is a mean between these two, that connects the outermost limits, just as
we see in the harmony and in the world itself. Since in the matters themselves there are means that, having been
inserted, link the body of the whole world in a constant bond, and between fire and earth are the means of air and
water, which middles touch and connect the outermost limits, similarly, while there is an immortal being, not bound
by passion and in the meantime rational, that we call celestial, there also exists another one, a mortal, bound by
passions, our genus, it is necessary that there is another, middle genus, that participates in the celestial nature as well
as in the earthly one, which is both immortal and bound by passion. Such is the nature of daemons, I think, sharing
with the divine because of its immortality, and sharing with the perishing since it is passible and is not immune to
passions, whose goodness takes care of the good ones.' Comment. 131; 173,7-20.

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 ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 37

through a middle being that shares in the properties of both

closer parallel Calcidius returned to the four elements that
Commentary and left ether out of his account. The two extre
linked in the cosmic body through the two middle elemen
divine, immortal, impassible, rational stars and the mortal a
similarly to the cosmic body, a mean that participates in both
natures: daemons are immortal and subject to passions. They
of air and the watery substance, humecta essentia. The te
limites , harmonia , totius mundi corpus - suggests a depe
description of the cosmos in the first part of the Commen
middle elements, on the one hand, and daemons, on the other,
of the comparative sentence: 'Ut enim sunt in ipsis materii
aliquod genus medium fore, quod tam caelestis quam terren

5. The nature of daemons and angels: means inside the mean

Once having established the cosmic position of daemons, Ca

their nature and function, further experimented with th
extremes and means. He was oddly wavering between a
daemons or considering them as not quite the same creatures.
drawing on the model of daemons being the mean between
introduced a new theological approach to accommodate and d
of angels. Secondly, in order to look into the nature of what i
three kinds of daemon. Calcidius' description of angels runs
They are the sole mean component of the theological system
three groups of daemon inhabiting the three middle regions of
we are told now, the ethereal one, the Hebrews call holy an
Angels or daemons were given to humans by god in order
and the etymology of the words reflects their function.
daemons because they know everything,53 and angels, bec
ceaselessly carry communications between god and man.54
good daemons should not frighten anyone, for the same dic
Are they the same then?
In his discussion of angels Calcidius returned to the termin
of the Commentary in the descriptions of the geometrical d
of the mathematical description serves as the paradigm for
position of angels: 'ut enim deus iuxta angelům, sic angelu

51 Comment. 120; 165,2-3.

52 Comment. 132; 173,22.
53 Comment. 132; 174,2.
54 Comment. 132; 174,4-6.
55 Comment. 133; 174,14-17.

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 1 38 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

angels, angels to man').56 For instance, in the description of the se

geometrical mean is presented by the proof of squares, Calcidiu

Further where the angles are equal, the sides will be in proport
to the side TZ, so is the side Ar to the side TU. I say that a r
between these similar parallelograms.57

Similarly, in the explanation of the two kinds of proportion, t

Calcidius described the relation of numbers with the same term

... and a continuous proportion is found in three terms, as a minim

second, so the second is to the third, that is, as eight is to four,

The appearance of god and angels instead of celestial bodies

ávodoyía within a Biblical setting. In that respect the section on
the Commentary whose basic tone avoids Christianity and Calcid
with Christian readership.
Angels are the highest kind of daemon and their character is clos
of daemons found in the Epinomis : they possess an excellent me
use their wisdom to aid mankind.59 The description of the good
the Epinomis with a reference to it as a work of Plato.60 The m
readers to shift their frame of mind back to the context of the Ti
and angels there are sancii and 'the opposite'.61 Calcidius seems
the use of malus or any of its synonyms, instead he added tha
daemons polluti et infecti.62 This medical vocabulary conjures u
reflects the rhetoric of deprivation, implying a diversion from an
these daemons are deprived of are the properties of the good da
memory, omniscience, and the delight in good men and hatred tow
emphasis in the portrait of daemons or angels on memory and
Plato's theory of knowledge. Knowledge for humans is remem
already known in its previous existence. These qualities thus es
nature of daemons and that of human souls.

Daemons are obedient to celestial power as well as concerned for terrestrial beings64 and
are characterized in their function as mediators. Calcidius attributed invisibility to the

56 Comment. 132; 174,4.

57 'Porro ubi aequales anguli, latera pro competenti erunt; ut enim est B Y latus iuxta TZ latus, ita A T latus iuxta TH
latus. Dico horum similium parallelogrammorum inveniri medium aliud rationabile.' Comment. 11; 63,8-11. The
description of the rest of the geometrical diagrams (diagrams 3, 5, 6) uses the same terminology.
58
et continuum quidem competens in tribus, ut param, finibus invenitur: sicut primus iuxta secundum, sic
secundus iuxta tertium, hoc est ut octo iuxta quattuor, sic quattuor iuxta duo; ...'. Comment. 16; 68,6-9.
59 Epinomis 984e-985a.
60 'Plato ait.' Comment. 133; 174,19.
61 Comment. 133; 174,16.
62 Comment. 133; 174,18.
63 Comment. 133; 174,20-175,1.

64 God gave daemons to man as custodes for his guidance. Comment. 135; 176,3.

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 ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 39

ethereal and aerial daemons, who hide not only from our
senses.65 This limitation recalls the notion of epoptica. The
invisibility was inspired by Plato's discussion of the elements:
for visibility and tangibility.66 Calcidius now argued that d
their bodies to make them perspicuous and too little earth t
Their entire structure (compago) consists of aetheris serenita
help but associate liquor with the more watery kind of air
despite its watery nature is a type of air.68 Air is the only
elements and it corresponds to the one created being that its
aerial nature of daemons thus underlines their invisibility. Th
an expression specifically used for ships seems strange in c
It conveys Calcidius' concern with the body of the daemons
fire and earth and hence is invisible and untouchable70 liken
part of the Commentary Calcidius described the universal
whose structural 'bodiness' enables it to fit into the three-dim
He linked there the visible harmony of geometry with the v
the invisible musical harmony with the invisible soul. Through
both become mathematical bodies, yet the difference of visi
place. Now the elements, ether and air, of which the mate
formed, are made into an indissoluble surface ( indissolubile
Surfaces in geometry are the planes out of which solids ar
surfaces also points to the potential for the bodily nature o
differ from the aerial daemons only in degree, the latter
rational, immortal, sensible beings who look after man.74 T
aerial ones inhabit the air, and, being closer to earth, the lat
than the former. The explanation of these qualities, howeve
daemons, we are told, are souls and their being animae hing
The explanation for the immortality of daemons is that th
This body, which daemons never cease using, is not describe
Calcidius in its invisible state. Since the soul is described as

65 Comment . 134; 175,4-7.

66 Tim. 31b.

67 Comment. 134; 175,8-11.

68 Comment. 120; 165,2-4.

69 Compago is not used randomly; as is often the case in Calcidius' text, a word prefigures the concept expounded in
the next paragraph.

70 Comment . 134; 175,8-9.

71 See Comment. 92; 144,12-145,9 on the creation of the soul and its relation to the elements and body.
12 Comment. 134; 175,10-11.
73
Calcidius briefly mentioned the opinion that this entire middle region inhabited by the daemons might be Hades
(Comment. 134; 175,1 1-12) and referred to Hesiod in connection with the number of daemons, which he had reckoned
to be three times ten thousand ( Comment . 134; 175,12-14).

74 'animal rationabile immortale patibile aethereum diligentiam hominibus impertiens.' Comment. 135; 175,16-18.
75 'animal quidem, quia est anima corpore utens.' Comment. 135; 175,18.

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140 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO'S TIMAEUS

can assume that so does the body of daemons. But it is uncl

taken on the micro-level, being combined into a mixture fro
on the macro-level as each region consisting of one sin
macro-model is unique to this section of the Commentary. Sta
men live in the zone of earth; daemons fill the three elements
the three middle elements yet another triad of extremes
daemons represent a mean between the ethereal and humid o
extremes of the most divine and most human daemons. Thus t
and human is further softened by the introduction of yet one
Daemons of the third, lowest kind are the closest to earth;
influence of human-like passions than those on the two oth
invisible and may assume different shapes.76 This lowest ki
daemon-like characteristics, is the tool of god in punishin
sanction of divine justice.77 Thus the third kind of daemon, th
Greeks as infected, is an important part of the divine schem
path. Daemons of this kind are capable of doing harm to m
desertores angeli?9 They are in contact with matter, silva , wh
called 'bad sour (maligna anima)}0
Calcidius noted the opinion of some philosophers who, re
assumed that daemons are souls freed from corporeal exertion
of good people become ethereal daemons, while those who
daemons and resume their terrestrial bodies after one thousan
and Pythagoras as authorities82 and hastened to add that Plat
giving a brief exposition of why daemons cannot be the same
of all, he said, Plato in the Republic states that the soul of a ty
and therefore the two must be different entities.84 Furtherm
he created human souls, since daemons were supposed to wat
While the concept of the mean involves the assumption tha
two extremes, Calcidius, when arguing that daemons are rati
a slightly different way. Since both extremes, the stars and me
that daemons, who occupy a middle position, are rational too. I
argument, Calcidius described mankind using a negative rhet
in the Commentary. He argued that it is absurd to imagin

76 Comment. 135; 176,5-9.

77 'scelerum et impietatis ultores iuxta iustitiae divinae sanctionem' Comm

78 Comment. 135; 176,11-12.
79 Comment. 135; 176,13.

80 Calcidius refers to Numenius as the source for the equation of silva with ba

81 Comment. 136; 176,15-177,1.

82 Comment. 136; 177, 1-4.
83 Comment. 136; 177,5-10.

84 Plato, Republic 10 615e.

85 Yet Calcidius thought that the most excellent souls could, after three re-inc
becoming embodied again and could be elevated to the aerial or even ether

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 ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 4 1

irrational when men, so fragile in their bodies and mind, an

considered to be rational.86 This exaggerated picture could be
equally be consciously applied rhetoric. Calcidius adopt
vocabulary in characterising mankind, the tone and the content
rest of his text. He may have chosen to intensify his argument
the device of parody. This negative view of man was offer
positive Platonic image of mankind.87
Calcidius aimed his Commentary at a Latin-speaking audienc
the Latin, rather than Greek Platonic tradition. The most i
Augustine, probably a near contemporary of Calcidius, in hi
summary of what he considered the Platonic teaching on dae
with mediation between god and man and used properties in
Calcidius, he was not interested in the harmony of the create
among its parts. For him man was miserable and mortal and
to act as the saviour who rescues man from misery. Calcidius
was based on the assumption that the Demiurge's goodness ass
universe and thus it needs no other world to make up for its
Apuleius, the platonici , and Plotinus, Augustine rejected
mediators.88 Angels, who are immortal and happy, possess di
other hand, called by Augustine medii angeli mali ,89 are im
Augustine, beatitudo in the next life was the goal for which
as mediators.90 Thus the real mediator for Augustine was Chris
in that he facilitates man's participation in divinity.91 Calcid
be a criticism of the new developments in Christian theology in
Platonic tradition of philosophy.

6. Conclusion

Calcidius' Commentary to Plato's Timaeus sets out from the statement that mathematics
provides the basis and key for the understanding of the dialogue. The first part of the
Commentary accordingly gives an introduction to the concepts and mathematical methods

86 'Etenim est absurdum homines quidem imam mundi regionem inhabitantes fragili corpore, animo cum amentia
sine sinceritate pleno paenitudinis ob inconstantiam commotionum suarum, alias aliis atque aliis placentibu
rationabiles animantes putari.' Comment. 130; 172,16-20.
87
Calcidius' use of the expression 'our genus', instead of 'man', adds a personal flavour to the argument, and blends
the terminology of logic with the human involvement it describes. He implicated himself in the conflicting world of
desires and passions, and the objective argument assumed personal dimensions. Instead of denouncing human passions
he elevated them by attributing them to divine creatures, daemons, announcing that they are a necessary property for
daemons in their role as mediators. They need to be subject to passions, as it is emotions that make them capable of
being attuned to human feelings.

For Augustine's criticism see esp. De civitate Dei VIII, 13-16 and IX, 6-23.
89 De civ. Dei IX, 14.
90 De civ. Dei IX, 15.
91
De civ. Dei IX, 15. The mediator role of Christ, of course, could have been established through properties. His
mortality and beatitude could serve as the properties creating a mean, as an alternative to daemons' immortality and
misery.

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1 42 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS

involved in the exegesis. Calcidius singled out the concept of

proportion as that around which the Platonic universe is built, a
centre of his own Commentary .
But in what way can a mathematical concept be used in no
Calcidius took the concept of the continuous geometrical prop
barely touched upon by Plato. He used the mathematical for
thoroughly Platonic manner to expand inwardly the Platonic u
into the Platonic cosmos using other dialogues for filling in the
between the elemental properties and the properties of daemons
cosmos. By doing so, he incorporated daemons in the Platonic
made them its organic part by applying the same laws that go
and body. While the place of daemons is defined on the mac
function is described from an anthropocentric perspective, both
Calcidius' passages on daemons are an ingenious constru
exploration into the possibilities of applying mathematics in
With the use of mathematical concepts for what he proposed
Calcidius offered mathematics as the method of thinking that
is capable of higher contemplation.

Warburg Institute , London

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