PRIME MINISTER NARENDER MODI’S FOREIGN POLICY

Dr. Chanchal Kumar, Assistant Professor,

University of Delhi, India

Email- drchanchal17@yahoo.co.in

Introduction

The Indian politics witnessed a fundamental change in 2014. After 30 years, a single party
got absolute majority in the Parliament. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the nation’s
domestic policies as well as foreign policy switched towards dynamic, positive and
development oriented formulations. He re-drafted span of time, the nation’s will asserted its
dignity, self-respect, strength and gave the message of friendship and co-operation. Every
country’s Foreign Policy had elements of continuity and change following a change in
government. It is noted that in the swearing in ceremony, Modi as Prime Minister itself was a
diplomatic success and all the Chiefs of eight neighbouring SAARC Countries along with
Mauritius attended the function. The “neighbourhood first policy” of Narendra Modi
changed the outlook of neighbours on India.

One of the major policy initiatives taken by Modi govt. is to focus back on its immediate
neighbours in South Asia. Even before becoming the Prime Minister, Narendra Modi hinted
that his foreign policy will actively focus on improving ties with India's immediate
neighbours which is being termed as neighbourhood first policy in the media1 and he started
well by inviting all heads of state/heads of government of South Asian countries in his
inauguration and on the second day on office he held bilateral talks with all of them
individually which was dubbed as a mini SAARC summit by the media. Later during a
launch event at ISRO he has asked Indian scientists to take the endeavour to develop a
dedicated SAARC satellite2 to share the fruits of the technology like tele-medicine, e-learning
etc. with the people across South Asia to complement the currently operating Indian
Technical and Economic Cooperation Programme program in the region.
The Modi foreign policy appears geared to reinvent India as a more competitive, confident
and secure country. A robust foreign policy, however, can sustain itself only on the
foundation of a strong domestic policy. Foreign policy barely found mention during the
election campaign of candidate Narendra Modi. Yet, during his first year in office Prime
Minister Modi has emerged as one of the most dynamic leaders in the foreign policy realm.
He has displayed a renewed sense of purpose and vigour with his participation in various
bilateral, regional and multilateral summits. While economic engagement remains an
important thrust of his foreign policy, he has also successfully used soft power, like
promotion of democratic values, Buddhism, and yoga, and reached out to the diaspora to
project India’s influence.3

Changes in Foreign Policy Objectives

Asserting the dignity of India and its national power Narendra Modi changed the idealistic
conceptions and replaced by national interest and progressive ideas and policies. Modi
doctrine contains such dynamic policy initiatives. As a result, soon after the new government
took over the office all- important nations and world leaders expressed their willingness to
work with Modi government to strengthen their relations with India. All five permanent
member States of UN Security Council sent their envoys to India immediately after Prime
Minister Narendra Modi assumed his office. The Prime Minister has succeeded to
demonstrate his foreign relations capabilities.

Ever since he took charge as India’s prime minister in May 2014, Narendra Modi has made
foreign policy a cornerstone of his administration. In continuation of his most significant
initiative “Neighbourhood First” – launched even before Modi assumed office – relations
with Bangladesh witnessed a decisive upswing with ratification by India of the Land
Boundary Agreement, something that had been pending for 40 years. Ties with Sri Lanka
received a strong push, in large measure due to a change in domestic leadership in that
country as a result of presidential elections early in the year with Maithripala Sirisena
replacing Mahinda Rajapaksa as president. Modi took this forward by touring Sri Lanka in
March 2015, the first visit by an Indian prime minister in 30 years. Modi has been remarkably
successful in establishing a close nexus between his country’s foreign policy and domestic
transformation. He has sought to attract foreign capital and technology while opening foreign
markets for Indian products. He has aggressively marketed his government’s flagship
programs like Make in India, Digital India, Smart Cities, Clean Ganga, Swachh Bharat, and
Skill India.4

i. Change in economic objectives

Narendra Modi declared economic and technological objectives of his Government’s
foreign policy. His motto is “India First”. “India First” means that India’s basic
requirements like sanitation, food security, employment generation, and defence and
space technology will be expressed with greater clarity and specificity to other
countries.
ii. Greater link between domestic and foreign policy objectives
The domestic policy and interest will represent the nation’s foreign policy. “Make in
India” is not a mere slogan, but an economic foreign policy initiatives. He declared,
“The entire world is looking at India. Demography, Democracy and Demand are
attracting the world to India.”
iii. Greater emphasis on National Power
Due recognition of economic power and military power is the hallmark of Modi’s
foreign policy. Prime Minister Modi holds the National Interest but pragmatism
prevailed in all dealings.5
iv. Concern with Border
Modi was against compromises on border. That message has already given to both
Pakistan and China. Border firing from Pakistan will not be tolerated. Chinese
incursions have been strongly opposed.6
v. Rejection of Pakistan oriented Foreign Policy
India wishes for friendship with Pakistan. But our concern is not merely Pakistan and
it is not the sole enemy. India offered friendship without compromises. For the first
time, India, asserted the “Lakshman Rekha”. Prime Minister Modi stated that
“building trust between the two nations is pre-requisite to any further meaningful
moment on the relations.” Pak Officials’ meeting with Separatists in India was a
violation of “Lakshman Rekha”, hence a trust- breaking step. Therefore India
suspended all dialogue with Pakistan. Pakistan has the responsibility. Definitely, India
will have a positive response.7
vi. Non-alignment to realignment
Non-alignment was relevant during cold war period. India’s alignment with world
power for economic development and technological advancement is for national
 interest. India’s foreign policy is now not based on any dogmas, but on country’s
interest and development. Discarding the non-alignment here means projecting the
national interest. Non-aligned India until the collapse of USSR played second fiddle
to the ideological goal. Thus the Nehruvian policy has been totally rejected by
Narendra Modi.8
vii. Economic Relationship with Potential Adversaries
India’s economic relationship, especially with China is independent of its security
relationship. Modi has already met Chinese President Xi Jinping at three occasions
both in India and abroad. But no compromise is expected on India’s stand in border
conflict and India’s strategic partnership with Japan. At the East Asia summit
Narendra Modi called for new maritime norms, aiming China’s aggressive role in
South China Sea. He knows that China respects only strength and not the
‘Panchsheel’. Until a democratic system comes to China, there is a need for special
care.9
viii. Neighbourhood concern is a priority in Modi’s Foreign Policy
His first foreign visit was in Bhutan. He held bilateral talks with all the eight
neighbours immediately after assuming power. He also held multilateral talks with the
neighbours during the SAARC summit on November 26 and 27, 2014 at Kathmandu
in Nepal.10
ix. Modi’s Multilateral Engagement set a new positive record
Within six months, he participated in five major multilateral engagements, including
summits like BRICS, ASEAN, East-Asian Summit, SAARC, G-20 and his
engagement with UN. In all these summits, Prime Minister Modi was well received
and elevated to the status of a world leader. The reception he got in USA, Australia,
Germany, China, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Japan, Bhutan and Nepal needs special
mention. Within seven months Modi held bilateral talks with all Superpowers and
economic powers, including USA, Russia, UK, Japan, China, Canada, Germany,
Australia, Brazil, France, Israel, etc.
x. Rejection of Ideology, but full of Ideas
Modi’s foreign policy rejected the tradition of Nehruvian ideological norms. The
dream world of Nehruvian diplomacy was discarded. As a pragmatic Prime Minister,
Modi highlighted the Indian values in International politics.11 He projected the
“Vasudaiva Kudumbhakam” in the BRICS summit at Brazil. At the UN speech he
 stood for “G All” instead of varying Global Groupings. During his Japan visit, he
projected the idea of “Vikasvad”, i.e. development and rejected “Vistarvad”.

Modi’s foreign policy mantra is threefold: geo-economics, regional hegemony, global

aspirations
 Geostrategic consolidation in South Asia, attracting foreign direct
investment, and aspiring to become a global power.
 Under Modi, India’s foreign policy calculus is changing: Japan, China,
Russia and Australia are becoming more important while the US and
European countries are losing ground.
 The EU needs to factor Modi’s priorities into reshaping its engagement with
India, or else it is likely to be overlooked in New Delhi.
Source: “Modi’s Foreign Policy Mantra” Gauri Khandekar,
http://fride.org/download/PB_17_Modi_Foreign_Policy.pdf

PM Modi’s Foreign Policy in South Asia

Modi as Prime Minister itself was a diplomatic success and all the Chiefs of eight
neighbouring SAARC Countries along with Mauritius attended the function. The
“neighbourhood first policy” of Narendra Modi changed the outlook of neighbours on India.
As a gesture to Modi’s invitation for the swearing in ceremony both Pakistan and Sri Lanka
released hundreds of Indian fisherman who were imprisoned for a long period. Modi is a
strong believer in SAARC and hopeful of its potential in strengthening regional cooperation
and developmental activities.12 India had earlier advanced three proposal to boost
connectivity in the region and those were the 'Regulation of Passenger and Cargo Vehicular
Traffic amongst SAARC Member States' for seamless vehicular movement beyond the
national borders the 'SAARC Regional Agreement on Railways' for international rail service
and the 'SAARC Framework Agreement for Energy Cooperation (Electricity)' for energy
trade in the subcontinent which is often regarded as world’s most energy starved region.

The Modi-Sharif bonhomie at the swearing-in ceremony raised hopes that the quality of
interaction between the two neighbours would change. But Pakistan is imploding, so India
should direct its energies at strengthening ties with the other SAARC countries.
Modi’s decision to make Nepal and Bhutan his first foreign policy stops must be followed up
as both countries have massive hydropower potential. Modi chose Nepal as one of the first
few countries to visit since he assumes office which signifies the importance of Nepal in the
overall neighbourhood policy of the Modi govt.13 He visited Kathmandu on 3–4 August
2014, the first Indian PM to visit in 17 years, where he was received by the Nepalese PM
himself at the airport going against protocol. The visit generated unprecedented enthusiasm
among Nepali public and politicians as he addressed the constituent assembly of Nepal, first
world leaders to do so, where pledged for US$1 billion line of credit to Nepal to support the
infrastructure projects and said "Nepal can free India of its darkness with its electricity. But
we don't want free electricity, we want to buy it. Just by selling electricity to India, Nepal can
find a place in the developed countries of the world". He also told Nepali MPs he wanted to
turn India's "hostile borders benign and ultimately gateways for free trade and
commerce...borders must be bridges not barriers". The Kathmandu Post reacted in writing:
"Modi mantra warms Nepal's hearts."14

Narendra Modi made his first foreign visit to Bhutan following an invitation by King Jigme
Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck and Tobgay. The visit was called by the media as a "charm
offensive" that would also seek to check Bhutan-China relations that had recently been
formalised. He also sought to build business ties, including a hydro-electric deal, and
inaugurated the India-funded Supreme Court of Bhutan building.

India should push through the Teesta water-sharing accord and the Land Boundary
Agreement, as well as undo the damage caused by communal rhetoric on illegal immigrants
from Bangladesh. The Sri Lanka government has made positive overtures by releasing Indian
fishermen and sharing intelligence on LeT operatives. However, India must reiterate that
the Thirteenth Amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution is the basis for ending the
discrimination faced by Sri Lankan Tamils.15

Modi has underscored foreign policy as a priority from the beginning alongside a strong
mandate to put India’s economy in order. Modi aspires to re-invigorate India’s emerging
power status, which suffered in recent years due to poor economic growth. He has not only
injected focus and ambition into India’s foreign policy, but also linked it directly to his plan
to transform India’s economy. Launched in September 2014, ‘Make in India’ has become
Narendra Modi’s signature programme as he aspires to convert India into a global
manufacturing hub. His foreign policy mantra therefore is strongly driven by geo-economics
– especially attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) – and at the same time seeks to
consolidate India’s leadership role in South Asia. It is noted that in the swearing in ceremony.

Foreign Policy Priorities

In retrospect PM Modi’s foreign policy activism is inevitable and is driven by the twin
objectives of making India the world’s third largest economy and, consequently, a key player
in an emerging multipolar world. To achieve these objectives, two conditions are essential:
first, ensuring a no-war scenario in the SAARC neighbourhood, which would make India an
attractive destination for foreign investment and, second, developing the ability to shape the
rules in global institutions, which will have a direct bearing on the country’s economic well-
being.16 The major thrust of PM Modi’s foreign trips and bilateral engagements so far has
been to attract investment and technology by reviving stalled ties with strategically important
countries, such as the United States and France, and energizing decades-old neglected
relationships with Japan, Australia, Germany and Canada. His robust engagement led to
Japan and France promising to invest 35 billion dollars and 2 billion euros respectively and
the U.S-India Business Council estimating 41 billion dollars investment in coming years.
Chinese premier Xi Jinping’s September 2014 visit to India saw Beijing committing to invest
20 billion dollars in India over the next five years. Similarly, breakthroughs in agreements on
civil nuclear cooperation with Canada and the U.S. further bolstered his foreign policy and
economic agenda. Nonetheless, the sum of these investments is still only a fraction of the one
trillion dollars that India estimates it needs for infrastructure alone. PM Modi’s proactive
participation in multilateral fora such as the United Nations General Assembly, the Brazil,
Russia, India, China, South Africa (BRICS) summit, and the G-20 summit was also primarily
aimed at seeking investment or, as a corollary, shaping emerging norms and institutions. The
former was evident in India’s active involvement in the establishment of the New
Development Bank at the BRICS summit and New Delhi’s appointment as the bank’s
inaugural president. Signing up to the Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
further reflects a desire to seek new streams of investment. Similarly, PM Modi’s government
used the G-20 summit in Australia to highlight its investment, infrastructure and human
resources priorities. PM Modi’s rapport with world leaders in multilateral fora signals an
important shift in attitudes towards India and its potential.17

Modi has also systematically courted the influential Indian diaspora in the developed world to
perform two roles: first as ambassadors garnering support for India’s global rise in their host
nations and, second, as a source for foreign direct investment as well as remittances, given
that India is the world’s leading recipient of foreign remittances constituting about 3.7 per
cent of its GDP. While his now familiar ritual of addressing the diaspora in rock concert like
settings is a start, the process will have to be sustained if overseas Indians are to be convinced
to invest politically and economically in India. PM Modi’s directive to India’s diplomats at
the annual Head of Missions conclave in February to engage more actively with the Indian
diaspora to invest in India is an effort in this direction.18

They are essentially five-fold:

 Prioritizing an integrated neighbourhood; “Neighbourhood First.”

 Leveraging international partnerships to promote India’s domestic development.
 Ensuring a stable and multipolar balance of power in the Indo-Pacific; “Act East.”
 Dissuading Pakistan from supporting terrorism.
 Advancing Indian representation and leadership on matters of global governance.19

Neighbourhood First: Improving connectivity, mitigating nationalism

The approach called ‘Neighbourhood First’ – a phrase adopted by the Indian government – is
meant to indicate four things. The first is New Delhi’s willingness to give political and
diplomatic priority to its immediate neighbours and the Indian Ocean island states. The
second is to provide neighbours with support, as needed, in the form of resources, equipment,
and training. The third, and perhaps most important, is greater connectivity and integration,
so as to improve the free flow of goods, people, energy, capital, and information. The fourth
is to promote a model of India-led regionalism with which its neighbours are comfortable.20

The newfound diplomatic priority on the region is evident in Modi’s visits to all of India’s
neighbours – barring The Maldives – as well as regular leadership meetings in India and on
the side-lines of multilateral summits. India has also become more forthcoming in providing
support and in capacity building, whether concluding its sale to Mauritius, or in providing
humanitarian assistance to Nepal or Sri Lanka. With Bangladesh, the completion of the Land
Boundary Agreement, improvements in energy connectivity, and steps taken
towards accessing the port of Chittagong have all been crucial developments that help to set a
positive tone for a region long defined by cross-border suspicion and animosity. India’s focus
on connectivity is also gradually extending outward, whether to Chabahar in Iran
or Kaladan in Myanmar. Although India will continue investing in the South Asian
Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) as an institutional vehicle, it has also
expressed a willingness to develop issue-specific groupings that are not held hostage to
consensus: a “SAARC minus X” approach. Two examples of this are the Bangladesh-
Bhutan-India-Nepal (BBIN) grouping – meant to advance motor vehicle movement, water
power management, and inter-grid connectivity – and the common SAARC Satellite, which
India has decided to proceed with despite Pakistan’s objections.

These concerted efforts have so far had mixed results. Bangladesh and Bhutan have clearly
been positive stories for India. Ties with Sri Lanka have proved a mixed bag, despite the
electoral loss of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, who had testy relations with New
Delhi. However, President Maithripala Sirisena remains well-disposed and personally
invested in better relations with India. The Maldives has proved more difficult. India
has continuing concerns about the fate of former president Mohamed Nasheed, although
several defence agreements were concluded during the visit to India of the incumbent
Abdulla Yameen.21

 The obvious regional outlier has been Nepal, which has been the most vexing foreign
policy problem facing the Indian government over the past year. Despite considerable
Indian assistance in the aftermath of last year’s devastating earthquake – that
reportedly included over 1,700 tonnes of relief material and medical assistance to
thousands – Nepal’s constitutional crisis severely set back relations. The crisis
was not of India’s making – it was primarily the product of differences between
Nepal’s hill elites and the Madhesis – but New Delhi was confronted with a tough
choice. Either it could have welcomed a flawed Nepal constitution, knowing that
months – perhaps years – of Madhesi agitation would follow, risking escalation that
could have damaged Indian interests. Or it had to take some form of action to urge
Kathmandu to revisit the more contentious aspects of the constitution, risking
the immense goodwill that it had built up over the previous year. After
Indian diplomatic entreaties were dismissed, it opted for the latter. New Delhi was
guilty of responding late to fast-moving developments, and despite successfully
pressuring Kathmandu to amend some aspects of the contentious constitution, it has
not been able to overcome continuing mistrust or resolve the remaining constitutional
differences.
 With respect to all of its neighbours, including Nepal, India has taken concrete steps
over the past two years to promote goodwill and deepen economic and social
connectivity. But nationalist sentiments in all these countries – often directed against
India as the region’s predominant power – will continue to present a challenge. Anti-
Indian sentiments will also, paradoxically, drag India further into these countries’
domestic politics, suggesting that undulating highs and lows in its neighbourhood
relationships will now be the norm. Furthermore, for all of India’s neighbours, China
is now prepared to step in to provide financial, military, infrastructural, and even
political assistance, and act as a potential alternative to India. This new development
is something India will have to carefully monitor and appropriately respond to – as it
has in recent years – particularly if Indian security interests are seriously
compromised. As the status quo power in its neighbourhood, India will have to
constantly play defence in its own backyard.22

 Bridging diplomacy and development

A second major objective of India’s foreign relations has been to leverage international
partnerships to advance India’s domestic development. This includes improving
technological access, sourcing capital, adopting best practices, gaining market access, and
securing natural resources. In these respects, a truly accurate assessment will only be
possible in the years to come, given the lag time between initial agreements and results.
That being said, some of the short-term indicators show promising signs. Greenfield
foreign direct investment (FDI) has already seen a jump – with India surpassing China –
although how much of that can be attributed to diplomatic efforts is uncertain. Some new
international collaborative efforts, such as Japan’s ridiculously low-cost loan for a high-
speed rail line, have immense potential and, like high-profile
Indian metro and airport projects in the recent past, might be replicable. The recently
amended tax treaty with Mauritius is but one example of how diplomacy can be used
to benefit both investors and the government, and potentially increase India’s tax base.
The extension of lines of credit to Africa and Iran promises to increase business
opportunities for Indian firms. And securing buy-in from major Silicon Valley
corporations in increasing Internet access in India marks another effort at advancing
national development.
 In this respect, however, the greatest challenge will be in tying international agreements
to domestic agents of change, whether specific ministries, the private sector, or local
actors. Securing international agreements is hard enough; using that to spur developments
at home is an altogether more challenging proposition. Such complications are most
obviously manifested in trade policy, which has more immediate implications for
domestic constituencies, and in defence, where the government is struggling to balance
the desire for defence indigenization, commercial viability, and an under-performing
public sector-led defence industrial complex. The overall trajectory for India’s
development is certainly positive, and the diplomatic momentum has clearly increased.
But India still has a mountain to climb to fully harness external inputs to advance
economically, socially, and technologically. This will be a decades-long project.23

India as a leading power: Raising ambitions

India is rising in a world system that has been largely favourable to its rise, but one that India
was not involved in creating. According to Modi, the present international environment
represents a rare opportunity for India, which it must use to “position itself in a leading role,
rather than just a balancing force, globally.” India is not yet fully in a position to lead, or set
the rules of the international order, but it is taking steps to seek full membership of the most
important global governance platforms. India is already a member of the G20, the East Asia
Summit, and the BRICS coalition, a testament to its status as a large country with a fast-
growing economy. New Delhi also naturally aspires for permanent membership on the UN
Security Council. It has also been actively lobbying for full membership of the Shanghai
Cooperation Organisation as well as the Nuclear Suppliers Group and Missile Technology
Control Regime. These efforts could bear fruit as early as 2016, although there has been
opposition from China and – because of the Italian marine’s controversy – Italy. All the
while, India has been trying to bolster its leadership credentials, whether through
international relief efforts in Yemen and Libya, reminders of its history of UN peacekeeping,
or the public reclamation of its contributions to the World Wars. The successful outcome of
the COP21 climate summit in Paris and India’s constructive role have also gone some way
towards shedding its reputation as a multilateral ‘naysayer’ and ‘obstructionist’.

In South Asia, India is the strongest regional power: its population, GDP and military
expenditure are three times larger than those of all its neighbours combined. Military power
in South Asia is also acutely concentrated. India’s military and paramilitary forces vastly
outnumber those of its neighbours, as do the weapon system and platforms in its arsenal.
India is arriving on the world stage as the first large, economically powerful, culturally
vibrant, multi-ethnic, multi-religious democracy. India became a leading member of the
“South Asia” and to play a key role in the great political struggle of the next decades.24

India’s efforts in SAARC are feeble and had improved its policy towards South Asian
neighbours. Restoration of responsible governments and economic development are
necessary with institutionalised arrangements for conflict resolution. A stable, friendly and
peaceful neighbourhood helps to reduce political, economic and military burdens on a
country. India and its South Asian neighbours share strong civilianisation, cultural, linguistic
and ethnic ties. India tried to maintain good relations with its neighbours because an
unfriendly neighbourhood means tensions and heightened danger of conflict that means more
military expenditure and diversion of sources from development to security. The Indo-
centrality of South Asia has quite obviously sharpened focus on India’s policy in the region.
India’s objective in SAARC is to promote economic co-operation despite the political
differences among the member countries. India believed that such co-operation would
promote peace, harmony and greater stability in South Asia.

India has only just recently embarked upon institution building of its own. The International
Solar Alliance represents one such effort, as do the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)
and BBIN. While India will continue to lobby consistently for inclusion in multilateral
security institutions, its presence in the evolving international economic and trade order will
still require a clearer articulation of its trade policy, one that gives greater priority to India’s
concerns on services, intellectual property, and labour mobility. India has clearly expressed
broad comfort with the international order and has actively been lobbying for a seat at the
global high table. Learning to lead, however, will be harder. As the prime minister himself
has noted, it will require a change in mind-sets.

The Prime Minister, along with the External Affairs Minister Smt. Sushma Swaraj, spent the
first day at work meeting leaders of the SAARC nations and Mauritius. This signified the
priority placed by the new government on strengthening the bonds of friendship and
development partnerships in India’s South Asian neighborhood.

• The government’s reassurance to its neighbors, including Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan,

Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka that India will continue to value and strengthen its close and
enduring relations with them has imparted a renewed vigor in the South Asian region. The
invitation to Pakistan’s Prime Minister reflected India’s hope and commitment to build
cordial bilateral ties in an environment free of terror and violence.

• Oman’s Foreign Minister was the first visitor received by the new government. Foreign
Minister of Uganda was the first African leader to visit India after the formation of the new
government.

• The visits of envoys of P5 countries (China, Russia, France, UK and US) to India in quick
succession, reinforced the importance that these countries attach to enhancing the substantive
underpinnings of their strategic ties with India.

• The BRICS Summit marked Modi’s successful debut on the global stage. The agreement to
establish the New Development Bank, and also the decision to have an Indian as its first
President marked a major achievement for the new government in the international arena.
Meeting with Latin American leaders was also a significant highlight.

• The visits of the External Affairs Minister Smt. Swaraj to Myanmar, Singapore and
Vietnam have taken India’s ties with the East to a new high-speed phase, from ‘Look East’ to
‘Act East’.25

• The Prime Minister’s visit to Japan, and the elevation of our ties to that of a Special Global
Partnership, has ushered a new dawn in Indo–Japan relations.

• The government’s full support to help rescue and return of Indians caught in the midst of
conflict zones in Iraq, Libya and Ukraine ensured the safe homecoming of nearly 10,000
Indians.

• The decision to provide passport services in all states in the North East of India; the
elimination of shortage of passport booklets and simplification of procedures to get passports
reflects the government’s continuing commitment to streamline and optimize the delivery of
citizen-centric services, as does the launch of an online system of tracking the transportation
of the mortal remains of Indians abroad.

Conclusion
Since independence Indian foreign policy has been guided by certain cardinal principles.
Prime among them is ‘third world unity’. This was one of the basic determinants of our
foreign policy. Although in post-cold war scenario, India has acquired enormous prestige at
the international level. But with this ration Indian engagement has not increased with the
third world countries. We have been under various colonial regimes for centuries and they
have exploited us blatantly and so is the case of the third world countries. Without
empowering the suffering of humanities of those countries, we could not establish justice
based international system. Fortunately, we have acquired tremendous development in
science and technology sector. We need to develop those hapless countries with our
technological expertise and thus cement the basic unity among third world countries. The
would be an important contribution towards the establishment of justice based international
system and in the restoration of multi-polar international system as well.

The contemporary world is confronting many turbulent issues, which has posed severe
challenges for the survival of humanity. Climate change is one of the most serious among
them. The developed countries have damaged the environment through their industrial waste
and excessive material life style but they have not done adequate arrangements for the
safeguards. Now the whole humanity is confronting the challenges posed by the climate
change. It is estimated that if corrective measures are not taken with immediate effect, sea
level will enhance and all low lands will submerge. Additionally this change will create many
problems and could escalate conflicts therefore there is strong need to explore the matter
seriously. Our foreign policy must take it as one of the immediate priorities because our
neighborhood is going too submerged. The developed countries that have contributed
enormously to create this situation.

End Notes
1. Guha, Ramchandra, (2007) India after Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy, Macmillan,
London.
2. Dai Bing, (2010) India and China’s Great Game in full swing, china Internet Information Centre, October
22, 2010. Stable URL:- http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/2010-10/22/content_21181802.htm
3. “Modi’s Foreign Policy @365: Course Correction”, July, 2015 IndiaGov@365 www.brookings.in.
http://www.brookings.in/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Final-book.pdf
4. "Narendra Modi's push for strong relations with neighbours". The Economic Times. 3 July 2014.
5. "India, Modi and the neighbourhood". Gateway House. 25 August 2014.
6. "Nepal Enthralled by Visit of India's Prime Minister, Who Hits 'the Right Notes'". The New York Times. 7
June 2014.
7. "The mini SAARC summit". The Sunday Times (Sri Lanka). 1 June 2014.
8. "SAARC Satellite to Strengthen Relations with Neighbours". Centre for Land and Warfare Studies. 3
September 2014.
9. "India's Modi heads to Bhutan to woo neighbours". Channel News Asia. 4 June 2014.
10. "India, Bhutan to enhance economic ties as PM Modi pitches for 'B2B' links". Hindustan Times. 1 January
1980. Retrieved 15 June 2014.
11. "Modi inaugurates Bhutan's Supreme Court building". Business Standard. Retrieved15 June 2014.
12. "Bhutan Rolls Out the Red Carpet for Prime Minister Narendra Modi". NDTV. Retrieved15 June 2014.
13. Rajeev Sharma. "NE terror, China: What's on PM Modi's Bhutan trip agenda?". First post. Retrieved 15
June 2014.
14. "Nepal PM to break protocol, personally receive Modi at airport". First Post. Kathmandu. 30 July 2014.
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