Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Module #2
Over the past year, North Korea’s nuclear program has advanced rapidly. In recent weeks,
missile tests have been intertwined with a flurry of aggressive tweets between Kim Jong-un and
President Trump. As a result of this expeditious development, the world has started looking for a
response. Some say that boosting deterrence by arming domestic nuclear missiles and reorganizing
defense systems is the best option. Others claim that a preemptive first strike is the only swift
solution. I argue that, in the specific case of North Korea, traditional nuclear deterrence will be
ineffective. Instead, multilateral collaboration and intelligence sharing should be used to prevent
Aiming weapons at North Korea in a traditional strategy of deterrence will only cause the
rogue nation to further develop and expand its nuclear arsenal. Why did North Korea develop a
nuclear arsenal in the first place? Yes, maybe it hoped to gain a voice. Maybe it felt that nuclear
development was a necessary step to becoming a recognized nation. However, when it comes down
to it, North Korea was primarily trying to protect its national security interests. The United States
speaks publicly about desiring peace, but its actions suggest differently. Nearly 40,000 United
States personnel are stationed in South Korea. This does not include the massive 7th fleet patrolling
the region. Without a strong economy and advanced military, Nuclear weapons are, in Kim Jong-
un’s mind, the most effective way to ensure that the United States does not use its overwhelming
force to reopen conflict. If the United States or its allies retaliate with their own nuclear threats,
North Korea may respond by advancing its arsenal or making a perilous decision. In a time of
desperation, this could lead to an asymmetrical war. Intimidation in an attempt to deter North
Targeting North Korean weapons in a preemptive first strike is also not an option. The
potential form of deterrence existing on the Korean peninsula is not bilateral like it was between the
United States and Soviet Union during the Cold War. Instead, the United States is also responsible
for the lives of South Korean and Japanese civilians. It is estimated that North Korea has around 10
capable nuclear missiles at its disposal. The United States could locate most of these using
intelligence operations. It could disarm or destroy them through covert action, a special operation,
or a strike. However, even if everything went according to plan, massive civilian and military
casualties would still occur. Seoul and other northern cities are well within range of North Korean
artillery. It would be impossible to preemptively destroy all North Korean artillery positions and
missiles. Even if an attack capable of this feat was launched, significant damage could be
completed in the minutes between launch and detonation. Without Mutually Assured Destruction at
home, the United States may be willing to make a rash decision. Unfortunately, this would
jeopardize millions of civilian lives and United States relationships with the world.
Ultimately, the risk of an accidental attack or mis-launch is too great to justify keeping
armed nuclear weapons an option in the region. North Korea is rational. The nation is not interested
in self-destruction, nuclear war, or even traditional war. As the United States considers its response,
it needs to take a step back and look at the big picture. In addition to protecting South Korea and
Japan, the United States is also competing to maintain a positive relationship with China in the
South China Sea. Relations with Russia are deteriorating following election meddling allegations.
Deterrence could impact relations with these regional superpowers in two ways. First, both China
and Russia support the defense of North Korea. Russia has already publicly denounced President
Trump for his aggressive comments. If the United States strikes first, it will likely be entering into a
world war. Knowing this, North Korea is not susceptible to traditional deterrence. Second, regional
nuclear defense strategies could be perceived as violations of larger-scale deterrence. The anti-
ballistic missile treaty limits the deployment of defense systems by signatories. Although the
United States has made it clear that its systems are designed to shoot down Korean missiles, China
or Russia could see them as attempts to alleviate Mutually Assured Destruction. If any sort of
nuclear accident occurs in the peninsula, the United States will be held accountable. In the end, the
risk of expanding war beyond the region is too great to authorize the threat of nuclear weapons
Rather than expanding its arsenals and pressuring the situation, the world should look to set an
example by taking a firm non-nuclear response. Other aspiring nations are watching closely to see
how the global superpowers respond to North Korea’s nuclear bid for power. If the United States
does the wrong thing, responds positively to North Korea, or significantly shifts existing nuclear
deterrence strategies, there will be global consequences. Immediately, the strategy should include
sanctions, requests to meet outside of the twitter realm, and recognition in return for
denuclearizing. This will put a time constraint on the tension, limit non-strategic responses, and
work towards the goal of a nuclear-free peninsula. Meanwhile, the United States should take a lead
on working with regional allies and enemies alike to develop a joint task-force aimed at limiting
nuclear weapons. China has already developed a regional framework for this, but the structure of
the United Nations Security Council could also be effective. Meetings should focus on developing
unity through the shared risk of nuclear proliferation and unpredictable strategy of North Korea.
Involving nations from both sides of the Korean War will emphasize that attempts at removing
nuclear weapons are not aimed at dethroning the existing regime. This multi-lateral and liberal
In conclusion, nuclear deterrence should play a limited role in resolving North Korean
nuclear ambitions. Increasing surrounding nuclear weapons arsenals will only pressure North Korea
to increase and develop its existing arsenal. A preemptive first strike would result in unacceptable
civilian and military losses in South Korea. The risk of expanding conflict to other regional players
downplays the limited benefits of traditional nuclear deterrence. The options are bleak, but it seems
that a multilateral approach is the best option. The United States should set its personal aspirations
aside and work with China, Russia, South Korea, Japan, and other UN Security Council members
to motivate North Korea into intentionally stopping its nuclear weapons program. This could be
achieved through a variety of peaceful and nationalistic tactics. Hopefully the threat will be