Race, Culture, Identity: Misunderstood Connections ANTHONY APPIAH Paxr 1. ANALYSIS: AGAINST RACES Bepleining Race Thinking Tsscans yous on Angel sn inthe 920s, Youare png anlingutve nmin fom Canton nan inmibraon ‘im Nome ry You a er une, Sete you. You t dwn, Dat of th Sh uso you (cording coche Chinese Cxenan of ure ao you fave ok up your befor wan ing fom one eto another Then ice wanes ta ‘Rice This you do not hve oa Yuwie “Oneal A ocincor beste he nagar ia ply “ie treyou writing now (Aer al ua noe creryng You have sven bas bet nesponse ober ans) "Distasi you ay am ting down Whee ou se “hie” she rele hlpfaly, “Canton, vas born jn Cnn, How you knoe™ oul he to re my see of enormous inde r Lwren Bl, Jeng Gui, ists Min, Richard Ford Manes Sn, David Wiking ant Dav Wong, for dicusion bh together sa spay, 20 Hoos ater and Later Osta fx pomping men Lica cus) soe tha hse aes; to many peopl, whos aes Late no eer, wom Tse led abou dey ad cle st many eerste oer he ae fo yeas 0 severd generations of eden my nrodction to Ao Ame ‘Ste in at Harry any above ho Hemy Finder on whom ty oat ‘est of yea fi dled Tae lee on a er at Ur ‘iyo Clon an Diego in 194, andthe oceason prove the st im ts for me orig thes thoghes ogee ver pil reponss fay ‘to sponded het beled nthe pepe oh mare che ei Inj hogs Neural eaponiyfr the opine expres ht ee ‘he done 0 “No, Actually, that’s the next question T was going to ask Place of birth” “So what have you watten already?” How do you answer this question? Seventy years ago, how would you have explained to someone from outside the modera ‘West what our English word “race” meant? Or how would you have explsined ro + Siclan across the continent on Bilis Island, thicty years earlier, why the right answer for him was “Cauca: sian”? (Where he came fom, the people of the North of aly, the ancestors ofthe modern Lombard league, think of him, ase very well knows, a8 of a different, darker, rasea than cheits: how do you explain that here he is going 10 become white?) And would you give the same explanation today? ‘Of, again, imagine yourself in North Carolina, in the later inetgenth century, a8 Reconstruction is coming to an end. YOu ae ina small town, Out ofthe way, where there are families that ‘ome in ll shades of skis color milk through chocolate. A mes- sage comes through from the sate capitol in Raleigh. Bveryone ‘now has 10 be white or colored. If you're whic, step ths Way; colored, go the other. You are talking to Toe. 2 teenager. whose ‘kine my white, whose eyes ae be, but whose grandmother, ‘Mary, i brown-skinned woman who remembers ber mother ‘tories of Aftica. “Iwas goora go with my grandma,” he tllsyov. “ue then I saw my Urcle Jim was gonna be with her, so T'm gonna cross to the other se ofthe room. "Cause one thing T Know for sure; I dom’e want to be anywhere my Uncle Jim's ‘gonna be"! 1s Joe making » conceptual mistake? Or is he unintentionally making, what will turn cut to be a lucky choiee for him and bis descendants; « choice that wil leave him and them with a vote, better schools, better joke? Can you imagine someane lk: Joe, in the nineseenth-century South, born afer emancipation but raised before the high-water mark of the strange career of fim Crov, who doesn’t know that in America, or at least in the Carolinas, ‘ven white-skinned people with black grandmothers are Negroes? ‘My preliminary aim inthis esay isto explore the concept of race tht is at workin these caseran American concept, though * wet shout cpesinnt oa convertion with Same! R. Del aabo, of course, one that draws on and interacts with ideas fom cliewhere. Iwill go on to argue for three analytical conclusions Fest, wane to explain why American social distinctions cannot bbe understood in terms of the concept of race: the only human race! in the United States, I shal argue, isthe human race. Sec- ‘end, I ane to show tha replacing the notion of race with the notion of culture is not helpful: the American social stinctions thacare marked using ical vocabulary do not correspond to cul- ‘ural groups, ether. And third, Twant to propore tht for analyt- jeal purposes, we should use instead the notion of racial identi, ‘which I wil try to explore and explain. Finally, I wil argue for an ethical conclusion: that there is @ danger in making racial identities too central to our conceptions ‘of ourselves; while there isa place for racial identities in a world Shaped by racism I shall argue, if we are co move beyond racism \weshall have, in the end, to move beyond cursent racial identities, Meaning fin the 19208 you'd left Angel land and reveled meh Farther ‘eas than Elis Zland, sailing across to England, landing at South Ampton and taking the tain up to London and on to Cambridge, you could have consulted the leading experts in the English: Spzaking world on questions of meaning, In 1923 Charis K. ‘Ogden and 1A. Richards had published The Meaning of Mean= ings A Study ofthe Influence of Language ypon Thought and ofthe ‘Seence of Symbol, with supplementary csays by various people induding the anthropologist Bronsiaw Malinowski. A yea eatier Ludwig Wieegenstein had published the Tractarus Lagico-Phila- sophieus, which was to hecome a classic ina fld that was not yet, Caled the philosophy of language. ‘We do not need 10 delve deeply ino that feld, But it wil help slater, when we turn to some ofthe dificult philosophical ues going oad my sonal atom of ng see-qotes sound de ver ee hrooghowt, bear in thi ore it wuld be Quen been [vod so be cnfaing sce lot of what hve tay show the egal rissa berween the word smc and afegely stale, So ots sod ‘heard "ace nh pece se or the paren of datnghng Benes oe 2 sions about understanding the idea of race, fe make a distin ton that war already avalable when Witegenstein was wating the ‘Tractarue fore [introduce tht distinction, however, I want co draw acrention to the fat tha: the issues Iam going to be discussing ‘nett grow out ofa tradition of philosophical reflection that is not rectly concerned with ethical matters. Ie is particularly impor- tant, think, t illustrate how technical philosophy can be ofthe [greatest help in clarifying oar moral predicament; and to show that what can beelpfl esas much in the spheres OF metaphysics tnd epistemology and philosophy of language 3b it docs in the Feld of ethics. Now to te theoretical distinetion. In the 1920s there were—and there are sil today—two very Aitferent and competing philosophical notions of whativisto give tn adequate account ofthe meaning of a word or expresion ‘One—ve can call this the “ideational view of mesning— which goes back toa leat the seventeenth century and the Logic ‘of Bort Royal, associates the meaning ofa teem, ike “race,” with ‘what the Port Royal Logiians called an “idea” Understanding the ides of race involves eraping how peoole thnk about races ‘what they eake to be the central ruths about races; under what torts of icumstances they will apply the idea of race; what conse {quences for action will fow from that application. The other picture of meaning the "referential" view—sug- gests that to explain what the word “race” means isn effect, t0 Identity the things to wich it applies, the things we refer to when we speak of “races.” “These views are aot a5 far apart as they might at fist appear. To find out what people a: relering to in using the word “race,” afier all, you might nead to know what idea their word “race” ‘expresses if they had no ideas, no thoughts, about race, and if there were no circumstarces when they wed the word, no conse> ‘quences to their applyirg iy then We could hardly suppose that their making the sound “race” meane anything a all. In practice, a least, secess to am idea of eace is probably needed to Find the referent. ‘And, converely, once we have identitied the referent—found, thatis, the races—ve can assume that people who understand the sword “race” have some beliefs that are 2 last roughly crue of | aaraces, Fori people are talking about races, itis because they have, ‘or think they have, experience of races: and, generally speaking, some ofthat experience willbe reliable. little bit of knowledge ‘oF what races are like combined with + lite informetion about What people are like—how sensory experience works, for exam ple—will allow us to predira leas some of people's ideas about ‘My aim is not to decide between these wo broad taditions of ‘conceiving of meaning. Anyone concerned to understand our ‘concept of race ought, think, tobe interested both inthe realicy Of ace and in the way people think about tin both the referen- tialand the ideational aspects: we can leave ito the philosophers fof hinguage to wrangle sbout which ofthese ought to have the ‘enzral place in semantics (or whether, a Tsuapect, we need both of then), ‘The Heosional Account of Race Peraaps the simplest ideational theory of meaning runs lke this: ‘wht we eam wien we learn a word like race” isa seta ules for applying the term. Everybody who knows what the word "race" mmeans—which means most competent speakers of English— leams the same rules: so that while people have diferent beliefs bout races, they share some special belies—T'l cal them the criteria beliefs—thar define the concept. These beliefs may not be very high-powered. They might include, for example, the thought that people with very different skin colors are of diferent races or that Your rac is determined by the race of your parents But on this simplest idational theory, all zheseexterial bei have this property: someone who doesn’t believe these things doen’ understnd what the English word “race” means “The simplest theory would also require that if we collected to gether all these criteial beliefs about race and rook them all to- Bethe, they could be thought of as defining the meaning of the ‘word “race” (This i equivalent co saying that there are things that have to be true of something fit isto be arace—conditions| necessary for being arace;and that these neceaary conditions are, when taken together, suficent for being a race.) We can use 2 4 device invented by the English philosopher Feank Ramsey in the 1920s co make this an explicit definition: something isa rae just in case all the criterial belief are true of it? Let's cll this the “etritcrteril theory.” "The Ramsey definition makes clear the connection between de- fining a term and. questens of existence: there are races if, bat only if, there are things that sats ll dhe enceria. "For a numberof resons, which agaiaT want toskit, you won't _get many philosophers of anguage to buy into this strict cteril theory today there i a general skepticiam about it, which goes back, suppose, to W.V.0. Quine’s attack on the idea ofthe ana- Iytie truth, which he called one ofthe "dogmas of empiricism,” Forifthe strict eiterat theory were right, chose criteria sentences ‘would be analytically tue: they would be sentences that Were trae simply by virtue of thei meanings, and Quine urged ws to doube ‘that there ere any of those ‘Bur you don’t need highilain semantic arguments to be lead to wonder whether we could in fct write a Ramsey-sjle defini- ton of the word “race.” Gonsider each ofthe two claims I gave Tile while sem. Peple minh ery different si colors are af differ= fone races. Yor race is determived by the race of your parents. "Take theft one, Suppose Jorge were to speak ofthe Latino “race™ and to maintain that the whole range of colors found among people that the U.S, census would classify as Hispanic sim- Py demonrtrated chac a race didn’t have to be fairly mono- ‘Shrome, Is thie mistake sbout the mesning ofthe word “race”? Now take the second clan. Two people mary. The wife has one Ghanaian and one British parent. The father's parents are Norwe- san, They have children cf vatious shades, one of whom looks, to Al intents and purposes, lke an average Norwegian. My friend Georg agrees tht the mother's parents are of different races and contends that the Norwegian looking son is Caucasian, but his darker brothers are not. Does Georg not know what “race” 9 See “Theos in Frank Hams, Fondation: Bsn i Pogo, Lp Masenaits ond emai DH. Malo (Landon: Rode nd Kegan Pal 1978), po. 101-25, “Wiv0. Quine “wo Doge of Emptanin Frm 9 Lal Pin of er (Cambrge Hard Unberaty Pes, 1983), pp 20-86. 36means? Apparently, i people with two patents ofthe same race are ‘ofthe same race a theie parents. Forif your race it determined by th ac of Your parents, you must have dhe sume ce our Fal siblings. It seems to me simply unconvincing co insist that Jorge and (Georg don’t know what the word “race” means; x least i nv ing what it means is knowing whatever you need t0 know t0 ‘count a5 a competent user ofthe English word “race.” This fils, ‘ofcourse, to establish that we couldn't Finda set of beliefs neces” sxyand sufficient for understanding the word "race"; belief, that is. tha everyoody who understands the word “race” must have and such that everybody who has them understands the concept fof race. But if even these rather uncoatroversal-looking claims turn out to be ones that can be denied by someone who under stands the word “race,” then one might begin to wonder whether ‘axy claims wll turn outto be necessary: and fone ae necessary, then certainly the conjunction ofthe necessizy conditions won't be sufficient, ‘Such doubts about the strict eiteral theory-—in terms ofrite- sin individually necessary and jointly suffcient—lead us on co the ‘ext obvious proposal, ane that mighe seem to be aiggested by Wittgenstein’ use ofthe notion ofa crterion.* Perhaps what i cquired to know what “race” means is that you should believe ‘Bost of the citerial belief (or 2 good number of them) but not that you should believe any particular ones, The explicie del ‘Son that captutes the common notion of those wiso undersand the word “race” will then be given by a modified Ramsey style efition: a vace is something that satisfies a good number of the cieril beliefs. 1M ell this the "vague exterial theory.” ‘Accepting this theory has certain important consequences. es ofall, it isn't going to allow us to draw a sharp line between not knowing what the word “race” means and having unusual visws about aces. Thar boundary s vague, because the expression igood number” is vague. Second, the theory admits that among the crteril beliefs are * Sec, Stews, "Wingert Conception of Ceiteson,* ia Wien ‘aon wn the Po of Or Mindy ol. Horld eck (Bape, Suse Hover Pres, 1981. ome that are plainly not held by everybody who uses the word Stace.” For example, Mort sub-Saharan Africae are ofthe Negro race. Moce Wertrn Europeans are ofthe white race. Mort Chinere fre of the elow race. Brerybody basa yace. There are ony a foe "There are clearly peop.e who count as understanding the erm race” who dome belie: each ofthese things, Somebody who uses the word “race” may have no thoughts a llabout Afiet or ‘Wertern Eutope or Chins, need not know even that they exe. 1, 45 you will see, deny chat everybody has a race, because T think nobody has-a race: but there are more moderate folks who think that people of so-called mixed race are neither of the race oftheir parents nor of some separst race and deny that everybody has a ‘ace for that reason.° Aad there have been physical anthropolo- ists who fle that the oaly useful notion af race classified people Into scores of kinds. the strict eiteral eheory had been true it would have been ‘aay to argue against the existence of races. One would only have hha eo find the corcectdsfnition and then show that nothing in ‘the world actualy satisfied it. This looser theory correspondingly makes it harder to argue against the existence of races, But the ‘vague criterial eheory do:s suggest 2 route to understanding the race concept: to explore the softs of things people believe about ‘what they ell "races and to see what races woud have t be like {or these things to be tie of them. We can then inquire a8 to ‘whether current science suggests that there is anything in the ‘world at al like that "Now, suppore there iste one such thing in the world then, on thie view, there are no recs, Le wil sill be important to under stand the vague exteri, because these wil help us co understand what people who believe races rethinking. That wll be impor tant, even if there are no rates: fst, because we often want £0 tunderstand how other people are thinking, forts own sake; and second, because people écton ther Beliefs, whether or not they are true. Even if there ate no races, we could use a grasp of the ‘vague citeria for the concept of race in predicting wht their Smt tah Ha oe eae nie Tepe Uae ”thoughts andthe tlk abou ace wil lad them to do? we could Sim to, to predic wha houghts about aces varios expe cer woud lsd them to have: = T have already declared myself very offen on the question wether think thre ae any res. Thin there tent So is important tha am eeu eha Tak bv that understanding tow people tink about rac eraine important fr these isn, ‘enthough there arenrany rac, To tse ananlogyThave often {ted before, we may need fo understand ik of switchrat” co tndertand how people espand cognitively and how they ac in $eultore that ars conccpeof witcher whether ornocwe think there ae int, any wees "he ideatioalvew might, therefore, lad you to explore con cenporsy thoughtand alk sbost ace Burl think remember ing Torge and Georgthat tis is ikely to produce a confsing ture This is beat eureent ways of dking about ace are he Fed, te deen sro speak of carer ways of king about ‘ac; so tha i tums out be exis to understand contempo: ‘ary talk about “race” asthe ple election of more aloe {ac dacouae tha ourised in the lat century. The ieatonal {hiory can ths be combined with shuns aprosehs we ean explore the deational ractres of wich our presen lk 5010 Spray the shadow, and then sce comtemporary wes of the erm a {Tving from various diferent tact, sotttimes in way that fe not exactly coherent. Before we tira to historical questions, however, let me ask wat route indemanding thence concep i sugested bythe Tebrential account of meaning. ‘Doe Referenial Account of Race Prilorophy of Science ‘The answer is most casly understood by shinking about an issue inthe history and philosophy ofseience. From the point of view ‘ofeurrent theory some previous theovies—early nineteenth-cen- * sit sean, if ersten’ any esther no ao though sou ‘as, Sth shorthand fr "ol ay would ase to fr though ey ‘onl express) wng the word cad a copats™ ey tury chemistry, say—lookas though they classified some things — ‘cide and base, say—by and large correctly, even ifa lo of what they suid about thore things was prety badly wrong. From the point of view of current theory, you might argue, an acid is, oughly, 4 proton danor And our recognition of the fice that the clasifcation of acids and bates ‘vs in itself an intellectual {chievernent is recorded inthe fat that we ae ineined ro say that ‘when Sir Humphrey Davy—who, not having any idea ofthe pro- ton, coud hardly be expected to have understood the notion of { progon donor—used the word "sid," he was nevertheless talk ing about what we ell acd. "The sues here ate atthe intersection ofthe philosophy of fan guage and the philosophy of science. And in explaining why it Seems proper to think tht Sir Humphrey Davy Was relating © the things we cll “proton donors,” evea though much of what he believed about acdsis no true of proton donors, philosophers of science have bocrowod ideas about reference from recent philoso phy of language. ‘One proposal some have borrowed is what i called the “causal theory of reference.” The idea is simple enough: if you want ro now what object 4 wore refers (0, find the thing inthe world that gives the bert causal explanation of the central features of | tues of that word, If you want to know what the name "New “York” refers to, find the cect inthe World thar is at the root of | ‘most ofthe causal chains that lead to remarks containing the ex pression “New York.” ‘Soin the case of acide, we are ged to belive cha che stuffs “out there” in the world that really accounted for the central fea> tures of Davy's “acid” talk ely were acids and chat chat is what ‘accounts for our sense eat Davy was not simply tlking about omething else (or, of couse, about nothing at al). Early physiol ‘ogists (like Descartes) who alked about “animal spirits” in the nerve fibers, on the other hand, we now say were referring £0 fothng a al: there x no currently recognized stl chat can a+ Count for whae they sid about animal sprit; instead there are ‘truths about sodium puns and lipid bilayers andsynapses. There * Thc the ocala Bronte of th Dah psc chemi Joba oe Nols Brena »simply is no substance that was usually present when and only ‘when the expression “animal spirits” was uttered and that behaves tall as they though animal spisits behaved ‘The Referenial Account of Race “A Proporad iow can we use these ideas to develop referential account ofthe concept of race? Well, we need ro explore the sorts oF things peo ple have said about what hey call “races” and ace whether there |s something in the world that gives 2 good causal explanation oftheir talk. IF there is one thing in the world that best ex- pias tha talk chen that will be what the word “ace” refers 5, ud that can be tue, even if it would surprise most people £0 know that chat was what they were really talking about—juse as Si Humphrey Davy would have been surprised to discover that ‘wen he said “acid,” he was aking about™reecring to-—procan donors ‘As practical matter, atleast thee thing ae required for us to allow that a past theorist who spoke of Ys and was badly mistaken was nevertheless talking about something, cal It X. Firs, the eistence condition—we must acknowledge the exis: tence oF. ‘Second, the adequacy condition—some of what was thought to be true of what Tdenoted must beat least approximately te oF x ‘Third, the uniqueness condition—X must be the best condi date forthe job of T's referent, so that no other thing that sat. isies the existence condition satisfies the adequacy condition cqually well ‘On the causal cheory, what itis for X to be the best candidate for the job of Y's referent in the speech ofa community is for X tbe the thing that best causally explains ther talk about Ts. So waar we need to do, on this view,is explore the history ofthe way the word “race” as been used andl se ie can identify chrough thar history some objective phenomenon thet people were Fe sponding to when they said what they sid about “race.” ‘The difference berween idetional and referential theories oF 40 seaning, then is roughly thatthe referential theory requires that ‘we doa historical version of what the ideational theory permits us todo. On che referential theocy exploring the history ofthe eer is central to understanding what it means. Semantical considers tions thus steer ue towate historical inquiry. A Note on Method ‘The history Lam going to explore isthe history ofthe ideas ofthe iteleetual and. political elites of the United Staces and che United Kingdom. You might ask why T don’t look athe words of more ordinary people: ac is statistically most important in ordi nary lves.A good question, [sa (This is what you sy when you ‘think you have a good answer) The reason is ise embedded ia the history: as we shall see, throughout the nineteenth century the term “race” came increasingly to be eegarded, even in ordi nary sage, af @ scientific term. Like many sclentific terms, its being in use among specialists did or stop its being used in everyday life. Treating isa scientific term meant nor that it was ‘aly for woo by ecieniee but the ecentets and scholars were ‘thought to be the expereson how the term worked. That i, with the increasing prestige of science, people became used to using swords whose exact meanings they did not need to know, because thee exact meanings were let to the relevant scientific expert. Jn shor, there developed a practice of semantic deference: peo ple sed words like “electricity” outside the context of natural Philosophy or physeal science, assuming tht the physicist cole Say more precisely than they could what it meant. This emancic Seference thos institated » new form of what Filary Putnam bas called “linguistic division of labor,” just as older specialties, like theology law, had for 3 long time underwristen concepts— the Trinity, andlord—whose precise definition ordinary people didn’t know. ‘The result is that even ordinary users of the term “race,” who operated with what I have called vague criteria in applying it, thought of themselves ay using a term whose value as a tool for speaking the truth was underwritten by the experts. Ordi- nary users, when quetied about whether thei term "eace” relly a‘referred ro anything, would have urged you to goto the experts: the medical doctors and anatomists, and later, the anthropolo- sits and philologsts and physiologists, all of whom copether de ‘evped the scientific ides of race ‘This makes the term “race” unlike many other eemsin ourlan- sage; hol for ample “Sl ate hat we api ung ela erteria: if tell you that materials scencist say that & fun of glass isnota sold but guid, you may well fel thst they reusing the term in a special technical sense, resisting semantic ‘eference. Some people might want to defend the word “race” gains sient attacks on its legitimacy by denying, in effect, tha semantic deference is appropriate here. Of this strategy, Twill rake just thi observation: if you're going to go that route, you ‘Should probably offer some criteria vague orstict—for applying the term. This is because, as we shall se, che arguments against the use of race” ag ascentific term suggest that most ordinary ‘was of thinking about races are incoherent Thomas ero: Abalone “ae undentanings of ne” Tam ipl ate Arsen fess appropriate enough, then, to begin wih a ° friped shape the American repalie: namely, Thomas Jefferson. ‘And I want to begin with some represenative reflections of his ftom the fee quarter of the nineteenth century; for eis in the ‘etenth century, 1 tink, hat the coniguration ofideas about {bee we have inherited began to take fs moder shape. in Thomas Jefferson's Anzbiagraply begun, a he sys, on Janary6, 1822, athe age of seventy sven—the hid resident {rthe Once Stes cps his ogial dat ofthe Declare tin of Independence, withthe pstage deleted by the Congress “isinguished by a back line dawn under them. There are uly two paragraphs entry underlined n black nd the second, fed by fr the longer of them, gives, ax grounds for complaint agsint he present King of Great Bian the et hat "be bas * Antbiga in Thoms Jean, Wrage New Yok trary of ec 2980, p28 ‘id p21 2 waged cruel war againse human navure itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of distant people ‘who never offended him, captivating & carrying them into slay ery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in thei transportation thither. Ths piraical warfare, the opprobium of INFIDEL powers, isthe warfare of the CHRISTIAN king. Of Great Britain." Tis ise failare at gathering the new republic around the banner of ancslavery did nor discourage him. Not many pages later, Jefferson reports his equally unsuccessfl atempts to per suade the legislature of Virginia to proceed, albeit gradually, co ‘ward toral emancipation: “But it was found thatthe public ind "would nos yet beat the proposition, nor wil t bear it even at this day. Yer te day ie not distant when it mast bear and adopt it, oF ‘worse wil follow. Nothing is more certainly writen in the book ‘offae than thar these people ate to be fee.” Sof, think, we can feel that Thoma Jeffetson was not simply ahead oFhis times, atleast in the stare of Vggnia, but thar, allowing for changes in ‘hetorieal ust, he is our moral contemporary. ‘The sentence that follows disrupts this happy illusion: “Nor is it lem eerteiy” che former President witeny "hat the tro acct, equally ffee cannot live in the same government" For Jffer- ‘on, who offers here no defense of his view, this is piece ofeom- mon sense. Here is 2 poirt at which we sce one ofthe central characteristics of Jeferson’s way of thiaking about race: iis ‘anceps hati invoked 2 explain culral and social phe thiscase, the alleged political impossibility ofa citizenship shared between white aad black rices ‘Thomas Jerson: Race Theorst fe want 10 know the sonrees of Jefferson's stern conviction— Nor is it less certain... ."—we can turn to Query XIV of the [Notes onthe State of Virgisia, published four decades eater, in the 1780s. Emancipation is inevitable, Jefferson has argued; and itis righe. But Blacks, once emancipated, wll have tobe seat ese where, Jefferson anticipates that We may wonder why, especialy "a, p.22 a, "Yel, deity 8sven “the expence of supplying, by importation of white setdets, fhe vacancies they will eave.” Deep rooted prejudies entertained by the whites en chousnd ecoletions,by the bss, of the inj they have sustained new Frovoction; the real distinctions which nature has mide; and ‘many other cremotances, wl dvide ws into peri, nd produce nvubions which wil probably aver end bucin he extermination ‘ofthe on or the othe ea —To these objections, which ae poke fel, ay beaded others, which ae physical and moral. The fist erence which eke is that of colour Whether the blck of ‘the negro resides in the eel membrane berween the skin and SearFstin, ein the sarskin ivf wheter i proceeds from che ‘oor of the Blood, the colour afte il, or om that of some ‘ther secretion, the difference i xed ia ste, anda elas if terest and cause wore better known tous Andis this ierence of to importance! Ie not he Foundation ofa greater o es share of ‘eau inthe two ret Are norte ie mites ofred and white, the expresons of every pation by greater of let sufuions of ‘colour in the one, peeftable eo thar eternal manatony, which ‘eign: in the countemners, that immoveable vel of black which Covers all the emotions of the other rae? Add to dese, lowing Tita more elegant seer of for, thie own judgment in fi ‘our of the whites, declared by thee preference for shen 36 ni Foemly ass the preference ofthe Oranootan forte back woman ‘over shose of his ow species. The ceeumstnce of superior beau, [sthoughe worthy atention nthe propagation of our hore, dogs, 2nd cher domestic animal; why notin that of man" ‘put from this difference of color, with its attendant aesthetic ‘consequences, Jefferson observes that there are other relevant di ferences blacks have les nt on thet fice and bodies; “they se ‘cere les by the kidnies, and more by the glands ofthe skin, ‘which gives them a very strong and disagreeable dour": “they sem 10 requie les sleep... They are atleastas brave and more adventuresome. But this may peshaps proceed from a want of forethought” (Jefferson has forgotten the Aristorcian proposal the bravery is Sntellgene action inthe face of danger) “They ate ° Nae fhe Sea of Vina (1781-828 Felson, Wing, p26, “4 more ardent after dheie female; but love seems with them to be more an eager desite, tha 3 tender delicate mincure of sentiment snd sensation. Thee gris ae transient.” ‘Comparing them by tet cles of memory reHon, and imag taton, appears t0 me, that in memary they ate equal to the White, reaeon much infin, a think one could scarcely be ound capable of tracing and comprehending the ivertigatons of Euclid bd dat ia imagiation they ze dl stele, an anor lous... [Amioag Abiesr-Americans] sme have bee ibecly ed ‘seated, and al have lec in countice where the srs and sciences are cultivated toa eonscerable degree, and have had befoe their ‘jes amples ofthe best works fom abrand. The Indians, wih mo advantages ofthis kind, wl oe carve gues on thee pipes not Alenia of design and nei.» They astonish you with sakes ‘ofthe mos sublime oratory, sich as pove thie eas and sen ‘mene song, theirimagition glowing and slevited. But never Yet ould 1 Sd tha a black had tered 3 thought above te level of Pisin sation; never see even an elementary ti OF painting oF Sealpure. In musi they ae more gener gifted than the whites ‘wih scurate eas for kane and tne, and they have een found ‘capable of maining smal catch. Maer iroen the patent of the most aflzting toler in poetsy—Among the blacks i mie ‘xy enough, God knows, buts pact. Religion indeed pro duce sPhylisWaaey [aes bu coed not produce «post. The ‘omposiins publ wider hr name are Slow the dignity of Jefferson has nicer thingsto say about Ignatius Sancho, an Aiean ‘whose leters had been published in London in 1782.” And the juiciousness of his tone here adds, of course, greatly to the ‘weight ofhis negative judgments. A litle later inthe same long, paragraph—i is nearly sic pages inthe Library of America edt tion—he writes: "Whether firther observation will or will not velfy the conjecture, that nature has been fess bountifol to them inthe endowments of thehead, I believe tht in those of the heart bi 268 ep. 206, Ty Sanco (1729-8), eee Lae pti Sant, Apc (Coden: pte Neha 752), 6she will be found to have done them justice. Thar disposition to theft with which they have been branded, mutt be ascribed their situation, and mot to any depravity of the mora sense." ‘Though he ells us that “the opinion, chat they are inferior inthe ficulties of reason and imagination, must be hazarded with great slifdence,” he nevertheless concludes: 1 advance ita suspicion ony, thar dhe Blacks wheter originally aistinc rae, oF mae distinct by time and creumseances, ae fair tothe whites inthe endowments both of body and tind It isnot agains experience to suppor, tae free species ofthe sae genus, or varctis of che sme Species, may poses diferent, ‘ealfcations. Will not lover of natural hilzory then, one ho Wes gradations ll the aces of ails withthe ey Of hilo phy, escuse an efor to beep thove inthe department of ran 3 stinc ab matre has formed sem. This enortnate difference of ‘olut and peraps of ety, ea power obadeto the emtanc pation ofthese people After so conspicuously far and balanced a discussion, it would Inve bean hard not co char JetTevon”swouspeion.” His very cas ton here adds to rather than detracting from the force Of his conclusions; and after so much attention tothe “difference -..of| facil ie cary to mis he fce that Jefferson believes that Ne- soes and whites must be kepe apare even if hie “suspicion” is ristaken. For Jefferson the political significance of ace begins tnd ende with color Jefferson's claims here about the Negros faculties went neither swanoticed nor unanswered, And we can Sind in his letters asin the Notes, evidence that he remained willing to entertain the pos- sibily thst hie exepticism about the capacities of the Negro was ‘murarranted, Ina letter of August 30, 1791, to Benjamin Ban- seker, who had worked on the design ofthe Capitol in Washing- ‘ton—he was one Negro gentleman who was certainly capable of| “comprehending the investigations of Buclid”—Jefferson wrote: “No body wishes more than T do to see such proofs as you ex- bi, thar nature has given to our black bredren, talents equal tO Jeon, Nate of Sate of Vigna pp. 268-6 tip. 208 i pp 270 those of the other color of men, and that the appearance of want in them is owing merely to the degraded condition of thee exis: rence, both in Africa & America" And he repeats the sentiment ina lewer co Henti Grégciee. Thanking the ABDE for sending him 4 copy ofhis La ieéracnre dee ndqver(1808) Jefferson write Se sured that no parton ving wishes more sincerely than Ido, 10 cea complete cotton of the doubt | have mye entrained Sid expreed on the gale of understanding alloted to them by acorey and to Sind that that respec they sre ons pat with ou telves. My doubts were the results of personal aberration [one ‘wonders, site, abou the Oranguesn bere} an he Hite sphere ‘of my ov Satz, where the opportunites forthe development of ‘heir genius were net favorable, and those of exercising sl ess so. expressed them therefore with great hesiaxon; but whatever bbe their degree often tis no measure oftheir righ. Bese Sir Tasac Newton was soperior roofers in understanding, he #4 not therefoce lord ofthe prea ox propecy of other. Ihe salightenmens Iea have quoted so much of Jefferson in pat, of course, because Jefferson isan impoctane gure in the history of American debates bout racial polities; Bu mostly because in these passages T have cited we se something entirely representative ofthe best think ing of his day: the cunning together of biology and polite, fence and morals, fact and value, ethics and aesthetics. Jeleson i Sn intelligent, sensitive, educated American shaped by the West en intellectual currees ve ell the Ealightenment: if We query these conflations, we ate querying not so much an individual 2s the thinking of a whole culture ‘Let us explore the strectue of Jefferson's explanation of why black and white races cannot live together in equality and har sony. He begins with suggestions that do not especially ely on the character of the race concept: prejudice, on the pate of whites, 2 agus 30,1791, 12 Besa Benkes Lee" a fon, Wrtags 2 Rebeary 25, 1806, co Hen Grae he, p 1202 ”sad justified resentment, on the part of blacks, But almost imme: lately he moves on co speak of “the ral distinctions which na ture has made,” And the fist ofthese “physical and moral” dif ferences isthe primary eiterion for diving the black ftom the ‘white race: skin color. Notice that ina passage devoted t0 a socio: pelitical question—let me repeat thatthe isue here is why’ the recs en's live together in harmony—he spends a grea deal of | time on theories sbout skin color and its consequences for the physiology ofthe expression of che emotions. Notice, 100, how- {vs that Jefferson holds the dark skin color and the nature of | [Negro hair to be relevant in part because chey mean that wiites are of “superior beauty” co black; an argument that appears 10 prtuppose that beauty is condition for fraternity oF, even— Something thatthe passage hins at rather than asserting —that men can share citizenship with other men only if they find each ‘other's women sexually atractive. I thisk we ean assume chat if Jedesson had seen that ether of these premise was implicit in his lrgument, he might well have eejcted (especially the second of) ‘hem: my point is only that it requires some such assumption £0 Ima hie observations genuinely relevant tothe quattion a hand Jefferson continues to talk about physial matters and their aes thetic consequenceshairessnes, kidneys, sweat—Defore mov ing on to discuss questions of che moral character of the Negro— bravery, lstflness,crudeness of feeling (no “tender, delicate rmxture of sentiment and sensation”), shallowness (those tans: emt grefs)—and ends, a las, with the itellectal eapacities—or rhe, incapaciies oF black people, ‘This patage is epresentative of ate cighteenth-century discus sions of race because, oT say t brings together considerations that we ae likely to think should be kepe deiner. Remember ‘ways why the intellectual incapacity of blacks—ther inferior re ‘on is invoked not to justify unequal treatment Jefferson, the ‘democrat, cleatly believes that intellectual superiority docs aot ‘warrant geeater political power, superior rights—but as part of ‘cuslog of dffsences, which, cake together, make it certain that bbhoks and whites cannot live together as fellow citizens. “And i is clear that Jefferson believes that the answer co this {question les in what we would call diferences in physiology, ard moral and cognitive psychology distinctions tha, i they are 4“ real, we t00 are likely to regard as “distinctions which nature has made.” Not only, then, is 3c, for Jefferson, a concep tha is ipated explain eultnal ard cial phenomena, iris also grounded in the physical and the psychological narures ofthe diferent aces; it is;in other words, what ne would calls biolgical concept From Natural History to Race Science say eha it was what we would call biological concept, because the science of biology dic not exist when Jefferson was writing the Noes. Whae cil exit was natorl history and Jefferson ‘would have agreed that nce was a natural historical notion, at ‘much as was the idea of species that Linnaeus had developed and ‘which Buffon had populaized." To chink of race asa biological concept is to pul out ofthe mtwal history of humans a focus on the body—its structure and function—and ro separate it both from mental life—the province of psyehology—and from the broader world of behavior and of social and mora life. IF Jeffer- son's dineuniony with ia mavemene fem questions ofthe mor phology ofthe skin, to dicussions of sexual desir, to music nd povtry, strikes us ass hodgepodge, i is because we live on the ther side ofa great intelzeteal chasm, which opens up within creasing speed through the nineteenth century. For we live now ‘vith a new configuration ofthe sciences; and, more especialy, vvth the differensiation from the Broad feld of acura history, of anatomy, physiology, psychology, philology (i, historical suisties), sociology, anthropology, and a whole hos of even more Specialized fields that gradually divided between them the task oF eserbing and understncing human nature Pendens nd wan ven ple pay i tect by = Garman rl (Gotted Troan) ns Fre beanie med solo Jem Bate de mare)" Will Colman yi Macon Coury Pel of | Fon, Fanci nad” Pniranin, Canis History af cence Sc (Captsdge Camesige Univerty Pe, 1971p 1 “3 Garokis Linaes, Star Naar nwa people are cad Homo apes apps in 1785Jefferson’s discussion is representative ofa transition inthe way the word “race” ie used in reflecting onthe charactets of different kinds of peoples: the outer manifestations of race—the black skin ofthe Negro, the white skin and round eyes ofthe European, the foval eyes ofthe Oriental—have taken eheir place for him besides othe, less physical, criteria, in defining race. The ace ofa person isexpressed inall these ways, physical, mora, intellectual they are referred back, s0 t0 speak, t0 «common eause or ground. Before Natural History Thwe look bac, for a moment, tothe seventeenth-century tradi ‘ons of English thoughe that are Jeferson's background, we see a.ifferen configuration of ideas, in which the physical body was imporeanc nor as a cause but aba sign of difference * Remember Othello. AS G. K- Hater as well expressed the matter: Shakespeare ha rested rou tational view ofwhat Moors rele, te. gros dganting, infor, carrying the symbol ofthe damnation on their sin: ad has caught our overs asentcO Such sumptions in the gp of ult which spotter and ob scent with the white man representative of ich vewsin the play— Tago. Othello acquires the glamour ofan innocent man that Fe lave weonged, and an adaation stronger than he could have achieved by vr plinly reprserted™ Tas device works only ifthe audience accepts that the Moor is 1, simply by viewe of his Moorish physial inheritance, inorsi- ‘poly evil. Othelo's blackness is sgn of his Moorishness; and it «an associate him, through thet sign, with the Infidel (since, un lite the Moor of Venie, most Moors ate not Christan) and thas ‘with moral or religious evi For mor on the Daron hee ee Hugh. MacDowell Moe ‘Baliye Tyan, Turns and Angie Sone (Pano, Ni Un ‘way Pres of New England, 1982}; and Reginald Horan, Raw ant Mas Be Dering Toe Origin of deen Raval Ange Sasa Corbis: se ‘se Unser Pes, 1980) " Geoege K Hunt, "Orel and Racer," i Dra Meni ‘9k Canal Triton: Snes in Staseare and His Conger (ve ‘el Lserpon Univers Pres 1978), pp. #546, 50 A similar point applies to the teatment of “the Jew” in both Shakespeate’s Merchant of Venice and Marlowe's Jew of Malta ‘When Shylock, in what is surely his best-known speech, asks “Hath not a Jew eyes?” he is insisting that his body is a human body: and chs eewsaly the same asthe body of 3 Gentile. He ‘Jaime a status that deperds on accepting that whatever is distinc tive about him iti not his physical descent; what we would eall his biological inheritance. $0 too, when Barabas in Marlowe's play is faced, by the Governor of Malta, with the accusation that Chris's blood “is upon she Tews,” he replies: Bat ny the The that I descended of Were al in general cst sy Fors, Shal [be wid by shel easgeesion®” Barabas here makes the essentially Christian point that sin and righteousness are individual matters; that they are precisely not inherited ftom “the Tribe thar I descended of” If Barabas de serves punishment, it mst befor something has done: and, in fac, the Governors reply demonstrates a grasp of this point. For be suerte that he fnuc fe not Dasabes's deere bu hie Jowish (faith: the issue, therefore, cannot be conceptualized as simply racial. Tiss (a eligious)anti-Judaism, not (a racial) ant-Semi ism (whichis, ofcourse, aot much consolation for Barabas). "There i goad reason, then, to interpret these Elizabethan ste reorypes, which we might naturally think of as zooted in notions (of inherited dispositions (that is, of biology), a8 having much tore to-do with the idea of the Moor and the Jew a infidels lunbelievers whose phyical differences ace sigs but not causes or cffects) oftheir unbelief. ‘But while Jefferson has thus moved toward conceiving of racial slfference as both physical and moral, he is not yet committed to the view that race expats al the rest of the moral and socal and political matter that is dwn ino the portesit ofthe Negro in the Notes, The letters to Banneker and Grégoire reveal aman Wwho leaves open—at leat in sheory—the possibly “that nature has given 10 our Black brethren, talents equal ro those of the other eee Mate, eer of Ma ond: Me, 187) oe stcolors of men"; and throughout ehe Notes Jefferson writes with real affection and respec about Indians, who “astonish you with strokes of the most sublime oratory; such as prove thei reason and sentiment strong, their imagination glowing and elevated.” ‘Thedlfferences between whites and Indians, for Jefferson, hardly constitute a eifference of esential natures, ‘we move on another fity or so yeas from Jefferson's Auta- bagrapby, we enter once more a nev intellectual landscape: one ir which there is no longer any doubt as to the connection be tween race and what Jefferson calls alent and here, of couse, the word “taent”—desving from the New Testament parable of the talents—refers 0 inherited—to “aative™—capacities. Matthew Aro: (Om the Seudy of Clie Literature ‘Let me cur, then, from Jefferson and move on into the second hulfof che nineteenth century, to the work of a poet and crite ‘who, like Jefferson, uss the concept of race to explain the moral td the Lceaey bus, walike him, ie convinced thee Slelogical in hercance helps determine every aspect of racial eapacity: Matthew ‘Arnold ‘Amold was the greatest English citic of the nineteenth een tury. He was also a central Vietrian poet an influential essayist, anda leceurer:in short, avery public inelletual, whose influence ‘yas extended into the United States, not last by his lecture tour hare in 1883 ro 1884 (nis early sixties) which lead tothe publ cation in 1888, of Dixcoses in America Tn 1857 Matthew Arnold wa elected to the Profesorship of | octry a¢ Oxford portion he held for about a decade. Ten yeas later, he published a series of lectures he had given as Professor of| oetty, On the Stouly of Celtic Literature. Araold begins with 2 somewhat melancholy description ofa visit to an Eisteddfod—a festival of Welsh bards—in Llandudno in North Wales. On an “unfortunate” day-—"storms of wind, clouds of dust, an angry, ly sea"™*— Amol sit with a meager crowd listening othe ast, representatives of a great pocti tradition performing for a small Nahow Art, te Sey f Coie Litman and Trang ome (Ne York Maia, 1853, 9-6 2 audience a language he admits he does not understand. ("1 be- Hive ie i admitted,” Actold observes drily “even by admicets of Eisteddfod in general, hat this particular Eisteddfod was nota success.") ‘This sad episode is only the preliminary, however, to an argu rent for the view that te ancient literature of the Celts—of le land and Wales in particulae—i part of the trary heritage of | Britain; even of chose Bitons in England who by then conceived of chemselves a hers to a Saxon heritage and were inclined, by and larg, to hold the Tish Celts, in particular in less than high regard, “ire ie how Arnold auakes his case: Herein ov country, nko ime, long afer the Celi embayo ‘nd crystals int the Cel prope, lng afer the Germanic em- ‘yo had crysalised int che German rope, thete was a impor ‘ant contact between te two peoples; the Sons invaded the Bri ‘ont and settled themselves the Bron counery Wel then, here wa a contact which one mighe expect would leaves taces ithe Sszons got the upper hat, sr weal know they dd nid made our ountzy be England and ws be English, cere muse, one Would think, be some ence of the Saxon having met the Briony there ‘most be some Cte win o other running through ws. ‘Though, at T have ac, even a a mater of science, the Cat has 2 claim to be known, and we have an iterer in knowing hi, yet this interes is woeful enhanced ifwe find him to ave actually 2 part in ax The queron is to be tsed by external and internal ‘vidence; the langeage and piel typeof our race afford erin ‘dats or trying it and ote data ae afforded by outers, ge ius, and spinal production general. Data ofthis second kind belong tothe province of he tera exe; data of this ew hind 0 the province ofthe piliogst and the piilosis. “The province of the piblgit and the pilot i not min; bur eis whole question at tothe mintre of Cele with Saxon in ‘st hs een 3 lite explored, people have been so prone to ste it ofPhand according to their preposessions, dat even on the philoigial and physolegial side of eT mos say afew words in pasing” Pid 8 bit, pp. 66-07 83‘The ensuing discussion of what Arnold ells “physiology” is not vat we should expect it wens out that he is simply going to {iscuss the ikelhood of mixture—that is, breeding-becween the ‘pees. He cites, for example, the opinion of a certain Monsieur Edwards that “an Englishman who now chinks himself sprang, fiom the Saxons or the Normass, is often in realty the descen dat of the Britons.”"' The appeal to philology, on the other Ind, mighe seem co suggest ab alternative mechanism for the transmission of racial uaits—namely, chrough language—but, in fie, philology is, for Aenold and his contemporaries, largely = {Bude co racial fllation, with those whose languages are most ‘sey related being also most closely related by blood, Arnold is ‘czar that language can infact, be misleading: “How ltl the tulumph ofthe conquerors laws, manners, and language, proves the extinction ofthe old race, we may see by looking at France; (Gaul was Latinsedl in language manners, and laws, and yee her people emained essentially Ceti.” Butheisalzo convinced, a8 Tsay, that it can be a guide to racial character Kacsattom What Amold lays out in these passages i the essence of what I call racial, He believed-and in this he was typical of edu ‘ated people in che English-speaking wore of his day-—that we ‘ould divide human beings into a small aumber of groups, called “aces,” in such a way thatthe members of these groups shared certain fundamencal, hecieable, physieal, mora, intellectsal, and caltral characteristics wih one another chat they did not share ‘sth members of any other eace “There are a ew complications to this basic picture, which we should bear in mind, Fist there are two major way i8 Which ‘unterexample ro claims sbout the memlyers oF the race could ‘Smply be ruled out. It was acknowledged that there were, £0 bi 9. 72, Arlt nove eplsiy dco of cou; ad 0 we ae lew he pny of pting ths raring eter a hr or [ihn who we of wl Seo ex, Cele] decent Ht tee ae ome paraly Bei denen Gen, eve, some of the Toe Rave Sy many entre ago she rte of ie er can esse ibid 9 0 st ‘begin with, in all races as there ar in animal species, occasional defective members: in znimals, the ewo-headed pigs and three legged eats s0 beloved of tabloid journalism in my homeland oF| Ghana: in human beings the mote, the mentally disabled, the blind. These individuale were not to count against the genera Jaws governing the racic «ype. Simirly, the norm for each race ‘might be diferent for nals and females, so that a racial type ‘might be defined by ewo norms, rather than one. ‘A second complication derives fom the fct that many ofthe chaacterlstics of ce vious caces wore described as dispositions fr tendencies: a single person who was not defective might sil lifer ftom the average member of bie race because his individ {character dominated the natural tendencies he had inherited in biracial estence, Celts mightall tend toward the sentimental; but particular Welshman might, through an exercise of wll,conquer hn natural racial temper. Asa result, the fulure ofan individual 0 fit the norm for her race would not by itself refute the theory: for i might be that that peson had simply conquered her inherited Aisposition, Many of wiat [shal call the characteristics of a race tvere chur aon eo ero a modern tor, phenomple: they did nor ‘necessarily spay themelves in the observable behavior of every individu.” “These chareterstis, then, that each normal woman (and man) fof a race was supposed to share with every other woman (and ‘man) together determined what we can call the esence of that race; they were charactestics chat were necessary and sulicent, {aken together, for someone to be a normal member ofthe race. ‘Arnold's concept of race should, then, provide the materials for ‘what I have caled a ste eitevial theory of the meaning ofthe “Arnold was uncharacteristic of his age in many ways: and one of| them isthe cosmopolitanism or, atleast the Europeans —oF his temperament: he quotes Frequently from French and German scholars And on the qvestion of race his views conformed with 2» Neves tia pit abot the ag of dpoonsl em that i tad (dough not inpeable to make see of sping th tothe member ff group ao cnt the gogp ier dl he dsposton See Antony ‘pp, dcron and Condon (Cambge Casege University eos, 1985) up. 20 ss‘what was coming to be the common sense of Western European intellectuals “Arnolds discussion in On the Study af Celbie Literature makes icplain that e believes thatthe racial essence accounts for mare than the obvious visible characteristics of individuale and of _Eoups—skin color, hr, shape of face—on the basis of which we ‘decide whether people ae, say, Aslan-or Afro-Americans. For a "cialis, then, cOsa¥ someone is "Negro” ie not just to sty that Ske has inherited black skin or curly haiti to say that her kin color goes alag with other portant inherited characteristics — ireluding moral and iterary endowments. By the end of the nine- teenth century most Western scientist (indeed, most educited Weserners) believed that racials was correct, and theorists sought to explain many characteristics including, as we se here, the character of lteratazes-by supposing that they were inher- ited along with (or were infact pat of) a person's racial essence ising Buences In the Betsh people, mmol is arguing, not only ate thece some whose ancestor are Celt—the fst Britons and some whose 2n= «stors are Saxon, but these two lines have become literally joined ttrough intermarriage, and the character of British literature is tusnot only the product of cultural syncretism but a joining of | tle estences of to races, Thos while the Celtic exence survives, iesurvives mized with a Saxon essence: the character of the En” sii cus contains both essences, both ae avaiable as driving en- gies of English poetry. All tendencies of human nature ate in themselves vital and profi ale; when they are Blamed, they ae to be blamed relatively, not tbolutely, Tis holds tru of the Saxn’s phlegm as well the ‘Cele’ seniment. Ou ofthe steady humdrum abi ofthe creeping, Saxon, 36 the Cel eal himi—out of his way of going near the ‘gound-—has come, no doub, Phin, that plane of esseneally ‘Germanic growth, fourishing with ee gensne marks only in he (German fthriand, Gent Ben and her colonies, the United Ses of America but what a sal of gore there ein Ph ‘ins ite? and this oul of goodaess 1 wo am often supposed 6 to be Piisinian’s montal enemy merely because Ido aot wish it ‘have ching lls own ay, hers as much a anybody. This ‘Ready going hab leaden ep vosience, up tthe compe Trenon and oterpetatin ofthe wold Arnold has to account a wel forthe presence of Norman blood inthis brew of racial estences, and once tis done he has all the clements he needs for constructing 2 picture of the British rail hybrid, ‘have gots rough, but I hope lee aotion ofthese vee forces, the Germanic genius, tke Cele genius, the Norman geniss. The ‘Germanic genius as seadies a is main bai wth commonness and humdrum for is def, fly natare for its exedience “The Cate goniareniment its main bas, with Love of beauty, charm, and spray for iv cxelenee inefecrlnes and self. Dil for ix defect. The Norman genital fe alse 6s Das, ith srensouanes and clear pity for sexcllence, hare new and inslence fore defee. And now toy spd race these in the composite English genius are ot me evidence that Amold offers that the characte OF sland is the product of the intermixing of chese racial types the contrast between English prose—exempliied in the news pages ofthe London Thesand German-—exemplified inthe Co- lagne Gasete. “At noon long ine of carsiages extended fom Pall ‘Mall to the Pees'sentrace ofthe Palace of Westminster, writes the correspondent of the Times (we must turn to the editorial pages to discover why itwas known as “the Thunderer”). While the Gaze has: “Nachdem die Vorbereitungen za dem auf dem (Gurzenich-Saale 1 Ehren der Abgeordneten State finden sollen- den Bankete berets vollstindig getroffen worden waren, find hheute vormitiag auf poliziche Anordnung die Sehliessung immicher Zuginge 2um Girzenich tat" Ammald concludes. “Surely the mental hab of people who express cele thoughts in 40 very differeat a manrer, the one rapid, the other slow, the one phn, the other embaressed, che one trailing, the other string, arnold, On tea of elicit pp 83-84 ida. Sie 9.68.‘aot be essentially the same.” I follows that there must be something other than the common Teutonic racial stock, whieh Germans and Saxons share, that accounts for the difference: this is evidence, then, on the racials view, forthe proposition that th: British stock has been hybridized with some other race “Amold makes the same sort of appeal to race—this time a 2 _gycater level of generality, discussing the contrast between Indo- European and Semitic races—in Culture and Anarchy, a work that smuch more widely known. In these esa, based on articles that at appeared in Corubill Magazine ia 1867 and 1868, and then in book form in 1869, Arnold wroce: Sence nas wow made vibe o everybody the great and pregnant slementsofeitfrence wi ein race sd ia how signal a manner they ake the genie and story of 7 Indo-European people ary from those of Semis people. Helenism i of Indo-European growth, Heras of Semiie growth and we Engl, «ation of Thdo-European stock, ccm to belong naturally tothe movement ff Hedlenten. But nothing move strongly mask de exentialunty ff man than the affinities we can peste, is ths point oe a, terween members of one fay of peoples and members of an° ther; and ao afin of thie Knd ior stongly naked than that lene inde strength and prominence ofthe moral Abe, which noowitatinding immense clemeats of difference, Knits in some ‘peca sort the genius and histoeyof us Eaglsh, and of our Aree fan descendans seross the Alans, 10 the gens and history of the Hebrew peopl. Pustansr, which ha ben ao great powet in ‘he Engl sation, and inthe tongest par ofthe English nation, ex originaly the reaction athe seventeenth century ofthe con Science and mon sense of our ree, pans the mora inerence tnd lx rule of conduct which nthe tenth cenary came in with the Renatcence, Iwas reaction of Hebraam sine Helens Assold makes a move here that i simile #0 the one he makes in the cacussion of Celts and Saxons: he invokes race—which in Je ferson is invoked to account for divsion—in @ context where he 2 is 9p. 889. be Aro, Cale and Ana eS ian (New Haven Yue Univer rest 1998) 9.95, 58 isarguing toward univenality. Hebraism is Arnold's name forthe tendenciesin Western culture that are owed ro what we would call, its Judeo-Christian religous heritage: Arnold is convinced ofthe importance of Christianity and insists, in Culture and Anarchy, fn the necesiy of maintaining an established—that is, a state supported-church in England, He snot, then, an enemy of He bras as such: every rac, he insists here as much as in On The Study of Geltie Literature, has emblematic excellences as well 35, distinctive defects. Te ileal or Britain, Arnold argues is t0con- Siruce a judicious misture of Hebraism and Hellenism the Brit. ish, lacking Semitic blood, are not, by nature, Hebrats. The Poiar, then, is that by Amold’s day even someone wanting 0 Point to whac was shared berween two human groups was likely {do 50 in terms of the nation of rae, a notion chat Was largely defined in terms of what eeparates people.” ‘These pasages from the two sources, taken together, reveal a grea dea! of the strctre of racaist thinking. Amold displays both the flexibility of the view and some ofits characteristic ob- scutes, Par ofthe flexbiliy flows from the fcr cht racial las. "Bfeation proceed, as w xen at clifrent levels the Sevnine ane the Celtsare bath Indo-European. Differences between them are Aiferences within the broader Indo-European race. When we ced similarities, we can appeal tothe higher level subsum- ing category ofthe Indo-European; when we need differences we «an move lower down the taxonomic tre. In the United States, the differences between she Irish and the Anglo-Saxons could be lsed to atcount for the cultural and moral defcienciesreal oF imaginar)—of Irish immigrants; but their whiteness could be wed to distinguish there fom the Negro. But there is also somerhing of a muddle here: fhe Celtic and the Saxon essences are a opposite, what is an individual ike who inherits both of them? What would a maa be like who was steady ‘and sentimental; suffered from commonness and humdrummery 2 Acoli benign mabition of he de of 9 Cai ce ere cate vrs verb wih contemperary ander fin acs fhe ah ‘hare bot in Englnd ae he Une Sees In te eee ceiy ‘i po ie is wnt Sr ape ‘es clover to hao the Nop. . 9ad ineffectuslnes and self-will was faithful ro nature and loved: “eau, charm, and spiriualiny”> What is lacking in Arnolds work is any theory of inheritance, ay mechanism for explaining bow the chacacter of a race survives through the generations, ‘tansmitced inthe bodies of ie members: and any account ofthe law chat govern the interaction of ail essences, Without these, "sialim makes no particular predictions about racial hybrid: &| fact that i of the greatest importance since, we are considering ‘ses at che taxonomic level of Celt and Saxon, there were very fev peoples known to Amold and his contemporaries who ould phusibly have been thought to be unmixed, ‘What ie alto lacking is an answer to the question how we bal- nce the effects of rave and the effects oF environment, Core land Anarchy is in large measure abost why the British ate not Fbllenc enough, fee British inher naurally the tendencies of| Hellenism with their Indo-Buropean blood and language, why is Bais culture not too suffused with Hellenism (ae the theory should predir) bur roo dominated by Hebraism? The answer AF- ‘ald gives has to do with che role of Christianity in spreading He- Irae, ane hy rata aeivtnee bt hy ental infienee “And if the spicad of Hebraism is 4 cultural phenomenon, then the “HElleism carried in the British blood, the racial essence, cannot bbe determinative of how a people wil at. In Celie Literature he sys ‘Aa wheres the Seite genius pce ts highest spiritual fe ‘in the religious sentiment, and made that eh bass of ts poetry — the Indo-European gelus places its highest pital ife In tbe imaginative ceason, and enaks that the bal oft poetry, we ate none the beter for tying to make ourselves Semi, when nature has made us Indo-European, and 0 shit the Bass of our poetry. ‘We may mean wel ll manner of good may happen to us on the road we go, bur we ae 90¢ on Ur Fa sight oad he road we must Inthe end ftw’ Tfthis determinism of ace is cottct, isn’ che Hebraism of En hind, described in Culture and Anareby, evidence that the En tla rein face not Indo- European but Semitic? And what signif. amol On i eyo Celie Litrtrep. 13. 0 ieance for the isue of enviconment versus racial essence should We give tothe claim, ina letter of June 21, 1868, that “a nation is ceally civilised by acquiring the qualities it by nature is want ing in" "There is no doube that these questions could have been an ‘were: the ies, to which I efered erie, that members of aces inherited tendencies rather than more striety phenosypic or be- havioral properties could be invoked, for example, in an account ‘of the interaction of racial character, individual traits, and envi> ‘ronment, Indeed, ins period before Mendclism, it was posible to believe, with Lamarck, thatthe environment acted on individuals 10 produce in them chinges that they transmitted to thet chil- dren not through reaching bur through bodily inheritance. After ‘Mendel and Darwin, ore can maintain chat che envizonment acts ‘on bodily heredity only slowly and over many generations" but ‘until then the ditinetion between cultural innovation, onthe one hnand, which allows group to develop and tnsmita new behav ioral response extremely quickly, and biological change, which roves with a stately ae gheial torpor was unavailable. In Ar pola’ day, one could hove argued thot the Hebesion oF England ‘was both racially inherited and recently acquired: acquired, fore ample, inthe Rist age of Puritanism, ‘Without answers to questions such as these, however, what is masquerading 36 an empirical, even aseientife, theory is rema ably insensitive to evicence. These deficiencies in Arnold are found in other race thitkers of the period—and, as we shall se, they are by no means limited to those who addresied the les physical—that i, the moral or euleual—raits of races, ‘The Origin of Literary Racialion Amold’s identification of ltrature ata key tothe national sptit js in a tradition we car trce back a century eater to Johann Goutied Herder “ose Ceol Tie Cute Try fate Aral (Bete and Lae Agger: Unters of Callie Pre, 1982) rhs one sold ao nd ogi Woman's doce of te partion of eh somata ad he prmplnm cuca rer bolero cet fay to tr argument See Gian Alen ie Seinen ne Tete Cees, a(a his On the New German Literature: Fragments of 1767, “Herder—who is, in some ways, the frst important philosopher of| ‘modern nationalism—put forward the notion that language, far fiom being (se the received Arutotelisn tradition had it) the merely material eause of « work of ierature—chat i, just wht it happened to be written in—is not just “a tool ofthe arts and sei- cences" but "a part of them.” “Whoever writes abour the literature fof a country," Herder continued, "must not neglect its lan [puige.” Herder’ notion ofthe Sprahetee—lierally the “epi” fof the language—embodies the thought that language is more ‘than the medium through which speakers communicate, eerder’s ideas became part of mid-nineteenth-century com> mon sense, The consensus was well expressed by Thomas Carpe, the Betsh essayist and man of letters, in 1831, fess than a decade afer Jefferson's Autobiggraply—in a discussion inthe Edburgh ‘avian, of history of German poetey: “The History of nation's port isthe essence of ts History, political, scent, religions. ‘Wit al these the complete Historian of a ntional poetry wil be fanilia: the ational physiognomy, in ite finest teats, and though ier tuccorsive stages of promt, will be clear to ins he wil discern the grand spiritual Tendency ofeach period" That the nation” here ie not a political unit but group defined by decent i evident from the fct that there was, in 1831, no single ‘German state: Bismarck’s time had not yet come. Between Car- Inle's essay and Arnolds lectures alk of “nations” was displaced by tlk of race” Herder himself had had to make a sharp distinction between nations and states because in eighteenth-century Europe there ‘wae not even an approximate corelation between linguietic and poitical boundaries The modem European nationslism, which produced, for example, the German and Taian states, involved trying to create states to correspond to nationalities: nationalities «conceived ofa sharing a civilization and, more particularly, aan Canbas Hor of Since Series (Combes: Combe Unvenisy ras, 1s), " Eiomas Cal, Ci and Misdlenos Bangs Called and Repu ‘i vo 3 (Landon: Chapa an Pal, 1869), p28 “ir impora to remember ta he olin semaine a ot pars of thew qt ough ad et o ‘guage and literature. Esactly because political geography did not ‘correspond to Herder’ nationalities, he was obliged to draw a slistnction beeween the nation a a natural entity and the state as the product of culture, a6 a human artifice But withthe increasing influence ofthe natural sciences—the separation out of species for natural history and the increas: ing professonalzation of seienife research—what is natural in Inaman beings—the human natace whose story natural history told-came inereasingls to be thought ofa the province of sch sciences as biology and unthropalogy. Inevitably, then, the nation ‘comes more and more to be identified not just by common de- Scent but also a biological unit, defined by the shared essence ‘that flows from that common descent. TIimposing the Herdedan identification ofthe core ofthe nation ‘with its national iteraure on top of the racial conception ofthe nation, we arrive atthe racial understanding of literature that Ar old expresses: a way of thinking that Nourishes from the mi pineteenth centr in che work ofthe rst modern literary histori ans. Hippolyte Tsine's monumental History af Buglish Lierasuse, [published in France in the TREO and perhape the fst modern literary history of Englsh—begins with the words “History has been transformed, within a hundred years in Germany, within sisty in France, and that by the study of thei iteratures "But hae i soon telling us that “a race, lke the Old Aryans, scactered from the Ganges as far asthe Hebrides, settled in every lime, and every stage of civilization, transformed by thirty centuries of fevo- lutions, nevertheless manifests in its languages, religions, ters tures, philosophies, the community of blood and of intellect Which to this day bincs is offshoots together "© What is re veiled, in short, by the study of literature that has transformed the discipline ofhistoryie the "mora tate” ofthe race whose lit: tcature iis Ie is because of thie conception that Taine fins it proper o star isstudy of English literature witha chapter on the Saxons; so that chapter 1, book 1, of Taine’s History begins notin England at all but in Holland: “As you coast the North Sea fiom Schelde to Jutland, you will mark the Rist place that the charac ‘Hippobte A. Tin, Hit of Bal rare, cans, Nao Lan (ogdon Costa sod Winds, 197), 9. 6‘eric features the want of slope: marsh, waste, shoal the rivers harcly drag themselves along, swollen and sluggish, with Tong, blacelooking waves.” The “Saxons, Angles, Juts, Frisians [and] Danes™® who occupied ths eegion of Holland a the be- Bincing of the fst millennium ace, according to Taine, the an- ‘estore of the English but since they, themselves, are of German ‘descent, Taine also cers, in describing this “race” few pages late, t0 some of the traits ascribed to Germans ia Tacitus Tes the conception ofthe binding core of the English nation s the Anglo-Sexon ruce that accounts for Taine's decision to Idestify the origins of English literature not in its antecedents in the Greck and Roman classics that provided the models and theres of so much of the bert knowa works af English “poesy”s notin the Italian models tht influenced the drama of Marlowe and Shakespeate; but in Brownlf, « poem in the Anglo-Saxon tongue, 2 poem that was unknown to Chaucer and Spenser and Shalespente, the fst poets to write in aversion of the English Janguage that we can sell almost understand Darwin and the Kise of KaceScrence Arnold represents, then, 2 version of an older theory couched in terms ofthe new vocabulary of race,” whose authority derives in ats fiom its association with the increasing prestige ofthe natu ‘al siences, (You will have noticed that in the excerps from the Celie Literature lctutes Arnold ies the Nord “data” sever times.) And the most impoctant theoretical development in the {growth ofa biological conception of race had already occurred by the ime Arnold published Culture aid Anarchy in 1869. For on Nosember 24, 1859, Charles Darwin had published a work ‘hese fll cite reads: The Origin of Specie by Means of Nasural Selection or the Preservation of Favoured Races inthe Serugale for ay “te word ae” had bn ud in thi ay refer kindof animals and plants, at wel at to kinds of people, for some time; bout sheve is no dou chat even fora mid-nineveenth- fftns may have American Indian “blood”; snd atleast 5 percent ‘of white Americans are thought to have Aftican roots. It is est rated that 20 to 30 percent of the genes of che average Africa [American come from European and American Indian ancestors * Bye aye, Pps, Spe a las (Carbide: Hard Un ven Pes, 197) 300. ames Ser, “Tens of Barge,” Dinwer, Nowe 194.58. ‘Altes clans soul be smerpced ering io mind the at ta Heat ‘youn et he el 19705 34 pre ofthe people patito os m0 “The results thar even if-he four roughly separated populations of| the four coatineats from which the ancestors of most Americans ‘ame had each been much less genetically variable than wa in fact, the eae, chere woul sel be lange numbers of people whose skin color predicted very few other biological properties. Why There Are No Racer We have followed enough ofthe history of the race concept and ssid enough about curren biological conceptions to answer, on ‘both idestional and referential views, che question whether there are any races. (On the ideational view, the answer is exsy. From Jefftson t0 Ammold, the idea of rae has been used, in is application to hu- ‘mans in such a way ato requir that there be significant coreela- tons berween the biological and the moral, literary, oF psyeho- logical characters of human beings and thr these be exphined by the intrinsic natu (the “talents” and “acultis" in Jeflerson; che "genius," in Arnold) ofthe members of the race." "That has turned out not to he ese: the event fuss generated by ‘The Bell Curoe about the correlation of ace and 1Q inthe United States notwithstanding, Even ifyou believed Murray and Herm: stein’s estimates of the heritability of 1Q within groups in the United States—and you shoulda’—they offer almost no evi dence relevant vo eefuing the claim thatthe diferences between “American groups see emirely caused by the environmen; 9, in particular, by the ways tar Macks are erated in a acistsoceny. SS ane ia a cg a pm on TS ‘Pha nr posced ty the fsa peopl who have ceria psa opens ae reed in a ht produc ilrences, Tice th prs nay is perane work pling. Heribilty ress the site of ince ns antes boomers ht de [poe othe eo varance “he heriy of ib ine Unie Sets fi ado the hansn poss ingen ge Thre, too, 3 Si leant diference in nerpe eight Between ns (Tn) and Areas (in Arcs). But hs oteepltonal ierence eso nil doe vo [caer nnttton igh hay ele cnsaenr wih mow af ee Feence eee poplin en eonmet “eatin and Mary, sto of Thr Bal Carve (New Yok Fie Pres n‘Once you have the modern theory of inheritance, you can see ‘wy there is ess correlation than everyone expected between skin color and things we care about: people ae the product not of es ences but of genes interacting with one another and with em ronments, and there i little systematic correlation berween the ‘genes that fx color and the lke and the genes thac shape courage brliterary genius. $0, to repeat, on the ieational view we can say that nothing. the world meets the criteria for being a Jefe Sonian or an Arnoldian race ‘The bialogial notion of race was meant ro account only fr @ narrower range of characteristics, namely, the biological ones, by ‘which I mean the ones important for biological theory. There are certainly many ways of eassifying people for biologieal purposes bu there is no single way of doing so thats important for most biological purposes that corresponds, for example, tothe majority populations ofeach continene ar subcontinent. Te follows that on An ideatonal view, there are no biological aces, either: not, in this case, because nothing fis the loose criteria but because t00 many things do.” (Om the referential view we are renuited tn Bnd comething ie ‘the World that best explains the history oF usage ofthe term. Two candidates suggest themselves for the biological uses of “ace” ‘one isthe concept of a population chat I have been wsing for 3 wile now. Te ean be defined a5 “the community of pocentially Jmerbreeding individual ata given locality." There are interest- ing discussions inthe lteraure in population genetics as 19 how ‘one should think about where to-draw the boundaries of such communities: sometimes there is geographic isolation, which makes interbreeding in the normal course of things much less iy. But the population concept s generally used in such a way that we speak sometimes of « population defined by one geo- 199) are own hic ad ok ole some rahe enonncng ae ‘nen or the supicon that Insel serge erence Bet ‘uy geneiin vig. Foe apne hatte te mse ep. 6a To ‘nn Sowells Race nd Calne Wot View (Ne Yrs Rac Rack, 1984), "Tiss eset the pla of Jed Damon's enny "Race witht {Coon Diser, Novenbe 1994, pp 82-89. "ay, Pps, Spc notin, p82 n rophical region and also, a ather times, of a wider population, flefined by a wider range, of which the fst population is part, tnd a¢ yet other times of populations that are overlapping. TT have no problem with people who want (0 use the word race” in. population genetics” What Darwin was talking sbout—evolution, speciation, adaptation—can best be under Stood in terms of talk of opulations, And the facts thatin mazy plant and animals there ae, n fac, loeal populations that ae r= roductvely slated from ane another, differen in clustered and biologically interesting ways, and stl capable of incerbreeding if Drought ariscialy together and biologists both before and after Darwin could have called these “races” I's just cht this doesn’t happen in human beings. In tis Sens, chere are biological races in Some creatures, but not in us. ‘Amore ecumenical proposal in this spirit woald be to say that the word “race” refers t© populations, more generally. The trouble is tha, in this sense, wile there are human populations that are and have been fr some time relatively reproduetivelyiso- Tate tis noe at all pluie eo claim that any social subgroup in the United Stace ie sucha population. In scanner, then, there fre human races, because there are human populations, in the ge hetiists’ sense, but no large social group in America isa race. (The Amish, on the other hand, might come out asa race on this view, because they area relatively reproductively isolated local popilation.) "A secon candidate for che biologics referent would simply be {groups defined by skin color, hair, and geoss morphology, core sponding to the dominane patern for these characteristics inthe Iajor subcontineneal regions: Europe, Attica, East and South ‘Asia, Australasia, the America, and perhaps the Pacific Islands, ‘This grouping would encompass many human beings quite ade £2 ik, hover, he ge ca oe a weg an de sre eis oes tutte mien, Sere oe olen non tee Semen my motes he eS ee i de are {pond a al othe grup te hve omy ben called sn Bop snd Rowticn ston, besa spcing tl ay you eon arn ad yousel re ite cy, on thon thet noses Of eaten. Sal You can a0 See ‘re danger ear pole, 7"auately and some not at all: but tis hard 10 see of what biologi- cal intoves ie would be, since we can study the skin and gross ‘morphology separately, and there is, at any rte, a good deal of | ‘aviation within al these areas, in skin, hale color, and the mor- phology ofthe skull, Certainly this referent would not provide us wih a concept that was central to biological thinking about hhuman beings. And once more, inthe United States, lage mum- bess oF people would not ft ico any ofthese cazegories, because they are the products of mixtures (sometimes long ago) berwee people who do roughly fit ths patter, even though the soc Sistnetions we call “rata” in the United States do, by contrast, ‘cover almost everybody, And so, we used ths biological notion, ie would have very btle ertblshed correlation with any char. ‘existe currently thought ro be important for moral or socal fe, ‘The bottom line is this: you can’t get much ofa race concept, idationally speaking, ftom any ofthese traditions; you can get ‘various possible candidates ftom she referential notion of mean ing, but none of them vill be much good for explaining socal oF psrtologiea fe, and none of them coresponds to the soci Par 2. SrivrHsts: For RACIAL IDENTITIES “Spenting of Civilisasions® In 1911, responding to what was already clear evidence that race ‘was not doing well as a biological concept, W.E.B. Du Bois, the Afican: American sociologist, historian and activist, wrote in The (Criss, the magazine of the NAACP, which he edited ‘The leading sceniss ofthe word have come forward. and bid down in categoria terms a seis of propositions which may be bummarized 3 follows 1 (2) Ie not legitimate to argue fom etferences in phy charscternics to dierences in metal charterer "Thi cm ws prompted by. Spiller. Pape i ne Ril Polen \Conmuicate the Bi Untenal Race Conger Held he Unie of Tanda oy 262, 1911 (London: Xing and Son, 1911), Repaid wi an iaedusion by H, Apter (Secues, NJ: Gadel es, 1970). ” 2, The civilization of. ace tay particular moment of ie offers no Indes tna oie capacities. ‘And he coneluded: *So fr at least as intellectual and moral apti- tures are concerned we ought to speak of evilizations where we now speak of races." Ihave argued before that Du Bois's pro- poral to “speak of civilizations” tums ost nos 0 replace biolog- eal notion but simply to hice it from view T think ere are various difculties with the way that argument proceeded, and I should like to do bette So ler me tr to reconstruct a sociohs: torical view that has more mere than {have previously conceded "Among the most moving of Du Boiss statements ofthe mean ing of “ace” conceived nsociohstorcal termsis the one in Das {of Daven, the "autobiogaphy ofa race concept,” as he elle it, ‘which he published in 1940. Du Bois wrote: “The sales of heritage hetween the individu of his group, ‘ary with the ancestors ‘at they ave in common with mary ot {is Basopetn and Senites, perhaps Mongolia, certainly Amer ln Inans. But the py bond is eet and the badge of color ‘hip is ie soil beregeofstveryy the dsrimisation and insults fn! this estge binds together aot simply the eideen of Aca, ‘bu exten hrogh yelow Aria and into the Sot Sess. Is this sity that draws me © Ac For retsons I shal be able to make clear only whes have given yy account, Du Boi’ own approach is somewhat misleading. So WER, Da Bo Rac” in Wray Prot Este by WER. Dr Big i 1, 1911925, comps and eed by Hee pele (Mi ‘No XK Thomson Oranizton Lined, 1988), p18. “bid. 1 2th Uncompled Argument: Du Bos and the ttn of Ras si fom Ce! ng 1 aus 1985) Race” Wr nd D> Femme, cnr La ite, Je (Ching Univerty of Chiigo Pre, 4980), pp 21-37 Lain On remonertd with aout int yh tlkngs ate ppd lege y soon with i. “2 ue Da of Dt Bay te a agg of Race Cn cape Sew tok Hatton Nace, 1980, Reged th olcton DY Het ic Apueter lwod, Nfs Rete Thomsoa Organization Lito, 1978), piles? 78